[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM IN NIGERIA
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
FEBRUARY 14, 2024
__________
Serial No. 118-84
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,
or http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
56-991PDF WASHINGTON : 2024
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking
JOE WILSON, South Carolina Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida AMI BERA, California
KEN BUCK, Colorado JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee DINA TITUS, Nevada
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee TED LIEU, California
ANDY BARR, Kentucky SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
RONNY JACKSON, Texas DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
YOUNG KIM, California COLIN ALLRED, Texas
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida ANDY KIM, New Jersey
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan SARA JACOBS, California
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
American Samoa SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK,
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas Florida
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio GREG STANTON, Arizona
JIM BAIRD, Indiana MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
CORY MILLS, Florida JIM COSTA, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia JASON CROW, Colorado
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas GABE AMO, rhode Island
JOHN JAMES, Michigan BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
KEITH SELF, Texas
Brendan Shields , Staff Director
Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director
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Subcommittee on Africa
JOHN JAMES, Chair
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey SARA JACOBS, California, Ranking
YOUNG KIM, California Member
JIM BAIRD, Indiana SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK,
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey Florida
CORY MILLS, Florida COLIN ALLRED, Texas
JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
Joe Foltz, Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Wolf, Honorable Frank, Commissioner, United States Commission on
International Religious Freedom................................ 9
Anagbe, Bishop Wilfred, Bishop of the Diocese of Makurdi, Nigeria 17
Obadare, Ebenezer, Douglas Dillon Senior Fellow For African
Studies, Council on Foreign Relations.......................... 23
Onubogu, Oge, Director, Africa Program, The Wilson Center........ 29
APPENDIX
Hearing Notice................................................... 52
Hearing Minutes.................................................. 54
Hearing Attendance............................................... 55
STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM KOLA ALAPINNI
Statement for the record from Kola Alapanni...................... 56
ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Additional materials submitted for the record.................... 64
THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM IN NIGERIA
Wednesday, February 14, 2024
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on Africa,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in
room 2200, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. John James
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. James. The House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa
will come to order. The purpose of this hearing is to examine
the future of freedom in Nigeria. And I recognize myself for an
opening statement.
Today, we're here to talk about Nigeria, a behemoth country
of over 500 indigenous languages, more than 250 ethnic groups,
and a population that is going to increase to nearly 400
million people by 2050. Nigeria is a cultural powerhouse,
producing films and music that have generated global appeal and
is the largest producer of oil and gas in Africa, though the
distribution of these resources have been the subject of
conflict for years. These realities represent opportunity for
the country but also brings expectations.
President Tinubu inherited an imperfect democracy. But I'm
concerned that the essential freedoms enshrined in its
constitution are at risk of erosion. The Nigerian constitution
allows for legal pluralism at the Federal and State levels.
However, there are clear contradictions with laws that
criminalize blasphemy and in some cases include the death
penalty. The enforcement of blasphemy laws which has increased
in recent years constitutes a particularly severe violation of
international religious freedom as defined by the International
Religious Freedom Act and poses a significant risk to religious
freedom for Nigerians. The threat to freedom extends beyond
words.
There are significant levels of targeted violence directed
at Christians and Muslims, religious community space,
indescribable--excuse me, indescribable violence committed by
armed groups like Boko Haram, Islamic states, West Africa
province, and Fulani militants and criminal groups. Christians
were among the victims of two mass kidnappings that have
attracted global attention. Boko Haram's abduction of 276 girls
from Borno State in 2014 and the ISIS abduction of 110 girls
from Yobe State in 2018.
Throughout the 2023 Holy Week, a series of attacks killed
over 94 Christians and saw the storming of a Pentecostal church
service, the attack of a predominately Catholic village, and
the raiding of a shelter for displaced Christian farmers. On
Christmas Eve, over 150 civilians were killed by armed gangs
across 17 villages in Plateau State in the Middle Belt. This is
intentional targeted terrorism against Christians.
Despite statements calling for interfaith unity, the
Nigerian government has failed to enact meaningful policy
reforms and changes to address the drivers of violence would
impact religious freedom, including by decentralizing security
services to the State level. I'm also very concerned that the
government of Nigeria's ability to counter the continued
existential threat of Boko Haram in the northeast as well as
the plight of southern Nigeria where multi-generational
grievance borne by the apparent denial of Federal Government
driven basic infrastructure projects has resulted in a failure
to fully integrate the southeast states to broader Nigeria.
Economically, Nigeria is in many ways already the engine of the
African continent.
I'm encouraged by the appointment of Olayemi Cardoso as
central bank Governor and by the steps taken to stabilize
monetary policy despite short-term adjustments. Moody's and S&P
have both positively revised their outlooks on Nigeria since
President Tinubu's inauguration. But the real measure of
confidence in the government of Nigeria's economic team and its
policies will be shown by foreign investment levels.
That is the 10 billion in portfolio flows that treasury
officials believe Nigeria could recoup over the next year. And
more important an associated uptake of productive investment
and viable gas power projects that could ramp up growth and
jobs. The hallmark of a mature bilateral relationship is the
ability to address multiple issues at the same time to discuss
good with the bad.
Intentionally ignoring difficult issues does not benefit
Nigeria in the long run and certainly does not benefit the
Nigerian people. As Nigeria looks to fulfill its demographic
and economic potential, great demographic and economic
potential in the years ahead is imperative that the United
States-Nigeria relationship is characterized and underpinned by
accountability, transparency, partnership, and Nigeria's
economic, religious, civil freedoms are protected and
strengthened.
With that, I request unanimous consent to have a statement
from Amnesty International USA entered into the record and a
statement from Kola Alapinni, Director of Operations, general
counsel at the Foundation for Religious Freedom entered into
the record. Without objection, so ordered. The chairman now
recognizes the ranking member, the Congresswoman from
California, Ms. Sara Jacobs, for any statement she may have.
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to our
witnesses for testifying today on the future of freedom in
Nigeria. I think all of us here know that the African continent
is at a pivotal moment.
The continent is the youngest in the world. And in Nigeria
alone, 70 percent of the population is under 35. I just turned
35, so that is important.
Mr. James. Happy birthday.
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. And 40 percent is under 15. So it
represents the future generations who will continue to lead and
solve the world's challenges. And Nigeria has a unique position
as a bellwether, as Africa's largest economy, most populous
nation, and a significant actor in the region and on the world
stage.
Meanwhile, Nigeria is facing its own challenges, rising
insecurity, shrinking freedom of expression, and a struggling
economy. That's why I'm glad the subcommittee is devoting a
hearing to discuss how to address the challenges facing
Nigeria, realize the opportunity that the country represents,
and how the United States can support Nigerians in this
endeavor. Nigeria is facing multiple different security
challenges in various parts of the country, Boko Haram in the
northeast, banditry in the northwest, farmer herder conflict
and banditry in the Middle Belt, and a separatist group, the
Indigenous People of Biafra in the southeast.
As we are discussing these conflicts, it's important to
understand what is actually driving them. While religious and
ethnic tensions may play a role in exacerbating or enabling
conflict, it almost always often goes deeper than that.
Ultimately, poor governance is the most important factor in
violence and insecurity.
Over simplistic narratives about the violence in northern
Nigeria perpetuate harmful stereotypes and motivate tensions
and violence based on religious identity. In the northeast
where Boko Haram and now ISIS West Africa are active, decades
of an over securitized response have led to human abuses and
instigated and exacerbated the conflict. I worked on Nigeria
policy at the State Department at the height of the Boko Haram
violence.
So I know how challenging these issues are and how
important it is that we address root causes like security
sector violence and abuses. I've also seen that for years
governance challenges like corruption, marginalization, and
impunity have driven the violence in conflict. So we must
address these fundamental challenges to ensure stabilization
and security and prevent violence in the long term.
For example, endemic corruption is well known in Nigeria
and has contributed to widespread suspicion of public officials
and the government as a whole. It has not only drained defense
sector resources but complicated the investment environment.
We've also seen a broad culture of impunity where government
officials and non-State actors alike are inconsistently held
accountable for violence or corruption.
A history of marginalization and limited access to basic
needs and livelihood in northern Nigeria, and among different
ethnic groups has created grievances that fuel violence. So as
we are talking about the future of Nigeria, we should advocate
for a whole of government approach to address violence and
conflict, not a piecemeal approach or an over securitized
approached that can actually fuel the underlying factors of
violence. The United States has an important role to play in
this.
We need to calibrate our security systems so the United
States is not inadvertently contributing to key drivers like
impunity and human rights abuses. And we also need to ensure
that when there are instances of civilian harm from the
Nigerian military or any military, there is justice,
accountability, and amends. This is important for healing, but
it's also important to end the cycle of violence and for all of
our security. So I look forward to a conversation with our
esteemed witnesses on how we can best support the Nigerian
people and invest in its stability and prosperity in the long
term. Thank you.
Mr. James. Thank you, Ms. Jacobs. At the discretion of the
chair and recognizing his leadership on the issue, I now
recognize the Congressman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, for any
statement that he may have.
Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for convening this, an
extraordinary important and timely hearing on Nigeria. Thank
you for that, and for your leadership on this extremely
important issue where religious freedom is being trounced each
and every day. I want to thank Bishop Anagbe for being here for
his voice in Nigeria as members of his congregation and his
diocese are being decimated through very, very terrible actions
by terrorists.
He is so outspoken and so brave. And I cannot thank--all of
us cannot thank you enough, Bishop, for your leadership. I do
want to single out Congressman Frank Wolf.
Frank Wolf is as we all know--and if we do not, we should.
He's the author of the historic International Religious Freedom
Act of 1988--'98, I should say, legislation that took too long
to get passed. He introduced it.
There are people who paid lip service to it. And then when
it got over to the Senate, it looked like it was a goner. A lot
of bills do die over there.
But he was so tenacious and so wise in writing that law. As
a matter of fact, part of what he did and it was not just to
create the office for religious freedom at the State
Department. He also, as we all are, wanting checks and balances
and additional eyes and ears and focus on religious freedom
globally.
He created the commission, the U.S. Commission on
International Religious Freedom which has done yeoman's work to
raise up these issues to give voice to those sometimes at the
U.S. Department of State, no matter who is in the White House
and we all know this. There is a real effort to look the other
way for some political expediency or some issue that they do
not want to engage on religious freedom. And there's the
commission standing very boldly and very authoritatively
speaking truth to all of us, but especially to the
Administration.
So Frank--Congressman Wolf, thank you for that leadership.
It has made all the difference in the world. Around the world,
people look to that law. Others have replicated in other
countries. And I cannot say how important that is that we all
try to do what we can to mitigate the terrible religious
freedom or persecution that's happening everywhere.
Of course, today we meet also to talk about the State of
religious freedom in Nigeria. And we all know that on Christmas
Eve, hundreds of Christians were victims of targeted killings
by radical Islamist Fulani terrorists. And to date, no one has
been held to account.
It's unconscionable that President Tinubu sworn in May 2023
has not acknowledged the religious motivations for those
ongoing and escalating attacks. Secretary of State Blinken has
not either. He was there.
I watched his press conference with the foreign minister,
watched it on YouTube, and watched him talk about expressing
our condolences for all of that massive slaughter but nothing
about the why of it and nothing about what we're going to do to
reinState a country of particular concern, a term of art
created by Congressman Frank Wolf, which carries with it a
number of sanctions, up to 18 of them, starting with a simple
demarche but then very real writing sanctions to get the
attention. We're learned from our civil rights laws, if you do
not have sanctions, you can talk all you want about civil
rights legislation in this country. But it was the sanctions
piece, including four colleges and for women in college that
has made all the difference there.
So Frank wrote those right into his law. The previous
Administration did have Nigeria designated as a CPC as it
should. When he came into office, sadly, Secretary Blinken, and
I spoke out strongly then as did so many others, including the
commission, that it was totally unfounded to withdraw that.
He did it on a trip to Abuja, and I've been to Abuja many
times. And for no real good reason, he just took it away and
said you're no longer having a deal with this designation. So I
do hope that will change.
I appeal to the President and to our Secretary of State.
ReinState, redesignate country of particular concern. There's
no country on earth that is more deserving. And then we will
see, I think, an amelioration of this terrible carnage and then
obviously work hard with the government to say zero tolerance
on all of this terrible killing and maiming.
I'll just conclude. My colleague a moment ago mentioned
Boko Haram. I tried for 3 years to get Boko Haram, and I'll
finish, designated as a foreign terrorist organization when
they were blowing up things everywhere.
And I went over there and went to Jos and other places.
They would not do it. Three years. Finally on the day when we
had a bill of mine coming up for markup, State Department said,
yes, we're going to designate them as a foreign terrorist
organization. So opportunities missed, and this is an
opportunity missed. So I thank the chair for yielding, and I
yield back.
Mr. James. Mr. Chairman, thank you for your passion and
your leadership. At the discretion of the chair, the chair now
recognizes my good friend, Congresswoman from California, Ms.
Kamlager-Dove, for any statements she may have.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and good Ash
Wednesday to all of you all. And thank you to our witnesses for
being here today. By demographics alone, Nigeria is poised to
play a major role on the world stage.
It is the largest democracy, economy, and most populous
country on the African continent. Nigeria is a giant in the
region. And the U.S.-Nigeria relationship holds immense
importance for our broader engagement on the continent.
Nigeria's greatest asset, of course, is its people,
particularly its young people. A new generation of Nigerians
are capitalizing on a digitized global economy to create new
opportunities for advancement. Lagos is known throughout the
continent as a technology and financial services hub with
budding tax startups that are receiving investment from all
over the globe.
Nigeria's film and music industries have also taken the
world by storm. I have so many Nigerian artists on my play
list, you would not believe it, with Nigerian artists, actors,
and musicians bursting onto the global entertainment scene, and
most recently, even at the Grammys. This is a country that is
itching to access and shape the opportunities of the 21st
century.
So last May, I was honored to represent the United States
as part of a Presidential delegation to the inauguration of
President Tinubu. This delegation which included Administration
officials from across six executive branch agencies reflected
the depth and breadth of the U.S.-Nigeria relationship. It also
represented Nigeria's promise to become an economic powerhouse
on the continent, a political leader in the region, a democracy
that upholds the rule of law, and a multi-ethnic, multi-
religious society that respects human rights.
This promise is real. And the Nigerian people are demanding
its realization. But meaningful progress is only possible if
the Nigerian government takes strong action to address the deep
rooted domestic challenges that keep the country stagnant and
restrain the momentum that people are pushing for.
Weak governance and chronic corruption are fueling a rising
cost of living, heightened insecurity, and violence, an ongoing
impunity, and a lack of accountability. Bold measures are
needed to change the status quo and invest in good governance.
And the United States must be an engaged partner in these
efforts.
So when we talk about the future of the freedom in Nigeria,
that must means freedom from insecurity, the freedom that comes
with opportunity, and the freedom that comes from rights
protection and accountability mechanism. And I look forward to
being able to discuss and hear all of those things today. With
that, I yield back. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Mr. James. Thank you, Madam. Other members of the committee
are reminded that opening statements may be submitted for the
record. We are pleased to have a distinguished panel of
witnesses before us today.
The Honorable Frank Wolf is Commissioner of the United
States Commission on International Religious Freedom. As a
former Congressman from Virginia and an author of the
International Religious Freedom Act, I want to thank you for
your leadership and your support religious freedom around the
world.
Bishop Wilfred Anagbe is a Roman Catholic Bishop in the
Makurdi diocese in Nigeria. Bishop Anagbe is a vocal advocate
against religiously motivated attacks as his diocese include
numerous internally displaced persons camps that experienced
almost daily attacks because of their faith and belief in God.
Mr. Ebenezer Obadare is a Douglas Dillon Senior Fellow for
Africa Studies on the Council on Foreign Relations. Mr. Obadare
is a renowned expert on Nigeria policy.
Ms. Oge Onubogu--did I get that correct? No, this is very
important. I want to be respectful. Onubogu? Thank you, Madam.
Is the Director of Africa Program at The Wilson Center. Ms.
Onubogu has a long and extensive career focusing on Africa
policy.
Thank you for being here. And I apologize for the
pronunciations, and your leadership on these issues. Your full
statements will, of course, be made part of the record. And
I'll ask each of you to keep your spoken remarks to 5 minutes
to allow time for member questions. I now recognize
Commissioner Wolf for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF FRANK WOLF, COMMISSIONER, UNITED STATES COMMISSION
ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
Mr. Wolf. Shorten my statement. It's about 8 minutes, but
I'm going to try to abbreviate. I want to thank Mr. Smith who
I've learned more from. Mr. Smith has done more on these issues
than any other Member of Congress from back during the days of
George Washington's time.
So I will be quickly representing USCIRF. In 2023 annual
report, USCIRF recommended that Nigeria be designated as CPC.
We have recommended a CPC status for Nigeria every year since
2009.
Despite our analysis and recommendation, the State
Department has only recognized the severity of the religious
freedom violation in Nigeria twice. They placed Nigeria in a
special watch list in 2019 then designated CPC in 2020. The
State Department removed Nigeria from the designation entirely
in 2021 without citing any improvements.
The research analysis used continue to support that Nigeria
clearly meets the legal standard for designation as a CPC. It's
been noted that our assessment is based in part on the
information the State Department has in its own report. Now I
will clarify.
The profound disagreement USCIRF with the State
Department's decision not to designate Nigeria as a country of
particular concern. The majority of the Commissioners, both
sides, Republican and Democrat, have traveled to Nigeria either
in a personal or USCIRF capacity. We all agree about the
severity of the threats that freedom of religion or belief or
the daily implication for the religious community in that
country.
In July 2022, a USCIRF delegation visited Nigeria, met with
U.S. officials across the board at all of the various groups.
Our conclusion from that visit and many others, the ongoing
research continues to be that the government of Nigeria is
perpetrating and tolerating a systematic, ongoing, and
egregious violations of freedom of religion or belief.
Religious freedom conditions in Nigeria are abysmal.
Violent armed gangs, Fulani insurgents, Boko Haram running
rampant, the situation has grown more dire as the months and
years have gone by. Nigeria is not holding these people
accountable. InterSociety, and I'm sure you've all read it. The
InterSociety report lists 52,000 Christians, both Catholic and
Protestant, killed along with 34,000 Muslims, many hacked to
death since 2009. Eighteen thousand churches on fire and many
clergy have been targeted. Let me reiterate.
In 15 years, 15 years, more than 85,000 innocent people
reportedly have been murdered in Nigeria. Nigeria is obviously
as the gentlelady said a very important country with a
population of 240 million people. It's expected to have the
third largest population.
And in 2050, it will have more people there than we have
here in the United States. If Nigeria implodes, millions around
the world will feel the impact. I have said many times, it
remains to be said that Nigeria goes, so goes all of West
Africa and maybe most of Africa.
Nigeria has problems which I will not go into, but poverty,
rampant hunger, displaced persons. When you go into the camps,
you literally cry when you see how the people are suffering.
And the international community and they'll come up and tell
you, they have forgotten about this too.
Remember the Chibok girls, 2014, bring back our girls.
World leaders said, bring back our girls. Rock stars did it.
The girls are still there.
And I met with their parents, and they weep and they cry
when they talk. They want to see their girls back. And 40
percent have not come back. Can we forget that hashtag, bring
our girls?
And then Leah Sharibu who was kidnapped, taken, not
released by ISIS of West Africa. It's been 6 years since she's
been there. She's 14, and now she's going to turn 21.
Nigeria is sadly a country where people of faith, those
with no faith at all, live in constant fear of harassment,
imprisonment, and violence and death. Just this past December,
Islamic insurgents attacked communities across Plateau State.
They killed over 200 people, including a Baptist pastor, and
found many of whom were preparing for Christmas activities.
Has the Nigerian government held these Islamist insurgents
accountable? No. Several Nigerian states enforced blasphemy
laws that prove harmful to Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
USCIRF's data base of religious prisoners of conscience
includes Sufi, Muslim, Yahaya Sharif-Aminu, and humanist
Mubarak Bala in Nigeria.
They have arrested her based on a WhatsApp post. And
Mubarak Bala was arrested on blasphemy charges based on
Facebook posts he made allegedly insulting the Prophet
Muhammad. Many individuals often have suffered mob violence
which the Cardinal, everybody would talk about while the
Nigerian government takes limited action.
I've been in villages where the people say I'm not sure if
I want the military to come in or not. And sometimes the action
takes place, and the military does not even respond. Nigeria
State actors violate the religious freedom of citizens, both
through the government actions to harass or prosecute and
through government inaction, inaction.
Let me be clear. Nigeria clearly meets the CPC standard
under USCIRF, not only based on evidence that public reported
but what should be reflected in the State Department's own
reporting. The notion that Nigeria would be not designated
defies explanation.
I want to thank the committee, the chair, and the members.
And God bless Mr. Smith for getting H. Res. 82. And this
provides hope for the people of Nigeria. We also believe that
there should be a special envoy similar to when President Bush
had Senator John Danforth----
[The prepared statement of Mr. Wolf follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
[Simultaneous speaking.]
Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Wolf. We very much appreciate it.
We'll have plenty of time to get back to your very important
testimony. But in the interest of everyone's time, we'd like to
move this along. Commissioner Wolf, again, thank you. And I'll
recognize Bishop Anagbe for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF WILFRED ANAGBE, BISHOP OF THE DIOCESE OF MAKURDI,
NIGERIA
Bishop Anagbe. Honorable John James, gentle members of the
subcommittee and distinguished guests, I am honored to be
invited to give testimony about the situation of persecuted
Christians in Nigeria. I am grateful for your willingness to
hear about these egregious violations of human rights which are
worsening by the day in Nigeria. I am from the Makurdi diocese
of Benue State, Nigeria.
The violent persecution and numerous massacres in my
diocese have increases exponentially since I was appointed as
Bishop in 2014 and continue to increase since the last
Presidential election. In Benue State, there are 6 million
habitants who are mostly subsistence farmers living on
farmlands. Ninety-nine percent are Christian, 80 percent of
which are Catholics.
At this time, more than 2,225,000 have been brutally driven
from their land by militant Fulani and now live in internally
displaced people's camps in makeshift shanties that are unfit
for animals, let alone human beings. What is occurring in Benue
and elsewhere in Nigeria is an organized, systematic, and
brutal cleansing of Christians by militant Fulani terrorists
who are killing countless innocent men, women, and children and
displacing millions from the ancestral homes. They are unable
to fend for themselves and rely on free donations.
In most communities, children of school age are displaced,
forcing them to drop out of school while the livelihoods of
their parents are destroyed. Such conditions make children
increasingly vulnerable to human trafficking, child labor, and
organ harvesting. Every day, the population of widows and
orphans grows, creating a new generation of traumatized and
uneducated Nigerians who we have few options for their future.
Their living conditions in the IDP camps are inhuman and
unfit for animals. As I visit the camps where people are
suffering such inhumane conditions, causing further desolation
and health problems, I am at a loss. I do not know what to
preach or how to console them.
It is difficult to offer hope. But I will not abandon them.
Terrorists have especially targeted our Christian churches and
religions as well. On February 3d, Fathers Kenneth Kanwa and
Jude Nwachukwu, two priests from my religious order of
Claretian missionaries who are kidnapped.
Indeed, every time a religious is kidnapped, it has the
same effect as a terrorist attack because the villagers flee
after losing their leader. Between 2021 and 2023, over 100
religious sisters and priests were kidnapped in Nigeria, some
never returned after high ransoms were paid for their release.
We are told that the violence happens to Muslims and
Christians alike. But I ask you, how many imams have been
kidnapped or killed? And how many mosques have been destroyed
as compared to Christian churches in Nigeria?
What exacerbates these injustices against humanity is the
glaring absence of justice. In none of these attacks have known
that perpetrators have been brought to justice. The militant
Islamist attack most especially on our holiest days which offer
impunity.
This past Christmas, a large-scale massacre of more than
200 Christians and hundreds more injured took place during
simultaneous attacks in 20-plus villages in the Plateau State.
Last Easter on Holy Saturday, militant Fulani terrorists
attacked an IDP camp in my diocese killing 50 and injuries
caused as they prepare to celebrate our holiest days of the
year. What can be done to give them comfort?
Is it a daunting task? But I refuse to sit silently. This
is why I have traveled here from Nigeria. And I speak to you on
Ash Wednesday when my calendar at home is full of important
church obligations.
I appeal to you to use all means available to your office
to protect those persecuted for their faith. We cannot let fear
and political correctness hinder us from speaking out. As
Africa's most populous country and its largest economy, Nigeria
weighs considerable influence in Sub-Saharan Africa.
By allowing religious persecution to proliferate within
these borders, Nigeria is compounding already heightened
regional insecurity. May the Lord Jesus bless all those present
here today and all people of good will.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Anagbe follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. James. Amen.
Bishop Anagbe. Thank you.
Mr. James. Thank you, Bishop Anagbe. I now recognize Mr.
Obadare for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF EBENEZER OBADARE, DOUGLAS DILLON SENIOR FELLOW FOR
AFRICAN STUDIES, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
Mr. Obadare. Thank you, Chairman James, Ranking Member
Jacobs, members of this whole committee. Thank you for the
invitation to testify. Not for the first time since the return
to democracy in 1999, journalists find themselves in a State of
terror and agitation.
Across 60-odd years of independence, rarely has the average
Nigerian regardless of location felt more vulnerable and
insecure. The insecurity highlighted by a protracted Islamic
insurgency, bandit attacks on farming communities, regular
reinforcement assaults on organized citizens, kidnapping for
ransom, and vigilante justice. The agitation is about what's
happens next: to the democratic process, the young people and
professionals who continue to vote with their feet as we speak
to an economy that is literally running on fumes and to the
country's future as a stable and coherent entity.
Who or what is responsible for the turmoil in Nigeria?
the incumbent Bola Tinubu Administration is one candidate.
We started off on a bright note, appearing to win over a justly
skeptical public with measures and pronouncements that seem to
indicate that it had a clear idea on what to do and how to go
about it. Many Nigerians have since soured on it.
One reason is its failure to arrest the nationwide
bloodletting? A second reason is the persistent gloom on the
economic front. Furthermore, the report of political graft
involving ministers and other appointees of the Administration
have convinced Nigerians that it is business as usual.
Criticism of the Administration is not unwarranted. It has
failed to take advantage of abundant Nigerian expertise at home
and across the far-flung diaspora. Many of his decisions seem
motivated by a desire for political gratification.
For an Administration otherwise quick to remind Nigerians
that the country is broke, the disconnect between its rhetoric
and its actions, it's austerity for thee and opulence for me
posture is a source of bafflement. Nonetheless, we should
resist the temptation to put all the blame for Nigeria's woes
on the Tinubu government's shoulders. If anything, it is
nothing more than a continuation of his predecessors,
exhibiting traits that have largely defined Nigerian political
culture since independence.
The most consequential among these traits is rampant
corruption. No progress is possible regarding security or
creating an attractive economic environment for investment
without a concerted effort at tackling corruption in Nigeria.
Corruption's corrosive effect on institutions and public morale
are too well known to be recapitulated here.
For this reason, I would suggest this whole committee takes
seriously the Nigerian problem of corruption in Nigeria with a
view to increasing material and morale assistance to entities
and agencies currently involved in the challenging task of
rooting it out. The subcommittee should also take seriously
ongoing agitation by Nigerians for urgent judiciary reforms.
Since there is no rule of law, let alone freedom, without an
impartial judiciary, it is crucially important that the
subcommittee recognize and respond to Nigerian's yearning for a
fair-minded judiciary. Beyond the judiciary, the Nigerian
status is in dire need of reform. As it is, it is nothing more
than a shell of a State, a vast prebendal network held hostage
by larcenous elites.
As noted elsewhere, it's a State that has proved adept at
what it should not do and utterly feckless at what it ought to.
If the Nigerian situation is so daunting why should you care?
Despite its problems, Nigeria is a supremely vibrant country,
one with the potential to become the United States most
important African political ally and trading partner.
In their imagination, Nigerians already see the United
States as a model of what their country can become if only it
can get out of its own way, a prosperous multi-ethnic State
founded on the ethos of individual liberty. Nigeria plays a key
leadership role in the West African subregion and the African
continent. In West Africa, it is the undoubted anchor of
regional political stability and economic prosperity.
Across Africa, Nigeria is widely respected for its cultural
clout and energy. At this critical juncture, Nigeria needs the
help of the United States to keep its best talents from
leaving, from the State, to make the environment safe for
investment, improve security, and expand the horizons for
individual liberty. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Obadare follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. James. Thank you, Ms. Obadare. I now recognize Ms.
Onubogu for her opening statements.
STATEMENT OF OGE ONUBOGU, DIRECTOR, AFRICA PROGRAM, THE WILSON
CENTER
Ms. Onubogu. Thank you. Chairman James, Ranking Member
Jacobs, and distinguished committee members, I very much
appreciate this opportunity to testify before you today. I
serve as director of the Africa Program at The Wilson Center,
although the views expressed here today are my own.
I noted the danger to Nigeria's stability in 2021 in an
article published by Punch, one of the country's most widely
read newspapers. And I quote, ``Nigeria is failing to fulfill
based tasks of a nation State, and its partners need to halt
business as usual to open an honest dialog about the current
failings. Nigeria's instability is rooted in a vital
shortcoming.
After 63 years of independence, the country still struggles
to cultivate a national identity rooted in basic freedoms and
dignity for its people. The evidence is Nigeria's perennial
upheavals as in the shocking attack that occurred in Plateau
State during the Christmas weekend. Such attacks have occurred
in the State for over 20 years.
I visited the city of Jos Plateau the week of December
18th. Having grown up there, my family, even though my family
is from southern Nigeria, I consider myself what many would
call an original Jos girl. So it's particularly difficult for
me to talk about these issues.
Whether labeled as banditry or terrorism or communal
clashes or ethnoreligious conflict, at the root of the rising
violence in Nigeria is a failure of governance to meet the
population's basic needs, not only livelihood, education, and
healthcare, but also their need for perpetrators to be held
legitimately accountable. Nigerian political leaders
romanticize Nigeria's unity. The divisive political climate of
the 2023 elections illustrates this tendency.
Nevertheless, opinion polls show that a majority of
Nigerians value diverse communities, identify equally with the
ethnicity and nationality, and believe that there is more that
unites Nigerians as one people than divides them. Certainly,
some data such as that from the nondenominational global
network, Open Doors, appears to indicate that violence against
Christians who make up 46 percent of Nigerians population
increased under the previous Administration of President
Buhari. But we all know that violence in Nigeria overall has
increased over time.
In fact, an overwhelming majority of Nigerians, 96 percent
consider human rights abuses and violations to be a problem in
the country indicating not only that violence and rights abuses
afflict many groups but also that Nigerians understand and
respect the concept of human rights. So back to the root
causes. Achieving a working democracy and improved governance
that can meet people's needs and halt violent turmoil will
require Nigeria's past structures to broaden their dialog with
society, including with groups now excluded from influence. So
what should the United States do?
First, stop talking with and listening to Niger. Niger
represents the marginalized resilient citizens who take pride
in surviving the abuses of the State through their own
ingenuity and entrepreneurship. Second, engage deeply with the
communities that are deeply aggrieved or even agitating for
succession.
While it's never wise to dismiss religion as a cause of
conflict, it is unproductive to label a conflict as solely
driven by religion when there is so many other factors at play.
Third, work more with Nigeria's states and its growing city
centers. The country that seeks states hold significant power
in the real politick of Nigeria and they're distinct enough to
warrant specific attention.
Fourth, reevaluate the 2014 security governance initiative
which had potential but never really got off the ground in
Nigeria. Fifth, rethink U.S. and international policies that
lead to knee jerk responses to crisis. And for the Nigerian
government, it's important to coordinate Federal and State
action and messaging.
Effective coordination so desperately needed among
Nigeria's Federal and State governance is often undermined by
finger pointing. That must stop. Get serious about police
reform.
The government must stop offering the equivalent of window
dressing such as the unfulfilled promises to overhaul the
abusive czar's special police unit that prompted widespread
street protests in 2020. And the failure of at least three
police reform committees on the different Administrations in
2006, 2009, and 2012. The Nigerian government must make
accountability of both perpetrators and of the authorities
central to the response.
Nigerians need justice. Criminality in the Middle Belt as
elsewhere has spread in part because of impunity. Clearly, a
fresh approach is needed, both for Nigeria and the
international community.
U.S. and international policies should certainly embrace
Nigeria as an inspiring democracy and strategic partner in
Africa. But those policies must include a better understanding
of the country's complexities. Stepping back to honestly re-
analyze how governance in Nigeria really works and how it does
not is crucial to the crisis at hand. Thank you again for
inviting me to testify, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Onubogu follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. James. Ms. Onubogu, many times we hear the problems
that are going on across the African continent and in the world
at large. But this is an impressive, decisive, and actionable
list. I'm looking forward to getting into. Thank you for
bringing it to our attention.
At this time, I recognize myself for a few more questions.
Mr. Wolf, I appreciate you attending today's hearing. And
although I wish we were talking about the responsiveness of the
Administration rather than its abandonment of responsibility, I
call for the Administration to send Ambassador Rashad Hussain
to Nigeria to investigate threats to freedom of religion or
belief and the deadly implications to religious communities.
Yet the Department unsurprisingly has said he's unable to
schedule time to go to Nigeria. Why do you think the
Administration continues to actively avoid the situation in the
Middle Belt but has enough information to determine Boko Haram
and ISIS West Africa are entities of particular concern?
Mr. Wolf. Well, Mr. Chairman, I think you're absolutely
right. He should have the time. And when he goes there, he
should not only go to Lagos and Abuja, but he should go to the
Middle Belt and the northwest and travel.
He has to go out and see. So you are absolutely right. If
something good can come out of the hearing, everyone should
agree that Ambassador Rashad Hussain should go there and should
go there quickly because a number of people are dying. So you
are absolutely right. He should go and do it quickly and meet
with all of the religious leaders across the board.
Mr. James. Thank you, sir. Mr. Obadare, I heard the
President of South Korea speak last year in which he said it
takes focus and unity to harness demographics as that country
did more than 50 years ago. President Tinubu clearly
demonstrated there was cohesion among leaders at the very
beginning of his Administration. A year on, does that same
level of elite cohesion still exist?
Mr. Obadare. Thank you, Chairman James. For a country that
spends 97 cents of every dollar it earns servicing its debt,
it's very, very easy for the elite to get all together and to
acknowledge that there is a problem. So initially when Tinubu
took power, it was obvious that something needed to be done
about the economy.
And if you look at the statement from all the major
politicians and all the contestants for the presidency, they
all agree that the economic policies that Tinubu Administration
had embraced were the rights policies. However, rhetoric is one
thing. Action is another.
The culture of the elite itself, the predatory culture of
the elite continues to be an impediment to good governance in
Nigeria. So there is cohesion in terms of and understanding
that something needs to be done. But the elite itself continues
to be split because it's a bankrupt elite that does not take
the interest of the people into consideration.
Mr. James. Thank you. And finally, Ms. Onubogu, you went
into great detail. But if you could come away with three
specific--and if you could prioritize them--areas that this
committee working through Congress could be more effective in
supporting the objectives that are mutually beneficial to the
United States of America and the 36 individual states within
Nigeria for our mutual benefit, what would you advise?
Ms. Onubogu. I would advise prioritizing governance,
strengthening governance. Our programming on governance, there
needs to be an emphasis there. Typically, America's engagement
with Nigeria primarily are caused with our centers of power.
So we think the State governments or the industries and the
companies. But we need to recognize that there is another layer
of engagement. And that's the Nigerian people, the population
that are thriving in spite of an ineffective government.
So really thinking about how we broaden our engagement.
There are programs that the U.S. Government engages in, in
Nigeria that actually target youth. But more could be done in
this area.
Second, the question on justice, it has been mentioned by
everyone on this panel today. Accountability is a big gap.
Nigerians need justice, and we need to be able to invest in
programs that strengthen access to justice, that strengthen the
access to justice systems to ensure that people are held
accountable for their actions.
Mr. James. Thank you. A followup question, speaking
specifically about the 2014 security governance initiative, the
Nigerians need justice. Can you give a specific area where
cooperation is still possible where we can directly coordinate
with Nigerians?
Ms. Onubogu. I think at the local level and being able to
listen to what the people say. Currently, Nigeria does not have
a State police system. Security is still handled from the
center.
So really trying to think about going back to a lot of the
police reform reports that have been out there from the three
different Administrations. They actually provide
recommendations. And I think it's important for us to think
about how we can walk in partnership with the current
Administration to pick up some of those recommendations on how
to reform the security architecture of the country.
Mr. James. So more support with more localized policing?
Ms. Onubogu. Exactly.
Mr. James. Perfect. Thank you. I now recognize Ranking
Member Jacobs for 5 minutes.
Ms. Jacobs. Well, thank you. And I actually worked on SGI
as it was being stood up under the Obama Administration. So I'm
happy that you brought it up.
I think my own experience, the Reuters investigations that
have showed alleged child killings and a mass forced abortion
program, high profile civilian casualties from air strikes and
the EndSARS movement that we saw in 2020 all show that
Nigeria's security forces have a history of civilian harm and
impunity. And we've seen that there's attention to these
issues. We had SGI.
There have been all these reports. We've tried all these
things. And yet abuses and impunity have remained prevalent.
All the while, the United States has remained a strong security
partner.
So Ms. Onubogu and Mr. Obadare, if you could talk more
about what you think the most effective way for the United
States to push for Nigeria security institutions to adhere to
human rights standards. What are our main pain points and
leverage? And I know you talked about some stuff with SGI. But
from that experience, what specifically could we change or keep
from that?
Ms. Onubogu. I think from SGI, one of the gaps that we at
least that I noticed in the engagement in Nigeria was that
there wasn't enough talking to the people because it's
important to understand where the grievances are, where the
problems are, and how it is felt in each community. Because of
how diverse Nigeria is, people experience violence differently
in their different communities. So the way it plays out in
Plateau State, it's not necessarily the way it plays out in the
northeast.
So making sure that we engage the people from the very
beginning of the planning process before activities or before
projects are implemented. I think that's one area where we
could be stronger. And again, ensuring that civil society
engagement is diverse.
Civil society is not a monolith. Within civil society, it's
broken down with your faith-based groups, with your trade
unions, with different community-based organizations. We must
ensure that when we engage with civil society that we are
casting a wide net to include voices that may not typically be
engaged or involved in your traditional civil society type
conversations.
Mr. Obadare. I think the last thing we want to do--and
there's always an ambition to do that because of the
seriousness of the situation, especially when you're talking
about insecurity. The last thing you want to do is to separate
security concerns from governance concerns, from judiciary
reforms.
So I think one of the things--and this came up earlier in
one of the presentations. One of the things that has sort of
become a hot topic in Nigeria now, and I think maybe the time
is due to have it, is police reform. I think Nigeria, this is
the product of the situation where you have federalism in name
only.
But it's the central government that determines policing.
Where do the police get sent? How do they get armed? How do
they get paid?
I think one of the things that the United States can help
with right now is not only push through this desire that is
widespread among the generality of Nigerians. And even an
increasing number of politicians, unlike in the past, you now
have modern politicians, politicians from the southeast. Almost
there's now a consensus that Nigeria needs to urgently reform
policing. And I think that's one area in which help is needed.
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. I've so appreciated how you both
have really focused on governance and how we see those
challenges. I was wondering. I know you both have talked about
it. But if in the short time we have left you could talk maybe
more specifically about what has and hasn't worked on these
reforms and then how the U.S. has engaged with Nigeria on this
issue of governance.
Mr. Obadare. So Ms. Onubogu spoke earlier about this
fundamental distinction between the Nigerian state and the
people of Nigeria. I think for the most part when we think
about policy, we think about supporting the Nigerian State.
Most Nigerians do not have any belief in the Nigerian state.
We really need to focus our energies and resources at a
subnational level. There are some associations, so many
organizations doing some interesting work on transparency, one
security, on local Administration. I think it's at that level
that we need to concentrate our concern.
Ms. Onubogu. Definitely want to add to that too as well and
just say as a starting point, as the data has shown us time and
time again, Nigerians, even though it's a very diverse society,
value unity. They understand and they want to work together.
They recognize their ethnicity, their different ethnicity and
nationality. But they believe that there is more that unites
Nigeria. So that's actually a really good starting point to
engage the people and ensure that things are done, taking this
step lower from the center and engaging more of the sub-
national and community level.
Mr. James. Thank you, Ms. Jacobs. I now recognize
Congressman Smith for 5 minutes.
Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Bishop Anagbe, in your
testimony, you talked about the 100 religious sisters and
priests who have been kidnapped, most recent two priests on
February 3d. Also, there were about 2,250,000 internally
displaced persons in your area alone.
What does the government do about all of those displaced
persons? What do they do about the kidnappings? We know that
they are almost non-responsive to requests for help when murder
is occurring and do not followup with investigations.
But what about those camps? Now the World Food Program, if
it gets a request from the government can come in. And Cindy
McCain, as Frank Wolf and I know so well, she's the head of the
WFP. I'm sure they'd be more than happy to come in and provide
tangible help.
Bishop Anagbe. Yes, thank you very much. The issues have
not been addressed. It's a big security challenge to the
government. And to the best of my knowledge, those kidnap
victims or those victims taken hostage has always remained the
problem of the families.
And some of them cannot afford the ransom. They get their
families killed. And sometimes even when it's paid, some of
them do not regain their freedom.
So the government has been inactive in this area and
completely not interested, sorry to say because you cannot
understand how it is possible the ransom is paid. And where did
this money pass through, which could be tracked by the
government through the banks or so. And nothing happens.
But sometimes it becomes more worrisome when you see
Nigeria played a very key role in ECOMOG, a resurgent
democratic government in Sierra Leone and Liberia. And they
cannot do that in Nigeria for more than 10 years. It seems
there's something wrong somewhere.
And for the displaced persons, the World Food Program has
not come to bear, not to the best of my knowledge. I am here
with--for the
[inaudible] for the diocese. And so we rely on local means
and some kind of free donation from individuals. Basically,
that's as much I could say.
Mr. Smith. We're going to be asking the government to make
that request to WFP to provide some assistance. Ms. Onubogu,
let me ask you. I've been to Jos.
In our resolution, we point out that 17,000 churches have
been firebombed. I went to four of them in Jos with the
Archbishop Kaigama. But I also met with the Muslim leaders, and
they were very close to the archbishop.
There was a great deal of mutual respect and admiration.
And it's the radical Islamist that both of them were deeply,
deeply concerned about. So I do thank you for bringing up that
you're from there but also your concern of people there.
We do include in our resolution--and H. Res. 82 did pass
the full committee on Foreign Affairs. I hope it's on the floor
soon. We also have a major focus on the issue of the blasphemy
laws which were told by you, sir.
Frank, you've told us this that Nigeria is one of only
seven countries in the world with criminal blasphemy that
carries the death penalty. And such laws exist in 12 of the
majority Muslim northern Nigerian states. So in our resolution,
we talk about some of those are being now affected by that.
So thank you for that, Mr. Wolf, for making us aware of
that. Let me just ask if I could, when you do ask questions,
Bishop, and ask the government to get involved, is there a
delay? Like, when Fulani come in, for example, and start mowing
people down and firebombing churches and just indiscriminately
killing people, and there may be some other issues that are
involved here. But it is at its core a hatred of Christians.
Bishop Anagbe. First of all, to answer the issue of
government response is to fall back toward what we said about
in the central police system in Nigeria. Because the police in
Nigeria have under the--under the heading of the inspector
general police. The order comes from down to them.
So Benue State which is about 300 kilometers to Abuja, the
capital, barely about--less than 200 miles. For any attack to
place and the police have to respond, the order has to come
from above which is completely difficult. And that is why
various states now we're requesting for State police. And
that's the reform he was talking about. And until that is done,
there would not be immediate and proactive response to all
those challenges. And by the time the police will respond,
maybe sometime 3 hours, they're finished and then they're gone.
And nobody is held responsible. At that level, we become at
the mercy of these hoodlums who constantly unleash terror in
the villages. And when they attack the villages, they occupy
the territory so people cannot get back. If you get back to
your farms, you get hacked.
Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Smith. I now recognize
Congressman Jackson for 5 minutes.
Mr. Jackson. Hello. Thank you, Congressman James, for your
leadership on this. Thank you, Ranking Member Sara Jacobs. And
thank you for all your participation that have traveled and
come from the great State and the great country of Nigeria.
Appreciate your attendance.
This would be directed to Ms. Onubogu and Mr. Obadare. From
your perspective, how is the absence of a confirmed U.S.
Ambassador affected the bilateral relationship and ability to
pursue U.S. objectives in Nigeria? We have a current charge
d'affaires. Has that held up any potential relationships?
Mr. Obadare. I think politics or diplomacy is as much about
practice as it's about symbols. And I do not think it will hurt
to have a U.S. Ambassador on the ground. It's clear actually
when you look at the democratic struggle in Nigeria.
Successive American ambassadors have been part of the
despair here, that struggle. And Nigerians always look up to
the U.S. Ambassador as somebody who mediates U.S. interests and
acts at the voice of the American people. So I think the
process can be interesting. I think it will be to the pleasure
of everybody in Nigeria.
Mr. Jackson. Currently, is there a very positive view
toward the relationship with the Nigerians and the Americans?
And if so, what could you say contributes to that?
Mr. Obadare. I mentioned in my statement Nigerians--as you
know, Nigerians are the single most successful immigrant group
in the United States. There's something in the American water
that agrees with Nigerians. And Nigerians already see the
United States as a model of what they want their country to
become. So there's a lot of affection toward America and all
things American.
Mr. Jackson. Did you say that under the Tinubu
Administration, civil and religious institutions have been
stabilized and are improving?
Ms. Onubogu. Before I answer that question, if I could just
add to the two questions----
Mr. Jackson. Please.
Ms. Onubogu [continuing]. That you asked earlier on. And as
I said, for the U.S., the U.S. recognizes Nigeria as an
aspiring democracy and the strategic partner on the continent,
especially given what we see happening in West Africa and
Nigeria's current chairmanship of ECOWAS. So having an
ambassador in the country would be a great benefit to the
United States. And then to your question about the balance
under the Tinubu Administration, there are current reports that
actually show that the Administration is trying to ensure that
there is equal representation within their Administration.
However, we have to recall that this Administration, the
Tinubu Administration actually ran under a very unpopular
Muslim-Muslim ticket. So at the end of the day, he actually has
to do more than his predecessor to ensure that he can win the
trust of Nigerians, also realizing that he came in as one of
the most unpopular presidents since Nigeria's transition in
1999. So there is data there that shows that he's making steps
in the right direction to ensure there's equal balance under
his Administration.
Mr. Jackson. But you recognize a free and fair election?
Ms. Onubogu. Will you repeat the question? Sorry.
Mr. Jackson. Do you recognize that Governor Tinubu--
President Tinubu was elected under a free and fair election?
Ms. Onubogu. I think at the end of the day, it is the data
that has come from Nigeria that I----
Mr. Jackson. Yes or no, was it a fair election?
Ms. Onubogu. I can basically----
Mr. Jackson. I will not have you speculate on whether you
think about his popularity. But was it a fair election?
Sometimes people aren't satisfied with the results, but we go
forward.
Ms. Onubogu. As for me, I think at the end of the day, I
would go by the data that was released by the independent
national election commission that shows that----
Mr. Jackson. So therefore, he won because he had the most
votes. The last thing I would like to ask is under the
leadership of President Tinubu and the ECOWAS, what would you
recommend be our role in the support for stabilizing the region
with the current coup in Niger?
Ms. Onubogu. I would advise listening, listening to the
people. Because at this point, ECOWAS is actually facing a
crisis of legitimacy. The entire body is facing a crisis of
legitimacy.
Where we see deepening divides between governments and
people, so it's important for us to listen and guide and
provide guidance where guidance is needed. And in short, one
particular area in helping ECOWAS is to strengthen their
communication. Right now, communication seems to be not framed
within the reality of what we see happening in the region. So
there are areas to help strengthening ECOWAS to ensure that its
communication actually matches the reality and the frustrations
that citizens feel.
Mr. Jackson. Thank you for your time. Chairman James, I
yield back my time.
Mr. James. Thank you. I now recognize Chairwoman Kim for 5
minutes.
Mrs. Kim. Thank you, Chairman James and Ranking Member Sara
Jacobs for holding today's hearing. I want to thank all of the
witnesses for making yourselves available before our committee
today. I'm told that as of 2022 there are roughly 4.5 million
Nigerians who have been displaced by religious conflict or
natural disaster.
The vast majority of these displacements are because of the
ongoing fighting between the Nigerian military and terrorist
organizations in the north of the country, especially in the
Lake Chad region in the Sahel. Unfortunately, we do not know
the definitive data on what percentage of IDPs in Nigeria are
women. But we do know that in regions hosting the most IDPs,
women make up roughly 70 percent of the IDP population.
I serve as a co-chair of the Maternal Women's Caucus. So
considering that Nigeria has the third highest maternal
mortality rate in the world, this is deeply concerning to me.
So I want to ask any and all of you to respond to how the
religious and ethnic violence impacted the maternal and infant
mortality in Nigeria. And if you can also describe the type of
medical access that the women in those camps are getting and if
pregnant women have access to adequate prenatal care.
Mr. Wolf. I've been in the camps. The camps are very grim.
Most of the people in the camps are women and children. Many
have been displaced from villages and they basically live in
fear.
There is a brain drain. Many Nigerian doctors and nurses
are leaving the country, coming to the United States, coming to
many other countries. It is very, very grim.
And one thing that I can think could be done is for the
Administration to appoint a special envoy similar to what
President Bush did when he had Senator Danforth come. Danforth
went to southern Sudan and seeing it over and over and over and
over. And he courted with the French. He courted with the
British. He courted with the U.N.
He pushed and pushed and pushed and pushed. And had one
person, Secretary Blinken, who's confident in that would be an
advocate for him. But it is very, very grim.
And again, this has been going on for years, 12 years, and
it's never getting any better. It's just getting worse. But
most of the people in the village are women and children.
Bishop Anagbe. Yes, exactly, I said this because in these
attacks in these villages, mainly men are targeted. And
sometimes children are killed. When the women leave, the live
in the camps.
And in this situation, they've given birth. And it becomes
very challenging. We have back home in Benue which I've seen
very sporadic--I mean, we're very limited, skeleton kind of
services.
The medicine, Beyond Frontiers, who come, but it is
difficult because, one, there are a lot of camps in these
places that do not have a clinic nearby. And so there are
donations coming from people, like, from the churches who
assist them as what we call the mobile clinic.
But basically, a lot, they are living on the sub-human
conditions. And in these situations, children are being born
and they are growing up with no education to that level because
it's difficult.
Mrs. Kim. Thank you. As expected, they are not getting the
adequate--the care they need, of course. But I also want to
address another issue regarding China's influence in Nigeria
because I also serve as a chairwoman of the Indo-Pacific. So
this is an area of deep concern to me.
There are reports that China may seek to protect the
naira's value by adopting Chinese yen as an official reserve
currency alongside the dollar. And I understand that there is a
draft bill in Nigeria in House of Representatives to do exactly
that. So let me ask this question to Mr. Obadare. What would be
the implication of such a move? And what does that initiative
show about the State of the Nigeria and China relationship?
Mr. Obadare. I think China is one of those countries in
Africa that--Nigeria is one of those countries that China has
been busy trying to cultivate the Belt and Road Initiative. I
have every doubt that this initiative will fly. And I'm not
even sure it's going to come off the ground.
What Nigeria needs is not this kind of move. I think what
Nigeria needs is to become a productive country that invests in
infrastructure, that takes its economy very seriously. Once you
do that, everything will follow. This is one of those fly-by-
night initiatives that I do not think is going to fly.
Mrs. Kim. Thank you.
Mr. James. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I now recognize
Congresswoman Kamlager-Dove for 5 minutes.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member.
So Nigeria is facing a worsening economic crisis that is
putting basic essentials out of reach for many and causing pain
across the entire country. President Tinubu, I think had some
reforms that seem to have stalled. Mr. Obadare, I hope I
pronounce it OK. What measures does the Nigerian government
need to take in the short term to alleviate the cost-of-living
crisis and in the long term to attract investment and create
economic opportunity?
Mr. Obadare. The most important thing that it needs to do
right now is to ensure security. Only a person who feels secure
will go from Point A to Point B and engage in any kind of
enterprise. Right now, people feel vulnerable. They feel
unsafe.
So if the government can do something about the security
situation in the country, the effects would reverberate and it
will affect the way people trade, the way people do everything.
So fix security. Fix the politics. And every other thing shall
follow.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. So then feeding off of that to both you
and to Ms. Onubogu--and I hope I pronounced it OK. What steps
can be taken to restore security? In what ways can we play a
role in that or be a partner in that? And for both of you.
Ms. Onubogu. I think right now in Nigeria, there is a huge
trust deficit. The factors Ebenezer has mentioned, security,
one, is the one priority on people's minds, not only from your
intercommunal conflicts but the kidnapping and things that we
see across the country. But there is a trust deficit between
the government and the people and also within several
communities.
And the U.S. can play a role in helping to expand the
dialog. These are areas where the U.S. shines best when it
comes to governance programs and strengthening democracy and
strengthening people to people rights. We can play very
critical role in helping to expand the dialog to ensure that
voices that feel excluded from the process now because there
are several individuals that feel excluded, that those
individuals are brought in, brought back into the conversation
to have a real honest discussion.
These discussions and conversations have been ongoing in
Nigeria for years. As I mentioned with the conflict that we--
with the crisis that we saw happen in Plateau State, the attack
in Plateau State, these crises in that State have been going on
for over 20 years. It's time for us to take a step back.
In 2014, the Nigerian government made an attempt to
actually take--put together a broad-based dialog to try to
understand some of the structural challenges in the country
that were just making it difficult for Nigeria to move forward.
In Nigeria, they often say, you take one step forward and then
three steps backward. And this has been ongoing. So I think the
U.S. can play a critical role in helping and in partnering with
Nigerians, both at the Federal, at the center level, at the
State level, and at the community level to expand the dialog
and honest reevaluation----
[Simultaneous speaking.]
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. So do you think we still have that
degree of credibility? Because my understanding, especially
from other conversations that I've been having is that folks in
the international space are becoming disillusioned by us.
Ms. Onubogu. I think we still have that credibility. But as
you rightfully pointed, that window might be closing. But that
credibility still stays there, still remains. If we look at
current data coming out from the region for barometer data and
other Nigerian polling agencies too as well, they still show
that the U.S. is regarded in Nigeria. So there is that space to
be able to create and to be able to bring together a broad base
dialog.
Mr. Obadare. If I may add just one thing to that. So we've
been talking about police reforms and policing at the State
level, I think one of the things that United States can help
with is actually with training and providing material to
policemen. I think we sort of take it for granted that when you
see a police officer, the police officer is supposed to be well
behaved and all of that.
It takes training. It takes attitudinizing. It takes all
kinds of--it takes a long process. I think at the State level,
there are so many states now where they're actively considering
recruiting and training police officers. I think the United
States can help at that level, not at the Federal level. I see
a lot of possibilities with training and provision of material.
Ms. Onubogu. And if--I was just going to add to that really
quickly too as well. Beyond training and equipping but also
helping to build the institutions because at the end of the
day, that is sort of--we've seen a lot of training and equip
programs. But also ensuring that it is long term, that any
support that is given, any security support that is given is
long term and also focused on building the institutions of
governance, institutions of justice, institutions of security
to ensure that Nigerians can take ownership of this down the
road.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Great. Thank you, and I yield back, Mr.
Chair.
Mr. James. Thank you. And I recognize Congressman Mills for
5 minutes.
Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking
Member Jacobs, our panel. But also, this is a very unique
subcommittee. And so I thank the members who are here as well.
When it comes to looking at the welfare and benefits to
developing nations and those who are looking for stability and
reform, I think that partisanship takes a back seat. And I
think that you hear that across the panel today. We understand
the concerns for police reform.
But I think that also speaks to the needs for rule of law
in form as well. I think that we understand that Nigeria is 225
million people and surpassed in population to the United States
by 2050. I think that we look at the fact that it is one of the
most wealthy resource rich nations in all of the African
continent.
And we also know that unfortunately your country has a
great deal of a resource that has been almost a curse to many
nations and that's oil. You notice almost every single nation
which is an oil rich nation always finds itself in turmoil. But
other nations trying to exploit these resources as we've seen
with China.
We've seen the same thing across most of the African
continent as China continues to try and utilize the Belt and
Road Initiative to capture all the African continent, expand
Eurasian borders, but also take over Oceania to dominate the
shipping lanes and also other types of economic resource
turmoil for the West. I say all that because as we've saw with
the Ashanti belt in Ghana or in other areas, China's
continuation of exploitation of nations who are in need of
critical security reform is something that I think the rest of
the continent is starting to come to more of a realization on.
They always come in with great promises, but they rarely
deliver on that.
And in that, I think that opens a window for America to
start doing its part. There's been a real inconsistency with
America when it comes to Africa. And I think that our
priorities shouldn't necessarily just center itself around the
Middle East but around continents such as Africa which plays a
vital role in the stability and one of the closest when it
comes to the United States.
I want to ask a question with regards to ECOWAS. What will
be the effect if Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso exited ECOWAS? And
what influence could Nigeria play in the region or through
ECOWAS to encourage democracy and good governance which is
something that was mentioned, For whomever would like?
Mr. Obadare. So thank you for the question. So Mali,
Burkina Faso, and Niger are the clear renegade states that have
threatened to leave ECOWAS. And I say threatened because per
ECOWAS rules, they're supposed to give a 1-year notification if
they're going to leave.
So when, for instance, Mauritania was going to leave in
2007, they did the same thing. They come back in 2017,
following the rules. My sense is that these three countries,
two things, are using perhaps this as a bargaining chip.
They want something. There are three military dictators in
those countries who want to hold on to power. It's not
impossible that they're trying to send a signal to the Tinubu
Administration.
But we also know that they're not--these three countries
are not along, that there is an attempt on the part of Russia
using the Wagner Group to fundamentally redraw the map of West
Africa. So it's important to keep that in mind. The United
States should assist Nigeria which is leading the core group of
ECOWAS for their countries to keep ECOWAS an economic community
of West African democracies and prevent any attempt to make it
an economiv community of West African soldiers.
Mr. Mills. Thank you so much. And I absolutely agree that
we should strengthen ECOWAS by weakening China's grip on it for
exploitation. I want to switch just for a moment to Mr. Wolf
and the Bishop.
In 2020, the previous Administration under President Trump
designated Nigeria as a country of particular concern. In 2021,
the Biden Administration removed that designation. In your
opinion, was there any markable improvement and freedom of
religion in Nigeria that would have led the State Department to
believe that it's time to remove that?
Mr. Wolf. Congressman, absolutely none. Absolutely
positively categorically none. It's actually gotten worse. The
State Department has shown no reason why they would have
removed that designation.
The CPC designation is very important. We give them a
billion dollars a year. We owe it to the Nigerian people to
help them. But there's been no improvement at all, so no.
Bishop Anagbe. Yes, the situation is getting worse by the
day with the killings that are going on. And I know it's
because there is a lot of ammunition going around which I know
is very strongly coming from the trade relationship we have
with these countries. Now I would like just to make a
suggestion.
Trust is end between Nigeria and U.S. That is why diversion
is going on. And in any of the visits, it is--I would suggest
to engage the church leadership, the religious leadership so
they're able to hear.
Because in Nigeria, as I talk to you now, the grassroots of
the population that is being haunted every day. And when
discussions are taken at that top level, they do not get
involved. And once anything happens, they fall back to the
church. And of course, we have that as an imperative to take
care of these people.
Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman----
Mr. James. Thank you, Bishop Anagbe.
Mr. Mills [continuing]. For the additional time and
indulging us to hear that fully out.
Mr. James. It's very important. Thank you, my friend. I now
recognize Congresswoman Cherfilus-McCormick for 5 minutes.
Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
thank you, Ranking Member, for holding this hearing. I'd like
to enter into the record a 2016 op-ed by the former USCIRF
chairman, Robert George, into the record.
Mr. James. Without objection.
Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. The op-ed was published as
Congress was considering the Frank Wolf International Religious
Freedom Act which was named for you in recognition of your
decade of engagement on this issue. As you know, the Frank Wolf
Act protected religious non-beliefs as well as religious
beliefs for the first time, recognizing that both flow from the
same fundamental human right to freedom of conscious. And as
Chairman George noted in the op-ed, societies that fail to
protect the right to freedom of conscious, of atheist really
stop there.
In Nigeria, for example, we have seen Mubarak Bala, the
leader of a humanist group, sentenced to prison for violating
blasphemy laws in 2022. Congressman Wolf, do you agree it's
important that our religious freedom statutes as well as U.S.
Government activities to implement those statutes
comprehensively protect freedom of conscience, including non-
belief.
Mr. Wolf. Yes, and I reference that earlier in my
testimony. It mentioned that, and I agree with Robbie George.
Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you. My next question I
want to talk about was President Tinubu serving as a chairman
of ECOWAS has taken a firm stance against the 2023 coup in
neighboring Niger. However, his consideration of military
intervention and the imposition of sanctions affecting trade
has sparked a mass of criticism.
Additionally, there is palpable discontent among African
citizens who, disillusioned with the democratic and
accountability process, celebrating the coup in Niger, Mali,
and Burkina. His loss of trust has led to the collaboration
efforts to address common security challenges through the
economic alliance of the Sahel.
Ms. Onubogu, I'm sorry if I'm tearing up your name, how
would you assess the security situation in the region and what
role can Nigeria play?
Ms. Onubogu. Thank you much for your question. And as I
earlier mentioned, as Nigeria now takes on the chairmanship of
ECOWAS, this is an opportunity for Nigeria to really get the
member states in the region to adhere to some of the
commitments that they have that haven't been achieved yet. For
instance, as we look at the widening gap between citizens and
governments in the region, there is also a concern that there
are governments that are manipulating the constitution to allow
them to stay in office.
And within ECOWAS, there are several commitments and
several recommendations in there to review and take a look to
ensure that heads of states in the different countries do not
overstay their term in office. This is an opportunity for
Nigeria to ensure that all the others, the other members
states, that they bring this back to the table again, that this
is part of the conversation again to ensure that heads of
states stop manipulating the constitution to allow them to
remain in office. Because beyond military actors taking over
power in different states in the region, we also see the
meddling with the constitution as well. So this is an
opportunity for Nigeria to step up and say, hey, as leaders, we
have to show that as civilians we need to set the right example
so that it does not continue to provide an excuse for military
juntas to take over power in the region.
Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. And do you believe that the
sanctions placed on those regimes are effective? In your view,
what impact did AES countries exit from ECOWAS have on the
overall economic integration of the continent?
Ms. Onubogu. I think Nigeria's knee jerk reaction after the
coup in Niger was one that hasn't really gotten a lot of
popular support across the subregion. One, because Niger and
Nigeria, just the ties and relations between those countries go
way back. And when you think about just the border, the border
that Nigeria shares with Niger as well and just the cultural
ties between the two countries.
So I think there is beginning to be a realization that
perhaps that sort of quick action of threatening invasion,
military action may not have not been the right approach to
take. So now there needs to be a--there is a rethink to focus
more on diplomacy. And I think that through focusing more on
diplomacy, there is an opportunity. So at least bring a broad
range of actors back to the table for the better conversation.
Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you so much. I yield back.
Mr. James. Thank you. We're going to be getting to a second
round. So with the discretion of the chair, I recognize his
leadership again on the issue. And I'll recognize the
Congressman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, for any statement he
may have.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Chairman. Just very
briefly. Friends do not let friends commit human rights abuses.
And I think it's incumbent upon us to speak very boldly and
expertly because we have four experts at the witness table
today about what is going on in Nigeria.
And we can all of us collectively make some difference in
this. I was wondering, Bishop, whether or not President Tinubu
has brought together the leaders of all the different faith
denominations in Abuja. Maybe call it a summit on religious
freedom to try to, one, get a better understanding of the scope
of the issue but also next steps, how to mitigate it going
forward.
Second, how many Fulani terrorists have been arrested,
tried, and jailed for the massive killings that have visited?
And then we go for Boko Haram and of course ISIS West Africa as
well. But Fulani, I do not know of any. Maybe you do and I
would appreciate if you would tell us.
And also hopefully, you pointed out in your testimony that
50 were killed and injuring scores as they prepared to
celebrate our holy days last year, Easter. We're six and a half
weeks away from Easter now. My hope is that the government
would be proactive to meet with you and the other leaders to
say, business as usual means more people will die. More people
will be kidnapped. More people will be in the IDP camps.
So we'll reach out to the President. I know the faith
leaders are, so I hope maybe you could speak to that as well.
Finally, I went to an IDP camp in Jos, and it was threadbare.
So I get some sense of what you're talking about. It was
very, very bleak. Frank Wolf mentioned how he has been to them
as well.
But one of the men, a man there, Adamu, Boko Haram, broke
into his house, took him out of his house, put him on the
ground, put an AK-47 to his cheek and said renounce your
religion right now or I'll blow your brains out. His wife was
crying and pleading. He said I will not. I'm ready to meet my
Lord.
They pulled the trigger and blew away half of his face. I
brought him here for a hearing. You could've heard a pin drop.
But to me it showed not only his unbelievably amazing faith in
Christ, in Jesus Christ, but it also showed courage that was
beyond all pale. He was just amazing. But he told us you've got
to realize what Boko Haram and these radical Islamists are
doing. And they do it against the Muslims too. Fewer, but they
do them with impunity against Christians. So those questions
about arrests and maybe a summit with the President in Abuja.
Bishop Anagbe. It would be very good if that summit would
ever take place because just like what you're having presently
now, you have a Muslim-Muslim ticket which has been floated and
it has come as the leaders who have taken that. But then I do
not know how much here we have to do. It's kind of an
interesting play that took place about appointments which he
did.
But I do not know what Buhari did because at the time of
Buhari, all the service chiefs, we all have the Fulani
extraction. And so but now there is a balance. And I will pray
that issue go deeper and not just talking about it, but let us
be concrete in doing the work that you are supposed to do in
addressing these issues. And if there is a summit, certainly we
will attend. And surely we will let him understand what is
going on. But all this time for the past several months he has
been in power, nobody here has never made any statement about
the insecurity in the country.
When the 2023 massacre took place in Jos, I've never had
the President address the Nation over this issue which is very
painful and very, very disheartening. And that is what we are
going through. We're not talking about the killings in the
villages.
It's, like, a daily occurrence. And nobody to the best of
my knowledge have ever raised it. I leave with you every day we
wake up with this reality.
Some people have died 5, some 12. It's uncountable. Between
November 2023 and January 2024, Nigeria has lost over 1,000
lives to these bandits, to these terrorists. And no arrest
whatsoever.
So if the President would take this effort to call the
religious leaders in Nigeria, we would be willing to help what
is the issues. But like I said, it seems what I said is
insecurity is one of the yardstick to get Nigeria back on
track.
Mr. James. Thank you. Chairman now recognizes Ms. Jacobs
for 5 minutes.
Ms. Jacobs. Well, thank you. Mr. Smith, I could not agree
with you more that friends do not let friends commit human
rights abuses. And I look forward to working with you on the
very many places that that applies to.
Ms. Onubogu, I wanted to ask you. We just heard about
Fulani and how armed assailants are often attributed to be
Fulani. At the same time, Fulani are one of the largest ethnic
groups in Nigeria. In your view, do these characterizations
risk painting Fulani populations as monolithic? And can you
speak about the complex dynamics at play in conflict and
violence, particularly in the Middle Belt?
Ms. Onubogu. Thank you very much for that question. I think
with the Fulani, apart from them being a major group in
Nigeria, they are a major group across all of West Africa as
well. And Nigeria's conflict, the conflict in the country as I
mentioned are complex and multi-dimensional.
And it's important that we do not generalize but try to
understand that there are different drivers of the conflict.
And this, in turn, sort of helps--will help inform the right
response. So to the attacks in Plateau State that happened in
December, this week, we heard that President Tinubu had ordered
the immediate establishment of military barracks out in Plateau
State.
That announcement was just made this week. However, back to
an initial point that I had during my--when I was given my
statement is the coordination between the Federal and the
State. Ensuring that we coordinate these types of responses
because right now the Nigerian military is actively deployed in
almost all 36 states of the country.
So it's important that we try to ensure that there is
proper coordination because apart from the military, you also
have different other security forces that are providing--that
are trying to secure different communities from the national
Civil Defense Corps to other security agencies, to those that
has also been set up by the State Governors themselves too as
well. So there needs to be proper coordination because as I had
mentioned earlier, every community feels or interprets the
violence that they feel in their community in a different way.
And so it's important that these voices are brought to the
table together. If not, we run the risk of devising responses
that do not necessarily get to the root causes of the problem.
And then we end up in this ongoing cycle that we see in Nigeria
time and time again.
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. Thank you for that. And I could not
agree more. I know we've talked a lot about ECOWAS and Tinubu's
leadership of it as it relates to Niger.
Mr. Obadare, I was wondering if you could also talk to how
you think ECOWAS and President Tinubu should respond to what
many analysts deem a constitutional coup in Senegal.
Mr. Obadare. I think the reaction of the Tinubu
Administration has been totally predictable. A statement was
issued because Tinubu is the chairman. The move was condemned.
The problem with what has happened in Senegal is this. It's
not the same thing as an out and out military intervention. But
President Macky Sall is doing something with the constitution.
It's supposed to--there's supposed to be an election in
February later this month.
He's supposed to leave on the 2d of April. He has said that
because of the crisis in the country, he's not going to leave
and he's going to wait until the end of the crisis to organize
an election. So meaning he's going to be in power indefinitely.
Until April 2d, it's actually very difficult to ask
somebody who is still legally entitled to be in the presidency
to leave. So the statement issued by ECOWAS has been done with
that in mind. He's been told that he should take care to make
sure that he does not plunge the most politically stable
country in Africa into crisis. I think it's going to be
interesting to wait and see what ECOWAS does after April 2d
when his current term of office expires.
Ms. Jacobs. Anything to add?
Ms. Onubogu. No, I definitely agree with what Ebenezer has
actually outlined. In fact, the statement that came from the
Administration about the crisis in Senegal was really a strong
statement that was accepted by a broad range of folks across
the region. So the response to the U.S. statement calling for
elections to be held as soon as possible in Senegal is one that
was really welcome.
Ms. Jacobs. OK. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. James. Thank you very much, Ms. Jacobs. And I recognize
Congressman Bill Huizenga for 5 minutes.
Mr. Huizenga. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the
opportunity to be here with you today. And I want to say thank
you to all of our witnesses and a former colleague, Mr. Wolf,
who I had a chance to serve with for a short period of time.
It's kind of an interesting direction that I come at
Nigeria. The new president of my alma mater, Calvin University
in Grand Rapids, Michigan, was born and raised in Jos. His
parents were Dutch.
My faith, religion is the Dutch Christian Reform Church
which has about 300,000 people in North America, both in Canada
and the United States, and has 2 million Nigerians as a member.
We are basically an African church located in Grand Rapids,
Michigan. Mr. Obadare is laughing because I think he knows
about this.
But there's some very, very serious issues that have been
going on. And 2 weeks ago, I actually met with a woman from Jos
who currently lives in Jos whose husband is a minister in Jos.
She was in the United States because she has a visa.
She had attended seminary here in the United States. And
unfortunately, her husband and son cannot get a visa from the
U.S. Government. Their son has been offered a complete full
ride to Calvin University.
They cannot get him here in the country. And we're seeing
these reports of what is happening. Her family was living
through this December 2023 Christmas Eve killings of
approximately 200 Christians across 20 communities and in Jos.
That has been sort of the epicenter is my understanding.
And Bishop, I'd love to hear from you on that. Recently,
Chairman James and myself and Chairman McCaul were signators to
a letter to Secretary of State Anthony Blinken urging the
Administration to reevaluate their decision to not designate
Nigeria as a country of particular concern.
And I know Mr. Mills had pursued that as to why the Trump
Administration had put them on that list and why the Biden
Administration had taken them off. And it does not appear to me
that there's any logical real reason why Nigeria was taken off
of that. And one of the most, I think, shocking statistics I've
come across is 90 percent of the global total of Christians'
deaths occur in Africa.
And it begs the question--Nigeria is a significant part of
that. And it forces one to ask, is it because they're
Christian? And certainly, Christians may not be viewed as a
religious minority here in the United States or in North
America. But they certainly are in other parts of the world.
So it baffles me as to why we are not affording them the
same protections when they're clearly, clearly an attacked
religious minority. Mr. Wolf, your committee on international
religious freedom determined that Nigeria should be designated
as a country of particular concern. What factors brought you to
that? And have you had any conversations or communications with
the State Department that can explain why they did not come up
with that same determination?
Mr. Wolf. We used the State Department's data, information.
Also, most of the commissioners went to Nigeria and traveled
throughout Nigeria, met with all the different leaders there.
The State Department has not given any reason of why they have
changed.
And conditions are worse today than when the CPC
designation was given before. So there are no good reasons at
all. And the chairman is right. I think Ambassador Hussain
ought to go there and go there quickly and do what the chairman
says.
Mr. Huizenga. Honestly, I'm just stunned as to why this has
not gotten more attention out of--well, even out of our own
press here in the West and in North America and certainly more
attention from this Administration. I've got about 30 seconds
left. And Bishop, I'd love to give that to you for any
statements that you would like to make.
Bishop Anagbe. Yes, I--for me, I do not--there are
Christian problems every day, especially with these killings
and displacement. And part of the major fear----
Mr. Huizenga. And I'm sorry. That's one of the things we
haven't really talked about as well. It's not just the killings
but the displacement, people fleeing, correct?
Bishop Anagbe. And part of the--one of the major fears we
have is that for the
[inaudible] in Nigeria, if this is not addressed and the
villagers return to their ancestral homes, they will be
deregistered. And they will become--this will be taken over by
the perpetrators, terrorists, who are occupying these
territories. And so the trust is later people will return to
their homes and get registered as members.
If not, they will lose all their titles and nothing.
They'll become dependent on whatever is possible which the
government is not organized properly to take care of them. So
if this happens, then I think there will be more proper--such
light on the Nigerian leadership as to what they are doing
about these inhumane treatment of people.
Mr. Huizenga. My time is expired. I yield back.
Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Huizenga. And thank you to all
our witnesses for their very valuable, impassioned, and correct
testimony. I thank the members for their questions as well.
The members of the committee may have some additional
questions for the witnesses, and we ask that you respond to
these in writing. Pursuant to committee rules, all members may
have 5 days to submit statements, questions, and extraneous
materials for the record subject to the length of limitations.
Without objection, the committee stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:39 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
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STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM KOLA ALAOINNI
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ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
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[all]