[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]








                     STRESS TESTING: WHAT'S INSIDE 
                             THE BLACK BOX? 
 
=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               before the

       SUBCOMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS AND MONETARY POLICY

                                 of the

                    COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES

                     U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               __________

                             JUNE 26, 2024

                               __________

                           Serial No. 118-98

       Printed for the use of the Committee on Financial Services









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56-624 PDF                   WASHINGTON : 2026  
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                            
                 HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES

               PATRICK McHENRY, North Carolina, Chairman

FRENCH HILL, Arkansas, Vice          MAXINE WATERS, California, Ranking 
    Chairman                             Member
FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma             SYLVIA R. GARCIA, Texas, Vice 
PETE SESSIONS, Texas                     Ranking Member
BILL POSEY, Florida                  NYDIA M. VELAZQUEZ, New York
BLAINE LUETKEMEYER, Missouri         BRAD SHERMAN, California
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan              GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
ANN WAGNER, Missouri                 DAVID SCOTT, Georgia
ANDY BARR, Kentucky                  STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts
ROGER WILLIAMS, Texas                AL GREEN, Texas
TOM EMMER, Minnesota                 EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri
BARRY LOUDERMILK, Georgia            JAMES A. HIMES, Connecticut
ALEXANDER X. MOONEY, West Virginia   BILL FOSTER, Illinois
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio                JOYCE BEATTY, Ohio
JOHN W. ROSE, Tennessee              JUAN VARGAS, California
BRYAN STEIL, Wisconsin               JOSH GOTTHEIMER, New Jersey
WILLIAM R. TIMMONS, IV, South        VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas
    Carolina                         SEAN CASTEN, Illinois
RALPH NORMAN, South Carolina         AYANNA PRESSLEY, Massachusetts
DANIEL MEUSER, Pennsylvania          STEVEN HORSFORD, Nevada
SCOTT FITZGERALD, Wisconsin          RASHIDA TLAIB, Michigan
ANDREW R. GARBARINO, New York        RITCHIE TORRES, New York
YOUNG KIM, California                NIKEMA WILLIAMS, Georgia
BYRON DONALDS, Florida               WILEY NICKEL, North Carolina
MIKE FLOOD, Nebraska                 BRITTANY PETTERSEN, Colorado
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York
ZACHARY NUNN, Iowa
MONICA DE LA CRUZ, Texas
ERIN HOUCHIN, Indiana
ANDREW OGLES, Tennessee

                    Matthew Hoffman, Staff Director

                                 ------                                

       SUBCOMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS AND MONETARY POLICY

                     ANDY BARR, Kentucky, Chairman

BARRY LOUDERMILK, Georgia, Vice      BILL FOSTER, Illinois, Ranking 
    Chairman                             Member
BILL POSEY, Florida                  AYANNA PRESSLEY, Massachusetts, 
BLAINE LUETKEMEYER, Missouri             Vice Ranking Member
ROGER WILLIAMS, Texas                NYDIA M. VELAZQUEZ, New York
JOHN W. ROSE, Tennessee              BRAD SHERMAN, California,
WILLIAM R. TIMMONS, IV, South        GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
    Carolina                         DAVID SCOTT, Georgia
RALPH NORMAN, South Carolina         AL GREEN, Texas
SCOTT FITZGERALD, Wisconsin          JOYCE BEATTY, Ohio
YOUNG KIM, California                JUAN VARGAS, California
BYRON DONALDS, Florida               SEAN CASTEN, Illinois
MONICA DE LA CRUZ, Texas
ANDREW OGLES, Tennessee


































                         C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                              ----------                              

                        Wednesday, June 26, 2024
                           OPENING STATEMENTS

                                                                   Page
Hon. Andy Barr, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Financial 
  Institutions and Monetary Policy, a U.S. Representative from 
  Kentucky.......................................................     1
Hon. Bill Foster, Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Financial 
  Institutions and Monetary Policy, a U.S. Representative from 
  Illinois.......................................................     3

                               WITNESSES

Mr. Sean Campbell, Chief Economist & Head of Policy Research, 
  Financial Services Forum.......................................     4
    Prepared Statement...........................................     7
Mr. Francisco Covas, Executive Vice President & Head of Research, 
  Bank Policy Institute..........................................    35
    Prepared Statement...........................................    37
Mr. Jonathan Gould, Partner, Jones Day...........................    58
    Prepared Statement...........................................    60
Mr. Greg Feldberg, Research Director, Yale Program on Financial 
  Stability, and Research Scholar and Lecturer, Yale School of 
  Management.....................................................    64
    Prepared Statement...........................................    66

                                APPENDIX

              ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Hon. Andy Barr:
    Securities Industry and Financial Markets (SIFMA)............   100

                 RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD

Written responses to questions for the record from Mr. Francisco 
  Covas..........................................................
    Representative Maxine Waters.................................   107

                              LEGISLATION

H.R. ------, the "Fair Audits and Inspections for Regulators' 
  Exams Act".....................................................   108
H.R. 8591, the "Federal Reserve Financial Accountability and 
  Transparency Act"..............................................   121

 
                     STRESS TESTING: WHAT'S INSIDE 
                             THE BLACK BOX? 

                              ----------                              


                        Wednesday, June 26, 2024

             U.S. House of Representatives,
             Subcommittee on Financial Institutions
                               and Monetary Policy,
                           Committee on Financial Services,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:04 p.m., in 
room 2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Andy Barr 
[chairman of the subcommittee] presiding.
    Present: Representatives Barr, Posey, Luetkemeyer, Williams 
of Texas, Loudermilk, Rose, Fitzgerald, Kim, De La Cruz, 
Foster, Sherman, Scott, Green, Beatty, Vargas, Casten, and 
Pressley.
    Chairman Barr. The committee will now come to order.
    Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a 
recess of the committee at any time.
    This hearing is titled, ``Stress Testing: What's Inside the 
Black Box?''
    Without objection, all members will have 5 legislative days 
within which to submit extraneous materials to the chair for 
inclusion in the record.
    I now recognize myself for 5 minutes to give an opening 
statement.

   HON. ANDY BARR, CHAIRMAN OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL 
 INSTITUTIONS AND MONETARY POLICY, A U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM 
                            KENTUCKY

    When done right, stress testing can be beneficial to banks, 
consumers, and the financial system. Stress tests demonstrate 
to everyone that the U.S.' largest banks are well capitalized, 
resilient, and capable of functioning and lending throughout 
the economic cycle but for all these benefits to flow from 
stress tests, the tests must be credible, with transparency and 
accountability.
    Instead of running stress tests in an open and accountable 
manner subject to public scrutiny, the Federal Reserve cloaks 
the stress test under a veil of secrecy. This is no legal basis 
for the secrecy, and the perceived benefits of secrecy are 
illusory at best.
    No one disputes that the stress tests are used in binding 
capital requirements, including the stress capital buffer, and 
can be used to restrict banks from paying dividends. The stress 
tests, including the scenarios and models, must be subject to 
the notice and comment rulemaking process.
    I am certain that we will hear from our colleagues on the 
other side of the aisle that key aspects of stress tests must 
remain secret and not subject to public comment. We will 
probably hear that banks will simply, ``game the tests,'' and 
that there is not enough time to take public comment on stress 
test scenarios.
    Even if these arguments were legally tenable, which they 
are not, they still do not carry water. As we will hear from 
our witnesses, it is not clear that the banks could easily game 
the stress test, even if they wanted to and the Fed already has 
plenty of traditional supervisory tools to address gaming. More 
importantly, if disclosing models resulted in better stress 
performance without improved risk profiles, this suggests there 
are material weaknesses in the models themselves rather than a 
problem with public disclosure.
    It is critical that the Fed gets stress testing right and 
with growing politicization of the Federal banking agencies, it 
is possible that rogue officials pursuing political agendas 
could also game the tests by manipulating models and 
assumptions to obtain desired results for heightened capital 
requirements or reduce dividends.
    The stress tests have real world impacts: Banks make 
capital allocations based on how they think they will perform 
on stress tests. This means that banks are making decisions 
about how to lend based in part on how they think the Fed's 
models will work, and that has massive ramifications for the 
real economy. Because banks are only making guesses, they must 
be more conservative with how they allocate their capital to 
ensure that they can easily pass the stress tests, regardless 
of the underlying models and assumptions used. Again, this has 
real-world impact on the families, farmers and small businesses 
who rely on banks to access credit.
    Moreover, the stress tests impacts how much dividends banks 
can pay. It is important that banks can return their profits to 
shareholders as otherwise investors will not choose to invest 
in banks in the future.
    This hearing builds on the work that our committee has been 
doing in this Congress to improve the stress testing regime. 
This committee recently reported out my bill, the Bank 
Resilience and Regulatory Improvement Act, which would require 
that the Fed disclose the underlying models and assumptions 
used in the stress tests, and require that the Fed take public 
comment on each year's stress testing scenarios.
    Of course, there is nothing keeping the Fed from fixing 
these problems on their own, but due to their continued 
unwillingness to do so, I applaud my colleagues for advancing 
this important piece of legislation.
    One final note, we have to also recognize and remember that 
stress testing and the way in which stress tests are conducted 
interface with the existing regulatory regimes that are out 
there. As the banking agencies are reviewing the proposal on 
Basel III Endgame, we must keep in mind how that can work 
cumulatively with any changes to stress tests, also the long-
term debt rule. These requirements can pile up and the way in 
which they work and are interchangeable is very, very 
important, and so there is interplay among these regulatory and 
administrative decisions.
    So I look forward to our witnesses and their testimony and 
shedding at least a glimmer of light on these opaque processes.
    With that, I now recognize the ranking member of the 
Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Monetary Policy, the 
gentleman from Illinois, Dr. Foster, for 4 minutes for an 
opening statement.

    HON. BILL FOSTER, RANKING MEMBER OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON 
      FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS AND MONETARY POLICY, A U.S. 
                  REPRESENTATIVE FROM ILLINOIS

    Mr. Foster. Thank you, Chairman Barr.
    Thank you to our witnesses for joining us, particularly 
those of you who spent part of your life just trying to 
understand what befell our economy in 2008 and how to keep it 
from happening again.
    In 2008 during the crisis, large U.S. banks faced a crisis 
of confidence and its economic conditions continued to 
deteriorate, and the question came up just how much worse 
things could get. The outlook was dim at best, and action was 
needed to assure investors and the public that U.S. banks were 
capable of withstanding continued negative conditions in our 
economy.
    In 2009, regulators conducted simultaneous stress tests of 
the 19 large U.S. banks to project their ability to continue 
should leading economic indicators continue to go downhill. By 
publishing the results of the stress tests and requiring banks 
to correct capital deficiencies, these stress tests were a big 
part of what restored confidence in large U.S. banks that they 
would be able to continue serving Americans if the crisis were 
to continue to worsen.
    This process is viewed as, almost universally, as a 
success. Led to the creation of the permanent stress testing 
regime that we now know today, with Congress requiring regular 
internal and supervisory stress testing of large banks as part 
of the Dodd-Frank Act, but as stress testing has evolved, 
industry participants have petitioned for greater transparency 
and predictability of stress tests from regulators, which has 
its pros and cons, which I hope we are going to have a 
thoughtful discussion of this in this hearing.
    Under the last administration, the Federal Reserve began 
publishing significantly more details regarding the design of 
stress test models and their methodology, including projected 
loss rates for certain types of loans. Despite the added 
transparency, industry participants and others would continue 
to advocate for closer to total transparency of stress test 
scenarios and models, both afterwards and even prior to the 
stress tests.
    So academics and former Federal Reserve officials rightly 
cautioned against this approach of total transparency, raising 
concerns that too much transparency and stress testing would 
allow financial institutions to game the stress test in various 
ways.
    When I first heard about the concept of stress test back in 
2009, I thought that was a good idea and was impressed at how 
it worked, but I was also warned at the time that it is not a 
panacea. History gives us examples of the weaknesses of fully 
transparent stress tests. One relevant to this discussion is, 
in 2002, the Office of Financial Housing Enterprise Oversight 
administered what they called stress tests to Fannie Mae and 
Freddie Mac, which they passed and which were not really viewed 
as a success in terms of diagnosing real problems they had.
    The agency did disclose all the comprehensive details about 
their stress testing model, including the scenarios, empirical 
specifications, and parameter estimates for public notice and 
comment. I do not think anyone or very few people appreciated 
not only the fragility of asset valuations there but the 
correlations in those asset valuations. No one could 
anticipate, for example, that you would have a nationwide drop 
in housing prices and it was not reflected in the risks that 
the market priced into various complex financial devices that 
were put as a layer on top of housing finance.
    So complete transparency and limitations on the agency's 
ability to update the model to reflect the changing economic 
conditions reduced the efficiencies of those tests, and we have 
to avoid that mistake here. In retrospect, the academic 
community has noted that these factors provide a very poor 
window into enterprises' true risk exposures.
    Like I said, I hope for a really thoughtful discussion of 
the pros and cons of different kinds of transparency here.
    I yield back.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields back. Thank you.
    Today we welcome the testimony of Sean Campbell. Mr. 
Campbell is the chief economist and head of policy research at 
the Financial Services Forum.
    Francisco Covas. Mr. Covas is executive vice president and 
head of research at the Bank Policy Institute.
    Jonathan Gould. Mr. Gould is a partner at the Jones Day law 
firm.
    Greg Feldberg. Mr. Feldberg is a research director and 
research scholar and lecturer at Yale University.
    We thank each of you for taking time to be here today. Each 
of you will be recognized for 5 minutes to give an oral 
presentation of your testimony.
    Without objection, each of your written statements will be 
made part of the record.
    Mr. Campbell, you are now recognized for 5 minutes to give 
your oral remarks.

 STATEMENTS OF SEAN CAMPBELL, CHIEF ECONOMIST & HEAD OF POLICY 
               RESEARCH, FINANCIAL SERVICES FORUM

    Mr. Campbell. Chairman Barr, Ranking Member Foster, and 
members of the subcommittee, my name is Sean Campbell, and I am 
the chief economist at the Financial Services Forum, which 
represents the eight globally systemically important banks, or 
GSIBs, headquartered in the United States. I am a Ph.D. 
economist with nearly 14 years of experience at the Federal 
Reserve, where I was deeply involved in regulatory policies and 
stress testing development critical to the stability of the 
U.S. financial system, particularly following the 2008 
financial crisis. The Forum appreciates the opportunity to 
testify today.
    Over the last 15 years, U.S. GSIBs have demonstrated their 
strength and resilience through rigorous and dynamic annual 
stress tests, holding significantly more capital compared to 
stress losses even under severe economic scenarios. 
Additionally, U.S. GSIBs demonstrated their strength during 
recent real-life stress tests, supporting the economy during 
the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and fostering 
financial stability during recent regional bank failures.
    An open and transparent regulatory process is a 
longstanding and well-accepted principle of good governance 
that provides the public with important information while also 
helping to ensure the public accountability of regulators. The 
stress testing framework, however, lacks transparency compared 
to other regulatory measures, like the risk-based capital 
requirements that are currently undergoing a public and 
transparent notice and comment process.
    Stress test opacity limits public understanding and hinders 
the broader discussion necessary to improve the stress testing 
process and mitigate any negative side effects for the broader 
economy.
    Transparency is essential to promoting an effective and 
efficient banking system. Importantly, available research 
indicates that stress tests have clear impacts on credit 
allocation in the U.S. economy and, in some instances, can lead 
to reduced lending in areas, such as small business and 
healthcare.
    As is the case for all other risk-based capital 
requirements, banks need to understand the regulatory rules to 
which they are subject to make informed decisions. Stress 
testing opacity forces banks to make decisions based on 
incomplete data and information that hinders banks core 
function of stewarding financial resources to their most 
productive and efficient use.
    Greater transparency and stress testing would improve bank 
risk management and capital planning, while allowing for more 
informed assessments by people across the economy of its impact 
on credit availability and facilitating greater economic 
growth.
    To be sure, the Federal Reserve does provide some limited 
disclosures to the public. The provided disclosures, however, 
are generally broad and high level, without providing the type 
of pertinent information that would admit a serious and 
critical assessment of the stress tests. As an example, in 
describing its model for net income, the Federal Reserve 
discloses that--and here I am quoting from the Federal 
Reserve's public website--the specific macroeconomic variables 
that enter each regression model differ across equations and 
are chosen based on statistical predictive power and economic 
theory.
    To analogize, this is a bit like asking your grandmother 
for her secret chocolate cake recipe and being told, oh, dear, 
it is so simple, just mix some flower, eggs, butter, and other 
flavorings together and there you have it.
    Stress testing is the only major prudential requirement 
that does not provide the public with an open and transparent 
process. This lack of transparency is largely a vestige of the 
rapid approach that was taken to executing the initial round of 
stress tests in the midst of the financial crisis. Then, you 
need to quickly assure the public of bank strength and 
financial stability arguably outweighed the need for 
transparency. Fifteen years on, there is no compelling public 
policy rationale to maintain a largely opaque approach to 
stress testing.
    Today's approach should be broadly consistent with the 
public notice and comment standards applied to the rest of the 
bank regulatory framework, which includes Basel III, the GSIB 
capital surcharge, and liquidity standards. Critically 
important is the fact that the results of the stress tests now 
feed into the annual stress capital buffers for each firm, 
functioning as a de facto regulatory requirement by directly 
augmenting required capital amounts and, in turn, the 
allocation of capital to individuals, companies, and important 
sectors of the economy.
    In conclusion, greater transparency in stress testing is 
essential to achieving a more effective, efficient, and 
resilient financial system. Remedies that should be part of a 
broader public policy discussion should include, one, more 
formal engagement with the public on setting hypothetical 
scenarios so regulators can gain insight to salient risks from 
a diverse set of viewpoints; two, requiring that stress test 
models be subject to the usual notice and comment process that 
applies broadly to other prudential requirements; and three, 
requiring that the stress testing process be subject to a 
rigorous external audit that would make its findings known to 
the board and to the public to instill further confidence in 
the validity and robustness of the stress testing regime.
    Overall, aligning stress tests with the public process 
afforded other bank regulatory standards would help improve 
public trust, promote economic stability, and ensure that banks 
can support the economy to their fullest potential.
    Thank you, and I appreciate your questions.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Campbell follows:]

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    Chairman Barr. The gentleman's time has expired.
    Mr. Covas is now recognized for 5 minutes.

 STATEMENT OF FRANCISCO COVAS, EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT & HEAD 
               OF RESEARCH, BANK POLICY INSTITUTE

    Mr. Covas. Chairman Barr, Ranking Member Foster, and 
subcommittee members, thank you for the opportunity to testify 
today.
    My name is Francisco Covas, head of research at the Bank 
Policy Institute. We are a research and advocacy group 
supported by banks with over $100 billion in assets. Our 
membership spans a full range of banks under the Federal 
Reserve's stress tests, so we are keen to testify today.
    The stress testing regime that underpins the capital 
framework for large banks consistently demonstrate that U.S. 
banks are well capitalized and can continue to support the 
economy during economic downturns. Since 2020, stress tests 
results have been used to set the stress capital charge, 
effectively part of larger banks' minimum capital requirements.
    We support using a stress capital buffer in overall capital 
requirements. However, the lack of transparency in the Federal 
Reserve stress testing regime has significant economic costs 
that can adversely affect U.S. financial system and the broader 
economy. The opacity and inaccuracy of the Fed's models create 
uncertainty for banks about the level of capital they are 
required to hold, leading to excess ``uncertainty buffers'' 
that reduce credit availability and decrease market liquidity.
    In my written testimony, I provide several examples that 
highlight the inaccuracies and the volatility inherent in 
supervisory stress testing models used to determine the stress 
capital buffer.
    Year after year, we observe significant fluctuations in the 
stress capital buffer that often fail to reflect equitable 
changes in banks' risk profiles. This disconnect can be 
attributed to various factors.
    First, the lack of granularity in the Fed's revenue 
projections, which are prone to inaccuracies and volatility. 
Second, the Fed's models consistently underestimate trading 
revenues during times of higher market volatility, a finding 
that runs counter to historical experience. Third, operational 
risk loss models have proven to be inaccurate, with projected 
losses increasing in the post-pandemic period despite the 
absence of the corresponding rates in real-world losses. 
Fourth, long lost models also tend to overestimate losses 
compared to banks' internal projections, likely due to the 
Fed's inability to properly account for bank-specific factors. 
Fifth, compounding these issues is a flawed reconsideration 
process for appealing stress test results, which suffers from a 
lack of independence and transparency.
    It is also important to have notice and common on the 
scenarios used to calculate the stress capital buffer. Our 
analysis reveals that the 2024 stress scenarios divert 
significantly from historical experience and the Fed's own 
guidance. Several macroeconomic variables in these scenarios 
are dramatically more severe than those observed in previous 
U.S. recessions.
    Consider this example: In just the first quarter of the 
stress planning period, the severely adverse scenario in the 
year's stress test assumes a decline in the house price index 
exceeding 15 percent, and this is not annualized. This 
projection far exceeds what we observed during the 2007, 2009 
global financial crisis. Such an extreme scenario implies 
unprecedented shifts in other macroeconomic variables, 
including sharper initial increases in employment rate and 
steeper declines in short-term rates. The result, financial 
institutions face considerably higher projected losses and 
lower revenues compared to prior severe recessions.
    Moreover, the calibration of the global markets are a 
component that applies to the largest banks and has become less 
transparent over time, so it is not clear what scenario the 
global markets (GMS) currently represents.
    In summary, increased transparency in the Fed's stress 
testing regime is necessary to reduce uncertainty and promote a 
more efficient financial system. U.S. banks are very well 
capitalized, but the current stress capital buffer framework 
suffers from excessive volatility, inaccurate projections, and 
a flawed reconsideration process, leading to less lending and 
increased market liquidity.
    Moreover, the stress analysis violate the Fed's own 
guidance, and that is significantly more severe than historical 
recessions. Allowing public comment on scenarios and 
supervisory models would enable extensive review by experts, 
academics, and banks. This would increase transparency in 
scenario design and improve model accuracy, fostering a more 
effective financial system that better serves U.S. economy's 
needs.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look 
forward to your questions.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Covas follows:]

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    Chairman Barr. Thank you.
    Now, Mr. Gould, you are now recognized for 5 minutes.

        STATEMENT OF JONATHAN GOULD, PARTNER, JONES DAY

    Mr. Gould. Chairman Barr, Ranking Member Foster, and 
members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to 
discuss stress testing.
    My testimony is my own. I am speaking today solely in my 
personal capacity. I am not speaking on behalf of any clients 
or my law firm.
    Stress testing has transformed bank capital from a 
backward-looking static concept into a forward-looking dynamic 
requirement but its current integration into the overall 
capital framework rests uneasily with the requirements of 
administrative law and agency overemphasis on regulatory 
capital as the primary supervisory tool risks marginalizing the 
important role of examination in ensuring the safety and 
soundness of banks.
    The modern form of supervisory stress testing traces its 
roots to the 2008 financial crisis. To restore confidence in 
the health of the largest bank holding companies, the Federal 
Government designed and administered the Supervisory Capital 
Assessment Program, or SCAP. Under this program, regulators 
assessed whether banks would remain well-capitalized in an 
adverse macroeconomic scenario. The SCAP was widely viewed as a 
success, but like many crisis-era actions, legal authorities 
and process were not scrutinized too closely given the 
exigencies of the moment.
    Congress subsequently endorsed and ratified the concept of 
supervisory stress testing in the Dodd-Frank Act the following 
year but like other extraordinary programs borne of the crisis, 
supervisory stress testing has evolved into something more. As 
the Fed embarked on the creation of its Comprehensive Capital 
Adequacy Review, or CCAR, it melded regulatory capital, stress 
testing, and capital planning into an omnibus framework, part 
supervisory exercise and part regulatory requirement, making 
liberal use of guidance to knit the new edifice together.
    Supervisory stress testing became a cornerstone of a new 
approach to regulation and supervision of the Nation's largest 
financial institutions. In and of itself, supervisory stress 
testing would be merely hortatory and, at critical times, 
illuminating for regulators, markets, and the banks themselves, 
but under the Fed's hybrid framework, supervisory stress 
testing is also used to limit capital distributions and has now 
become the means for setting binding capital requirements for 
large banks through the introduction of the stress capital 
buffer.
    The Fed's continuing failure to seek public comment on its 
stress models and scenarios and, in the case of the former, 
even disclose them at all raises significant concerns under 
basic principles of administrative law. First, the 
Administrative Procedure Act requires agencies to pursue 
legislative rules through notice and comment rulemaking but the 
Fed has not sought public comment on its models and scenarios. 
In the case of the stressed capital buffer and planned capital 
distributions, its related rulemakings are, at best, 
incomplete, omitting the most critical components. These 
omissions are particularly egregious since they not only inform 
but dictate what is arguably the most important regulatory 
requirement on banks--their capital levels. Nor is this an area 
of legal ambiguity or first impression. Courts have repeatedly 
held that models treated by agencies as binding must go through 
public comment.
    Second, because the Fed's models and assumptions are the 
basis for its actions and it has not disclosed its models, it 
is unable to explain its decisionmaking process. As a result, 
its actions appear arbitrary and capricious.
    At its core, the Fed has created a framework that allows it 
discretion to set capital levels for banks through a scenario 
choice and model design with limited accountability. Its only 
constraint is the models themselves, but the public lacks 
visibility into these models as well as their design, back-
testing and revision. Put another way, the Fed's capital stress 
buffer is like a highway with an unposted speed limit that 
changes on a regular basis, and one only learns the speed limit 
after being pulled over. Whatever the value of stress testing, 
its utility is no substitute for its legality.
    Supervisory stress testing and the capital edifice it 
supports are the paradigmatic post-2008 reforms. This new 
approach to regulation and supervision is too often marked by 
its complexity, opacity, and only episodic adherence to basic 
principles of administrative law. As Federal banking agencies 
appear poised to double down in these and other areas, Congress 
should ensure that agencies abide by applicable legal 
requirements and assess the effectiveness and costs of current 
post-2008 regulatory reforms before expanding them.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look 
forward to your questions.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Gould follows:]

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman Barr. Thank you for your testimony.
    Now, Mr. Feldberg, you are now recognized for 5 minutes.

STATEMENT OF GREG FELDBERG, RESEARCH DIRECTOR, YALE PROGRAM ON 
 FINANCIAL STABILITY, AND RESEARCH SCHOLAR AND LECTURER, YALE 
                      SCHOOL OF MANAGEMENT

    Mr. Feldberg. Chairman Barr, Ranking Member Foster, members 
of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify.
    Stress tests have played an important role in our financial 
history. Along with two of my fellow panelists today, I was 
involved in the first stress test on the staff of the Federal 
Reserve, and I think we are all very proud of how that turned 
out in 2009.
    I would like to make four points about the state of stress 
testing today. First, supervisory stress tests should be 
countercyclical. Stress tests should help supervisors keep 
their guard up during those long periods of financial calm when 
the possibility of a banking crisis and its associated costs 
appear remote. In good times, stress tests should be tougher, 
and we should resist the inevitable pressures to reduce the 
rigor of the process.
    Second, stress tests should use multiple scenarios. 
Financial crises tend to come from unexpected places. The Bank 
of England and European Central Bank have long used 
``exploratory'' scenarios every other year. They are not 
binding, they simply help the understanding of regulators and 
banking system about the risks out there. For the first time 
this year, the Federal Reserve has introduced nonbinding 
exploratory scenarios, and I welcome that development.
    In short, the U.S. innovated the use of supervisory stress 
tests during the crisis in 2008. Early efforts in other 
jurisdictions did not measure up as they learned in other 
jurisdictions to ours, but in later years the innovation has 
been elsewhere in other countries.
    Third, stress tests are part of a broader regulatory and 
supervisory toolkit. Some have argued that the Fed's stress 
test should have included Silicon Valley Bank, the first large 
bank to fail last year in the rising interest rate scenario. I 
am not sure that would have worked. It is possible that rising 
rates could have boosted net interest income in the test, 
making up for the decline in asset values.
    The International Monetary Fund actually made that very 
point in 2020 in commenting to the U.S. about its financial 
stability system. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) 
recommended instead that the U.S. implement an existing Basel 
standard for interest rate risk management with quantitative 
thresholds, as many other countries have done. I made that 
argument last year in a blog.
    There is no doubt that Silicon Valley would have failed on 
the Basel interest rate risk test.
    The lesson is that supervisors need many tools in their 
toolkit, a lesson was, again--that was again driven home 
recently when supervisors rejected several big banks' 
resolution plans.
    I guess the main topic of this hearing, and fourth, that 
transparency can be a double-edged sword. As I noted in a paper 
in 2019, the goal should be to reveal just enough about the 
Fed's methods to help banks develop their models and manage 
their risks but not so much that it becomes a predictable 
compliance exercise, which was what it really would become if 
grandma showed you a recipe like Sean said.
    I will make two observations about that tradeoff. First, we 
are already revealing a lot to the regulated industry, which 
may allow them to merely optimize the test. After what you have 
heard today, you may be surprised at how much we reveal in the 
U.S. I refer everyone on the committee to review the Fed's 
public methodology and scenario documents. You might be 
surprised at the level of detail after what you have heard 
today. You will see 50 pages describing the models, including 
descriptions of inputs and equations, 26 pages on loss rates. I 
had a colleague on my team look at other jurisdictions to see 
what they revealed. The U.S. was far ahead of other countries, 
except Bank of England, to some extent and he could not find 
another country that revealed its loss rates.
    So you might wonder what it is. We would like to be more--
we are hearing we would like to be more transparent about from 
the folks here today.
    Sean Campbell, his testimony, his written testimony was 
very helpful in understanding what it is we are being asked of 
and his testimony is fairly long. I think the main thing he is 
asking for is, gosh, we do get a lot of information about the 
models, we do get a lot of information about loss rates, but we 
are missing the parameters. Just tell us the parameters and we 
will really be able to make grandma's cake. I think at some 
point that becomes no longer a supervisory test but something 
that lacks any kind of impact.
    We have a good example of what happens when you put the 
parameters of a stress test out for public comment like what is 
being proposed today. The supervisor of the government-
sponsored enterprises, Freddie Mac and Freddie--Fannie Mae and 
Freddie Mac, were subject to congressionally mandated stress 
tests from 2002 to 2008, which today did not detect any risks. 
In fact, they showed strong compliance. Why? It turns out the 
supervisor, Office of Federal Housing Enterprise Oversight 
(OFHEO), never tweaked its models despite growing obvious risk 
in the mortgage market. One paper found that the requirements 
to publish all stress scenarios, empirical specifications, and 
parameter estimates in the Federal Register meant that would 
have been administratively cumbersome to make any material 
changes to the underlying models.
    In short, supervisory stress tests are very important for 
bank risk management. I am concerned, as are many others, that 
the tests have become too routinized and that further 
disclosures from regulators will simply make them more so.

    [The prepared statement of Mr. Feldberg follows:]

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman Barr. Thank you for your testimony.
    We will now turn to member questions, and the chair now 
recognizes himself for 5 minutes for questioning.
    We will start with Mr. Gould. Will you please explain why 
it is legally problematic for the Fed to keep secret the stress 
test models and methodologies?
    Mr. Gould. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Yes, so because the models and scenarios that the Fed is 
using, and at least with respect to the models not disclosing, 
are not put out for public comment, and because the Fed relies 
upon those models and scenarios to, essentially, calculate the 
stress capital buffer, which is a binding constraint on banks' 
capital, those models and scenarios are, essentially, 
legislative rules, and under the Administrative Procedure Act 
they have to go through public notice and comment rulemaking.
    Chairman Barr. Are there also legal problems with the fact 
that the Fed does not give the public any opportunity to 
comment on the scenarios used in the tests?
    Mr. Gould. Well, yes, public comment is a requirement under 
the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) for legislative rules. 
So yes, that is a problem as well.
    Chairman Barr. Could public comment improve the--not only 
the process but the tests themselves?
    Mr. Gould. Yes. So setting aside the legal requirement that 
they have to do this from a policy standpoint, yes, it could 
inform it. In fact, that is the entire rationale behind public 
comment, generally. It is to inform the agency promulgating the 
rule on how to make the rule better.
    Chairman Barr. Mr. Covas, a number of commenters, including 
you, have noted the overlap between the stress testing and the 
Basel III Endgame proposal, as I suggested in my opening 
comments. Can you talk about how supervisory stress tests 
already account for market risk and operational risk?
    Mr. Covas. Thank you for the question.
    Yes, the Fed projects operational risk losses over the nine 
quarters of the stress horizon. That threat reduces revenues 
under stress for the banks subject to the stress test, so 
operational risk is already accounted.
    For market risk, the Fed, as for the largest banks, 
subjects the largest banks to global market shock, for which 
assumes an instantaneous shock to banks' market positions and 
result in significant losses.
    So operational risk losses account for about 25 percent of 
losses of all the banks, such as the stress tests. Market risk 
losses accounts for roughly 20 percent for market risk losses 
for the largest banks in the stress test.
    Chairman Barr. We are told that the Fed is undertaking 
broad and material changes to the proposal, but if you--if the 
Basel III Endgame proposal were finalized as it has been 
proposed, do you think that there would be a double count of 
these risks? Meaning that banks will be required to hold more 
capital than is necessary to address their market and 
operational risks.
    Mr. Covas. So yes. The Basel III proposal basically doubles 
capital requirements for operational risk and material increase 
capital requirements for market risk. The way the banks 
allocate capital across business lines, they look at the entire 
capital requirement both based on the Basel framework as well 
as the result of the stress tests. There are significant 
overlaps because both of the stress losses--operational risk 
losses, for example, they are stress losses and the stress 
tests, by definition, also under the new Basel framework, they 
also are considered to be stress losses. They are all 
calibrated back to the global financial crisis, mortgage losses 
that the banks experience, and they effectively are double 
counted in a sense that they are requirements to hold capital 
for exactly the same type of risks.
    Chairman Barr. So I think that is very important that the 
Fed then take into account, as they undertake these broader 
material changes to Basel III, that they take into account what 
the stress tests actually require as well so that there is not 
double counting.
    Mr. Campbell, finally, there were numerous concerns 
expressed on the Basel III Endgame proposal. Fed Chair Powell 
and Vice Chair Barr have both stated that these comments have 
been helpful in ensuring proper consideration of the costs and 
benefits and the expected decrease in availability of credit. 
It seems to me that the static capital requirements have 
benefited greatly from transparency and public engagement. At 
the end of the day, stress tests are essentially dynamic 
capital requirements, as Mr. Gould pointed out.
    Is there any reason to think that stress tests would not 
similarly benefit from transparency and public engagement?
    Mr. Campbell. No. I think, in fact, indeed there is every 
reason to believe that the stress tests would benefit greatly 
from that kind of public engagement. As evidenced by the Basel 
III Endgame process, there has been a voluminous amount of 
comments on those rules and that proposal. Most of the 
commenters, quite frankly, have been from nonbanks. As you 
indicated, the Federal Reserve key senior policymakers have 
indicated that those comments have been broad and helpful and 
that they will result in broad and material changes. So it is 
puzzling, quite frankly, to understand why the Federal Reserve 
would not want to avail itself of the same benefit in the 
context----
    Chairman Barr. Finally, Mr. Campbell, can you address this 
accusation of gaming with transparency?
    Mr. Campbell. Sure. So I think gaming is a misnomer, and I 
think--the issue is that banks use information in the 
regulatory structure and the regulatory architecture to engage 
in prudent risk management. They look at risk weights, they 
look at use of capital surcharges. All of the facets of the 
regulatory--bank regulatory framework are available to them. 
They can look at those things. They are publicly available 
because they are in the notice and comment process, and they 
use that information to engage in prudent risk management.
    That is no different for stress testing than it would be in 
the way that firms look at risk weights in the context of Basel 
III Endgame. They all feed into the total overall capital 
requirement that applies to the firm and they use that 
information.
    Chairman Barr. Thank you. My time has expired.
    The chair now recognizes the ranking member, Dr. Foster, 
for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Foster. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    One of the defining characteristics of the 2008 crisis was 
the unanticipated level of interconnection and contagion. It is 
hard for me to see how pure capital requirements can pick that 
up as well as a stress test. You know, if you think of the 
question of American International Group (AIG) when it came out 
was no one anticipated just how interconnected AIG was and what 
a body blow it would be to the entire international banking 
system if AIG went bust. That became a huge issue when it, in 
fact, did go bust.
    Mr. Feldberg, can you talk a little bit about how a stress 
test might be able to go after a contagion and interconnect in 
this in a way that just pure regulatory capital requirements 
might not?
    Mr. Feldberg. Sure. I think the basic innovation of the 
stress test is the introduction of a severe shock that is 
imposed on the entire sector, the entire financial sector, to 
the extent that this--the shock affects intermediaries and you 
are supposed to be catching the impact that would have on 
banks. I am not particularly convinced that the AIG scenario 
would have been caught by the stress test the way they are 
currently designed.
    After the global financial crisis, there were many 
responses by the regulatory community to try to address the AIG 
incident and to make sure that does not happen again, ranging 
from the way banks manage their risks to the way credit risk 
transfer and structure credit products are handled in the first 
place. I think the development of the credit risk transfer 
market in recent years suggests that, that some of those risks 
are rising again, and that would be a useful thing to add to 
the stress test. I am not sure if it was included this year and 
I hope they include it next year.
    Mr. Foster. I am a little--it appears that there is a 
little talking past each other. What exactly is meant by 
increased transparency? You know, so radical transparency means 
that the Fed just publishes all the Python source code for all 
its models for all of the--which could be done, but that is 
only half the problem. The public is going to understand what 
is involved. They will also have access to--need access to the 
granular information that you get from banks which seems would 
have huge problems. I doubt that, Mr. Campbell, your members 
would be enthusiastic about revealing that to the public.
    How do you--it would be--so when you are talking about 
letting the public see this, the public seems really to be the 
analyst inside the giant banks rather than the general public. 
They will be able to see how the details of the model applies 
to all the private information they hold. So how do we deal 
with this? If you have a lot more transparency preventing the 
public from reverse engineering, many of the positions and 
private information of the large banks and--or, generally, how 
do you deal with that tradeoff?
    Mr. Campbell. So----
    Mr. Foster. Well, first off, I want to compliment you on 
your--it took me two glasses of wine to get through your 
written testimony, and it was excellent, very thoughtful. Thank 
you.
    Mr. Campbell. Great. Now, next time I will aim for three 
glasses, but thanks very much.
    To address your question, first of all, I think I would say 
that when we talk about the public--so clearly that includes 
the banks, so I want to be absolutely transparent about that. 
So the public includes the banks but the public also includes 
not general members of the public like people like my dad, but 
people who are, say, economics professors at Stanford 
University, people who are risk management experts inside the 
industry, and there are a variety of people in the public that 
have the wherewithal and the ability to make sense of and 
understand better disclosures of who are not, essentially, John 
Q. Public, but who are experts in the field. So, we should be 
thinking about those people.
    Then with respect to your point about the information, so 
the one thing that I would point out is that the nature of the 
data the Federal Reserve collects from the banks in the context 
of the stress testing process is publicly available through the 
Y-14 forms. Those forms are on the Federal Reserve's public 
website. The data is not filled in, but the public has a window 
into exactly what data is being collected by the Federal 
Reserve. It has access to the instructions----
    Mr. Foster. Yes. For example, Mr. Covas was complaining 
about what appeared to be sort of random jumps in the stress 
capital buffer. Those could be due to real differences. For 
example, there is an article in The Wall Street Journal about 
the synthetic risk transfers. Even though, instead of taking it 
out of the banking system, it would boomerang back into the 
banking system.
    So that is the sort of thing that should cause a big--if a 
bank gets involved in that, there should be a big variation in 
the capital stress buffer if they decide to get involved in 
that sort of event. The problem is that you are going to have 
to reveal a lot of details about what the banks' positions 
really are that caused it to have a big variation on the 
capital stress buffer.
    Mr. Covas. Very quickly. I mean, I do not think--so a lot 
of the issues arise on the revenue side. For example, in terms 
of the volatility you cited, the banks would like to know or 
the public would like to know just which variables are being 
used, the sensitivities and the coefficients. A lot of the 
issues are due to the lack of data that the Fed is using, and I 
think the banks have much more better data and more experience, 
and that could be dialog similar to Basel Endgame where the Fed 
receives comments from the industry and from subject matter 
experts that leads to improvement of the models.
    Mr. Foster. I think the gavel is coming down here, but 
thank you.
    Chairman Barr. Thank you.
    The gentleman from Florida, Mr. Posey, is now recognized.
    Mr. Posey. Thank you very much, Chairman Barr.
    Mr. Covas, would you please explain how the lack of 
transparency in Fed stress models resulted in uncertainty and 
impairs the ability of banks to do capital management planning?
    Mr. Covas. Sure. Thank you for your question.
    So stress test results, the results can change every year, 
and that the fact it is a capital requirement, it is not 
uncommon to see increases in capital requirements in excess of 
1 percentage point, and the banks have 3 months to comply with 
the new requirement.
    So just to give you a contrast, under Basel, the average 
estimate by the agencies was about 2 percentage points 
increasing capital requirements and the banks have 3 years to 
comply, plus they are subject to notice and comment. So the 
banks effectively have 3 months to comply with the new 
requirement, which if they--no bank wants to be inside the 
buffer when the requirement goes live. Usually the results come 
at the end of June, go live October 1. So they have to make 
significant adjustments to their portfolios if they want to 
meet the new requirements.
    So ex ante, in face of this uncertainty, the banks just 
decide to underinvest in activities that tend to be--that are 
more cyclically sensitive; namely, small businesses and lending 
to households with less than pristine credit scores. They tend 
to be the exposures that they tend to economize and that is how 
it reduces lending and economic activity.
    Mr. Posey. Okay. You have written on the impact of stress 
tests on capital requirements and accessibility of credit for 
small businesses. Could you summarize that research for me?
    Mr. Covas. Sure. So it is basically the fact that small 
businesses are a highly cyclical sensitive activity. When you 
have, in the Fed, analysis assuming unemployment rate goes from 
4 percent to 10 percent, the risk of lending to those borrowers 
increase significantly and the banks just have to allocate much 
more capital. So over time, the banks have tried--they want to 
economize capital and assess the return on the investment 
versus the cost of making such investments. Over time, what we 
have seen in the data is that the banks, subject to the stress 
tests, have moved away from these more cyclically sensitive 
activities like small business lending.
    Mr. Posey. Thank you.
    Mr. Campbell, you did research suggesting the Federal 
Reserve's stress models overestimate Gross Domestic Product 
(GDP) declines and stress test losses. Could you please explain 
how the overestimates capital requirements and increases the 
cost of capital to banks?
    Mr. Campbell. Sure. Again, briefly, you are correct that we 
have done some research at the Financial Services Forum showing 
that the decline in GDP that you find in the stress tests is, 
larger than historical experience. So during the financial 
crisis, GDP fell about--really GDP fell about 4 percent. In the 
most recent stress tests it fell by 8 percent, and it kind of 
bumps around in that general region. So it is effectively 
overstated relative to what we have seen in other severe 
historical recessions.
    It is also overstated relative to other empirical sort of 
regularities that relate GDP declines to unemployment. The 
obvious impact there is that, although we do not know exactly 
how the stress testing models are put together, real GDP 
declines are a driver of losses in all the stress testing 
models. So whether we are talking about auto loan losses, 
mortgage losses, business loan losses, a decline in GDP is 
going to result in those loan losses.
    If you ramp up the declining GDP, you are going to ramp up 
the loan losses. That is going to make those assets look 
riskier, maybe riskier than they actually are, given the 
overstatement and the decline of GDP, and that is going to 
result in increased capital requirements which has the natural 
effect of raising the cost of funding and then incentivizing a 
pull back in lending to those sectors into those markets.
    Mr. Posey. Thank you very much, Mr. Campbell.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields.
    Will Mr. Campbell please pull the microphone a little 
closer to you for future testimony. Thanks.
    The gentleman from California, Mr. Sherman, is now 
recognized.
    Mr. Sherman. It is not surprising in a capitalist country 
that we have fights over the allocation of capital and there is 
a fight between blue collar families operating small 
businesses, pizzerias, plumbing supply operations, and Wall 
Street, that prefers billion and multibillion dollar 
transactions. All the decisionmakers are grad school educated, 
people wearing ties like me and you.
    I will not say that the decisionmakers and the regulators 
hate the blue collar families, they just do not feel 
comfortable with them. So when we have to make a decision as to 
where the money goes, it does not go in $250,000 loans to 
pizzerias. It goes in multibillion dollar transactions on Wall 
Street, and I see these stress tests as pushing us further in 
that direction.
    You can see from a bank examiner's standpoint, Silicon 
Valley Bank buys $50 billion worth of treasuries, oh, that 
looks wonderful. Wall Street understands that. All the files 
are perfect. We kind of know what the credit rating is of the 
borrower. If you actually look at the file for a $250,000 loan, 
it is a bit messy, some things are handwritten. It would not 
get you an A at any major business school. So this capital is 
shown because of--this fight--is shown by Basel III proposals 
that give only a 65 percent rate rather than a 100 percent rate 
when the borrower is a publicly traded company.
    The greatest problem we have is the fight between interest 
rate risk and credit risk. The pizzeria loan is nothing but 
credit risk. The Treasury investment is nothing but interest 
rate risk. So we have a system that focuses on the credit risk 
and deliberately ignores the credit risk--the interest rate 
risk. They do it deliberately and they do it by what I call the 
stupid depositor model, which is that if interest rates go up, 
your whole portfolio of treasuries goes down in value, but the 
bank makes money because it has lots of stupid depositors who 
will leave their money in non-interest bearing accounts and not 
take it out and not put it in money markets yielding 5 percent.
    You know who turned out to be stupid? Not the depositors at 
Silicon Valley Bank; the bankers at Silicon Valley Bank and the 
regulators of Silicon Valley Bank.
    So I want to ask each of our witnesses, are you aware of 
any stress test that focused on the risk of interest rates 
going up, a pretty obvious risk, because 5 years ago, interest 
rates were 0.0. They had only one way to go, and did that, a 
test, a stress test for interest rates going up and depositors 
not being stupid. Any of our witnesses aware of any such stress 
test?
    I do not see--oh.
    Mr. Feldberg. So the interest rate risk, the Basel standard 
that I mentioned, is essentially a stress of a portfolio 
against changes in interest rate risk and interest rates.
    Mr. Sherman. That is proposed for the future. We have had 
stress tests for a while.
    Mr. Feldberg. No, other--other countries been doing it for 
20 years almost.
    Mr. Sherman. Has the United States, as our regulators, done 
a stress test looking at the very stress that was pretty 
obvious that interest rates would go up having been----
    Mr. Feldberg. No, that is exactly right, they did not do 
that.
    Mr. Sherman. Then even worse for Silicon Valley Bank, et 
cetera, two worst things: One is they did not even have to face 
a stress test because they were below the limit and the limit 
should have applied. Then second, to illustrate how it is not 
the depositors that are stupid, Silicon Valley Bank had, in 
fact, an insurance policy against interest rates going up and 
their portfolio bonds going down. You know what they did with 
that insurance policy? They sold it to generate money. They 
could generate bonuses for their executives.
    I realize I have used a lot of my time. I will just say 
that I do not see there is much excuse for the regulators not 
to publish everything after the test. You do not give away the 
questions before the test but after the test. This is a 
democracy, things are supposed to be public.
    I yield back.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields.
    The gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Luetkemeyer, is now 
recognized.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I thank our witnesses for being here today, an interesting 
discussion today.
    What is the purpose of the stress tests? Mr. Campbell, what 
do you think the purpose of a stress test should be?
    Mr. Campbell. I think the purpose of the stress test should 
be to assess the capital adequacy of the Nation's largest 
banks.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Okay. If you are going to assess that, 
would you not want to know how you are going to be assessed, so 
that you can manage your bank accordingly? I mean, that would 
seem to me what I would want to know.
    Mr. Campbell. Yes, absolutely.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. So what we have here right now is a game 
of gotcha, if we do not have the Fed be able to give us the 
information that is going to be on the stress test so that we 
can change our model. To me, the stress test should be the 
Fed's own thought process of what the next crisis is going to 
be, what the next concern should be with regards to managing 
banks and our economy coming down the road.
    Mr. Sherman made a great point here a minute ago with 
regards to the interest rate risk that got Silicon Valley and 
several other banks. It was attested for. Is that correct?
    Mr. Campbell. I am sorry, I did not quite hear you.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Okay. The stress test that Mr. Sherman was 
talking about with regards to interest rate risk, that was not 
on the stress test.
    Mr. Campbell. Correct.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. I think it is being incorporated now, if I 
understand it correctly. So they missed the future problem that 
could have--that they should have been able to see, as you 
pointed out. Everybody should know if they are interest rate's 
at zero, down the road you are going to see them go up.
    To me this stress test should be something that would help 
banks manage their future problems according to what the Fed 
sees those problems to be. So the discussion then is, why do we 
not want to know those things ahead of time so that we can 
actually manage our banks? You want to wait a year before you 
get your stress test, before you can actually change your 
model, so that you can minimize your risk? Does that make sense 
to you?
    Mr. Campbell. No, not generally.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Mr. Gould, what do you think of my analogy 
so far in my discussion, am I on point or am I off on this?
    Mr. Gould. I think you are on point, Congressman. I would 
just note that I think the underlying analogy to the concept of 
gaming is fundamentally off, right. This is not a situation 
where testing the bank's knowledge, and so we do not want to go 
into the answer set. Capital--this is a compliance obligation 
and we are setting capital requirements. Inherent in setting 
capital requirements is establishing incentives. Some of the 
very incentives that Congressman Sherman was mentioning have 
altered the nature of the banking industry and the clients and 
customers it serves. So I think it is very important that we 
know these in advance.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. So to me the argument about gaming the 
system is false. I think we need to be showing how this test 
could actually help banks manage their banks better. That is 
what it should be all about at the end of the day. Have a 
better banking system and a more sound economy and everything 
is going to run much better, but anyway.
    Mr. Gould, you went into a lengthy discussion, I know Mr. 
Covas also had some comments with regards to the Administrative 
Procedures Act and the fact the Fed does not adhere to that. So 
if they do not adhere to administer--that is a law, by the way. 
If they are not adhering to that, are they in violation of the 
law?
    Mr. Gould. Congressman, that is up for--that is for a court 
to decide. Certainly, I have not heard a convincing defense as 
to why they are not providing a notice in common on these 
models.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. You are an attorney, are you not?
    Mr. Gould. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Do you advise banks, with your practice?
    Mr. Gould. I do.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Do you advise the banks to go after the 
Fed and sue them if they are going to try and impart this thing 
on to them without going through the proper procedures and it 
is in violation--it is a violation of law?
    Mr. Gould. Look, I think that is a individual determination 
that banks have to weigh pros and cons because, as you know, 
banks have a lot of----
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Okay. Well, you were advising the American 
Bankers Association or the--which represents mostly big banks, 
would you advise them to take this to the court?
    Mr. Gould. Congressman, I would certainly advise them to 
consider it strongly.
    Mr. Luetkemeyer. Okay. Very good.
    Question number three: One of the things that concerns me 
is that we have a situation here with this proposal that the 
Fed is going through with stress testing and it seems very 
inconsistent when you look at Current Expected Credit Losses 
(CECL). Here they asked the banks to be able to do their own 
modeling with regards to the local economy, with regards to how 
they should determine loan loss. You have one bank on one side 
of the street, one bank on the other side of the street come up 
with completely different models and that it could be okay.
    So now we are talking about stress tests, it goes across 
everybody, and they are sitting here with no ability to have an 
impact. To me, whenever you have people--the reason for comment 
period, by the way, is to have people who actually know what 
they are doing in the business to be able to tell you whether 
it is going to work or not.
    Mr. Chairman, I will yield back. The balance of my time is 
gone.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields.
    The gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Scott, is now recognized.
    Mr. Scott. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    You know, we worked on this. I felt this was a real 
critical part of Dodd-Frank. Many of us on this committee were 
around back then and put a lot of work into it.
    Mr. Feldberg, there is one piece that we have been leaving 
out here. There are two pieces to this, and we talked about the 
banks, and that is the nonbanks. I want you to kind of delve 
into that a moment. Because oftentimes we miss the real deal in 
solving a problem, much like we did with Dodd-Frank, and we had 
to call attention, I know I did with Barney Frank, and say we 
cannot solve this with just bailing out the banks. We have to 
do something else for those people who are losing their jobs, 
who are losing their homes, and we came up with the hardest 
hit.
    Tell us about the nonbanks. How can shock scenarios and 
hypothetical models be designed to best analyze the 
interconnections between the banks and the nonbanks?
    Mr. Feldberg. That is a very good question. Thank you.
    Other countries have taken a much more aggressive approach 
on this. The bank of England is currently doing an exploratory 
analysis----
    Mr. Scott. You said the Bank of England?
    Mr. Feldberg. Yes, of banks and nonbanks. The U.S. has not 
done this yet. I think part of the--another aspect of Dodd-
Frank was designating systemic firms that were not paying for 
supervision, which might have led to stress testing of those 
entities but we have not attempted that yet. There are models 
around the world, other Central Banks, the IMF, that conducts 
stress tests on the nonbanking sector, and that is something 
that the U.S. ought to be doing too. It is harder when you do 
not have supervisory regulatory authority over an entity to 
involve them in a stress test.
    Mr. Scott. Do you feel it is possible to build a process 
through which banks could replace some Fed models with their 
own model, subject to careful consideration and Fed approval?
    Mr. Feldberg. So I would not recommend replacing the Fed 
stress test, but the banks that do have their own models, and I 
think the existence of both Fed models and the banks' own 
models is a good thing to have both of those checks over the 
risk management of the bank.
    Mr. Scott. Yes. Now, how can Federal regulators safeguard, 
search a process against poor quality of risk management or 
without sacrificing the Fed's goal of consistency across the 
institutions subject to stress testing, and that is 
particularly for the most poorly managed firms.
    Mr. Feldberg. So there used to be a qualitative objection 
that the Fed raised in the stress testing process, which has 
been taken out in recent years but the Federal Reserve 
supervisory process should allow for what you just said quite 
extensively. If the Fed is unhappy with an outlying bank's risk 
mismanagement practices, the Fed's supervisory authorities 
should be quite extensive for addressing that through the 
traditional tools.
    Mr. Scott. Do you feel that we are on the right course in 
this? Are there any other things that we on this committee can 
do to make sure that never again will we have the bank 
failures, the collapse of our financial system? That is the 
whole purpose of the work we did with Dodd-Frank. Is there any 
more we need to do, particularly in this area that you and Yale 
University are doing such great work on?
    Mr. Feldberg. There is certainly more that could be done 
with non-banks. I mentioned interest-rate risk management. I 
think part of it is keeping track of financial stability 
risks----
    Mr. Scott. You said interest rates----
    Mr. Feldberg. Risk management, oversight----
    Mr. Scott. Good. All right.
    Mr. Feldberg. Then holding hearings like this to identify 
financial stability risks that might be overseen--or, might be 
missed by the regulators, like Congressman Foster mentioned, 
systemic risks----
    Mr. Scott. Thank you very much, Professor.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman's time has expired.
    The gentleman from Texas, the chairman of the Small 
Business Committee, Mr. Williams.
    Mr. Williams of Texas. Thank you, Chairman.
    Thank you all for being here today, and I am from Texas.
    Now, the Federal Reserve stress-testing scenarios can play 
a key role in enhancing the stability of the financial system. 
Annual stress-test scenarios can increase the public's 
confidence in banks' ability to handle economic headwinds and 
maintains confidence in the overall U.S. banking system.
    However, the Federal Reserve continues to limit 
transparency by failing to disclose their stress-test models--
we have talked about that--while also denying stakeholders and 
the general public the opportunity to provide feedback on 
stress-test scenarios.
    So greater transparency and accountability in stress tests 
provides all stakeholders, big and small, with the opportunity 
to identify flaws and suggest improvements to make the 
scenarios more useful and the outcomes more accurate.
    So, Mr. Gould, can you please elaborate on the benefits of 
greater transparency in stress testing and why a proper notice-
and-comment period is important?
    Mr. Gould. Yes, Congressman.
    First of all, as a matter of administrative law, if this is 
a legislative rule, which it certainly appears to be, then the 
models and scenarios themselves must be disclosed and they must 
be subject to public comment.
    From a policy standpoint, public comment is really 
important because it actually, ideally, makes the ultimate work 
product better, number one. Number two, it also, I think, 
increases credibility in the agency that is promulgating the 
legislative rule. Three, it serves as an element of 
accountability for that agency as well.
    Mr. Williams of Texas. Okay.
    The Fed's stress-testing regime is a black box comprised of 
thousands of pages of complex data, formulas, and models. This 
complexity and lack of transparency makes it difficult for 
outsiders to understand how these tests work or how they can 
predict their own outcomes. So, consequently, both banks and 
the public often struggle to grasp the full implications of the 
results.
    Now, the complexity of the process can lead to uncertainty 
and mistrust among stakeholders who rely on these tests to 
ensure financial stability.
    Mr. Covas, can you discuss how the secrecy and lack of 
information on the stress-test scenarios makes it harder to 
evaluate the analytical effectiveness and accuracy of the test 
outcomes?
    Mr. Covas. Thank you for your question.
    SThe Fed models, because they are based on data that is not 
very granular, the results change significantly from 1 year to 
the next, just due to changes in banks' balance sheets and the 
fact that the scenarios themselves are also changing in ways 
that are unpredictable.
    Now, the results--for example, what happened during the 
post-pandemic, the Fed increased significantly its balance 
sheet. By buying Treasury securities by the value--the amount 
of $1 trillion, banks' balance sheets increased significantly 
with the reserve balances. According to the Federal Reserve 
models, the higher is your balance sheet, in particular by 
having--the higher are your expenses. That increases banks' 
capital requirements in the stress test, because they are 
holding more reserve balances, which is at zero to no 
interest--no interest expense.
    As a result, the banks need to price in the increase in 
capital requirements in the loans they are making to households 
and businesses, and as a result, that reduces credit 
availability and ultimately impacts--negatively impacts 
economic growth.
    Mr. Williams of Texas. Okay. Thank you.
    Over the last year, I have talked at length about the 
dangers of increasing capital requirements on banks and the 
impact that these changes can have on businesses' ability to 
access reliable credit.
    Now, a proposal like Basel III Endgame forced banks to hold 
more capital, which in turn increases overall borrowing costs 
and reduces availability of credit for businesses and 
consumers, in many cases, right down Main Street.
    So this is why I am extremely concerned with the lack of 
transparency surrounding stress tests, because stress tests can 
be used to set binding capital requirements for banks. We must 
ensure transparency and public engagement on stress testing to 
reduce any redundancies which the capital requirements require.
    Mr. Campbell, quickly, what are the real-world impacts 
stress tests have on banks' capital requirements and how does 
this impact the cost of credit and access to capital for 
businesses like mine?
    Mr. Campbell. Sure. In the last couple of years, the 
Federal Reserve has undergone actually a massive project to 
formally include the stress-testing process into the formal 
bank regulatory capital framework. Today, stress tests are run, 
and those result in what has already been discussed today, is 
the stress capital buffer. The stress capital buffer is indeed 
a regular element of a firm's required bank capital 
requirement.
    So, after running the stress test, if their stress capital 
buffer goes up by, say, a full percentage point, that increases 
the amount of capital that they need to maintain against all of 
the assets on their balance sheet. As they need to raise more 
capital on their balance sheet to support the assets on their 
balance sheet, that increases the cost of funding, because bank 
equity capital is the most expensive form of finance. So, as 
they raise more capital, that raises the cost of funding.
    As that raises the cost of a bank's funding, for any 
business--it does not matter if you are a bank or a car dealer 
or a bakery--when the cost of your inputs goes up, you turn 
around and you have to charge the customer more. So, 
ultimately, that is going to impact people who are borrowing 
from banks, and that is going to increase the interest rates 
that they get charged on loans.
    Mr. Williams of Texas. I do not raise the cost of my cars.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman's time has expired.
    The gentleman from Texas--the other gentleman from Texas, 
Mr. Green.
    Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I thank the ranking member.
    I thank the witnesses for appearing.
    I would like for Mr. Feldberg to respond, please.
    Sir, if we make the banks aware of what we are testing, 
would that encourage them to be prepared for things that are 
not being tested, such that they would not take into 
consideration some of the many other concerns that may hurt us 
when we have a downturn?
    Mr. Feldberg. Sorry. Could you rephrase that?
    Mr. Green. Yes. I am simply saying that if the banks are 
aware, if they know what the testing is all about----
    Mr. Feldberg. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Green [continuing]. I am confident they would be 
preparing for this.
    Mr. Feldberg. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Green. What about the many other things that they might 
avoid or not prepare themselves for because they focused only 
on what they are concerned with in terms of passing a test?
    Mr. Feldberg. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Green. Your response, please.
    Mr. Feldberg. Yes, no, I think that is a fair point.
    I think some disclosure--the Fed discloses quite a lot, as 
I pointed out, and I really think--I really want to emphasize 
that point. The Fed discloses a lot about the stress-test 
methodology, more than any other country. To some extent, that 
is a good thing. I think the argument I was making was that, at 
some point, you are providing so much data that all they are 
doing is optimizing to the test, and it is----
    Mr. Green. Exactly.
    Mr. Feldberg [continuing]. and it is diluting the point of 
the exercise.
    Former Vice Chair of Supervision Dan Tarullo, who was the 
leader who led the stress-test process through much of the 
first 5 or 10 years that it was run, has expressed concern 
about the excessive disclosures that are already being made, to 
some extent, and that could be made under what has been 
contemplated. He has made the argument that if you are really 
going to go this far and, what I would call, just make it like 
the OFHEO process that had such dire results with the 
Government-Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs), you might want to just 
consider something else.
    It was kind of shocking to read Dan Tarullo's paper in 
Brookings just a month or two ago, where he said at this point, 
maybe we should just take away the connection of the stress 
test to capital. Because if we are going to go ahead and make 
it this predictable and easy to game, then really maybe we just 
need another tool. It was very distressing to see him say that. 
He laid out what it would look like if we were going to 
decouple it from capital.
    Mr. Green. If we should decouple, what is that other tool?
    Mr. Feldberg. So, I mean--so, in his view, if you were 
going to, say--and I think it should be pointed out that other 
countries that do stress testing do not tie it as directly to 
capital as we do. So, essentially, it would just be looking 
like other countries. It would be an exploratory scenario that 
would help the regulators--inform the regulators on what the 
capital charges would be for individual banks.
    That, of course, the way it works in other countries, would 
probably raise even more objections as far as transparency. I 
mean, if you look at Bank of England, any country, they conduct 
the stress test, and they say, this informs our individual 
capital charge for that bank. So, essentially, that is more of 
a black box than we are talking about here. So I do not think 
the banks are going to want to see that alternative.
    Whatever you do, Tarullo made the point that if you are 
going to get rid of the stress test and its impact on bank 
capital, you are going to have to raise the basic level of 
capital before the stress test, just because you have gotten 
rid of all that sensitivity and analysis and its role in the 
capital process.
    Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the 
balance of the time.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields.
    The gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. Rose, is recognized.
    Mr. Rose. Thank you, Chairman Barr, and thank you to our 
witnesses, and also Ranking Member Lynch for holding the 
hearing today.
    Mr. Covas, in your testimony, you highlight that the 
reconsideration process of stress tests are inadequate. Could 
you--or, is inadequate. Could you elaborate as to why you 
believe that?
    Mr. Covas. Thank you for your question. Yes.
    Since the stress capital buffer framework was put in place 
in 2020, we have had eight reconsideration requests, for which 
the Fed has effectively denied those requests.
    However we do not know--to the best of my knowledge, there 
has been no change in adjustments in the stress capital buffer 
of those banks, and there is no explanation of how those 
reconsideration requests are currently being addressed in terms 
of change in the models and any timelines of how they are 
addressing the shortcomings of the models that have been 
pointed out by the firms.
    Mr. Rose. So it is truly a black box out of which the----
    Mr. Covas. Yes. It is very difficult to understand how the 
results change from 1 year to next, despite some of the 
disclosures. I have been following the stress tests for some 
time. It is always--whenever we get the results to compare 
against our expectations, it is very difficult to know exactly 
how the results change from 1 year to the next.
    Mr. Rose. Has there ever been a situation where the Federal 
Reserve has admitted fault and revised the stress capital 
buffer for a financial institution that appealed?
    Mr. Covas. To the best of my knowledge, no.
    Mr. Rose. Okay.
    How would establishing a truly independent review mechanism 
with clear procedures and timelines solve the problems with the 
reconsideration process, in your opinion?
    Mr. Covas. So, just forcing--adding much more transparency 
around the process is going to force the Federal Reserve to 
just disclose a lot more information for the public and for the 
firms themselves that can analyze.
    For example, notice-and-comment on the models would address 
many of the questions the banks have in terms of the behavior 
of the models. If they still disagree of the relationships, 
they can, again, through the notice-and-comments process, try 
to improve the models.
    At the same time, this does not--is going to obligate the 
Fed to actually follow the comments provided by the industry. 
The Fed could always deny and not follow those.
    So I do think it is important to have a third-party 
validator that just reviews the interchange of information 
between the commenters and the Fed and provides 
recommendations. You know, a good example would be the 
Government Accountability Office (GAO) to perform that role.
    Mr. Rose. As a recovering lawyer, the failure to solicit 
public comment on stress models and scenarios appears to 
violate administrative law. Your thoughts on that?
    Mr. Covas. So, coming from an economist, the Stress Capital 
Buffer (SCB) is effectively a capital requirement, no different 
from the Basel capital requirements that we have been 
discussing over the past year. So they are rules that affect 
banks' decisions in terms of capital allocation. So, yes, I do 
think they should be subject to the same requirements as the 
Basel Endgame proposal, for example.
    Mr. Rose. Mr. Gould, I know that you share these concerns 
as well. Have the courts reached any conclusions as to whether 
models treated by agencies as binding must go through public 
comment?
    Mr. Gould. Yes, they have, and the courts have concluded 
that models that are treated as binding by the agencies are 
subject to the public notice-and-comment.
    Mr. Rose. You think that would be appropriate here?
    Mr. Gould. It would seem to me. Again, I have not heard 
from the Fed any justification for an exception to the 
legislative rule process.
    Mr. Rose. You have also described the action of the Federal 
Reserve as appearing arbitrary and capricious. Can you explain 
why the Federal Reserve might appear that way due to its 
failure to disclose its models?
    Mr. Gould. Yes. I think this could come up, too, in the, 
kind of, reconsideration process. Because the Fed has not 
provided transparency around its models, it is very hard for 
them to fully explain how they arrived at the outputs to those 
models.
    Mr. Rose. Thank you. I appreciate that.
    As a former bank board member, I have witnessed firsthand 
how regulation can be burdensome and ineffective.
    Mr. Campbell, do you think that stress tests are useful for 
banks and supervisors?
    Mr. Campbell. I think they have the potential and the scope 
to be useful for banks and supervisors. I think the current 
implementation and the lack of transparency limits their 
usefulness considerably, and improved transparency would 
improve the extent to which they can be useful to banks and 
supervisors.
    Mr. Rose. What are some realistic changes that would 
provide immediate benefits to both the banks and supervisors, 
in your view?
    Mr. Campbell. As we have already discussed today, greater 
transparency on the implementation and the specification of the 
stress-test models themselves, as well as greater transparency 
on the scenario generation process, I think, would help to 
foster greater understanding amongst banks, amongst the public, 
and amongst regulators as to exactly how the models work, how 
they are risk-ranking different activities that are sitting on 
banks' balance sheets, and would help improve capital 
management decisions and understanding of the banking sector 
more broadly.
    Mr. Rose. Thank you.
    I see my time has expired. Thank you, witnesses, and I 
yield back.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields.
    The gentleman from California, Mr. Vargas, is recognized.
    Mr. Vargas. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    First of all, I would like to say that I think this has 
been an excellent hearing. I am not exactly sure what side I 
fall on now. I am a little more agnostic, I think, to this 
issue. I do see both sides, to be frank.
    I mean, I took a lot of tests in my life. If I had the 
questions prior to the test, I think I would have done better 
on some. I do agree with Mr. Sherman; after the test is over, I 
do not understand why it is not disclosed completely. I do not 
understand that aspect of it, to be frank. So I am not sure.
    Whether it conforms to the APA or any other rules, I am not 
sure. For years here, I kept hearing how the Consumer Financial 
Protection Bureau (CFPB), their funding source, did not conform 
to the law. Of course, the Supreme Court came down quite 
clearly and said, of course it does, it is right down the 
middle, it is no big deal. So I am not sure here either if it 
does or does not. I know you have some stronger opinions here.
    I do want to--and I always ask this question, so I am going 
to ask it of you. I think it would be unfair if I did not. How 
many of you believe in climate change, that the climate is 
changing?
    Okay, all of you. I appreciate that. In a reasonable group 
like this, I would think that we would come up with that 
reasonable answer, and we did.
    I do want to ask about that, because I do think that is a 
risk that we are not looking at strongly enough and 
transparently enough, frankly. I know that the Securities and 
Exchange Commission (SEC) now has taken a look at this, and I 
know the Fed is looking at it. They have conducted a pilot 
project on this program.
    I wanted to tell you, I believe climate change is real, and 
we have seen things in my own district--we just--I represent 
San Diego--we had a 1,000-year event. You know, we had one of 
those 50 years ago--not even 50 years--20 years ago, and it is 
another 1,000-year event. It is not a 1,000-year event if it 
happens every 20 years.
    So obviously the climate is changing. I want to know if 
these stress tests that we have are, in fact, taking that into 
account. It is hard to know if we do not know what they are--
would someone like to comment on that?
    Mr. Feldberg. I----
    Mr. Vargas. Yes, go ahead, sir.
    Mr. Feldberg. I mean, I think the long-term changes in 
climate are just way beyond the timeframe of the typical stress 
test. Even having said that, the climate stress scenario that 
the Federal Reserve just conducted, I think, was extremely 
useful in understanding these risks and some of those risks 
really should show up in the next--in the planning period for a 
stress test when----
    Mr. Vargas. Well, I do not know that they are way beyond 
the time--I mean, you see all the things that are happening 
now. In fact----
    Mr. Feldberg. So----
    Mr. Vargas [continuing]. examples, you have data gaps right 
now in real estate exposures. You have----
    Mr. Feldberg. That is right.
    Mr. Vargas [continuing]. insurance and infrastructure 
exposures. The banks' financing, I am not sure that it is not 
within the scope and timing of these tests.
    Mr. Feldberg. So----
    Mr. Vargas. Can you comment on that?
    Mr. Feldberg. So, I mean, I think, to the extent that a 
bank is experiencing--has real estate on the coast and is 
experiencing borrowers whose insurance rates are going up and 
that is affecting their credit risk, we should not even be 
talking about climate scenarios; that should already be in 
their credit risk analysis. I mean, there should not be 
anything controversial about that.
    Mr. Vargas. I do not think there should be.
    Would anyone disagree with that?
    Mr. Campbell. Yes.
    Mr. Vargas. Would anyone disagree with that, that it 
already should be in the models?
    Mr. Campbell. I think, to the extent that climate risk is 
approximate in first order of risk on bank balance sheets, then 
it should be included in the models.
    I think there is an open question as to whether or not 
climate risk is a first-order imminent risk in the banking 
sector that would have material consequences to the banking 
sector. I think the available evidence and research suggests 
that it is not. As to Greg's point, especially over the time 
horizons over which we think capital is a useful economic 
resource, it is not clear that climate risk is a first-order 
issue.
    To the extent that it is an important economic risk, then 
it should be captured in any risk model.
    Mr. Vargas. Anyone disagree with that?
    I mean, that seems reasonable to me. I mean, I would 
disagree that it is not. I think it is but reasonable people 
can disagree. That is why it should be tested, it should be 
looked at, the information, the data should be there.
    Mr. Feldberg. I mean, I think--I mean, the insurability of 
coastal areas is already in question. I mean, this is happening 
now.
    Mr. Vargas. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Feldberg. That part is happening now.
    The harder question, which the Fed also tested for, is the 
transition risk and that is the risk, very simply, of what 
happens when policy really finally transitions, if it does.
    Mr. Vargas. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Feldberg. So they tested net-zero 2050. The idea is, 
somehow the global community is going to agree that we need to 
do whatever it takes to get to net-zero by 2050, and what does 
that mean for the financial system? That is not going to----
    Mr. Vargas. Right. My time is about----
    Mr. Feldberg. That is not going to happen in the next 24 
months, but it is a serious risk----
    Mr. Vargas. Yes.
    Mr. Feldberg [continuing]. that bankers should be 
considering in----
    Mr. Vargas. I have 10 seconds, so I am just going to say, I 
agree with what has been said here. I think it has been a very 
good hearing, and I appreciate it. I think it is important that 
this information, the stress-test information, be disclosed at 
some point.
    Thank you.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Casten, is 
recognized.
    Mr. Casten. I did not expect to go so soon, but thank you.
    Great minds are thinking alike with Mr. Vargas here. I want 
to follow up on this climate-risk thread. I guess I want to--I 
guess I am going to start with you, Mr. Campbell, since your 
clients are the GSIBs who are well-exposed to these stress 
tests.
    Broadly speaking--and tell me if I am missing anything--if 
I am a GSIB, I have a risk on my balance sheet, I can either--
to the extent I want to hold it and it is insurable, I can 
insure it and I can offload that risk onto an insurance 
company; to the extent I have a buyer and I can offload it, I 
can sell it or I suppose I can write it off.
    Is there any other--if I do not want to hold the risk, do I 
have any other options, or have I accurately captured all the 
choices I have?
    Mr. Campbell. If you do not want to hold it?
    Mr. Vargas. If I do not want to hold the risk, I can either 
insure it, sell it, or write it off.
    Mr. Campbell. Some combination of that sounds right to me, 
yes.
    Mr. Casten. Okay.
    I asked the question because the characterization that 
climate risks are not near-term risks, I think, sits a little 
awkwardly with the reality, that we have actually seen lots of 
data that the more likely you are to hold a mortgage in a 
flood-prone area, the more likely you are to sell off that 
mortgage to Fannie and Freddie, which is path one. We have seen 
a whole bunch of areas of, can we get insurance? We have seen 
Fannie and Freddie move to, you know, are the reinsurance 
markets there, which we can insure it? Then, of course, we have 
these reports and stories about people in Texas and Florida who 
are now just sitting on uninsured homes where they are 
essentially writing it off, right?
    So the risk is there. I think the question is not so much, 
do the banks perceive the risk, as much as, are the banks able 
to offload that risk into some other part of the financial 
system?
    So, if we agree that they have the risk, then--I guess I 
will pivot to you, Mr. Feldberg--do you think that FSOC has the 
ability, authority, talent to identify where that risk is 
pooling in our financial system?
    Mr. Feldberg. So I think the FSOC certainly has the 
responsibility to do it. A lot of what you are talking about 
means the insurance sector, which is still State-regulated in 
the U.S. The State regulators sit on FSOC. So, to that extent, 
the FSOC could raise the issue with insurance.
    It really is an issue that has to be looked at in terms of 
banks and insurance companies at the same time----
    Mr. Casten. I mean, I get concerned----
    Mr. Feldberg [continuing]. because of the interconnections 
between them on this issue.
    Mr. Casten. My wife is in the insurance industry, and she 
has no obligation to provide insurance in every State in the 
country.
    Mr. Feldberg. That is right.
    Mr. Casten. Right? So I get nervous that does not eliminate 
the risk, and we are seeing it pool up in those other places.
    Mr. Feldberg. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Casten. I raise all that because I think this question 
about transparency--I share my Jesuit friend's agnosticism. I 
have never met a buyer who does not want transparency, and I 
have never met a seller who wants transparency, right?
    So, if we were to go and identify all of these risks--and 
let us say we are sitting here and we say, there are risks in 
this society, and, by the way, maybe there are some of these 
climate risks that are held by the GSIBs, which is not 
insurable, which--the buyer is sufficiently informed that they 
do not want to buy it at a price you are willing to sell----
    Mr. Feldberg. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Casten [continuing]. should we publicize that? Are we 
on board for transparency in that case or does that risk 
jeopardizing the solvency of the GSIBs because they now are 
sitting on risk rather than being able to offload that into 
some other part of the economy that is not subject to stress 
tests?
    Does anybody have any--what should we do in that case? 
Should we make this information public, or should we punt it to 
a future Congress?
    Mr. Feldberg. That is a good question. I think we have been 
talking about the disclosure of the inputs into the process, 
and now you are bringing up the disclosure of the outputs of 
the process, which--there are also tradeoffs, like I mentioned 
in my paper, there.
    You certainly want the disclosures about stress-test 
results to be informative to the public but you also do not 
want them to raise undue concern about individual institutions. 
It is part of the supervisory process, which has been a very 
confidential process since it was started 150 years ago. 
Certainly, information like that, you might not want that to be 
public.
    Mr. Casten. Yes. Well--and if any of you have thoughts to 
continue that conversation.
    There was a study out of Harvard that I think was in a 
recent Senate hearing, that they found that real estate in the 
U.S. may be overvalued by as much as $237 billion because there 
are sort of second-tier rating agencies that are providing 
insurance for second-tier banks that are therefore able to 
offload this onto Fannie and Freddie.
    I get it, right? Like, if there is a sucker who is willing 
to buy something from me, I will sell. All of us, whether as 
regulators or legislators, are ultimately going to have to fix 
that.
    I think--I will close where I started. These climate risks 
are big, and they are real, and they are now but we need to do 
stress testing of the whole financial system, not just of the 
six biggest banks.
    I yield back.
    Chairman Barr. The gentleman yields.
    The gentlewoman from California, Mrs. Kim.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you, Chairman Barr.
    I want to thank the witnesses for joining us today.
    I am all for ensuring the stability of our financial 
system. However, when we talk to small businesses and 
households, we should also be frank and transparent about how 
increasing capital requirements and making models in scenarios 
less predictable can reduce lending and access to capital.
    First question to you, Mr. Campbell. If the Fed decides to 
broaden the scope of stress-test scenarios without making them 
more transparent, can you elaborate on how this decision could 
change stress capital buffer requirements?
    Mr. Campbell. Sure. So you have in mind the idea that the 
Federal Reserve would use more and different kinds of scenarios 
rather than a single scenario, just to make sure I understand 
the question?
    Mrs. Kim. To me, it seems that it could make them less 
predictable. So, if----
    Mr. Campbell. Yep.
    Mrs. Kim [continuing]. multiple stress-test scenarios make 
capital requirements less predictable----
    Mr. Campbell. Yes.
    Mrs. Kim [continuing]. how can that influence lending to 
small businesses and families?
    I ask this because my fear is that, with high interest 
rates, mortgages and other financial tools, that will increase 
in cost due to unpredictability of stress tests.
    Mr. Covas, do you have anything to add to this question?
    Mr. Covas. Sure. I would just add that, if you are 
increasing scope regarding stress-test results, the banks will 
want to hold more capital as a precautionary buffer. As I said 
earlier, no bank wants to be below their minimums by the time 
the requirements go live. So, yes, that will reduce credit 
availability and provision of capital to markets.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you.
    We understand that Basel III Endgame proposal would 
increase the capital banks must hold with respect to market 
risk and this is the same risk that is being stress-tested in 
the global market shock component. I would say that this sounds 
like double counting of these risks to me.
    I know Chairman Barr touched on the double-counting aspect. 
So if you could tweak either the market risk component of the 
Basel III proposal or the global market shock component, which 
one of the two components do you find less necessary and would 
you eliminate one or both?
    Mr. Covas. I mean, I can answer.
    Mrs. Kim. Mr. Covas, uh-huh?
    Mr. Covas. I mean, we were disappointed in terms of the 
Basel proposal. You want to look holistically about the 
requirements and look at the requirements at the product level 
and see which ones are in excess. I think you want to address 
both of the requirements, potentially.
    So the current--the existing market risk framework has some 
flaws for which the Fed, through the stress test, has 
enumerated some of those flaws through the global market shock. 
The new proposal fixes some of those flaws.
    So I do think you ought to go back to the global market 
shock and make some adjustments so that ultimately you are not 
overcapitalizing for market risk.
    Mrs. Kim. Mr. Campbell, could you add to that, please?
    Mr. Campbell. I mean, I would broadly agree with that 
sentiment.
    I think the most important thing to ensure is that the 
global market shock and the treatment of market risk assets in 
the context of Basel III Endgame work in a conceptually 
consistent and logical manner and that they do not, basically, 
work at cross-purposes with each other. I think that is part of 
what is going on in the current regime.
    Mrs. Kim. Well, let me move on to another matter. It has 
been suggested that being more transparent with models and 
scenarios could lead to gaming and that it could be like the 
teacher revealing the questions to the students before the 
exam.
    Mr. Covas, do you think the Federal Reserve Board revealing 
methodologies and increasing public engagement on the stress-
test framework would lead to banks gaming the stress test?
    Mr. Covas. As we discussed in the hearing, no. I mean, 
again, this is--the stress tests are a capital rule. The banks 
need to allocate the portfolio allocation of capital through 
the different products they offer. They need to know what the 
capital requirement is.
    You know, banks change their portfolios driven by business 
decisions and market demand, not because they want to game or 
reduce the capital charge in the stress tests.
    Mrs. Kim. Uh-huh.
    Mr. Covas. The models, if they are accurate--the banks have 
no incentive to game accurate models. If they are inaccurate, 
they should be put out for notice and comment to fix the 
models.
    Finally, the Fed already has processes in place to look at 
banks' exposures through the global market shock. Again, these 
allow--they have been doing that for the last at least 3 or 4 
years, where they look carefully at banks' exposures and if 
they think the banks are--some of the exposures are just to 
reduce the charge in the stress test, they are disallowed. So I 
think----
    Mrs. Kim. Mr. Campbell, on the same topic, can you explain 
why it is difficult to game stress tests when you are talking 
about hundreds of billions in the balance sheet of a bank?
    Mr. Campbell. Sure.
    So I think, again, this notion of gaming the stress test is 
largely a misnomer. What banks are doing is, they are using the 
information that they have access to in the risk weights, in 
the context of things like the GSIB capital surcharge, and, in 
principle, in the context of the stress test, to assess the 
riskiness of the assets on their balance sheet and then make 
funding decisions on a relevant basis in concert with the other 
information that they bring to the table in the context of 
their own risk management decisions. The better information 
that they have access to, the more complete that information, 
the better risk management decision that they can make.
    To the extent--as Francisco and others have pointed out, to 
the extent that the Federal Reserve is concerned about some 
sort of gaming activities or something else, they have a 
variety of remedies at their disposal that they can use through 
the supervisory process----
    Chairman Barr. The----
    Mr. Campbell [continuing]. to deal with that.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you.
    Mr. Campbell. They do not need to limit the transparency in 
the stress-testing regime to deal with that issue.
    Mrs. Kim. I yield back my time.
    Chairman Barr. The gentlewoman's time has expired.
    The gentlelady from Massachusetts, Ms. Pressley, is now 
recognized. This will be the last questioner of the hearing.
    Ms. Pressley. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Thank you to our witnesses for joining us today.
    The 2008 financial crisis exposed the weaknesses and 
vulnerabilities in our financial system, causing a recession 
that robbed an entire generation of economic opportunity and 
many are still reeling from these effects.
    The modern stress-testing regime that regulators use today 
was born out of that crisis and is now a staple of our 
regulatory framework and oversight of banks.
    My Republican colleagues, however, want to go beyond the 
rollback of Dodd-Frank in 2018 that directly led to the 
collapse of Silicon Valley Bank (SVB) and other banks last 
year. They want to continue down a path of deregulation that 
will undoubtedly increase systemic risk in our financial system 
and increase economic harm to our constituents. Make it make 
sense.
    Mr. Feldberg, how did regular stress testing restore 
confidence in the banking sector following the 2008 financial 
crisis?
    Mr. Feldberg. So, in the middle of the financial crisis, 
there was widespread concern about the capital of all the 
largest banks in the U.S., and I think there was just a lack of 
belief in regulatory capital information that was out there. 
There was a lack of confidence in the measure of capital.
    So the point of the stress test was to throw a very 
difficult scenario at the banks and to ask the question, what 
would happen if this thing got even worse than it is? I think 
it was seen as a very credible test. The important thing, 
really, was that it be seen as credible by the markets.
    The results showed some banks passed, some banks failed. 
Banks went ahead and raised capital in an environment in which 
confidence was improving. I guess there was some luck that they 
were able to raise capital and only a small number of banks 
ended up really failing the test.
    It was a--it was a remarkable opportunity to address the 
crisis and get it going----
    Ms. Pressley. Thank you.
    Mr. Feldberg [continuing]. get things going again.
    Ms. Pressley. Thank you.
    Again, deregulation is a failed approach. Yet bank 
lobbyists are continuing to push for less stringent oversight. 
My colleagues across the aisle are working with big banks to 
publicly reveal the mechanics behind stress testing. This is 
not a pro-transparency, good-governance argument. They simply 
want to help banks game the system and circumvent oversight.
    Mr. Feldberg, in 2019, the Fed provided details to banks 
about how they conduct stress tests, and this diminished the 
value of those tests.
    If the Fed reveals even more information--just building 
upon what we have been talking about today; please expound--
would that not allow banks to game the tests, undermining the 
very purpose of examining how resilient and prepared banks are 
for unexpected shocks to the financial system?
    Mr. Feldberg. The banks spend a great deal of money trying 
to reverse-engineer the stress tests, and do not think they do 
that for any other reason than trying to game the process.
    They can already do a petty good job of reverse-engineering 
because they already get more information about the stress-test 
models than any other country gives their banks.
    If they got what is being asked for today, it would 
emasculate the process, and we would have something similar to 
what OFHEO had with the GSEs--an ineffective process that does 
not keep up with changes in the financial system.
    Ms. Pressley. Thank you.
    Mr. Feldberg. I would like to--I mean, just--an argument 
that came up earlier was, why do we not reveal these things 
after the test? I would discourage that idea from going much 
further.
    As I keep on saying, we actually do disclose a great deal 
already, so the difference in what we would be disclosing after 
and before the release of the results is not very much, but it 
is that one little secret sauce that prevents the banks from 
essentially just replicating the models and baking grandma's 
cake, and then you just--you do not have a test anymore.
    Ms. Pressley. Thank you.
    When implementing stress tests, regulators should be 
prioritizing what is best for consumers and the stability of 
our financial system, not the desires of greedy bank CEOs.
    If Republicans and big banks want greater transparency, 
then they should practice what they preach. I have a long list 
of areas where banks should be more transparent: the use of AI 
in decisionmaking, their investments in mass incarceration, the 
funding of fossil-fuel projects that kill our environment, the 
denials of mortgages and business loans to disproportionately 
Black and Brown communities, and so much more.
    The Fed should not give away the answer key to stress 
testing. After witnessing some of the largest bank failures in 
our history last year, our response cannot be further 
deregulation that weakens our banking system. We need 
meaningful and stringent stress tests for a safer and more 
stable financial system.
    Thank you. I yield.
    Chairman Barr. The gentlelady yields.
    I would like to thank our witnesses for their testimony 
today.
    As a matter of a concluding observation, I would just say 
that I thought we had great testimony, great points made by all 
of our witnesses. My takeaway is that we can have more 
transparency in stress testing, we can reduce the opacity. We 
can do that certainly on the input side of things to provide 
the accountability, to improve the process, to improve the 
actual stress testing itself and we do not have to do it in a 
way that would create the risks that Mr. Feldberg pointed out 
on the outputs.
    I think he makes a good point, that the goal should be to 
reveal just enough about banks to help market participants 
evaluate risk but not so much to undermine confidence. I think 
improving transparency at the front end does not necessarily 
have to lead to undermining confidence on the back end, and 
results of stress tests can be disclosed to the supervised 
institution so that they can evaluate those risks without 
undermining confidence.
    So, with that, I appreciate the testimony. I think this was 
a great hearing.
    Without objection, all members will have 5 legislative days 
within which to submit additional written questions for the 
witnesses to the chair, which will be forwarded to the 
witnesses for their response. I ask our witnesses to please 
respond as promptly as you are able.

    [The information referred to can be found in the appendix.]

    Chairman Barr. This hearing is now adjourned.

    [Whereupon, at 3:41 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

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