[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
THE CURSE OF SOCIALISM IN CENTRAL AMERICA
AND THE CARIBBEAN
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
June 27, 2024
__________
Serial No. 118-123
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,
or http://www.govinfo.gov
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
56-703 PDF WASHINGTON : 2026
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking
JOE WILSON, South Carolina Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida AMI BERA, California
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee DINA TITUS, Nevada
ANDY BARR, Kentucky TED LIEU, California
RONNY JACKSON, Texas SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
YOUNG KIM, California DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida COLIN ALLRED, Texas
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan ANDY KIM, New Jersey
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, SARA JACOBS, California
American Samoa KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK,
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio Florida
JIM BAIRD, Indiana GREG STANTON, Arizona
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
CORY MILLS, Florida SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia JIM COSTA, California
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas JASON CROW, Colorado
JOHN JAMES, Michigan GABRIEL AMO, Rhode Island
KEITH SELF, Texas KWEISI MFUME, Maryland
RYAN K. ZINKE, Montana BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
JAMES C. MOYLAN, Guam
Brendan Shields, Majority Staff Director
Sophia Lafargue, Minority Staff Director
------
SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
MARIA SALAZAR, Florida, Chairwoman
MARK GREEN, Tennessee JOAQUIN CASTRO, Ranking Member
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan GREG STANTON, Arizona
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
KEITH SELF, Texas SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
JOHN JAMES, Michigan
C O N T E N T S
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REPRESENTATIVES
Page
Opening Statement of Subcommittee Chairwoman Maria Salazar....... 1
Opening Statement of Subcommittee Ranking Member Joaquin Castro.. 1
WITNESSES
Statement of Eric Jacobstein, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau
of Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State........ 3
Prepared Statement............................................. 6
Statement of Greg Howell, Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator,
Bureau For Latin America and the Caribbean, U.S. Agency for
International Development...................................... 9
Prepared Statement............................................. 11
APPENDIX
Hearing Notice................................................... 30
Hearing Minutes.................................................. 31
Hearing Attendance............................................... 32
THE CURSE OF SOCIALISM IN CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
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Thursday, June 27, 2024
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:13 p.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Maria Elvira
Salazar (chair of the subcommittee) presiding.
Ms. Salazar. So the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
will come to order.
The purpose of this hearing is to analyze the impact of
socialist policies in Central America and the Caribbean and how
they undermine American interests in our hemisphere.
Now I am going to recognize myself for an opening
statement. It's just going to be few comments.
OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRWOMAN MARIA SALAZAR
Thank you very much to Mr. Jacobstein for being here once
again and enduring our questioning. I mean, it speaks so
highly--I always say it speaks so highly of the American
democracy of having people of your stature just like Mr.
Howell, and thank you for both being here.
I mean, do you foresee something like this in Venezuela or
in Cuba or Nicaragua where the government officials have to
come and answer questions to Congress?
So I know--I understand that this is fatiguing and I am
sure that you--that you don't necessarily like coming here but
I thank you very much and you are a perfect testament of what
this wonderful system stands for--democracy.
So thank you for being here and enduring our questions. I
am sure that mine are going to be a little bit more rigorous or
maybe not as pleasant as my ranking member. So thank you once
again, and I will get to it very quickly.
Now I recognize the ranking member, the gentleman from
Texas, Mr. Castro.
OPENING STATEMENT OF RANKING MEMBER JOAQUIN CASTRO
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman Salazar, for convening
this hearing on U.S. policy toward Central America and Cuba,
and welcome to our witnesses from the State Department and
USAID. Great to see you all again.
For decades the United States viewed the hemisphere almost
solely through the very cold war lens that prioritized almost
at the expense of everything else rooting out communism above
all other considerations, and in many cases the United States
used its influence to suppress democratic movements and elevate
governments that would protect our economic interests and side
with the United States over the Soviet Union, often at the
expense of their own citizens.
While we won the cold war, which is obviously very
important and crucial not only for the United States, our
allies, and the world, we lost much of our credibility as
defenders of democracy, as partners that would build ties based
on our shared democratic values.
So when we frame the challenges of the hemisphere through a
left versus right or socialism versus capitalism lens I believe
we fail to fully analyze the modern day challenges that both
Central America and the Caribbean face, for example, rampant
corruption, democratic backsliding, attacks against the rule of
law and an independent judiciary, lack of respect for human
rights, increasing vulnerability to climate disasters due to
climate change, exclusion of indigenous, Afro Latino, and
LGBTQI+ communities in the political process, lack of economic
opportunity and slow recovery from COVID-19, widespread
violence at the hands of transnational crime organizations and
gangs.
And to be clear, and I've said this many times in this
committee--even before I was ranking member I said it in the
full committee--I believe that there are leaders on the left
and the right in Latin America and around the world who have
abused their people and I actually think that when you get to a
certain point of abuse and repression it's no longer about
political ideology.
You become an autocrat. You become an autocratic leader,
and we've seen that happen from both right--leaders on the
right and leaders on the left and I think that we should stand
up against those leaders wherever they come from.
So but also, to be clear, it's not our role as Americans to
choose the leaders for these countries. They have to go through
a democratic process of choosing their leaders or even to
choose their economic systems.
Again, the people have to put those systems in place and
they have to be committed to sustaining them. We must provide
our democratic allies in both regions including Costa Rica,
Panama, and the Dominican Republic, the tools needed to
strengthen their democratic institutions.
That engagement was on full display in Guatemala where the
Biden administration made a dedicated and concerted effort to
support Guatemala's democratic process and the peaceful
transfer of power just 70 years after the United States
overthrew the country's democratically elected president Jacobo
Arbenz.
Undoubtedly, the leaders of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua
present the opposite version, one that suppresses the economic
hopes and dreams of their people.
But we must realize that engaging in cold war rhetoric only
helps authoritarians in all three countries continue to justify
their denial of economic, political, and social rights.
As you all know, they often use us, the United States, as
an effective foil for their own leadership and to bolster their
own political fortunes in their countries, and where we are
consistent focused on today's challenges and use sanctions
carefully we can make inroads in changing the behavior of these
authoritarian leaders.
But we have to focus the conversations on ways we can
pragmatically work with countries in the region. That means
partnering on anti-corruption and money laundering efforts,
engaging with human rights instruments, driving public and
private sector investment, and working on partnering on climate
resiliency among other things.
That means cooperating on stopping the export of guns
manufactured here in the United States that are used by gangs
and transnational crime organizations in Haiti, Jamaica,
Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras to exacerbate the various
security and stability crises in the region.
That's why I introduced the America's Regional Monitoring
of Arms Sales Act and the Stop Arming Cartels Act. Democratic
values are what our country was founded upon.
By focusing the conversation on what the United States can
do today to partner with countries to foster inclusive,
responsive, transparent, and democratic institutions we can
better promote a secure, stable, and free Central America and
Caribbean and that's what can help us address shared challenges
like irregular migration and climate change.
But we must do it together and we must chart a path that
focuses on the right set of priorities.
With that, I yield back, Chairwoman.
Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Ranking Member.
Other members of the committee are reminded that opening
statements may be submitted for the record.
Today we have witnesses from the State Department and USAID
who cover American interests in Central America and the
Caribbean for the Biden administration.
Mr. Eric Jacobstein is a deputy assistant secretary for the
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs at the United States
Department of State, and Mr. Greg Howell is the senior deputy
assistant administrator for the Bureau of Latin America and the
Caribbean of the United States Agency for International
Development.
Thank you for being here. Your full statements will be made
part of the record and I will ask each of you to keep it to 5
minutes in order to allow time for other members.
I now recognize Mr. Jacobstein for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF ERIC JACOBSTEIN
Mr. Jacobstein. Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member Castro,
members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to
testify today.
I am pleased to outline our overall approach to Central
America and the Caribbean and to specifically discuss how the
administration addresses Cuba and Nicaragua as we work to build
a more democratic, prosperous, secure and climate resilient
hemisphere.
Our work in Central America is guided by the root causes
strategy which addresses long-term structural challenges. We're
proud of our work in the root causes strategy where we see
results across the board including in the fight against
corruption.
A key part of our strategy is the vice president's Central
America Forward initiative, which has generated $5.2 billion in
new private sector commitments.
In the Caribbean our focus is on strengthening regional and
civilian security cooperation and promoting economic prosperity
including through enhanced climate resilience and adaptation,
energy independence, digital connectivity, and disaster
preparedness.
In Cuba our policy focuses on support for the Cuban people
including their human rights and fundamental freedoms and their
political and economic well-being.
The Cuban regime holds approximately 1,000 unjustly
detained political prisoners behind bars. This includes
hundreds of peaceful protesters from July 11, 2021. We
continuously push for their unconditional and immediate release
through bilateral and multilateral channels.
Following the July 2021 protests the administration imposed
Global Magnitsky sanctions on components of personnel of the
Cuban military and the ministry of the interior responsible for
the crackdown on these peaceful protesters.
The State Department also imposed visa restrictions on 28
Cuban officials who enabled unjust detentions and sham trials
of peaceful protesters.
We continually make it clear to the Cuban government that
human rights remain our top priority in the bilateral
relationship.
Communism failed in Cuba. The Cuban people are eager to
control their own economic destiny. Today, more than one-third
of Cuba's labor force works in one of the island's 11,000-plus
private businesses.
The Cuban people still view the United States as a
preferred partner. We, therefore, cannot cede space to Russia
or China and must continue to foster the growth of the private
sector.
We recognize that this will not turn Cuba into a capitalist
democracy overnight but we believe that Cuba's dynamic private
sector offers ordinary Cubans opportunity for a better life.
In Nicaragua we're committed to promoting accountability
for the Ortega-Murillo regime and its brutal repression of
civil society, its blatant disregard for human rights, its
efforts to fuel irregular migration toward our Southwest
border, and its deepening ties with malign actors.
Our efforts have helped to disrupt migratory flows and
stymied access to resources that enable the regime to hold its
grip on power. We continue to take aggressive measures to curb
regular migration throughout the hemisphere and disincentivize
use of the Managua Airport by those seeking to profit off
vulnerable migrants.
In November 2023 we implemented a new visa restriction
policy that targets individuals running charter flights into
Nicaragua designed primarily to facilitate irregular migration
into the United States.
We've used this new policy to hold bad actors accountable.
Together with the Department of Homeland Security and the
Treasury we issued a May 15 policy alert notifying commercial
airline carriers, air charter companies, travel agents, and
service providers of abuse by migrant smuggling and human
trafficking organizations operating in and through Nicaragua.
We also are focused on Russia's malign efforts to forge
military and security relationships with countries in the
region which are aimed at undermining democracy and weakening
Western influence.
To address this challenge, on May 15th the administration
sanctioned the Russian police training center in Managua for
its role in enabling the Nicaraguan national police's
repression of the Nicaraguan people.
The Biden-Harris administration continues to take actions
to ensure the Nicaraguan regime's ill-gotten gains cannot be
used to further its brutal repression of civil society.
In March we designated Nicaragua's attorney general, who's
played a role in the regime's property seizures, and in May we
designated two Nicaraguan gold mining companies that allowed
the regime to profit from corrupt operations, adding to the
list of 12 other entities and 50 individuals sanctioned by the
Treasury Department under Presidential Executive Order 13851,
which was amended by Executive Order 14088.
In addition, the State Department has taken steps to impose
visa restrictions on more than 1,400 individuals connected to
attempts to silence the voices of the Nicaraguan people through
repression, unjust detentions, and sham trials.
Thank you again for the opportunity to testify here today
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Jacobstein follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Mr. Jacobstein, and I recognize Mr.
Howell for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF GREG HOWELL
Mr. Howell. Chair Salazar, Ranking Member Castro,
distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the
invitation to discuss USAID's work to advance economic
opportunity, democratic values, and human rights in Central
America and the Caribbean.
In the decades that USAID has spent working in the region
we've seen the consequences of governments putting political
agendas ahead of people and we've learned how to address these
challenges most effectively.
We forge our partnerships not with specific political
parties or administrations but with people and institutions
that bravely push for democratic change. This work is critical
to local communities, to broader regional stability, and our
own national security here at home.
That's especially true of USAID's efforts in countries like
Nicaragua, Cuba, and beyond. In Nicaragua the Ortega-Murillo
regime's repressive or authoritarian rule is creating an
increasingly nonpermissive environment.
With support from malign actors like the PRC and Russia,
the regime is persecuting civil society actors, closing
independent media outlets, and attacking those who speak out
against the regime.
USAID stands with the brave Nicaraguans making their voices
heard in support of democratic principles and human rights.
Those efforts are especially important as USAID is one of the
few donors supporting human rights defenders and implementing
partners exiled abroad.
Some of our deepest, most enduring foreign partnerships
have stemmed from supporting other nations in their darkest
hour. The work of these partners to call out the regime's
abuses and advocate for democratic change is vitally important
and USAID is proud to stand with them.
We support those who shine a light on injustice across
Central America through the Voices Initiative, which brings
together USAID, the State Department, and like-minded partners
so we can bring to bear all of the U.S. government's tools to
protect and promote civic space.
At USAID we've used our voice to protect our partners and
those under threat, consulting closely with organizations to
better understand risks they are facing and increasing our
programming to meet some of those challenges.
That includes our work offering at-risk human rights
defenders, journalists, democracy activists, and anti-
corruption champions with legal, psychosocial, and even
relocation assistance as well as fellowship opportunities in
the U.S. universities for those from Guatemala, Honduras, El
Salvador, and Nicaragua.
These regional efforts ensure that those fighting for
democracy have access to protection and can continue their work
from outside of their countries if needed.
And in Cuba USAID operates within the parameters of the
Cuban Democracy and Libertad Acts. For nearly 30 years across
four U.S. administrations USAID has helped the people of Cuba
in the face of oppressive government rule, supporting human
rights, fundamental freedoms, and democratic values by
strengthening civil society and providing improved access to
information.
USAID provides ongoing humanitarian assistance to political
prisoners and their families and to individuals who face
hardship because of their political beliefs.
There are currently more than a thousand political
prisoners in Cuba and USAID provides assistance to
approximately 800 of those individuals and thousands of Cuban
families, and our assistance includes nutritional food items,
vitamins, over the counter medicines which are an invaluable
lifeline to improve their physical and psychological well-
being.
USAID also promotes the free flow of information to, from,
and within Cuba through greater access to independent news.
Over the last decade USAID has helped train hundreds of
journalists whose work in major international outlets has
counteracted information manipulation by the regime,
documenting the dismal conditions on the island and
highlighting the human rights violations by the regime.
Those violations include forced labor, garnished wages,
threats, and surveillance endured by Cuban doctors who serve in
overseas medical missions.
We are proud to support brave Cuban citizens who are
risking their lives to advocate for a free and democratic
future for their country.
At a time of global power competition in the hemisphere and
alarming examples of leaders in the region betraying democratic
principles, it is in the interest of the United States to
foster partnerships that work toward a more peaceful,
democratic, prosperous, and stable Western Hemisphere.
That is why it is critical that USAID maintains a presence
across the region and supports those who champion our shared
values.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Howell follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Mr. Howell.
I now recognize myself for 5 minutes of questioning.
Well, I think that we agree on the end goal so thank you. I
like very much what you have been saying. So I just have few
questions here for you and I am going to start with Mr.
Jacobstein.
As you know, last month Cuban regime officials were at the
Miami Airport inspecting something, a tour with TCA, and we
just learned that last week there was a second secret visit of
four Cuban regime officials to the same airport, the Miami
International Airport, but this time four agreements were
signed with the U.S. Government.
What type of agreements are those? Do you have any idea,
Mr. Jacobstein?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much for your question.
So in terms of TSA, I would say TSA has coordinated with
the Cuban Civil Aviation Authority and the Cuban authority for
airport and services for years on airport security measures and
best practices, always in the U.S. interest.
Ms. Salazar. But signing agreements with the Cubans, do you
think the Cubans ever--once they sign they ever fulfill their
promise?
Mr. Jacobstein. So I would just say in terms of the visit
of the FAA I don't want to speak on behalf of the Department of
Transportation or the FAA.
Ms. Salazar. Yes, but you're at the State Department. You
know everything that the U.S. Government is doing vis-a-vis
Cuba.
Mr. Jacobstein. I would say the rationale for this visit is
clear and very much in the U.S. national interest. We're
interested in aviation safety----
Ms. Salazar. It's clear. Wait a minute. It's clear. You're
going to tell me that the Cubans are going to help the
Americans fight terrorism if they are in the list of terrorist
states? So maybe, and maybe you can clarify this. I am not sure
why maybe you guys are trying to create a scenario where you
can take Cuba off the list of terrorist countries.
Do you think that's what you guys are doing by granting
the--by saying it? You see the Cubans are here in Miami and
they're signing agreements and they're going to help us fight
terrorism. Tell me.
Mr. Jacobstein. Absolutely not.
Ms. Salazar. Good. So you're not--you're not going to take
Cuba off the list of terrorist countries? Is that what you're
telling me?
Mr. Jacobstein. You asked me about these visits. These
visits are intended to promote aviation safety and security
especially for U.S. passengers. That is fundamental and
critical to us. We want all these passengers including Cuban
Americans who go back and visit their family members to be
safe.
Ms. Salazar. And I agree with that. But at the same time
you're talking to Cuba officials. So go back to--it's not what
Cuba wants, which we know what they want.
It's what the United States, in this case the Biden
administration, is looking for, which I really would like to be
wrong in thinking that you're just laying the groundwork so you
can take Cuba off that list.
And I just want you to tell me that I am wrong. Am I wrong?
You're not planning to take it off?
Mr. Jacobstein. So as I've said before, U.S. law
establishes specific statutory criteria for sending in a State
sponsor of terror designation.
Ms. Salazar. I am not asking you that. I am asking you
something different.
Do you think the State Department at this hour is trying
to--is creating the conditions and the scenario in order to
take Cuba off the list of terrorist countries?
Mr. Jacobstein. At this time there is no review ongoing on
State sponsor of----
Ms. Salazar. Say that again.
Mr. Jacobstein. At this time there's no ongoing review on
the State sponsor of terror designation.
Ms. Salazar. Well, you have until July 12th to start that--
to start that ongoing or to start that investigation or that
study because you have a specific date.
So you're telling me right now, of course, is, what--it's
July--I mean, it's June, what, 28th. But you have until July
12th. So what are you guys planning to do July 13th?
Mr. Jacobstein. There's no specific timeframe for a review
but at this----
Ms. Salazar. Oh, yes. Six months before you need to
review--according to the law you need to review 6 months before
and then you take them off or you leave them on.
So July 12th would be the day.
Mr. Jacobstein. I don't think that's accurate to say that
July 12th is the day but I just would say again that should any
review happen any future review would be based on the law and
criteria established by Congress.
Ms. Salazar. Can you just answer yes or no if you guys are
thinking about taking Cuba off the list? And the only reason
why I am insisting on this is because if you were to do that
you're giving that cruel and despicable regime oxygen to do
what you just said right now.
A thousand political prisoners are in jail just because
they went out and they claimed libertad. So can you tell me yes
or no? Are you guys thinking about taking Cuba off the list or
not?
Mr. Jacobstein. I would just say, again, any review of
Cuba's status on the SST should one happen would be based on
the law and the criteria established by Congress.
Ms. Salazar. That means yes, you are thinking about doing
it----
Mr. Jacobstein. It does not.
Ms. Salazar [continuing]. And that is very bad. But we will
talk about it further.
Now, but I want to congratulate you at the same time
because there's a new application on your phone called ta-ta-ta
which I am not going to say it but it's very good, and there's
good news for the Cubans because now for what I hear coming
from the Biden administration you're going to have an app that
the Cubans are going to be able to use and then when ETECSA
shuts down then this app is going to allow the Cubans to
connect to another form of internet and that's great.
So
[speaking foreign language]. Do you know anything about
that?
Mr. Jacobstein. I am not tracking this specific issue but
happy to discuss our efforts within that.
Ms. Salazar. But you just said it right now that you want a
digital--you said digital connectivity. That's No. 1. And Mr.
Howell said it, too.
If you give connectivity to the Cubans you're giving them
the possibility of them demonstrating in the streets of Havana
and everyone will see them even though they're being beaten by
the regime.
That's great. Connectivity--that's all we need. Do you
agree?
Mr. Jacobstein. Yes. The administration supports the Cuban
people's access to an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable
internet.
U.S. regulations already allow for certain activities to
support the Cuban people's access to information on the
internet, and the actions announced by OFAC by the Treasury
Department on May 28th including supporting greater access to
U.S. internet services, applications, e-commerce platforms,
that builds on that support.
And then on top of that I would say our programs through
the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor they increase
Cubans' on-island ability to access information and to
communicate freely and securely using digital security best
practices and censorship circumvention tools.
So this is very much at the top of our mind.
Ms. Salazar. Good, and we're going to work with it because
I am just saying it to you and to the Cuban people who are
watching this hearing that there's hope coming.
And I don't want to extend my time too much and I don't
want to fatigue my colleagues' patience.
Just one more, Honduras. The State Department was supposed
to give Congress a report on democracy in Honduras. It was due
last week.
What happened?
Mr. Jacobstein. I will followup on the status of the report
as soon as I am back.
Ms. Salazar. All right. But why haven't you finished it?
Mr. Jacobstein. Sometimes these reports lag in time for a
number of reasons. But I don't have anything further than that.
But happy to provide that.
Ms. Salazar. Well, you're not giving me--but I am giving--
unfortunately, Madam President Xiomara Castro I am giving her
an F on the report because democracy is not being protected in
Honduras and I am going to give you two examples.
Madam President just honored Nicolas Maduro the highest
honor Hondurans can give. How embarrassing for the Hondurans,
the Francisco Morazan Medal to Nicolas Maduro, really.
And Madame President is China's best friend in the region,
and not only that, she has established collectivos Chavez
style. You know what those are? She forms sort of a
paramilitary--a group of people with guns so they can go and
attack the police.
So in my book she gets an F. What do you say about that?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much. So our goal----
Ms. Salazar. I am sure she thanks you, too.
Mr. Jacobstein. Our goal through the root causes strategy
in Central America is to focus on promoting democracy,
prosperity, security----
Ms. Salazar. But talk to me about Honduras specifically.
How do you view what she's doing?
Mr. Jacobstein. Specifically in Honduras there are a number
of areas in which we cooperate--on migration management, on
investment facilitation. We recently signed a memorandum of
understanding on gender-based violence.
Yes, there are challenges as well and, for example, just
last fall there were violent attacks on Members of Congress
during the selection process for the attorney general, and so
we in response used the Section 353 report to put a sanction in
place for Ricardo Arturo Salgado Bonilla, who is the current
minister of strategic planning.
Ms. Salazar. Are you sending Madam President the message
that she should not be messing with Honduras' democracy and she
should not be moving to the left like Chavez, Maduro, Ortega,
Fidel? Are you sending that message?
Mr. Jacobstein. Throughout the region we absolutely focus
on the need to have good----
Ms. Salazar. And what do they--what do they respond in
exchange?
Mr. Jacobstein. Good governance is critical in all the
countries of Central America and that is a----
Ms. Salazar. But what do they respond? What do they tell
you when you send that very noble message?
Mr. Jacobstein. We have countless conversations. I won't
get into the internal diplomatic conversations but this is
something that's top of mind along with our focus on shared
economic prosperity, anti-corruption, migration management, and
a host of issues.
Ms. Salazar. Of course.
Finally, another 30 seconds--Nicaragua. As you said,
Rosario and Daniel they have a big pinata. They are now--
Nicaragua has become this platform for people to arrive to come
to the United States.
We're talking about a thousand flights. Each person pays
$10,000. You have had 300,000 people from all over. Right here
you have people coming from Morocco, from Senegal, from Libya,
from India, from Tajikistan, from Kazakhstan.
You have 300,000 people coming to Nicaragua and it happens
that eight of them were terrorist members of ISIS. They wound
up in New York. So what list would you put Ortega on?
Mr. Jacobstein. Absolutely, this is top of mind for us. No
one should profit off of vulnerable migrants.
Ms. Salazar. What are you going to do about it?
Mr. Jacobstein. We've taken a number of steps, which I
outlined in my----
Ms. Salazar. Give me--tell me two of them.
Mr. Jacobstein. For example, we implemented a new 3C policy
Secretary Blinken announced in November 2023 in which we're
revoking visas for charter airlines who are facilitating a
regular migration through Nicaragua.
We put in place a number of sanctions just on May 15th,
which I mentioned.
Ms. Salazar. Why don't you put them on the list of
terrorist countries as well? Can you do that? Could Nicaragua?
I mean, they're sponsoring terrorists. They're letting
terrorists go through there to come here. Can we do that?
Mr. Jacobstein. Happy to take back your recommendation. I
would say that we've taken a number of----
Ms. Salazar. That wasn't--would you agree with that?
Mr. Jacobstein. We've taken a number of very robust steps
to deal with the irregular migration challenge and you have
seen a reduction in the charter flights. It's still a huge
challenge and I am working very closely in particular with
commercial airlines.
The International Air Transport Association, on the margins
of the Los Angeles declaration ministerial meeting that
Secretary Blinken attended in Guatemala, put out a robust
statement on the work they're doing.
So we're working both inside of Nicaragua and outside of
Nicaragua to address this critical challenge.
Ms. Salazar. Thank you for your efforts. I yield back.
And sorry, I appreciate your patience, Ranking Member, now
Representative Castro.
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman.
Ms. Salazar. I now recognize the ranking member for five or
more minutes.
Mr. Castro. Thank you.
Eric, you're really earning your government salary today. I
guess--I do have a question but first let me speak to the to
the Cuba issue. And, Chairwoman, I respect--you know, she
obviously has a very strong perspective, very strong, strong
convictions, and I know many people in her district agree with
her.
I guess I want to present a bit of an alternative because
she knows we disagree on this. You know, since the early 1960's
we tried one thing, which was to distance ourselves from Cuba,
sanction Cuba, to isolate Cuba, and the result was that the
Castros stayed in office for decades and decades and decades
and the people in Cuba were impoverished. The society fell
behind other nations of the world even though it has incredible
potential as a nation and the people have incredible potential.
And I think it comes down to whether you believe, going
forward, we should stick to those 1960's policies or whether we
would have more influence on the direction of Cuba--again, not
picking their leaders or picking how they do things, just like
any--we don't need to do for any other nation but have some
influence in the direction they take, I think that the answer
is engagement.
And I know the designation of terror came in the last week,
I think, of the Trump administration, that the Secretary of
State made that designation literally on their way out.
And so I hope that you all will undertake that review. I
think it is a necessary review and, again, you know, it comes
down to me whether we're going to take a different approach
than we took for decades and decades that obviously has not
worked, and what--or whether we're going to leave Cuba in the
hands of nations like China and Russia.
And I think that's why I was supportive of what President
Obama was trying to do in his second term, which was to
normalize diplomatic relations, to start preparing at that time
for the departure of both the Castros and be ready at that time
in that moment to build a closer relationship with the Cuban
people and the Cuban government to try to make the country more
democratic and, you know, to take a different course.
It didn't end up panning out that way, obviously. In fact,
when President Trump came in, like I said, in their last week
they designated the country as a State Sponsor of Terrorism and
that is where the Biden administration took over and that's
where it finds itself now.
But, you know, I hope that we will take a different course.
So but I did have a question I wanted to ask you. I am
concerned about the ongoing efforts to undermine and discredit
the convictions of the eight individuals found guilty of the
murder of human rights and environmental defender Berta
Caceres.
As you know, the appeals to those convictions are ongoing
and are overdue for a judgment and I am concerned as are other
Members of Congress that the judges are coming under undue
pressure to free the convicted corporate executives that
ordered that murder.
Is the United States closely tracking the court case and
will you commit to pushing back against false statements
regarding the facts of the case?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much for that question,
Ranking Member Castro. Yes, we are tracking the case and the
ongoing concerns for environmental defenders in Honduras, and
happy to work closely with you, your office, and our embassy in
Honduras to ensure that we followup and ensure a free and fair
trial on this.
Mr. Castro. And we're now 2 years in the administration of
President Castro there who was elected with the backing of much
of civil society. What do you see as the trends for the safety
and freedom of civil society in Honduras?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much. So, you know, we
certainly work very closely with Honduran civil society on a
number of issues. I was in Honduras earlier this year, met with
members of civil society.
I would say in particular met with members of grief in a
community--LGBT community--who feel under threat. So I feel
like there's--I feel there's much more we can do. The embassy
works very closely to ensure that these individuals, these
groups, have our support but we do think there's more that can
be done including through the human rights protection mechanism
in Honduras.
So we'll continue to push hard on that.
Mr. Castro. And then one more question for now. In February
2023 the United States worked to free 222 Nicaraguan political
prisoners who were imprisoned by the Ortega-Murillo regime.
In fact, we flew those people directly to the United States
on a U.S. government-funded flight. Many of those individuals
have been rendered stateless by the regime and they've applied
for asylum so they're not at the risk of deportation.
I understand that of the 160 individuals who applied for
asylum only one has had an interview so far. So I wanted to ask
you will you work with your colleagues at DHS to prioritize
their asylum applications or provide them advanced parole
before the end of the year, especially given our role in
bringing them to the United States?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much. So the State
Department and USAID allocated significant resources to enable
safe transportation and immediate care for the 222 individuals
released from prison in Nicaragua.
However, we don't have the resources or mandate to provide
the long-term care some of the 222 require. But in terms of
your specific question, since the arrival of the 222 the State
Department has worked closely with USCIS to facilitate the
travel of immediate family members of these individuals from
Nicaragua to the United States through lawful pathways.
This will continue as more members of the 222 become
sufficiently established in the United States. So in terms of
those who are in process, once members of the 222 submit their
asylum applications the State Department can provide comments
on specific asylum applications to USCIS or to the Department
of Justice. I am happy to work with you to followup on the
specific procedures.
Mr. Castro. Thank you. I yield back, Chairwoman.
Ms. Salazar. You had another 5 minutes. All right.
Now I recognize Representative Self for 5 minutes.
Mr. Self. Thank you, Madam Chair.
First question for you is what is the political trend? We
heard a lot about inputs from you. What do you think is the
political trend in Central America, toward or away from
democracy? How do you judge the trend?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much. So it's a mixed bag. I
think that we've seen some positive trends and our goal is to
meet partners where they are, always in the U.S. interest under
the root causes strategy to work together to reduce irregular
migration.
Mr. Self. Okay.
Mr. Jacobstein. I would say one very positive example is in
Guatemala where we've worked very closely with President Elect,
now President Arevalo----
Mr. Self. Okay. So we've got a mixed bag. Okay. Thank you.
The ruling parties in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Cuba are
each members of the Foro de Sao Paulo. I quote from last year.
This is their statement. ``The U.S. project of domination over
Latin America and the Caribbean is facing an environment marked
by threats to its hegemony.'' That's us.
``The dispute with China and the growing presence of
progressive or leftist political forces in regional
governments--Central America and the Caribbean--constitute an
important challenge to a country''--that's us--``affected by
multiple crises that are manifesting themselves in the
political, economic, social, and cultural spheres.''
Now, you said earlier that--and I am going to ask you if
you believe that the Biden administration can pull these three
countries out of the orbit of the Foro.
You said before, and I want to get to this because this is
important, that you would conduct this review under the
guidelines set by Congress--the law set by Congress.
Why should this committee believe that? Because the view is
that the Biden administration on this what you call irregular
immigration we consider that lawless. There is no attempt to
secure the southern border.
So do you believe--and there are other examples around the
world that I could give you--do you believe that the
administration believes--do you, that's you--do you believe
that you can pull Honduras, Nicaragua, and Cuba out of the
Foro?
Mr. Jacobstein. This is an independent forum so I wouldn't
say that we would have a role to do that. But venues like the
Sao Paulo Forum could have the potential to play a role in
advancing hemispheric progress but only if they move away from
past criticism and toward consensus building.
So the comments that have been referenced we find
unconstructive in many ways.
Mr. Self. You find not constructive and yet you give--in
fact, you have requested in the Fiscal Year 2025 budget request
millions of dollars for these three countries. How do you
reconcile that? You admit it's an independent forum. You're not
going to pull them out. How do you reconcile that?
Because the root strategy that you have here--the root
cause strategy that you have here--how are you going to change
their behavior? That is the bottom line question.
Mr. Jacobstein. So the root causes strategy provides
resources to nongovernmental organizations, implementers
throughout the region. This is not a blank check to
governments.
There's very little money that goes directly to governments
themselves. We work with governments. We partner where we can
and where we should. But these are resources that are intended
to support societies at large.
So I will go back to one of your colleagues, and I don't
remember who it was, said that we--yes, it's true we are no
longer the chief trading partner with Central and South
America. China is the chief finance partner with Central and
South America.
So I don't see how you are going to influence these
governments if you're simply giving the people who are
suffering, the NGO's under them, money and yet you're not
working to change them.
And I say again I don't know what confidence we can have in
the administration of doing it under the laws that Congress
passes.
Madam Chair, I yield back.
Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Congressman Self.
Now I recognize Ranking Member Castro for another round of
questioning.
Mr. Castro. Thank you.
We all agree that democratic backsliding, regardless of
political leanings or ideology is a concern in the region. In
his war on gangs Salvadoran President Bukele has filled the
largest prison in Latin America by undermining the country's
checks and balances, violating human rights, and bypassing the
judicial system in the name of restoring law and order.
I wanted to ask you, Mr. Jacobstein, does the United States
remain concerned about respect for human rights and the rule of
law in El Salvador?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you for that important question.
We'll continue to call for progress on democracy, human
rights, inclusive governance, transparency, and the rule of law
during President Bukele's second administration.
So, you know, I would say it is true that during El
Salvador's State of exception reported gang crimes have dropped
significantly but these gains were achieved at the price of
respect for fair trial guarantees and principles of justice.
Prison conditions, historically challenging, worsened so we
raised these concerns with Salvadoran officials, particularly
prison conditions for minors, and we continue to urge the
government of El Salvador to end the State of exception both
publicly and privately.
Mr. Castro. And, you know, look, I think the election and
also the polls have shown that the president there has been
quite popular with the people and I think there is relief among
the public that gang violence is down and why wouldn't there be
relief.
But as a nation we've also stood for--we've always stood
for the fact that processes matter and respect for the rule of
law matters, and there are strong indications that people who
are innocent and not attached to any gangs have been rounded up
in this dragnet that's going on in El Salvador.
And this is an example--you know, when I talk about being
critical of leaders on the left or the right this is an
example, I think, of where I feel as though if this were a
leftist leader in Latin America that had imprisoned 2 percent
of his or her population there would be a lot of people
demanding that we do something about that and that we, you
know, take every action in terms of sanctions and everything
else to stop it.
But here we have a leader on the right who has now
imprisoned by many estimates about 2 percent of the population
and there isn't much said about it.
And so, yes, that's deeply concerning. The differential
treatment in leadership and, you know, begs the question
whether we're going to consistently apply our values as a
country to leaders depending on where they are or not depending
on where they are on the ideological scale or spectrum.
But let me ask a followup on that. President Castro of
Honduras recently announced plans to build a 20,000 capacity
mega prison as part of a larger crackdown on gang violence,
raising concerns that Honduras will follow El Salvador and its
approach.
Do you share those concerns and have you communicated them
with the government of Honduras?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you very much.
When it comes to states of exception, just as in El
Salvador we always believe a State of exception must, indeed,
be exceptional.
So it's certainly something that we've communicated
throughout the region, that we understand the need for
governments to respond to security situations in their country,
to respond to the trauma of years of gang violence, but that
due process is critical.
Mr. Castro. And that State of exception is essentially an
emergency position, right? Not something that should last
permanently there?
Mr. Jacobstein. Yes, exactly.
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman. I yield back.
Ms. Salazar. Thanks to you, Ranking Member. Now I will
grant--I will recognize Representative Self for 5 minutes.
Mr. Self. Thank you, Madam Chair.
In this discussion that you just had I would quote
President Reagan, ``There is no left or right. There is only up
toward maximum individual freedom consistent with civil society
or there's down to the ash heap of history.''
So I think freedom ought to be your message, freedom for
the people of Central America, and regardless of who that is
the message I would ask you to send to the people of Cuba, each
of these countries, is freedom--that we will stand with them
for freedom, for liberty--for personal responsibility and
liberty.
With that, I yield back, Madam Chair.
Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Representative Self.
And now I recognize myself for 5 minutes of questioning.
I wanted to--I just wanted to continue with what I was
asking you and go back now in depth that we have a little bit
more time about Nicaragua.
It's embarrassing what they're doing. It's embarrassing,
and we have allowed it. We're talking about 300,000 people from
all over the world coming to Nicaragua, a thousand flights in
the last year, $10,000 per person and we have terrorist cells
in New York and Philadelphia.
So, in reality, what can we do to send the message to
Daniel Ortega, who has transformed that country into a tyranny
in the last 4 years, that he needs to stop this?
He's making a joke, a big pinata out of this. So level with
me. What can we really do?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you.
So we're taking aggressive action in this space.
Ms. Salazar. And what does aggressive action mean?
Mr. Jacobstein. President Biden issued an executive order
in October 2022 which we implemented this year in May to the
Treasury Department to sanction two entities in the gold
sector. This is a sector that is enriching Ortega-Murillo's
regime.
So that is one piece of it. You have seen the sanctions,
countless visa revocations, additional sanctions on his
attorney general, on the Russia Training Center.
Ms. Salazar. But you know, Mr. Jacobstein, that those
people do not want to come to Sax or go to Disney World. So
they don't really care about coming to the United States.
It's CAFTA-DR that will hurt them, and I hate to say this
because it's not very good for the average Nicaraguan but we've
got somehow to stop these people.
You know Rosario Murillo is evil. You know this, and look
what they're doing to us. And Mexico is letting them come
through. But it comes through Nicaragua.
So tell me what else can we do? Because we don't want--can
you imagine--I don't even want to say it in public. Please tell
me.
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you. So we share your concerns. We're
extremely concerned and that's why we have taken aggressive
actions both on--you mentioned the visa policy. That's one
piece. But also sanctions that get them in their pocketbook and
that's what happened with the gold section saying--the gold
sector sanctions.
Sanctioning the Russia Training Center was also really
important because that went after their efforts to, you know,
essentially train others in the hemisphere on Russian police
tactics.
So we took these actions. But then also, as I said, we're
working to put in penalties against the regime itself. We're
also working outside of Nicaragua. That's through the visa
revocations for executives of charter airline companies through
our good collaboration per Marshall Airlines to work closely
with them.
So we're working across the board to address this issue,
and our diplomatic efforts, honestly, with foreign governments
and outreach have helped prevent numerous charter flights bound
for Nicaragua from Africa, Central Asia, the Middle East.
Our embassy in Managua, our embassies around the world, are
sharing information with each other to ensure that these
charter flights stop.
Ms. Salazar. So maybe we can send the message--I am just
going to translate what you said--we can send the message to
the private sector, meaning those charter companies, that they
should not be engaging in business anymore with the Ortega
regime?
Mr. Jacobstein. Absolutely. Our diplomats----
Ms. Salazar. That's exactly what you're doing?
Mr. Jacobstein. Our diplomats do that.
Ms. Salazar. How can we help you send that message loud and
clear?
Mr. Jacobstein. We would appreciate that. We're happy to
work with you and your office in finding ways to collaborate.
Ms. Salazar. Of course.
Mr. Jacobstein. We do feel that a number of charter
airlines have moved out of this space, but in a sense it's
whack-a-mole.
Ms. Salazar. We need all of them out of the space.
Mr. Jacobstein. So we need continue to push. So we'd be
happy to work with you on that.
Ms. Salazar. Good. Now, let's go back to Honduras. You know
that Honduras--I just told you that I give her an F,
unfortunately, because I have a lot of--thousands of Hondurans
in my district. Those are hardworking people. They don't
deserve this type of political elite.
Now, recently the president has allowed 100 Cuban doctors
to get to Honduras. We know that the Cuban doctors are treated
as slaves. USMCA says that you cannot treat any type of
professional as this type of--be involved in this type of human
trafficking. El Colegio Medico de Honduras oppose their
presence.
This Congress passed a law that requires the State
Department to cancel the United States visas of any government
official who is involved in trafficking Cubans or any other
nationality.
So are you concerned about the fact that the Cubans are now
being slaved by Xiomara Castro's government?
Mr. Jacobstein. We're very concerned about Cuba's medical
missions. You mentioned the Fiscal Year 1924 appropriations act
which called for a report listing the countries and
international organizations for which the Secretary's credible
information are directly paying the government of Cuba for
coerced and trafficked labor of Cuban medical professionals.
So after the president----
Ms. Salazar. Interrupting you. I mean, you understand that
that money doesn't get to the Cuban doctor's pocket, right?
Mr. Jacobstein. Yes.
Ms. Salazar. So that government goes--that money goes to
the United--to the Cuban government. So you pay $1,000 for one
Cuban, $5,000, and the Cuban doctor gets $200.
Mr. Jacobstein. Absolutely, and we continue to urge
countries considering hiring Cuban workers to keep agreements
transparent and respect human rights and internationally
recognized labor rights.
Ms. Salazar. But why don't we cancel their visas?
Mr. Jacobstein. So----
Ms. Salazar. That will be a very loud message. Would you
consider that?
Mr. Jacobstein. Thank you.
Ms. Salazar. Any Honduran government official that is
involved in the human trafficking of Cuban doctors or any other
doctor doesn't come to the United States?
Mr. Jacobstein. Yes.
Ms. Salazar. Do you like that idea?
Mr. Jacobstein. Absolutely. We'd be happy to look into any
information you have on individuals. The department at this
time does not have----
Ms. Salazar. Starting with the president, just like you
guys did with Giammattei in Guatemala, cancel their visa. Don't
you see that everyone wants to enjoy the American dream and
come and enjoy what we have?
So we got to use that in order to help other people: the
Cubans, the Nicaraguans, the Hondurans, the Guatemalans, the
Salvadorans. Everybody is entailed.
Mr. Jacobstein. Happy to receive any information you have.
Ms. Salazar. Do you agree with that?
Mr. Jacobstein. We'd be happy to----
Ms. Salazar. I need you to do that because that way we're
sending a very strong message to these governments that they
cannot be playing around and doing what they're not supposed to
do when it comes to human rights.
Mr. Jacobstein. Yes. Happy to receive information on this
when--on any of these issues and to followup with you.
Ms. Salazar. All right.
Now, finally, finally, let's go back to Cuba and
connectivity. You know that I've always said that the Biden
administration after July 11th the best thing that he can do
for the Cubans is to give them connectivity.
You know very well, and the Biden administration has been
there with the Cubans and you have recognized that they have
come out into the streets just simply screaming ``Libertad,''
right, and connectivity is--if they were only--if they could
have connectivity, which is having internet, once ETECSA which
is the Cuban internet company shuts down the average Cuban
would go back into the streets, demonstrate, and at least know
that if they're being beaten at least the world will see them.
That's what I would need, and I represent the Cuban exile
community in Miami. Connectivity. What do you know about this
new app?
Mr. Jacobstein. As I mentioned previously, I don't have
information on this app but would be happy to followup. I would
just say, more generally----
Ms. Salazar. What do you mean you don't have information on
this app? This app is--it's out there and we're about to
announce it.
Mr. Jacobstein. Look forward to learning more. I would say
it's important to note that despite the Cuban government's
efforts to control access to information millions of Cubans are
online every day accessing a whole variety of information,
including our very active U.S. embassy----
Ms. Salazar. No. No. No. No. But when they go out and here
or there you know what the Cuban regime does? They shut it
down.
How do I know? Because I have people in Cuba telling me,
oh, they just shut down internet and it's just text. Obviously,
video is no good because they're going to see how the
repressive apparatus is beating them and breaking their necks
on the streets.
Mr. Jacobstein. And this is precisely why our programs
increase Cubans' on-island ability to access information, to
communicate freely and securely using digital security best
practices and censorship circumvention tools. So this is top of
mind for us.
Ms. Salazar. All right. Good. I am glad that it's a
priority for me, too. And, finally, I just want to go--Mr.
Howell, you have not been able to--I am very sorry that I've
not spoken with your or have given the opportunity to speak a
little bit more.
But, you know, when I was a news reporter for Univision I
was the Central American bureau chief and I lived in El
Salvador and Honduras, and I can say to you that USAID is like
God the Father. Everyone loves USAID because it brings the best
of the American system, not only the American dollars.
So I have high regard for USAID. I have been hearing lately
that within Central America the USAID policies have changed.
What do I mean by that? That sometimes you give money to
those programs that do not necessarily go--are aligned with
what the local people want, that we're talking too much about
cultural and social and sexual orientations and basically what
the Guatemalans and the Hondurans--what they want is a job, be
able to learn a trade, be able to have a little loan so they
can live their little American dream in their country.
So what do you say to that--to those criticisms that I am
sure you have heard them?
Mr. Howell. Thank you, Chairwoman Salazar.
Actually, in Honduras we are working closely with the
people of Honduras and we've worked there for over 60 years and
proud to work with civil society groups like the National Anti-
Corruption Council which has actually exposed cases of
corruption very recently with a former vice minister of
security under the previous administration.
We also work to prevent and stop gender-based violence,
which is a terrible scourge in the----
Ms. Salazar. Why don't you give me two or three programs
that are the top programs, let's say, in Guatemala and
Honduras? Those two countries. Top programs where you are
allocating the most resources in.
Mr. Howell. Well, as far as one of our success stories,
certainly, working with the private sector. USAID has worked
with 70,000 coffee farming families. That's over half of all
coffee farming families, and with international buyers are
exporting high-quality Honduran coffee internationally----
Ms. Salazar. Good.
Mr. Howell [continuing]. Creating jobs and improving the
incomes of farming families.
Ms. Salazar. What else?
Mr. Howell. What else? We're actually working closely with
the labor ministry of Honduras on legal pathways for H-2 visas.
We've tripled the number of H-2 visas emitted from Honduras to
allow Hondurans to work ethically and temporarily here in the
U.S. under this lawful Pathways program that benefits not only
the Honduran people but also U.S. consumers and U.S. companies.
Ms. Salazar. Sure. What about Guatemala?
Mr. Howell. Well, glad you asked. I worked there for 4
years and worked very successfully as well with the private
sector in Guatemala training youth, preventing violence,
working with civil society and as well the municipalities
across Guatemala.
Climate change is another key aspect of our work, trying to
maintain and save the Mayan Biosphere Reserve in the northern
part of the country.
Ms. Salazar. But have you heard the same thing that I've
been hearing--and I am not being so critical because I said I
know USAID is not perfect but it brings the American spirit to
these countries--that sometimes you are putting too much
emphasis on those programs that have nothing to do with the
sensitivities of the place.
Mr. Howell. No, appreciate that. We appreciate feedback all
the time, but currently----
Ms. Salazar. You haven't heard it?
Mr. Howell [continuing]. Under the president, President
Arevalo----
Ms. Salazar. Yes.
Mr. Howell [continuing]. He has assumed office so we're
pleased to just----
Ms. Salazar. No, but before. Before Arevalo we were there
during Giammattei and to everybody else, I mean, like you said,
70 years before.
So you have not heard the criticism that I've heard? But I
will share that with you if you want to in private so maybe you
can hone in on those programs according to what the local
people want.
Mr. Howell. I appreciate that, ma'am----
Ms. Salazar. Good. I will work with you and try to help
you, because I know the area very well. So thank you very much
for your patience----
Mr. Howell. Thank you very much.
Ms. Salazar [continuing]. And to you, Mr. Jacobstein. So I
think that the clock saved you, right?
[Laughter.]
Ms. Salazar. I thank the witnesses for their valuable
testimony and the members for their questions. The members of
the subcommittee may have some additional questions for the
witnesses and we will ask you to respond to them in writing.
And pursuant to committee rules, all members may have 5
days to submit statements, questions, and other materials for
the record, subject to the length limitations.
Without objection, the committee stands adjourned. Thanks
again.
[Whereupon, at 3:11 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
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