[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
GREAT POWER COMPETITION IN THE WESTERN
HEMISPHERE
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
June 12, 2024
__________
Serial No. 118-120
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov, http://docs.house.gov,
or http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
55-686PDF WASHINGTON : 2026
=======================================================================
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking
JOE WILSON, South Carolina Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida AMI BERA, California
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee DINA TITUS, Nevada
ANDY BARR, Kentucky TED LIEU, California
RONNY JACKSON, Texas SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
YOUNG KIM, California DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida COLIN ALLRED, Texas
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan ANDY KIM, New Jersey
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, SARA JACOBS, California
American Samoa KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK,
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio Florida
JIM BAIRD, Indiana GREG STANTON, Arizona
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
CORY MILLS, Florida SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia JIM COSTA, California
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas JASON CROW, Colorado
JOHN JAMES, Michigan GABRIEL AMO, Rhode Island
KEITH SELF, Texas KWEISI MFUME, Maryland
RYAN K. ZINKE, Montana BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
JAMES C. MOYLAN, Guam
Brendan Shields, Majority Staff Director
Sophia Lafargue, Minority Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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REPRESENTATIVES
Page
Opening Statement of Chairman Michael McCaul..................... 1
Opening Statement of Ranking Member Gregory Meeks................ 2
WITNESSES
Statements of Brian Nichols, Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Hemisphere Affairs, Department of State................ 5
Prepared Statement............................................. 7
Todd Robinson, Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, Department
of State....................................................... 12
Prepared Statement............................................. 14
Michael Camilleri, Acting Assistant Administrator for Latin
America and The Caribbean, U.S. Agency for International
Development.................................................... 27
Prepared Statement............................................. 29
APPENDIX
Hearing Notice................................................... 68
Hearing Minutes.................................................. 70
Hearing Attendance............................................... 71
Materials for the Record
Statement for the record submitted by Rep. Gerald Connolly....... 72
Questions for the Record
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols and Todd Robinson by Rep.
Meeks.......................................................... 74
Questions submitted to Michael Camilleri by Rep. Meeks........... 163
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols by Rep. Castro.............. 186
Questions submitted to Michael Camilleri and Brian Nichols by
Rep. Castro.................................................... 207
Questions submitted to Todd Robinson by Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick. 211
Questions submitted to Michael Camilleri by Rep. Cherfilus-
McCormick...................................................... 217
Questions submitted to Michael Camilleri by Rep. Connolly........ 219
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols by Rep. Connolly............ 225
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols and Todd Robinson by Rep.
Hill........................................................... 241
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols by Rep. Kamlager-Dove....... 248
Questions submitted to Todd Robinson by Rep. Salazar............. 256
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols by Rep. Salazar............. 257
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols and Todd Robinson by Rep.
Sherman........................................................ 266
Questions submitted to Brian Nichols and Todd Robinson by Rep.
Smith.......................................................... 268
GREAT POWER COMPETITION IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
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Wednesday, June 12, 2024
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Michael McCaul
(chairman of the committee) presiding.
Chairman McCaul. The Committee on Foreign Affairs will come
to order. First order of business is we have a few new members
of the committee that I would like to announce and
congratulate. First one, Representative Ryan Zinke. He is not
here. Oh, well. That is one strike. Delegate James Moylan of
Guam, congratulations, sir.
[Applause.]
Chairman McCaul. A guy that we have known for a while who
has come back to Congress, Representative Mfume from Maryland.
Is he here? Okay. That is two strikes.
The purpose of this hearing is to examine the Biden's
administration policies toward the Western Hemisphere with a
special focus on Great Power Competition. I now recognize
myself for an opening statement.
OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN MICHAEL McCAUL
As this committee continues to examine the growing malign
influence of our adversaries around the world and the American
response to it, it is essential that we assess the nature and
extent of the risks that we are facing in our own hemisphere.
Under the Biden administration, China, Russia, and Iran have
bolstered their presence in the region. They have cornered
critical mineral markets, expanded their military footprint,
and deepened their intelligence capabilities, all aided and
abetted by many authoritarian regimes in the Americas.
As we speak, four Russian warships, including a nuclear-
powered submarine and a frigate carrying hypersonic missiles,
are set to arrive in Cuba; China is bankrolling the
dictatorship in Nicaragua; and Iran is looking to station Quds
forces in Venezuela. China is infiltrating countries in Latin
America and successfully pressuring nations that once
recognized Taiwan, only to abandon their support.
CCP has invested billions in infrastructure and critical
minerals throughout the hemisphere. For example, China
maintains ports on both sides of the Panama Canal and is
heavily invested in mining operations in Latin America.
Additionally, they have many more commercial officers than we
do at their embassies working deals and have targeted PR
campaigns that undermine American interests.
Congress has given the president tools to combat and
compete with the great powers. It has authorized the DFC
appropriated bilateral economic assistance and provided funding
through the CHIPS Act, which I authored and passed into law, to
secure our supply chains. It has mandated corruption sanctions
against foreign officials and their family members; and, yet,
the Biden administration has not effectively used all the tools
that Congress has provided. The result is a hemisphere more and
more aligned with our adversaries.
On illegal immigration, we are seeing the mass waves of
illegal immigrants at our southern border and the flow of
deadly drugs, like fentanyl, into our country. I have worked on
border issues for 25 years both as a Federal prosecutor and as
a deputy attorney general for the State of Texas and as a
former chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, but I have
never seen this border more broken.
We had addressed this problem with the migrant protection
protocols, otherwise known as Remain in Mexico. But one of the
first actions of this administration was to rescind it. One
stroke of the pen wiped away 4 years of progress.
In fact, just yesterday, it was reported that eight foreign
nationals from Tajikistan were arrested in America. They came
across the southern border and were, quote, vetted and allowed
to remain in the country. They are believed to have ties to
ISIS-K.
Securing our border is a national security priority. That
is why in January I went down to Mexico to talk to then
candidate Claudia Sheinbaum about ways to work together on
fentanyl and immigration. I congratulated her on her election.
I hope she takes seriously the immigration issue and fentanyl.
Today is an opportunity, though, to evaluate the
administration's work and assess the next steps. Our
adversaries cannot be separated. They are all connected, and
they are all working together. We can't win the game if we are
not on the field competing.
I want to thank our three witnesses for being here today.
And in the Great Power Competition in our hemisphere, I believe
that America is falling behind. I want to be more optimistic
and, hopefully, our witnesses today will give us better news
than I have prognosticated; but that is the way I see it.
And with that, I recognize the ranking member.
OPENING STATEMENT OF RANKING MEMBER GREGORY MEEKS
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me begin by
thanking our three witnesses. Assistant Secretaries Nichols and
Robinson and Acting Assistant Administrator Camilleri for
joining us today. I know all of the work, especially of
Assistant Secretary Nichols and Robinson, who I have worked
with for a long period of time on the Western Hemisphere and
know of your expertise, your dedication, and your focus, and I
want to thank you for your service and everything that you do.
This is the first full committee hearing on the Western
Hemisphere this year, and your insight today will be invaluable
as work to address the many challenges we face with our closest
neighbors. As the Biden administration made clear on its
National Security Strategy, no region impacts the United States
more directly than the Western Hemisphere. After all, this
region includes the United States' top two trading partners,
Mexico and Canada, as well as ten other U.S. Free Trade
Agreement partners. And given how interconnected our economies
and given our shared borders and our cultural ties, what
impacts one nation impacts all nations throughout Latin America
and the Caribbean, and shared challenges require collective
efforts to deliver a better, more prosperous future. The
required collaboration and dialog in finding common ground
wherever possible to address issues like irregular migration,
drug trafficking, violence, and the cascading effects of
climate change. And I, for one, strongly believe that such
efforts require strong U.S. leadership, which can only be
accomplished by ensuring nations in our region see us as a
reliable partner.
We risk eroding that trust, however, if we frame our
interests in the region through the prism of a Great Power
Competition, as today's hearing title has been framed. We must
be clear that the United States recognizes investment and
inclusive development in the region as mutually advantageous
for us and our partners. Those investments must match our
values, which is why the administration's approach combines a
focus on labor and environmental standards, human rights, and
inclusive growth. That is what sets the United States' approach
apart from the People's Republic of China's Belt and Road
Initiative, which seeks to exert greater control through
predatory lending practices that leave countries indebted to
Beijing.
This approach is also what allows us to be seen as a
partner of choice to both out-compete the PRC and deliver
better outcomes for our neighbors in this region. Initiatives
like the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment,
which is working to mobilize $600 billion for quality and
sustainable infrastructure development; the $3 billion
identified by the Development Finance Corporation and the
Inter-American Development Bank for infrastructure in the
Western Hemisphere; and the Central American Forward
Initiative, which has catalyzed 4.2 billion in programming,
along with friend-shoring efforts, are examples of this
administration's efforts to increase investments and growth of
our partnerships and with our partners in the region.
However, these investments are far from enough to serve as
an alternative to the investments made by Beijing, and it is up
to us in the U.S. Congress to do more. And while Democrats
successfully negotiated to remove the steepest of cuts proposed
by Republicans to our fiscal 2024 State and foreign operations
budget, the final negotiated budget still included many cuts
that hurt our diplomatic and development programs. For F2025,
Republicans are again seeking to cut SFOPS, this time by 11
percent. This is not only irresponsible but also entirely
contradictory to my Republican colleagues' claim objective to
out-competing China. We are not going to win a so-called Great
Power Competition on a small power budget.
Underscoring this point is yet another self-inflicted
setback. Republicans have continued to hold up already-
allocated funding, $94 million for the Multinational Security
Support Mission to Haiti, a country further devolving into
lawlessness as a result of horrific violence, including
systemic sexual violence perpetrated by gangs. The MSS is key
to promoting stability as Haitians work to restore democratic
governance in their country, and this delay of funds risks
preventing other nations from investing as they wait to see
what we do. We must understand that Haiti's crises will be
ours, too, when it spills over into the region at our border.
Twice now, Republicans have kowtowed to former President
Donald Trump and torpedoed immigration reform bills that would
have made the largest investments in decades to address
irregular migration at our border. And the America First or
America Only policy advocated by the former president has and
will again isolate America and create a vacuum that our
competitors will rush to fill. What is needed is continued U.S.
leadership, as President Biden has demonstrated time and again,
deepening our involvement in existing multilateral institutions
in our hemisphere and working as partners to governments and
the hemisphere to address our collective challenges.
We have already seen and seeing results of that engagement:
Antigua, Barbuda, and 24 other states of the Organization of
American States, joined together to condemn Russia's continued
aggression in Ukraine this past February. Trinidad and Tobago,
the Bahamas, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic are among
several Caribbean countries working to support clean energy
project development and investment in broader climate goals
through the administration's U.S.-Caribbean partnership to
address the climate crisis.
And, finally, nearly 2 years ago, the Biden administration
launched the Los Angeles Declaration of Migration and
Protection with 20 leaders from across the Western Hemisphere
to support integration, lawful immigration pathways to the
U.S., and human immigration enforcement. Just last month,
Colombia announced it would grant temporary protective status
and employment authorization to 600,000 additional Venezuelans
inside its country, adding to the 2.3 million Venezuelans
already in Colombia. And I look forward to hearing more about
that today.
So with that, Mr. Chairman, let's work together and let's
lead in the Western Hemisphere. And I yield back.
Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. I appreciate the
spirit and passion of my ranking member and good friend, and we
will work together, as we always do. It is just too important
not to, and this is probably the last bipartisan committee left
on the Hill, to be honest with you.
Other members of the committee are reminded that opening
statements may be submitted for the record. And we are pleased
to have a distinguished panel of witnesses before us.
Ambassador Brian Nichols is Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Hemisphere Affairs at the Department of State.
Ambassador Todd Robinson is the Assistant Secretary of State,
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
at the Department of State. And, finally, Mr. Michael Camilleri
is the acting Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Latin America
and the Caribbean at the U.S. Agency for International
Development.
Thank you for being here today. Your full statements will
be made part of the record, and I now recognize Assistant
Secretary Nichols for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN NICHOLS
Mr. Nichols. Chairman McCaul, Ranking Member Meeks, members
of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify
today. The Western Hemisphere has become a focal point in Great
Power Competition again with the PRC and Russia vying for
influence throughout the region. Addressing this challenge
requires close coordination with interagency colleagues,
international organizations, and our allies and partners around
the world.
As Secretary Blinken has said, our strategic competition
with the PRC represents one of the defining challenges of our
time. We also remain vigilant as Russia seeks to expand its
influence in the Western Hemisphere through malicious cyber
activities, disinformation campaigns, and security force
projection. To manage these global challenges, we are bringing
together a more integrated, inclusive, and competitive region
underpinned by a network for partnerships that can shape the
free, open, secure, and prosperous vision for the world.
Through revitalizing longstanding partnerships and
institutions and building new fit-for-purpose coalitions, we
are working side by side with our partners to address irregular
migration, insecurity, the climate crisis, and inequality.
Managing Great Power Competition in the Western Hemisphere
requires strengthening democratic institutions, reducing
corruption, helping our partners build economies that attract
more investment from the U.S. businesses and trusted partners,
and ensuring governments can be more responsive to the needs
and aspirations of their citizens.
Economic engagement with the Americas represents a critical
pillar of our Great Power Competition strategy. The United
States is the top trading partner for over two-thirds of the
hemisphere's countries. We have invested over $1 trillion in
the region. In 2022, U.S. goods traded within the hemisphere
totaled to $1.9 trillion.
To unlock the region's economic potential and ensure
democracies deliver the prosperity their citizens demand, last
year, President Biden, together with 11 partners across the
Americas, launched the Americas Partnership for Economic
Prosperity. The partnership represents 90 percent of the
Western Hemisphere's GDP and nearly two-thirds of its people.
The initiative's goal is to make the Americas the most
economically competitive region in the world.
As part of the partnership, the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation and the Inter-American
Development Bank convened a conversation on attracting the
billions of dollars needed to build out the semiconductor and
other supply chains.
I strongly support a capital increase for. The President's
budget for Fiscal Year 2025, the Administration has requested
authorization for the United States' full subscription and
appropriation of $75 million as the first payment. A reinforced
IDB Invest will deliver on key U.S. objectives for the region
of bolstering private sector-led growth, building resilient
supply chains, creating economic opportunity for migrant
populations, and offering a transparent and accountable
alternative to PRC bilateral lending in the region.
As we pursue a strategy of invest, align, and compete with
the PRC and the Americas, we are also actively working to
address Russia's destabilizing presence. Moscow seeks to expand
its influence of the region through malicious cyber activities,
disinformation campaigns, security force projection, which is
why the United States sanctioned the Russian Interior
Ministry's training center in Nicaragua on May 15th. Russia's
training enabled the Nicaraguan regime's brutal repression
against its own people.
Russia will conduct heightened naval and air activity in
our hemisphere. Russia will temporarily combat naval vessels to
the region. These ships will conduct port calls in Cuba and
possibly Venezuela. There may also be some aircraft deployments
in the region. These actions will culminate in a global Russian
naval exercise this fall.
In Cuba, we remain concerned about Kremlin and PRC attempts
to shape the nature of Cuba's future. Greater U.S. support for
Cuba's private sector remains vital to counter Russia and the
PRC's malign influence in Cuba. Promotion of private enterprise
is just one of U.S. engagements in Cuba. We consistently
advocate for respect for Cubans' fundamental freedoms and press
for the release of political prisoners.
We have supported Haiti's call for safety and security and
pledged $300 million to support the Multinational Security
Mission. We have rallied more than 20 nations to pledge some
$100 million in additional financial contributions, as well as
personnel.
The restoration of democracy in Venezuela also remains at
the center of our efforts. We continue to harness all
diplomatic tools and leverage sanctions to this end, including
with Venezuelans and regional and international partners to
encourage Maduro and his representatives to hold competitive
and inclusive elections.
Finally, we are leveraging partnerships to address
irregular migration. Under the Los Angeles Declaration on
Migration and Protection, which 22 countries in the region have
endorsed, we have reaffirmed our shared responsibility to
respond to migration and displacement across the hemisphere.
This means reinforcing our own borders, opening new lawful
pathways, and encouraging our partners in the region to do the
same.
Chairman McCaul, Ranking Member Meeks, members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you
today. I look forward to your questions.
[The Statement of Mr. Nichols follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, sir. And I appreciate your
efforts on supply chain on semiconductor chips into this
hemisphere and out of--I just recently came back from Taiwan,
which is very much in the bullseye of the PRC.
I now recognize Ambassador Robinson for his opening
statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. TODD ROBINSON
Mr. Robinson. Chairman McCaul, Ranking Member Meeks, and
distinguished Members of the Committee, thank you for the
opportunity to discuss State's engagement in the Western
Hemisphere in this moment of Great Power Competition.
In this hemisphere, we are faced with interrelated
challenges, corruption and security, mis-and disinformation,
weak institutions, and lack of economic opportunities have
dimmed the perception of democracy and the rule of law to many
people in the region. Particularly, the PRC and Russia seek to
capitalize on these factors to increase their competitive
presence in the hemisphere to compete against the United
States.
In response, INL works with partners in the region to
promote rules-based international policies and standards. The
threat from malign external actors is constantly evolving and
requires additional creative and innovative thinking. Non-State
transnational criminal organizations exploit weak rule of law,
utilizing global networks and technology to diversify and grow
their criminal activity.
Countering the flow of illicit synthetic drugs by TCOs and
the precursor chemicals used to produce them is an
administration priority. Combating the production and
trafficking of fentanyl and other drugs is critical to
safeguard American lives and deprive TCOs of their profits.
Synthetic opioids alone took the lives of more than 70,000
Americans in 2023.
By depriving TCOs of their ability to operate and expanding
access to lifesaving treatment and overdose reversal mediation,
we can reverse this trend. Through training, equipment, and
technical assistance, along with bilateral and multilateral
diplomacy, INL is working to counter the flow of illicit drugs
into the United States by building our partners' capacity to
disrupt the ability of TCOs to produce, traffic, and profit
from these deadly substances.
Enduring security cooperation with Mexico is critical to
the success of our efforts to combat the fentanyl crisis and
criminal networks that profit. And throughout Central America,
INL supports specialized units and efforts to strengthen
interdiction capacity, including by fostering interagency
coordination through technical assistance, training, and
mentoring, and providing critical equipment.
Through the global coalition to address synthetic drug
threats, the United States leads the global response to the
public health and security threats posted by synthetic drugs
with 29 of the 156 participating countries from the Western
Hemisphere alone. While we direct our focus toward fentanyl, we
do not ignore other counter-narcotics challenges driving
increased violence and instability in the hemisphere,
primarily, those related to cocaine and other plant-based
narcotics. Our approach has evolved to address the full
spectrum of forces that enable cocaine production and
trafficking.
Transnational organized crime remains a top concern for
partner governments in the hemisphere and poses national
security threats to the United States. TCOs are utilizing
global networks and technology to diversify and expand
activities, and there is demand for their services, especially
from our global competitors.
INL works tirelessly to bolster the rule of law and
judicial capacities of our partners throughout the Western
Hemisphere, as they often serve as the critical defenders of
democracy and against malign actors. We combat endemic
corruption and impunity by strengthening institutions and the
capacity of partner nations to better identify, dismantle, and
prosecute the main drivers of corruption. Corruption provides a
foothold for the influence of malign actors and our adversaries
weaponize corruption to drive a wedge between us and our
partners. Corruption in the Western Hemisphere is a roadblock
to the equitable society and economic development and a key
national security threat.
Throughout sector programming with judges, police, and
prosecutors, through this, INL supports Western Hemisphere
partners to protect and serve communities through the delivery
of impartial and equitable administration of law. INL also
focuses on reform of judicial institutions and supports
regional partners to implement obligations under international
standards, benchmarks, and treaties. Finally, INL promotes
anti-corruption priorities in the Western Hemisphere through
multilateral engagement.
Transnational criminal organizations and corruption in the
Western Hemisphere are deeply rooted challenges that embolden
and empower our global competitors. To out-compete these actors
and counter their detrimental impact on citizen security,
economic prosperity, and democracy in our region, we must
continue to support our partners where possible and pursue
innovative solutions. While these issues pose a serious threat
to regional stability and our own national security, INL is and
will continue to be committed to advancing a just and secure
future in our hemisphere.
Thank you for your attention on this important issue, and I
am happy to answer any questions you may have.
[The Statement of Mr. Robinson follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Ambassador. I now recognize Mr.
Camilleri for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL CAMILLERI
Mr. Camilleri. Chairman McCaul, Ranking Member Meeks,
members of the committee, thank you for inviting me to discuss
USAID's approach in Latin America and the Caribbean, which
reflects the region's pressing needs and the reality that the
choices we make there make a direct impact here at home.
USAID is responding to the region's emergencies, political
challenges, and opportunities, and historic levels of migration
in a way that enhances hemispheric stability and builds local
capacity to address challenges. That not only helps advance our
foreign policy priorities but provides a clear contrast to the
approach of the PRC. Our stance, as a rules-based partner, not
a transactional lender, gives us a competitive advantage and
our partners the ability to make choices free from coercion.
While net approval for PRC leadership has declined by more
than 25 percentage points over the last two decades, the U.S.
continues to be the preferred partner to address national and
hemispheric challenges. That includes showing up in moments of
need, including responding to recent floods in Brazil and fires
in Chile and Colombia. Last year, USAID provided more than $527
million in emergency response to the region, including food
assistance and support for subsistence farmers in Central
America affected by El Nino, and food, water sanitation,
hygiene, and health assistance for people affected by the
political and economic crises in Venezuela and Haiti. So far
this year, USAID has provided $105 million for the humanitarian
response in Haiti, helping our partners provide life-saving
assistance to more than 1.5 million people.
While we work to address the immediate and urgent in Haiti,
USAID also continues to invest in the long term by operating
the majority of our programs. We are improving food security
and have helped 105,000 farmers increase product yields. We are
meeting health needs by operating 92 percent of our 170 USAID-
supported clinics, despite gang violence. And we are addressing
citizen security with community-based programming. But one of
the strongest signals of long-term support the United States
could send would be renewing HOPE-HELP trade preferences for
Haiti's textile industry, a backbone of its economy.
Lasting progress requires development, security, and
political stability. To that end, USAID has joined interagency
efforts to build support for the MSS and is prepared to provide
technical assistance to the Transitional Presidential Council
in Haiti.
Our work in Haiti reflects our drive to advance democratic
values across the Americas. The region is home to autocratic
outliers, like Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela where USAID works
to support people who demand democratic change and human
rights. In countries where we see dangerous erosion by leaders
consolidating power, we support civil society, independent
media, and transparency. And we show the region that
democracies deliver by capitalizing on bright spots and surging
our efforts when citizens take a chance on reformers. That is
what we are doing in the Dominican Republic, in Ecuador, and
now in Guatemala, where USAID is helping President Are valo's
team ensure that citizens who bet on democracy feel its
dividends.
We have seen how non-democratic rule in one country can
impact the entire hemisphere. 7.7 million people have fled
Venezuela in search of freedom and opportunity. Nearly 85
percent of them have relocated within the region. So we have
supported the generous regularization and integration policies
of our partner countries, helping Colombia provide legal
residency to two million migrants, supporting degree validation
in Peru, and backing integration efforts in Brazil and Ecuador.
These integration efforts deter onward migration while helping
grow the host country's labor force, tax base, and economy.
We have also worked with the governments of El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras to decrease irregular migration by
nearly tripling access to H-2 visas. This helps American
companies fill critical labor gaps and gives workers access to
lawful, ethical employment opportunities that reduce the demand
for irregular migration.
But treating the symptoms alone is not enough. Under the
Biden administration's root causes strategy, USAID's
programming is boosting sales and employment for small
businesses, increasing farmer productivity and food security,
improving education and vocational training, and supporting
anti-corruption reformers. While we cannot claim direct
causality, 2023 data shows a sustained double-digit decline in
intentions to migrate from Guatemala and Honduras since the
strategy launched in 2021.
USAID's work reflects our commitment to get the greatest
possible return on our investments. Whether that means
leveraging our programs to encourage effective policies,
bringing in private sector and other partners who can take our
dollars further, or using our programming to build the capacity
of local partners so that they can sustain progress beyond our
programs.
At this pivotal moment for our hemisphere, the
administration's commitment to investing in people and
partnerships across Latin America and the Caribbean positions
USAID to improve lives and fortify democratic institutions,
strengthening our standing in the region and our national
security.
Thank you. And I look forward to your questions.
[The Statement of Mr. Camilleri follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, sir. I now recognize myself for
5 minutes of questioning. I have a map that I want to hopefully
put up if our technology works here. And it is not good news. I
mean, since this administration took power, we have lost our
adversaries. Brazil, October 2022; Colombia, May 2022; Chile,
December 2021; Honduras, November 2021. And if you look at the
map, there aren't many friends down there. You have got
Ecuador, Paraguay, Uruguay, and now with the recent election in
Argentina.
We need moral clarity and authority in our hemisphere. When
you lose that, you lose to your foreign adversaries, like China
particularly. Illegal immigration gets worse, not better.
Fentanyl is coming into this country. It's worse, not better.
China's malign influence gets worse, not better. Cartels and
their operations have gotten worse, not better. And it is all
tied together. Our adversaries are all working against us. We
don't choose them, they choose us. And we have this debate on
Ukraine, but now we have it in our own backyard, in our
hemisphere.
More countries recognize China than Taiwan in our
hemisphere, and the Belt and Road projects keep coming and
expanding. I think we need a new doctrine for our hemisphere,
one that protects our interests, combats our enemies, and
promotes shared prosperity between us and our allies. And I am
not saying this to score political points. I just want to know
what is the plan. That is reality. What is our plan to address
these threats in our own backyard.
Mr. Secretary Nichols.
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We work with
countries across the political spectrum as long as they respect
democracy, the right of voters to choose their own governments.
The characterization that you make on some of the governments I
would disagree with respectfully. In Chile, President Boric has
repeatedly condemned human rights violations and the lack of
democracy in Venezuela and continues to speak out boldly
against the repression in Nicaragua.
Peru and President Boluarte and her government have been
very supportive of our efforts to bring greater democracy to
Venezuela to address the challenges in Nicaragua. They have
raised deep concerns about the presence of Chinese investments
in infrastructure, and I think we will probably talk about that
today.
Chairman McCaul. Panama Canal is a good example. I mean,
you know, Roosevelt created it, and then Jimmy Carter gave it
back, and now you have two Chinese ports on both sides of the
Panama Canal.
Mr. Nichols. Panama is a strong U.S. ally.
Chairman McCaul. And they are, and that is good. Right.
Mr. Nichols. We look forward to an excellent relationship
with incoming President Jos? Raul Mulino, and we think he will
be an excellent partner. And he is already stressed in his
conversations with our embassy his commitment to working with
us.
Chairman McCaul. Mr. Meeks and I will be having a
delegation to Latin America, and I look forward to working with
you before we do that.
Ambassador Robinson, two points. I was in Mexico with the
secretary of the Navy. We passed this year, there is new
screening that can detect fentanyl and precursors technology.
And I talked to the secretary of the Navy down in Mexico. They
are very interested in getting this technology deployed,
especially to the two ports on the Pacific Side where all the
precursors are coming in from China. Can you give me an update
on that?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you for that question. We are working
regularly with our Mexican counterparts, particularly the Navy,
at the Port of Manzanillo and I can't remember the name of the
other port. We regularly have contact with them. We regularly
review the type of equipment and training they need, including
canines, which have been----
Chairman McCaul. And that is great. I brought up canines
with them. They said they would need, like, thousands of
canines to do this. The technology is now available, and I
think we need to get it to them, right?
Mr. Robinson. Well, absolutely. What I would say, though,
is, you know, unlike some of our competitors, we can't direct
American companies to go to point X or point Y. They are going
to go where they can make money. We can certainly expose them
to our partners in Mexico and allow them to have conversations
with the----
Chairman McCaul. Well, I talked to the secretary of the
Navy in Mexico, and they are very interested. I think, if this
is a matter of cost, they certainly would, I think, would want
to buy it. But I think we could also assist them----
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely.
Chairman McCaul [continuing]. In that effort. And I would
appreciate if you could update me on this because our
appropriations process is going forward. I think that would be
a really wise investment----
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely.
Chairman McCaul [continuing]. If we are going to protect
our children from the scourge of fentanyl.
Last, Ambassador Robinson, you know, I talked to AMLO, the
president of Mexico, and, you know, there is a choke point, and
it is between, you know, Guatemala and Mexico. There is also
the Darien Gap. It would make a lot of sense to me, and I have
been doing this for a long time, this border stuff--I think
Remain in Mexico is working, but your administration did away
with that. But, you know, I think there is interest on Mexico's
part. I think Panama has an interest in the Darien Gap to close
this chokepoint off where you are not talking about 2,000 miles
of border, you are talking about a very finite number of miles
that we could secure to stop this illegal immigration that is
happening, and then that sends a message of deterrence that the
cartels understand.
I mean, do you have any thoughts on those two ideas?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely. And I completely agree with you.
In fact, we are working very closely on both sides of the
Darien with Colombia and Panama, both getting them to work
together and allowing us to assist them in monitoring the area,
getting their forces to the area. Our INL airframes are
assisting in getting their officers to the area. We would
welcome Mexican support in this effort.
I think you are absolutely right that making sure that we
are working with all of our partners in the region closely, and
we are, can go a long way toward addressing this issue.
Chairman McCaul. I will look forward to working with you,
and I am going to talk to our appropriators because we talk a
lot about border security around here but, you know, when you
have got two obvious, you know, sort of chokepoints, from a
geographical standpoint, to me, it is just common sense.
Mr. Robinson. I would add Guatemala, as well.
Chairman McCaul. And Guatemala.
Mr. Robinson. In that group.
Chairman McCaul. Guatemala and Mexico and the Darien Gap. I
think those two combined would make a whole lot of sense, and I
think that would be bipartisan, you know. But I am not going to
speak for Mr. Meeks. I will yield to him and recognize him.
Mr. Meeks. I do think that could be bipartisan. But let me
just say this: I just believe that we can't address our
challenges if we just retreat behind our borders and, you know,
we want to talk about out-competing China. We can't out-compete
China or Russia or curb their influence throughout the
hemisphere if we drastically cut U.S. diplomatic and
development budgets. You know, there is a way why diplomacy is
important and what we need to do with our investments, and that
would also help with immigration, you know, illegal immigration
coming across because people are leaving certain places looking
for a better life because of what is taking place there. And
the United States has to play a role in that, and we can't
build the trust that we need to build and sustain partnerships
with our partners and regions if the engagement is seen solely
as guided by interests and competition with the PRC because it
says that we don't really care about them, we are just caring
about stopping the PRC.
And I have been engaged in the Western Hemisphere for most
of my congressional career. And when I look at what is taking
place down there, particularly when you look at places like
Colombia and Brazil and Peru, when I look at some of the things
that are taking place there in Central America, the Caribbean,
there is issues of whether or not, because what I do see with
those governments, with the exception recently of Venezuela
primarily but in many of these other countries are
democratically elected presidents that the people's voices are
crying out for help in certain areas and are looking toward the
United States to see where we are.
And I know that the president has certain policy priorities
that he is putting forward so that we can try to address some
of those issues in various parts. My first question would be
then give us the strategic importance and what are the Biden
administration's type policy priorities in Latin America and
the Caribbean that addresses some of the concerns that I have
just articulated and some of the concerns that we see in some
of the countries that are our neighbors and our partners in
Central America and South America and in the Caribbean.
Mr. Nichols. Maybe I will kick it off, Ranking Member
Meeks. And thank you for your decades of leadership on these
issues.
We are working as hard as we can to promote a more security
democratic and prosperous region. That means delivering support
for our allies when they need it. I will give you the example
of Ecuador where President Noboa has faced tremendous economic,
transnational crime, and security challenges. We have brought
to bear a full array of solutions there. My learned colleagues
have traveled to Ecuador to support them on security and
development issues. We are working through international
financial institutions to provide relief to the crushing debt
load that that country faces, and we seek to help them become
more capable in dealing with the challenges that they face.
We need to see greater investment from U.S. and like-minded
nation private-sector players in the region, even though we are
the leading trading partner for two-thirds of the countries in
our region. IDB Invest can be an important leverage in that
effort.
I would also note doing things to help countries join the
supply chain for electric vehicles and using critical minerals,
which are abundant in our region, and making sure that U.S.
companies have access to those, and work with partners so that
everyone benefits along the supply chain. EXIM is a crucial
partner for us in that regard. I think I mentioned already DFC.
Those are all key tools that we have.
And we need to be present. We need our diplomats on the
field, we need Ambassadors in every embassy, we need commercial
officers, we need foreign agricultural service officers out
there competing every single day because our competitors have
their people on the field working----
Mr. Meeks. Let me ask this real quick because there is two
areas I want to deal, you know, I help, and I want to know how
has the Bureau of Western Hemisphere empowered the Office of
the Special Representative for--you know, one of the things
that I have worked hard to get down was the racial equity and
justice to advance the U.S.-Brazilian Joint Action Plan to
Eliminate Racial and Ethnic Discrimination, as well as we
worked together to promote the U.S.-Colombian Action Plan for
Racial and Ethnic Equality, CAPREE, and to address closing
civic space for marginalized communities because, in a lot of
these countries, these communities are marginalized, also
across the hemisphere including Nicaragua and Venezuela and
Honduras and Peru.
So tell me how is the Bureau is doing to advance that and
working that, and can you do it without any money?
Mr. Nichols. Well, it is a tremendous priority for me.
Working with Desiree Cormier Smith in SREG has been incredibly
important. We have traveled together to Brazil to hold meetings
on our Joint Action Plan to Eliminate Racial Discrimination
there. We have a comprehensive interagency approach on those
issues in Brazil, and we look forward to receiving our
Brazilian counterparts later this year to build on the
conversations that we had both in Brazil and here in Washington
earlier this spring.
Mr. Meeks. Last thing. I know we got votes coming up, but
Mr. McCaul and I are working closely together. I know he is
going to have another meeting later this week because I am very
concerned about what is taking place in Haiti and what that
deal is and the money that is there. We are working very
closely together. He has agreed that we are going to--but tell
us where are we, you know, with reference to this new piece
that we can get this thing done, and how important is getting
that money that is needed for the security?
Mr. Nichols. It is vital, sir. We are making progress. On
the political side in Haiti, we now have a new prime minister
in Haiti. A new cabinet has just been gazetted. It is a group
of technocratic experts. The Kenyan delegation has visited.
They are ready to go. They need us to make sure that we have
the things that they need in place.
The funding that we seek will allow us to provide crucial
things like vehicles, fuel, ammunition, radios, other
communication devices. This will be an important partnership
with not just Kenya but a number of countries, Jamaica,
Bahamas, others from around the region that will support this
effort.
The Haitian National Police needs our help to be able to
deal with the gang challenges. Every day, Haitians and others
are at tremendous risk. We saw the tragic murders of two
American missionaries last month, and we can't let more people
die while we wait to deploy.
Chairman McCaul. And thank you for that. I had a briefing
on Thursday. I just want to have assurances that the money and
weapons will not end up in the wrong hands. We have a history
of doing that as a Nation, and it is a legitimate concern. But
I don't want a failed State in the region either that can be
exploited by our adversaries.
So with that, I recognize Ms. Wagner.
Mrs. Wagner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am going to try to
get this in before we run to votes. And thank you to all of our
witnesses for their service and their time.
This administration's waffling has created chaos and
instability on a massive scale, from Europe to the Middle East
and beyond. We have got Russia, China, and Iran are taking
advantage of our weakness and our lack of resolve. Every day,
they are bringing the fight closer to our shores and whether
through the utter collapse of security on the southern border
or the out-of-control flow, as Mr. Meeks has brought up, of
fentanyl into American communities. We must restore American
leadership abroad to deter China and Russian aggression, but we
cannot neglect the vigilant defense of our interests in our own
backyards.
Assistant Secretary Nichols, this year, so far, 27,000
Chinese nationals have been apprehended at our southern border.
A total of 89 of them have been removed from the U.S. in 2024.
Last year, 24,000 Chinese migrants illegally entered the U.S.
and only 285 were sent back.
Why are the deportation numbers so low, and what is your
assessment of the national security risk posed by these growing
and growing numbers of unvetted Chinese nationals illegally
entering our country?
Mr. Nichols. The Biden administration is committed to
secure borders.
Mrs. Wagner. No, they are not. Ten million illegal migrants
have come across, so don't say that to me. But go ahead.
Mr. Nichols. This administration proposed comprehensive
migration reform that was not passed. The president has put
forward new regulations that will expedite the removal of those
persons found not to have the ability to----
Mrs. Wagner. Tell me about the Chinese nationals. Fifty
thousand in the last 2 years.
Mr. Nichols. We have worked with partners throughout the
hemisphere as part of the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration
and Protection to impose new visa restrictions on a number of
nationalities throughout the world who are entering the
Americas. We have worked with partners to facilitate the
repatriation of those persons who do not have----
Mrs. Wagner. Why are Chinese nationals coming here?
Mr. Nichols. Maybe because China doesn't have much hope or
prosperity for them. Maybe they are trying to leave----
Mrs. Wagner. Well, that is not, it doesn't come under the
definition of asylum, all right. Let me go move on. It is very
disturbing, and do not at all tell me or this committee that
this administration, this president has not let in over seven
to eight million illegal migrants since he took office and
millions more in got-aways.
Over 100,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in 2023,
mostly due to fentanyl. And so far this fiscal year, over 9,600
pounds of fentanyl have been seized at the southern border,
enough to kill around two billion people. In April, the
Bipartisan Select Committee on CCP released a comprehensive and
damning report finding that China directly subsidizes and
incentivizes the manufacturing and trafficking of fentanyl
materials and other synthetic narcotics.
Assistant Secretary Robinson, what is your assessment of
China's role in the fentanyl crisis?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, ma'am, for that question. First,
let me say that, since we have reinvigorated the Counter
Narcotics Working Group, I have had four opportunities, two in
Beijing, to speak to my PRC counterparts on this issue. They
know that this is important to us, and they have taken some
initial actions, notifying their chemical industry, for
instance, about certain substances that should not be
distributed to the United States.
But they also know directly from me and from the secretary
that they are not doing enough. And----
Mrs. Wagner. Yes. 9,600 pounds. I mean, that's, as I said,
enough to kill two billion people. And the No. 1 killer of 18
to 34 year olds in the United States of America. This is a war
on our youth. A hundred thousand Americans died in 2023.
I am going to move on here. Assistant Secretary Nichols,
last year, Brazilian President Lula da Silva allowed two of
Iran's most advanced warships to dock in Rio de Janeiro. The
Lula government granted these ships access to one of Brazil's
most important ports, despite U.S. sanctions and over the
reported objections of the administration. What specific
actions has the administration taken against the port in Rio de
Janeiro where the ships docked and the Brazilian companies that
provided them services or accepted payments and the foreign
companies that have entangled themselves with the port or those
Brazilian companies since?
Mr. Nichols. We have discussed with countries around the
region the importance of respect for the sanctions against Iran
and its forces. We have raised the issue with the government of
Brazil.
Mrs. Wagner. Two, two of Iran's most advanced warships
docked there. What specific action did we take?
Mr. Nichols. We have raised this issue with Brazilian
officials and expressed our concerns.
Mrs. Wagner. All right. We have done nothing. I yield back,
Mr. Chairman. Pathetic.
Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back. The committee
will recess for three votes on the House floor, and we will
reconvene after these votes. Thank you so much.
[Whereupon, the above-entitled matter went off the record
at 11 a.m. and resumed at 11:31 a.m.]
Mr. Mast. Committee will reconvene. The chair now
recognizes Mr. Keating for 5 minutes.
Mr. Keating. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to our
witnesses today.
Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela all support Russia's malign
influence in Latin America. They also prop up, in doing so,
Russia's war effort in Ukraine. Mexico and Brazil certainly
could do more.
Given the fact that Russia now, their domestic product is
less than $1.8 trillion, you know--compare that to California,
it's about half of California's domestic product. We have
advance in Russia economically, including Putin doing a whole
new set of income taxes, steep income taxes, on his people, 5
percent corporation tax hike, new mineral extraction taxes.
Their illegal war has resulted in cutting them off from
supplying 25 percent of Europe's oil, 40 percent of their gas.
They are certainly hurting economically.
Given that and looking at the long-range trajectory of
their economy, given the fact that their security and military
effort has been exposed, their weakness has been exposed by
Ukraine, if you look at all those things, do you see in any way
that these countries, looking forward, seeing Russia's obvious
weakness militarily in Ukraine, seeing what they are doing
economically, how poorly they are doing, that this alignment
with Russia could be something that we could change, and could
you comment on that? To me, those countries, in the short run,
can certainly take advantage of the security issues, perhaps
with the Wagner Group and other groups. But even mid-range,
looking at a forecast, the trajectory of their alliance with
Russia doesn't seem to be one that makes sense with their own
self-interest.
Is there an opportunity there for the U.S. to try and come
in and intervene? And what do you think those countries might
be looking at looking at Russia today?
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, sir. The opportunity for us is to
present a positive vision for cooperation with partners across
the hemisphere to demonstrate that working with the United
States is in their interest, to show them that, if it's a
matter of security cooperation, there is no nation that has
more to bring to bear than the United States to support them.
We look forward to working, for example, with Ecuador and Peru
to help them transition to more U.S. equipment. We are very
pleased that Argentina has bought 24 F-16s, increasing their
interoperability with the United States.
But that is going to mean a presence and putting forward a
positive vision and including through speedy delivery of
foreign military sales and greater agility in our foreign
military financing.
Mr. Keating. Do you forecast or see them reevaluating the
position, even absent the U.S. intervention? It is something I
think is common sense.
Mr. Nichols. Well, the specific countries that you named, I
think this will depend on progress toward democracy in those
countries. The primary North Star for Ortega and Murillo, in
Nicaragua or Maduro, in Venezuela is maintaining themselves in
power and finding partners that will overlook their glaring
abuses.
Mr. Keating. And I think the other thing is China's
activity economically, too. You see in African countries right
now the remorse that so many of those countries have dealing
with China's predatory loans and the promises. You know,
countries that are doing business with them, they will take
their raw materials. They will use it for their own business,
and there will be slight profits to the country, the home
country. That is opposed to a model with the U.S. and the West
that would mean the investment would stay in that country and
the profits would be greater in that country and the employment
would be greater in that country than the Chinese model that is
there.
So I hope, as we look at these countries, that there is an
opportunity, in Mexico I hope there is an opportunity with the
new president in terms of their support of the Ukraine. I hope
all these things come to bear, but there is a great opportunity
and I am glad we are having this hearing today to give us an
opportunity to see what the Biden administration is doing and
what opportunities are there for us to really have greater
success right here in our own hemisphere.
With that, I yield back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Mr. Keating. I now recognize myself
for 5 minutes. I want to go to you, Secretary Nichols. I have a
very specific question. Obviously, the work that we do here
does affect very specific companies, very specific countries,
very specific individuals, and the question that I want to
start with affects a company that is also located in my
community. They are dealing with Mexico. President Lopez
Obrador threatening to essentially take over their port, their
land, in the Yucatan Peninsula. That's Vulcan Materials. Are
you familiar with this as a situation?
Mr. Nichols. Yes, I am.
Mr. Mast. You know, a little bit of overview on that. What
could you say about that? What are you all doing to prevent
this? What warning would you give this president on the way out
as they are making this threat? What can you do about it? Happy
to hear anything you have to say.
Mr. Nichols. Thank you. This has been an issue for quite
some time, as you know. We have raised our concerns with the
government of Mexico at multiple levels. We have----
Mr. Mast. Please don't gloss over those. Be specific about
what those concerns are.
Mr. Nichols. The security and ability of investments under
the framework of the USMCA is a matter of great interest to the
United States. We have mechanisms to deal with dispute
resolution under USMCA. We have met with the leadership of
Vulcan multiple times to understand their concerns and their
suggested way forward in this issue. Senior officials from
multiple U.S. agencies have raised this with their counterparts
in Mexico, and we will continue----
Mr. Mast. What would be the Mexican counterparts?
Mr. Nichols. So the secretary of economy in Mexico, as well
as their Navy secretary which controls the ports.
Mr. Mast. Conversations are fruitful or borne no fruit?
What would you say?
Mr. Nichols. Well, again, we have had detailed
conversations. I would say that, certainly, Mexican authorities
understand our concerns, but we continue to talk about the way
forward.
Mr. Mast. Do you have any message you would like to deliver
to the president of Mexico from this committee right now?
Mr. Nichols. Well, I certainly think that those
conversations are more productively held in private.
Mr. Mast. Okay. I appreciate it. Since I have a little bit
more time, I will go to a different line of questioning. Were
you in your post when there was an authorization for, I want to
say the number was about $20,000 for drag shows in Ecuador?
Mr. Nichols. Yes, but that is not an issue that I worked on
in any way.
Mr. Mast. Very good. I am just--I am glad to hear that you
weren't working on it. It saves you some headache of some
questions, but I would be interested in how many people do you
think were a part of vetting that, signing off on that as
creating the solicitation for it, authorizing the solicitation
to go out, and then ultimately approving that solicitation and
offering grants? How many people would you say were in that
approval process?
Mr. Nichols. So as I understand the process, it was done
entirely at the post level. It was not a Washington process. It
is worth remembering that this grant never actually took place.
There was no show, there was----
Mr. Mast. That is right. Political pressure forced it to be
ended, no doubt and thankfully. It would have been a waste of
$20,000 of taxpayer money. But still the question remains how
does that get through to approval? Because it did get to the
point of approval, so how many people would you speculate at
the post level had to put eyes on that in order for the
solicitation, No. 1, to exist and then, No. 2, to be approved?
Mr. Nichols. You know, it could be as few as, you know, two
or three people. For a small grant to be approved, and my
colleagues manage money here so they may have some insights
into the broad process, not in this specific instance, but that
is something you receive a proposal. It could be handled by
local staff. Then, you know, even someone lower than a section
chief----
Mr. Mast. It could be a few----
Mr. Nichols [continuing]. Depending on the amount----
Mr. Mast. Did you look into it at all? Did you look into
who it was?
Mr. Nichols. This activity never took place and was
canceled----
Mr. Mast. But did you look into who, from your position,
did you look into who approved the solicitation and then who
ultimately approved the grant?
Mr. Nichols. Well, I talked to the chief of mission, and he
told me that neither he, nor the deputy chief of mission, had
ever seen anything about this and it was a shock to them.
Mr. Mast. It was a shock. So then there was a discussion
about this. Who ultimately approved it? What was the title of
the position that approved that?
Mr. Nichols. I don't know the answer to that, sir.
Mr. Mast. Did you seek that information?
Mr. Nichols. No, sir.
Mr. Mast. Do you believe that is important information for
us to know?
Mr. Nichols. I think that the important fact is that, when
it reached supervisory levels, you know, it didn't progress, it
didn't move forward for obvious reasons.
Mr. Mast. My time is expired. We are going to go to Ms.
Manning for 5 minutes.
Ms. Manning. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And I would like to
thank Chair McCaul and Ranking Member Meeks and our witnesses
for having this important hearing.
Before we broke for votes, one of my colleagues objected
vociferously to your suggestion that President Biden is working
to address the problems at the border, and I would like to
point out that the Senate had a bipartisan border bill that had
been negotiated fiercely, but they reached agreement on the
bill. It would have provided serious solutions to the border
issue, but, unfortunately, former President Trump told
Republicans in Congress that he would rather run on the border
issue than solve that problem for the American people. So we
never had a chance to vote on that border bill.
I would also like to mention that I am one of the original
co-sponsors of the first bipartisan comprehensive immigration
bill introduced in more than 10 years. It was introduced by one
of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, Representative
Salazar, along with Representative Escobar. I certainly wish
that bill was supported by my colleagues on both sides of the
aisle because that would address not only the border issues but
our other immigration issues.
Assistant Secretary Nichols, I would like to ask you about
an issue that has gotten some press recently, and that is a
significant increase in migrants who are taking advantage of
loose visa requirements in countries like Colombia and
Nicaragua to transit to these countries by airplane and trying
to get into the United States. And we have read reports that
some of them are stuck in those airports, can't get out,
because they then can't get the flights they are trying to take
the U.S. It has caused enormous problems, but it is also a way
for people to come to the U.S. illegally.
So I wonder what the administration is doing to try to
crack down on those flights by migrants and, frankly, by
traffickers who are putting migrants on those flights. What is
being done to get other countries to restrict this route?
Mr. Nichols. We have worked with countries around the
hemisphere, as well as ICAO and IATA, two key international
aviation organizations, to crack down on charter flights that
bring irregular migrants into our region. We meet with
executives of commercial airlines to sensitize them to the
risks of transporting non-bona fide travelers to our region. We
have worked successfully with partners around the hemisphere to
impose additional visa restrictions on countries that have a
history of sending irregular migrants into our hemisphere. We
have worked with partner nations to facilitate the repatriation
of irregular migrants back to their countries of origin.
Ms. Manning. Are you seeing any success?
Mr. Nichols. We are seeing success. The charter flight
industry of irregular migrants has effectively ceased, and
those migrants have tried to use commercial airliners or other
means to access the region.
Ms. Manning. And can you tell me what impact the
administration's regional processing centers or Safe Mobility
offices has been having on migration from the region since they
were established last year?
Mr. Nichols. So the Safe Mobility offices have allowed
people who wish to migrate to the United States to apply to do
so through legal means, whether, for example, it is work-
related visas, like the H-2 categories of visas, or other
parole mechanisms to access those facilities away from our
border. They can do so within the region, and it has prevented
thousands and thousands of intending migrants from approaching
the U.S. southwest border.
Ms. Manning. Thank you. Mr. Camilleri, can you talk a
little bit about more details about the USAID programs to help
support civil society in countries with entrenched autocratic
regimes, like Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua?
Mr. Camilleri. Certainly, Congresswoman. Thank you for the
important question. In the limited time we have, just to say
precisely in those countries where the regimes that govern
those three countries are determined to squash and snuff out
civic space, democratic space, USAID is committed to supporting
those who champion democracy, free speech, ultimately free
elections, and the ability of people in those countries to
choose their own leaders and the path that their countries will
take. In some places, we are fairly lonely, like in Nicaragua,
in championing and supporting that work under difficult
circumstances, but it is something that we are very committed
to.
Ms. Manning. My time is about to expire. Thank you. I yield
back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Ms. Manning. The chair now recognizes
Mr. Davidson, if he is prepared.
Mr. Davidson. I thank the Chairman. I thank our witnesses,
and, you know, when Secretary Blinken was here recently, I
asked him about the Monroe Doctrine and when or whether it was
a calculated decision by the United States to abandon that, and
he seemed unfamiliar with the Monroe Doctrine.
If I could just ask each of you, you know, beginning from
your right to left, are you familiar with the Monroe Doctrine?
Have you heard of this?
Mr. Nichols. I am familiar with the Monroe Doctrine. I'm
familiar with the Roosevelt Corollary, as well.
Mr. Davidson. Thank you. Mr. Robinson.
Mr. Robinson. I am familiar with the Monroe Doctrine.
Mr. Davidson. Thank you.
Mr. Camilleri. Yes, sir.
Mr. Davidson. All right. Thank you. So could you summarize
it for me?
Mr. Nichols. The Monroe Doctrine, the original Monroe
Doctrine states to European powers that they should not seek to
reestablish their colonies in the Western Hemisphere. That is
the original Monroe Doctrine.
Mr. Davidson. And the Roosevelt Corollary, as you see it?
Mr. Nichols. The Roosevelt Corollary broadens the Monroe
Doctrine to tell foreign powers that they should not seek to
establish a presence in the Western Hemisphere or to threaten
the United States close to its borders.
Mr. Davidson. So was it a calculated decision by the State
Department to abandon that doctrine? And if so, when was that
decision made?
Mr. Nichols. There is no decision to eliminate the Monroe
Doctrine.
Mr. Davidson. Or the Roosevelt Corollary?
Mr. Nichols. Or the Roosevelt Corollary.
Mr. Davidson. Well, it is interesting that Secretary
Blinken has no recollection of what those things mean.
Hopefully, he understands what the policy means. But if you
look at the results, you would say, no, it seems like he kind
of decided we are not actually going to do that anymore. I
mean, the chairman started the hearing off by pointing out the
results. So if we are still embracing those policies, how do
you reconcile the result?
Mr. Nichols. I think we have worked intensively to
strengthen our partners and allies in this hemisphere. We work
with them on security, democracy, prosperity. The idea that----
Mr. Davidson. If you are not doing anything to counter the
other powers coming into the United States, I mean, frankly, it
seems like the administration is more concerned about Pride
Month activities in Guatemala than they are about China's
presence all over the entire hemisphere, I mean, if you look at
the agenda, if you look at the Ambassadors and what they are
emphasizing.
And in Guatemala, speaking of that, you know, the Secretary
of State was just down there trying to get the attorney general
fired. Is it an official policy of the United States to get the
attorney general of Guatemala fired?
Mr. Nichols. The attorney general of Guatemala, Consuelo
Porras, is a sanctioned individual who has used her office to
attack civil society, to attack anti-corruption crusaders, to
go after public officials who have combated corruption. She has
facilitated illicit activities in that country for years. She
tried to obstruct the democratic process that took place with
the election of Bernardo Arevalo. She is a person who has done
a lot of very worrisome, very bad things.
Mr. Davidson. So for that, that is why--is it an official
State Department policy to revoke the travel privileges for
members of the Guatemalan legislature if they don't support
removing it? It sounds like there was a gathering where
leverage was applied to Guatemala's legislature in order to
coerce them into firing somebody that the Biden administration
doesn't like. And, frankly, I will point out that wasn't the
first time that Joe Biden was working to influence the firing
of a prosecutor.
Mr. Nichols. We believe that the Guatemalan people should
have the right to be led by their democratically elected choice
as president----
Mr. Davidson. Do you believe it is fair for the Biden
administration, not the United States of America but, frankly,
the Biden administration, not acting on behalf of the interests
of our country, to threaten the Guatemalan legislature?
Mr. Nichols. What we have said is that those who use
corrupt means, the payment of bribes, the threats of wrongful
prosecution against their own citizens to prevent a
democratically elected leader from taking office, that is a
threat to democracy----
Mr. Davidson. Well, you know what is a threat to democracy
and sovereignty is the invasion of our border, so I would love
it if you were using the same kinds of leverage. If you are
going to use leverage, use it on behalf of our country to
defend America's border because, instead, the Biden
administration, with the help of our State Department, has
facilitated an invasion of our country. So please focus on our
sovereignty in our own country. My time is expired, and I yield
back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Mr. Davidson. The chair now recognizes
Mr. Castro for 5 minutes.
Mr. Castro. Assistant Secretary Robinson, where do the
majority of firearms used by cartels in Mexico, Central
America, or the Caribbean come from?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, sir, for that question. The
majority of firearms used by criminals in the region come from
the United States.
Mr. Castro. And would you say that lax U.S. gun laws are a
foreign policy problem for the United States?
Mr. Robinson. Well, what I would say is the countries in
the region, our friends in the region, are challenged to oppose
those transnational organizations, criminal organizations, and
gangs who are receiving those weapons, and we are challenged
here in the United States to help them.
Mr. Castro. And when countries in the region, particularly
the Caribbean, raise their most important priorities with you--
this is for Secretary Nichols--how often does the issue of
firearms from the United States come up?
Mr. Nichols. It comes up very frequently. We believe that
the bipartisan Safer Communities Act was an important step in
addressing those concerns. The naming of a special prosecutor
in the Department of Justice to lead investigations, the use of
technologies like eTrace, training to partners in the northern
and southern Caribbean in gun crime investigations has also
been responsive to those concerns, but our partners would
certainly like us to do even more.
Mr. Castro. And, Secretary Robinson, one important tool we
have to track and combat the trafficking of firearms is the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms' eTrace system, which
allows law enforcement to submit forensic information from
captured weapons, like serial numbers, to the data base. Other
countries can also participate and submit information, and many
do, but there are significant gaps in coverage in Mexico,
Central America, and the Caribbean. The INL Bureau that you
lead helps build capacity in foreign law enforcement agencies.
What are you doing to help foreign law enforcement agencies
participate in the eTrace system and track the source of
firearms?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you. Actually, we are working very
closely with our interagency colleagues at the Department of
Justice Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms and DHS to broaden the
spectrum of the use of eTrace not just in Mexico but in the
Caribbean. I was just there. I was there with the special
prosecutor, Michael Ben'Ary, to discuss this with our
colleagues in the eastern Caribbean, and we are doing what we
can to get more countries to enter the information and the
evidence into eTrace.
Mr. Castro. Well, thank you for that important work. And I
raise this issue because we often talk about the very real
danger of cartels and the damage that they do, not only in
Mexico but to Americans due to trafficking of fentanyl,
trafficking of migrants because they often force these people
to pay a fee to present themselves at the border. But they are
powered by American firearms. They would not be able to succeed
the way they do but for the use of American firearms. And even
though there is a lot of discussion about these issues on this
committee, there is not the same will to actually do something
about it and disarm the cartels. So there is a lot of, you
know, big statements and aggressive statements against the
cartels but actually very weak will to actually do anything
about it to disarm them so that they can't accomplish what they
are accomplishing now.
I had a second unrelated question on Honduras for you all.
U.S. trade representative Katherine Rai has said that
``President Biden does not believe corporations should receive
special tribunals and trade agreements that are not available
to other organizations, and he opposes the ability of private
corporations to attack labor, health, and environmental
policies through investor State dispute settlements.''
Does the State Department share the president's position of
opposing investor State dispute settlement policies?
Mr. Nichols. Well, I will just note that I support the
president's policies. The specific reference to Honduras is not
something that I have tracked closely, and I would appreciate
the opportunity to come back to you for the record with a more
specific answer.
Mr. Castro. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Mr. Castro. The chair now recognizes
Mr. Baird for 5 minutes.
Mr. Baird. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and ranking member. I
appreciate the opportunity to be here. I also appreciate our
witnesses taking the time to share with this committee your
perspectives.
My question deals, Mr. Assistant Secretary Nichols, the
fact that I serve on a subcommittee for foreign affairs on the
African subcommittee where we discuss a lot about the Chinese
investments and how the U.S. can counter the Belt and Road
Initiative. And in this case and in this vein, I want to
address China being right at our front doorsteps. Not only have
we had the most illegal border crossings by Chinese nationals
than we have ever seen, and China has a growing influence in
Latin America.
Some economists predict that the Chinese market for Latin
America's exports could exceed $700 billion by 2035. And we now
know that China is Latin America's top trading partner.
So my question is this: if trade and investments between
Latin America and China continue at this rate, what will the
impact be on global agriculture markets and the U.S.
agriculture exports? I serve on the agriculture committee, as
well, so I would appreciate your perspective in that regard.
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, sir. The United States is a leading
trading partner for two-thirds of the countries in this
hemisphere. But we have to take the challenge seriously, and
that means providing good options for countries around the
hemisphere, whether it is through Development Finance
Corporation, USAID, leveraging IDB lending and IDB Invest to
provide access to the kinds of financing that countries need
for major infrastructure projects. We are working in a whole
host of areas to support agricultural trade and cooperation
within the region. Foreign Agricultural Service officers play
an important role in many of our embassies around the region in
promoting U.S. agricultural exports to the hemisphere, and we
believe that our products are the best in the world and can be
transformative.
We are working with countries as small as Saint Kitts and
Nevis and as big as Brazil to address the agricultural trade
issues.
Mr. Baird. Thank you. And, Mr. Camilleri, you have a
considerable amount of experience with USAID, and, being on the
agriculture committee, that is of interest to me. So do you
have any insights that you would like to share, please?
Mr. Camilleri. Thank you, sir. Of course, through our Feed
the Future programming, particularly in Guatemala and Honduras,
we have strong interests in working with farmers and enhancing
food security in many parts of the region.
To your particular question about the link with PRC, you
mentioned exports to the PRC, but I would also flag the Chinese
exports to the region, as well, and just mention, in Honduras
for example, we have been able to work with small older
farmers, many of them indigenous, connect them to the largest
supermarket chain that was sourcing 90 percent of its garlic,
for example, from the PRC and displace those imports with local
produce from the farmers that we are supporting. And, actually,
the Mexican development agency, AMEXCID, is also supporting in
a partnership with USAID. So we are helping to kind of buttress
and build more resilient food systems within the region for the
region's own benefit but also as a bank shot to building
resilience against PRC influence.
Mr. Baird. Would it also be your observation that this is
successful and we are making progress in competing against the
Belt and Road Initiative?
Mr. Camilleri. I think, as the assistant secretary
mentioned, this is one of the defining strategic challenges of
our time. It is not going anywhere. We need to stay at this and
be present across the region. We have a four-pillar framework
at USAID that is a delegable framework that seeks to put
forward our affirmative development model as a part of the
ground game in countering PRC influence. So, certainly, we are
making progress, but we are not resting on our laurels.
Mr. Baird. Thank you. And I see my time is almost up, and I
yield back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Mr. Baird. The chair recognizes Mr.
Connolly for 5 minutes.
Mr. Connolly. Thank you so much. Mr. Assistant Secretary
Nichols, a little while ago one of my colleagues was praising
the attorney general of Guatemala. Is it not true that the
attorney general of Guatemala has, in fact, been sanctioned by
the U.S. Government for her interference in the peaceful
transfer of power in Guatemala?
Mr. Nichols. That's correct, sir.
Mr. Connolly. She has been sanctioned.
Mr. Nichols. She's under U.S. sanctions for corruption and
interfering with democratic processes.
Mr. Connolly. Interfering with democratic process. Right.
That ought to be something sanctioned not only in Guatemala but
here in the United States.
There has also been a lot of criticism thrown your way
about allowing China to have influence in the region. In the
previous administration, is it not true that President Trump
cutoff aid to Central America?
Mr. Nichols. Certainly, there were reductions in assistance
to a number of countries in our region proposed by----
Mr. Connolly. But specifically in Central America because
of then President Trump's concern about migration patterns; is
that not correct?
Mr. Nichols. Certainly, that effort was undertaken, yes.
Mr. Connolly. So three of the countries at that time in
Central America who recognized Taiwan, rather than the PRC,
what happened during that administration to those three
countries in terms of their recognition?
Mr. Nichols. So Guatemala continues to recognize Taiwan.
Honduras and El Salvador have changed their recognition to the
PRC.
Mr. Connolly. I see. Now, Brazil. Brazil was, under
Bolsonaro, sort of, there was a warm relationship, reportedly,
between President Trump and President Bolsonaro. And,
presumably, that would take care of all Chinese influence in
Brazil. So what happened to the pattern of, say, U.S. trade and
Chinese trade in Brazil?
Mr. Nichols. Certainly, if my memory serves, PRC
investments in Brazil during that period increased. But I note
that the United States continues to be the largest source of
foreign direct investigation in Brazil----
Mr. Connolly. Yes. But I'm talking about trade. And
Brazil's trade with the United States in that time period, that
very time period, fell 11 percent--I'm sorry--fell to the
lowest level in 11 years while Chinese trade and exports
increased 34 percent during the Trump years. So when we are
looking for efficacy in policies, it is easy to rhetorically
rail against the influence of China, but, if we are going to
start to lay blame and look at records, let's start with the
previous administration and how well that rhetoric and those
policies and those relationships worked with respect to curbing
Chinese influence in the region.
From your point of view, do we need more or fewer resources
to combat the competitive threat China poses to us in our own
backyard?
Mr. Nichols. We need more resource, sir.
Mr. Connolly. More resources. Have you looked at what the
foreign operations appropriation bill that is being marked up
here in the House does to your budget and to that of the State
Department and foreign diplomacy in general?
Mr. Nichols. Our legislative affairs colleagues have
briefed me on the contents. I have not seen the contents
myself.
Mr. Connolly. And let's say we are looking at a 25--30
percent cut in your resources, how would that help you counter
the Chinese threat in the region?
Mr. Nichols. That would be a devastating cut to our ability
to post our people in the field, to provide assistance in ways
that meaningful make us more competitive in the region. We
already face significant challenges staffing our posts. We
don't have Ambassadors in a number of countries----
Mr. Connolly. But to put it simply, Mr. Assistant
Secretary, deep cuts of that magnitude hardly help us in the
competition with China, they will, in fact, impede our ability
to do that; would that be a fair statement?
Mr. Nichols. Yes, sir.
Mr. Connolly. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Mr. Connolly. The chair now recognizes
Mr. Keen for 5 minutes.
Mr. Kean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to all of our
witnesses for being here. Several months ago, reports revealed
that Cubans are being recruited to fight for Russia in its
illegal continued war of aggression against Ukraine. Has the
administration determined that the Cuban regime has either
allowed or promoted Cuban mercenaries to fight for Russia? And
please explain Russia's current military, political, and
economic relationship with Cuba.
Mr. Nichols. So we have raised this issue with Cuban
officials. I have raised it with my Cuban counterparts. The
recruitment of Cubans is something that they expressed concern
about, and the reports of that, I think, are worrisome to all
of us. The Russian relationship with Cuba militarily continues
to be an important relationship for them, and that is evidenced
by the fact that Russian ships are visiting Cuba even as we
speak.
Mr. Kean. Thank you. Last week, Claudia Sheinbaum was
elected as Mexico's president and will be taking office in
October. With the new leadership in Mexico, what are the
expectation for negotiations on measures to address and combat
the production and trafficking of fentanyl in Mexico and
combating it along the southern border?
Mr. Robinson. Sir, thank you for that question. As you
know, we have a very important relationship with Mexico in
terms of stopping, trying to stop the flow of fentanyl from the
border. We will have to see what happens when President-Elect
Sheinbaum takes office, but indications are that she takes
security seriously. During her time as mayor of Mexico City,
she increased budgets for the security apparatus in Mexico City
significantly, I think something like 15 percent. That is a
strong indication, to us at least, that she will take security
seriously when she takes office.
We will, of course, we are reaching out to her team now and
look forward to working with her when she is inaugurated.
Mr. Kean. Her soon-to-be predecessor proved to be a
difficult partner in assisting the United States in countering
illegal migration stemming from Latin America and the violence
of drug cartels. What are the strategies that you are using to
counter the illegal migration and to address cartel violence
that includes human trafficking?
Mr. Robinson. Well, I can't speak to migration
specifically, but what I will say is we have a very strong
relationship with the security team in Mexico currently, and we
expect we will have an even stronger relationship with the
security team of the new president. We work very closely with
the secretariat of the Navy. We are training and equipping both
at the Federal level and at the State level. We have an
excellent relationship working with our interagency partners at
the Department of Justice with the attorney general's office.
All of those relationships are important, and we will keep
working with them, we anticipate working with them with the new
president.
Mr. Kean. And in an effort to counter the Kremlin's
continued influence operations in Latin America, the State
Department and OFAC have sanctioned entities, such as the
Social Design Agency, the SDA. These groups create campaigns
that contain pro-Kremlin propaganda to undermine support for
Ukraine and promote anti-U.S. and anti-NATO sentiment. What
strategies can the U.S. Department of State employ to
effectively counteract misinformation and propaganda campaigns
orchestrated by influence for higher firms, like Social Design
Agency, in Latin America?
Mr. Robinson. So I will note that, through the Global
Engagement Center, we seek to counter disinformation from
Russia throughout the region. We inform partners of the
sourcing. We carry out programs to educate journalists and
civil society members about the true origins of the information
that they receive. We point out the presence of malign
entities, like RT, Russia TV, Russia Today in the region and
how they seek to twist the narrative involved. We are
continuing to promote training for journalists, for example, so
that they can better identify the real sources of the
information that is put before them.
Mr. Kean. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Mr. Kean. The chair now recognizes Mr.
Sherman for 5 minutes.
Mr. Sherman. Thank you. I am pleased that we are having
this hearing on the importance of Latin America. And I would
point out that, as we work to secure America's national
security and America's interests, that the proposed 11-percent
cut in State and foreign ops budget will cut our efforts to be
successful, particularly in Latin America.
I want to focus on Haiti for a moment. The security and
humanitarian situation in Haiti is dire. Gangs control 80
percent of Port-au-Prince. Nearly a million and a half Haitians
are facing famine. 362,000 people are internally displaced. We
see young girls regularly the victim of sexual and gender-based
violence. In short, gang violence has caused life in Haiti to
be unbearable.
However, for more than 6 months, Republicans have
repeatedly put up obstacles. They are preventing the release of
funds for the Multinational Security Support mission. Mr.
Nichols, does that hold on funding for that Multinational
Security Support system hurt our ability to stem the root
causes of mass migration from Haiti?
Mr. Nichols. Yes, sir, it is a serious concern.
Mr. Sherman. And looking long term, would the re-
authorization of the Haiti HOPE-HELP trade preferences help
stabilize economic investment in Haiti, and how would that
contribute to strengthening the opportunity for jobs and
livelihoods?
Mr. Nichols. It is crucial. We have already seen apparel
and textile companies close up their operations in Haiti, and
they have told us specifically that the re-authorization of
HOPE-HELP would give them the certainty that they need to
continue in place. In that industry, orders come in 18 months
ahead of time, so 2025 is now.
Mr. Sherman. Obviously, the security situation and the need
for that Multinational Security Support system is critical.
Putting that aside, is there other steps Congress can take to
bolster private-sector investment in Haiti?
Mr. Nichols. Certainly, among the things that are
important, beyond trade preferences contained in HOPE and HELP,
increasing security. That is the number-one concern that
investors cite in their inability to operate in Haiti as the
security situation.
Mr. Sherman. That is, I think, obvious to anybody who sees
what is going on there. Obviously, we are focusing on fentanyl;
110,000 Americans died from drug overdoses last year. China has
been the primary source of precursor chemicals synthesized into
fentanyl in Mexico. If China were to stop providing those
precursor chemicals, are they easy for the drug cartels to get
from some other source, or would that significantly dent their
ability to bring fentanyl into my city?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, sir, for that question. The short
answer is it is complicated because some of the chemicals are
dual-use chemicals, so they have legal uses. What we continue
to ask of the PRC is that they do a better job of----
Mr. Sherman. If we were successful with the PRC, would
that--I think I have another 30 seconds. The clock is wrong. I
will ask you to respond for the record as to whether, if China
were successful in stopping those chemicals, whether the drug
cartels could get them from some other source.
Mr. Robinson. Potentially, yes.
Mr. Sherman. I yield back.
Mr. Hill. The gentleman yields back. The gentleman from
Guam is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. Moylan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I just want to say
it is a pleasure to join the committee, the procedures
committee, and the vital part that it plays for our Nation, and
I am looking forward to working with all of my members here.
Now, while my district lies within the Indo-Pacific, the
Western Hemisphere and the Pacific share many of the same
issues. Guam's proximity to the People's Republic of China
means that great power competition by aggressive nations
affects us on a daily basis. So the Western Hemisphere, Latin
America and the Caribbean, are no different. And, additionally,
larger operations, like Russia, flag to convenience shipping,
and the PRC's One Belt, One Road Initiative means that these
nations can negatively influence ever region of the world.
So, Assistant Secretary Robinson, illegal, unregulated, and
unrestricted fishing is a problem that affects populations
globally. Both in the Americas and the Indo-Pacific, IUU
fishing is used as a regular tool by the People's Republic of
China. Yet, despite initiatives of Maritime SAFE, this program
continues to proliferate across the globe.
So, Assistant Secretary Robinson, how is the Department of
State changing its approach to counter the ongoing threat more
effectively?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you for that question. I think you hit
the nail on the head. This is a global issue that requires all
of our partner nations to be involved in defending against. We
are working very closely, for instance, with Panama, with
Ecuador, with other countries in the eastern Caribbean to give
them the ability and the capacity to have a better awareness of
their domain, territorial domain, to identify these illegal
fleets and to work with us, partner with us, to combat them and
to raise these issues with the PRC.
Mr. Moylan. I appreciate that. I would just like to see
more U.S. ships' interest out there to deter CCP. Also, another
question for you, sir. Chemicals essential to creating fentanyl
or other drugs are often given to Latin America-based
transnational criminal organizations (TCO) from actors within
the People's Republic of China. So, Assistant Secretary
Robinson, how have external State actors, like PRC, disrupt
State operations in this field and damage the region as a
whole?
Mr. Robinson. Well, while I would tweak that a little bit
because we don't have evidence that the PRC is, as a
government, is allowing these chemicals to go to transnational
criminal organizations. We do know that there are industries in
the PRC that are selling these chemicals to and trafficking
these chemicals to transnational criminal organizations. That
is without a doubt.
We are working with our partners. We are working at a
global level to identify both the companies and the networks
and working with them to bring them down.
Mr. Moylan. Okay. And if you need help from this committee,
I am more than happy to work with you to expedite this process
because it is killing America basically.
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Moylan. Finally, just a minute here, since taking
office, President Lula da Silva has aggressively sought to
deepen Brazil's ties with China, and China is Brazil's largest
trading partner and has invested so much money, and, basically,
going to China and asking for help with critical
infrastructure, railways, energy port, and all their projects.
So CCP is basically buying them up, so what are we doing to
prevent this?
Mr. Robinson. We have robust engagement with Brazil across
a whole host of areas. The United States works with our private
sector to promote trade and investment. The Amcham in Brazil,
its members account for about two-thirds of the value of
Brazilian GDP. We work with Brazilian officials to try and
remove barriers to our commercial relations, and we seek to
leverage the tools that we have, whether it is EXIM, DFC,
USAID, Inter-American Development Bank, so that U.S. businesses
will be competitive in competing for infrastructure and other
major projects in Brazil.
Mr. Moylan. Thank you for that. I ran out of time. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Hill. The gentleman yields back. The gentleman from
Arizona is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. Stanton. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. The Western
Hemisphere, it is ripe for near-shoring, moving our supply
lines closer to the United States market, and this is our
moment to act. If the last few years have taught us anything,
it is that we need to diversify our supply chains and bring
them closer to the United States market. For national security
reasons, we can't rely on China to produce critical technology.
For economic reasons, we should encourage businesses to
continue moving to the Western Hemisphere after seeing pandemic
shortages. And for common sense reasons, we should work to
multiply the impact of our historic investments here at home,
including the CHIPS Act and the bipartisan infrastructure law,
by creating regional ecosystems.
Mexico has always been Arizona's No. 1 trading partner. Now
they are the No. 1 trading partner of the entire United States,
and the U.S.-Mexico-Canada agreement, which has been pivotal on
both sides of the border, will be up for review in 2026. We
should be gearing up for this by seizing this moment to make
investments, to encourage our partners in Latin America, in the
Caribbean, to make investments and to strengthen ties with our
neighbors. This should include investments in the semiconductor
supply chain, particularly the upstream parts, including
critical mineral mining and processing, and downstream parts,
like testing and packaging.
On the upstream side, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, Chile,
Mexico, and others have large deposits of minerals that are
critical for making semiconductors. Building industries that
mine and process those minerals would make them formidable
players. On the downstream side, Intel already has an assembly
and testing facility in Costa Rica, and states in northern
Mexico have expressed deep interest in getting involved, as
well. In fact, two schools in my district, Arizona State
University and Mesa Community College, are working with the
Department of Commerce to train Mexican students for the
semiconductor workforce.
My push is that we use all of our tools, our schools,
universities, Development Finance Corporation, the State
Department's International Technology Security and Innovation
Fund, and our historic investment in the CHIPS and Science Act
to shore up national security, diversify our supply chain,
develop stable jobs in Latin America, and create a regional
semiconductor ecosystem.
Assistant Secretary Nichols, Mexico has lots of work to do
to address near-shoring challenges. It needs to open up its
energy policy and rein in the cartels. How should the United
States encourage President-Elect Sheinbaum to tackle such
obstacles to near-shoring investment?
Mr. Nichols. Well, first, let me just wholeheartedly agree
with everything that you have said. And with regard to Mexico,
Mexico is one of the leading recipients of foreign direct
investment in the world, particularly in northern Mexico.
President-Elect Sheinbaum is a scientist. She worked with one
of the labs with U.S. Department of Energy, and I think
demonstrating to her with the hard facts the importance of
these issues and laying out the scientific case will be
compelling for her.
Mr. Stanton. I have another question for you, Assistant
Secretary Nichols. On Monday, President-Elect Sheinbaum spoke
about the AMLO-proposed judicial overhaul that could upset the
balance of power in Mexico and create market unrest. How do you
anticipate that Mexico's recent election and the proposed
judicial changes will affect American treatment into Mexico?
Mr. Nichols. Well, obviously, Mexico is a sovereign
country, and they have procedures that they can use to change
their legal framework. We believe that judicial transparency is
vital for all investors, whether they are domestic Mexican
investors or international investors, particularly those from
the United States and Canada as USMCA partners. We will
continue to insist whatever the future legal regime is in
Mexico that all the signatories to USMCA respect the protection
of foreign investment provisions in that agreement.
Mr. Stanton. Thank you. And I recently introduced H.R.
8414, the Semiconductor Supply Chain Security and
Diversification Act, a bipartisan bill which directs the
Development Finance Corporation to invest in parts of the
semiconductor supply chain in the Western Hemisphere,
regardless of income classification. Assistant Secretary
Nichols, beyond investments from the Development Finance
Corporation, how should we be working with other Latin America
and Caribbean governments to attract near-shoring
opportunities, particularly the critical mineral processing or
testing and packaging operations to build a robust regional
supply chain?
Mr. Nichols. Undersecretary Jose Fernandez has been leading
our efforts around critical minerals in the region, bringing
countries into the supply chain, securing those assets for the
mutual benefit of our partners around the hemisphere. We have
seen already investments, as I referred to in my opening
statement, in Costa Rica, for example----
Mr. Hill. The gentleman's time is expired.
Mr. Nichols. So we will continue to work on that.
Mr. Stanton. Thank you. I yield back. Thank you.
Mr. Hill. The gentleman has yielded back. The gentlewoman
from Florida, Ms. Salazar, is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mrs. Salazar. Thank you very much. Wonderful to see you,
all of you. Mr. Robinson, Mr. Nichols. Mr. Nichols, we saw each
other in El Salvador a couple of days ago. Wonderful to have
seen you there for the second inaugural of President Bukele.
Salvador was the murder capital of the world at one point
and now is the safest country in Western Hemisphere. Not bad.
But, you know, that Bukele was not one of your favorites. What
did he do right?
Mr. Nichols. President Bukele and his government have
implemented a comprehensive rule of law programming. The
frontal effort to control the gangs in El Salvador is
impressive and something that many countries are watching with
great interest.
We are concerned, however, that such policies should
include a respect for the rule of law and the opportunity for
all citizens to receive----
Mrs. Salazar. Of course. I was the first one who told him
we do not want anyone who is innocent in jail. You agree with
me. But do you still agree that they did a great job? Even the
State Department is saying, Okay, well, maybe we should copy
this.
Mr. Nichols. Well, I think that we can help countries
implement police that address crime and still respect the rule
of law and human rights.
Mrs. Salazar. No doubt it. I am sure they want that, too.
All right. I only have 5 minutes, so I have to move to the
other one. Let's go to Cuba. The newest economic policy allows
Cubans to use our banks, the United States banks, to transfer
money anywhere around the world, supposedly for trade purposes.
And I have no doubt that the Biden administration had the most
noble interest in helping the Cuban people. But we know the
Cuban regime. And you know what could happen? One of the
problems is that let's say that the regime forms a company and
it disguises in a company that is buying tomatoes from Turkey.
So a Cuban company buys tomatoes from Turkey, and, in reality,
what they are doing is laundering money for Hezbollah.
Our banking system doesn't need to know this. You know
that's a possibility. So what do you think--haven't you thought
about this?
Mr. Nichols. So the regulations that we have put in place
will help thousands of independent Cuban businesses. The
individuals who participate are screened. The participation of
Cuban government officials is specifically prohibited.
Mrs. Salazar. But wait a minute. The Cubans are
intelligent, and they are going to find Pepe or Berta and they
are going to say, hey, come on, you are going to put together
this little trade, this little business, and we are going to be
selling tomatoes to Turkey. And in reality, they are behind it
because you know that is what they do. We don't do that, but
they do.
So my only question is what can we really do in order to
prevent that? Because we don't want the Cubans to be using the
United States banking system to launder money and to help our
enemies. Do you understand that that is a possibility?
Mr. Nichols. Certainly that the United States financial
system continues to have compliance requirements and know your
customer requirements. They screen their customers very
carefully, and we will work with the financial system to ensure
that there are measures in place to prevent those types of
transactions.
Mrs. Salazar. And don't you think that maybe, when it comes
to the Cubans, we should implement even more layers because of
their intentions?
Mr. Nichols. The goal is to promote private sector
development in Cuba.
Mrs. Salazar. I am sure, but that is not the goal of the
regime. The regime doesn't care if people eat. They are in the
business of power. But we will work together on that.
Now, Mr. Robinson, wonderful to talk to you. You know, my
time is running out. Guatemala. Guatemala. We have a situation
in Guatemala with a lady by the name of Consuelo Porras. The
State Department has Porras in the crosshairs. I don't know
her, I have never seen her, I have never spoken with her. She
is the AGRICULTURE of Guatemala, and the president appointed
her. Now she is sanctioned by the United States. And while you
were Ambassador, Mr. Robinson, she picked out something called
the CICIG because, according to the Guatemalans, it was
politicized.
We may think that they are a bunch of banana republics, and
some of them are, and I have called them out on it. But, you
know, they have the right to name whomever they want to as AG,
and we don't have the right to say, oh, you are going to name
Maria but not Rosa. So my question is has she done anything
right?
Mr. Robinson. Just a point of clarification. CICIG was
kicked out after I left Guatemala.
Mrs. Salazar. No, I understand, but the State Department
doesn't like her one bit. And she's been sanctioned. So I just
am--has she done anything right? Why are we persecuting this
lady?
Mr. Robinson. She has been sanctioned for undermining
democratic institutions and the free and fair election--
attempting to undermine the free and fair election in
Guatemala.
Mrs. Salazar. But do you know how many people have done
that in Latin America have done that, and they have not been
sanctioned, like the President of Argentina, the President of
Ecuador? I mean, we have a lot of people who have done that.
Why her in particular?
Mr. Hill [presiding]. The gentlelady's time has expired.
Would you please answer her question in writing, please? And
the gentlelady's time has expired. The gentleman from Rhode
Island is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. Amo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Camilleri
and Assistant Secretary Robinson for being here today, and
Assistant Secretary Nichols, as a point of personal privilege.
It is always great to see another Rhode Islander and certainly
a fellow Quaker, Moses Brown Quaker today.
As we all know and have covered today, the Western
Hemisphere faces complex and interconnected challenges, whether
it is regional violence and corruption, climate change and food
insecurity, or the issue of regional mass migration. Because of
this, the State Department and USAID have a responsibility to
engage with partners and allies as we work to increase security
and stability in our own backyard.
Full funding of this work has never been more vital. One
area where the State Department has a proven track record is
its support of democracies in the Americas that are working to
fight corruption.
Returning to the topic of Guatemala, now President Ar?valo
ran on a platform of anti-corruption during the tumultuous 2023
election. Yet despite his landslide victory, President Ar?valo
is now facing serious challenges to his anti-corruption
policies from the Attorney General, Attorney General Poras.
Assistant Secretary Nichols, how is the State Department
supporting Guatemala's anti-corruption efforts and specifically
how would the funding cuts proposed by Republicans affect your
ability to continue the work in Guatemala to eradicate public
corruption?
Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Mr. Amo. And as our staff said,
agreed. I do have a hard stop because I had to get on a plane
and give the commencement address at our alma mater in
Providence, Rhode Island. But let me just briefly address your
question.
We are working with the government of Guatemala on
comprehensive reforms that will promote private sector
investment, address lack of development in the highlands of
Guatemala where most irregular migrants originate from, putting
in place structures that will prevent corrupt activities within
the various institutions of the State and strengthening the
justice and law enforcement sectors.
The resources that we receive are crucial to that effort.
The largest sender of irregular migrants in Central America is
Guatemala, and we have to work with them across a whole host of
areas to strengthen their capabilities.
Mr. Amo. Given the time constraints, I will yield back the
remainder of my time. Thank you.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. The gentleman yields back. Secretary,
thank you for your participation. I hope your speech goes well.
I hope it's memorable. And I hope you will respond promptly to
the questions the committee submits to you. Thank you, Mr.
Secretary.
I recognize myself for 5 minutes of questions. Mr. Nichols'
questions are going to go to you now, Mr. Robinson. So get
ready for that and enjoy it.
Mr. Robinson. I'll answer what I can.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. Yes, thank you. Eight men from
Tajikistan with ties to ISIS were arrested over the weekend in
New York, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles by personnel by ICE in
addition to reporting claims that six of these eight are
Russian nationals. Are you familiar with this case?
Mr. Robinson. I read about it either yesterday or this
morning.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. Okay. But you are the Assistant
Secretary of the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs, right?
Mr. Robinson. That's correct.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. Okay, well. All eight of these men
crossed the border through the southern border. Their criminal
background checks reportedly returned clean when they crossed
into the U.S. At least two of the men crossed the border in the
spring of 2023, and one of them used the CBP One App, which the
Biden Administration created to allow migrants to book
appointments to claim asylum, but it has been abused to
expedite mass importation of illegal aliens who come to the
U.S. for economic or mischievous opportunities rather than a
credible fear on asylum.
My Republican colleagues and I have been sounding the alarm
about this for over a year. Some 300 people on the Terror Watch
List have crossed the border. We've had 1.7 million known ``got
aways``. So Director Wray says this is one of the most serious
concerns he has about the potential for, really potentially
terror attacks.
How are the Tajiki and Russian nationals arriving in
Central and South America to begin with? Do you have any
information on that? It's clearly connected also to your
migration job on drug trafficking. So what are your views on
that?
Mr. Robinson. Right. Honestly, I would have to defer to my
colleagues at the Department of Homeland Security.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. What steps does the State Department
take to intervene before foreign adversaries like this arrive
at our southern border and are granted admission into the
country?
Mr. Robinson. Well, we work very closely with our partners
in the region, Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. Is it fair to say that the 300 people
that have been caught on the Terror Watch List, these are the
ones caught, not the ones not caught, have flown to Mexico more
than likely from a third country?
Mr. Robinson. Honestly, I can't answer that.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. But you can say you are working with
the country of Mexico and other countries in the region to
identify potential people that are in drug trafficking or have
an adversarial interest in the region. So the question is, what
about that? What is Mexico telling you about people who have
flown into their country that are on the Terror Watch List----
Mr. Robinson. Again----
Mr. Hill [presiding].--or a No Fly List?
Mr. Robinson. Again, I would have to defer to my colleagues
at the Department of Homeland Security.
But what I will say is we have a very close working
relationship with Mexican authorities on issues such as
migration, transnational organized crime, and corruption. We
continue to work very closely with them and we look forward to
working closely with them with the new President.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. Well, I'm going to submit my
questions for the record because I am not going to be able to
get the answers to my questions. And therefore, I will yield
the time back.
The gentleman from California is recognized. The
gentlewoman from California is recognized. Pardon me.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thank you to
our witnesses for being here today. I do think it is ironic
that we are discussing the need to counter PRC influence in the
Western Hemisphere when my Republican colleagues are seeking to
slash the international affairs budget by a devastating 11
percent. And these drastic cuts will lead to U.S. absence in
Latin America and the Caribbean, a region that already gets
less attention and resources than it deserves.
I recently came back from a trip to Brazil, and it was
focused on JAPER. A number of very critical discussions came
out of that trip.
So Acting Assistant Administrator Camilleri, I was
concerned to hear reports of forced conversions and religious
discrimination against groups that practice African-based
religions in Brazil. Does USAID view the protection of these
groups as cultural heritage and tradition as linked to better
development outcomes?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question.
Certainly, we would. Our programming in Brazil, as you probably
heard, is quite limited to the environmental area, some
cooperation on health as well as on migration management in
supporting the integration efforts of the Brazilian government.
So we wouldn't have the programming specifically in that area,
but I think we could associate ourselves with your concern.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. So how do you manage sort of localized
resources and support and infrastructure across the Western
Hemisphere? I would imagine that it should not wear a one size
fits all model. But please share because I have heard that that
is not happening.
Mr. Camilleri. This is a priority for us globally.
Administrator Power has set ambitious targets for localizing
USAID's effort. As you said, it's not easy, and it can't be one
size fits all.
Within the Western Hemisphere, we've actually been at the
tip of spear in some ways in this effort in Central America
with an initiative called Central America Local.
And to give you a sense of the progress we have made in
Fiscal Year 2020, 3 percent of our funding in Central America
went directly to local organizations. In the last Fiscal Year
that was up to 21 percent. And we have a global target of 25
percent, which we expect to meet in the next year or two in
Central America.
We have made, I think, substantial progress in some other
areas of the region, Paraguay being perhaps the best example.
In other places, there is more work to do but this is, again, a
global priority and one that Administrator Power has placed a
premium on.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. I just want to say if the framework
model shouldn't be the same for each country, the measurables
and the metrics also should not be the same because there are
different countries. There is different kinds of collaboration.
There is different kinds of capacity, et cetera. So please take
that back.
Assistant Secretary Robertson--Robinson--apologies. How
does U.S. contributions to the Amazon fund help counter the
deforestation caused by criminal actors engaged in illegal
mining practices?
Mr. Robinson. Well, I don't know the specifics of the fund.
But I will say illegal mining is among our concerns in the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement. We know
that transnational organized criminals are expanding on what
they are illegally moving through the atmosphere.
Illegal mining is among those things. Arms, other
environmental crimes are of great concern. And for instance, we
are working very closely both in Ecuador and Colombia to offer
capacity building and training to their police, specifically on
the issue of environmental crimes.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. And they are also smuggling out--well,
killing habitation and smuggling out animals that are coming
into this country that they shouldn't be.
So there was a question about Mexico obviously or new
election. So I want to know how you plan to engage with this
new administration, especially concerning risks around the
militarization of a governing approach.
Mr. Robinson. Well, first of all, we are already--we have
already begun engaging with the incoming administration through
our embassy and through Assistant Secretary Nichols' office.
We will continue to engage and raise the issues of security
as we have with the previous government.
Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. The gentlewoman's time has expired.
Now we turn to the chairwoman of the Indo-Pacific Subcommittee,
Young Kim of California for 5 minutes.
Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you, Chairman. And I want to
thank the witnesses for staying late to answer all of our
questions.
You know, I recently came back from a CODEL to Taiwan. And
in all of our engagements, there was a constant theme of the
Chinese Communist Party ramping up pressure on Taiwan's
bilateral partners throughout the region and throughout the
world into switching their diplomatic recommendation to the
CCP.
As you know when President Tsai started her term 5 years
ago, we had--or Taiwan had 22 partners. As President Lai is
starting his new term, he is working with only 12 partners
around the world in the region.
So since 2017, five countries in Latin America have cut
diplomatic ties with Taiwan and established official diplomatic
relations with the CCP.
So can you talk about some of those CCP pressure tactics in
the region? What are you seeing? Mr. Camilleri, do you want to
start?
Mr. Camilleri. Sure. Well, I think we saw an example of
this just in the last few days with some Guatemalan exports
being rejected from the PRC. So clearly economic coercion is
one of the forms of pressure that is being brought on countries
that are committed to continuing to recognize Taiwan.
I had the opportunity to accompany Secretary Blinken
recently to Guatemala for a really productive bilateral
conversation with President Arevalo and his team. And President
Arevalo conveyed his commitment, his government's commitment to
maintain the recognition of Taiwan.
But I think we see very clearly and very transparently the
kind of pressure that is being brought against such
governments. And, you know, we have, I think, some tools that
we can bring to bear on this in terms of helping our partners.
Mrs. Kim of California. What are some of the tools that you
are talking about?
Mr. Camilleri. Pardon me?
Mrs. Kim of California. What are some of the tools?
Mr. Camilleri. Yes, so I think--just to name a couple,
certainly in the procurement space where we have seen the PRC
very focused on major infrastructure for example, often using
corruption, often not respecting local environmental and labor
standards. Oftentimes with pretty shoddy results in terms of
the infrastructure that's built. You know, bringing awareness
to what that track record looks like, building international
standards into procurement processes.
We have done this very successfully in the Dominican
Republic for example, in the Port of Manzanillo by working with
the Army Corps of Engineers to build those international
standards into procurement processes so that U.S. consortia
were able to win to win contracts where PRC companies had been
well-placed to do so.
That is one of the ways in which we can buildup with
awareness and provide alternatives to countries that want to
partner with us as the preferred partner. But we need to put
those alternative options----
Mrs. Kim of California. Absolutely.
Mr. Camilleri [continuing]. On the table for them.
Mrs. Kim of California. Our words need to follow with our
actions, too. So thank you for that.
You know, I also want to ask about the CCP, which is making
large scale investments in cultural programming throughout the
hemispheres. For example, there are over 40 CCP Confucius
Institutes throughout Latin America. And CCP and Latin American
universities are participating in joint research and exchange
programs.
So can you talk about USAID's work in programming to
counter such soft power influence in the region?
Mr. Camilleri. Sure. Hey, look, I think broadly speaking,
our affirmative development model is our competitive advantage
in the region. We are not saddling countries with debt. We are
not looking to bring in our own workers.
We are generally partnering in a transparent and rules-
based manner looking to move them ultimately from aid to trade.
We want our partners to prosper. We don't want them to be
beholden to us and saddled with predatory lending. We don't
want our partners to----
Mrs. Kim of California. Let me ask one question to
Assistant Secretary Robinson because we know that CCP plays a
major role in the global fentanyl supply chain. And Chinese
brokers intentionally sell precursor chemicals to Mexican
cartels who then produce and smuggle fentanyl into the United
States.
So can you talk about how the State Department is engaging
our allies and partners in the region to ensure they take CCP
drug trafficking very seriously?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely. Thank you for the question.
Mrs. Kim of California. And also maybe you can talk about
the so-called fentanyl working group that the U.S. and China
established late last year in November.
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely. I will be very quick. I have had
four opportunities to speak directly with my PRC counterparts,
twice in Beijing, once in Vienna.
The Global Coalition Against Synthetic Drugs is our broader
effort to engage with countries around the world on this issue.
Over 155 countries, over 15 international organizations are
involved.
Mr. Hill [presiding]. The gentlewoman's time has expired.
Please if you would like to finish your answer in writing. That
would be helpful to the gentlewoman from California. Ms. Titus
from Nevada is recognized for 5 minutes.
Ms. Titus. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Since you are talking
about the influence of China and our competition with China, I
would ask you that doesn't our policy, if it follows President
Trump's maximum pressure like in Cuba drive some of these
countries into the arms of China as opposed to our wanting to
do more foreign aid or more investment or a more cooperative
approach work better to compete with China than to just cut
things off and push them in that direction?
Mr. Camilleri. Well, I am not a China expert, but we do
deal with China a lot, compete with China a lot around the
world. I would say our competitive advantage, as mentioned by
my colleague, Michael, is that what we do around the world with
our partners is transparent and above board, and doesn't
involve predatory lending practices.
And so as we deal with our partners around the world and
expose them to what we are offering and how we are offering it
by partnering with them as opposed to China, we think that we
have a better product to sell.
Ms. Titus. I think so too. But you can't just look at this
from an economic standpoint. There is a lot of politics
involved in this. And depending on the administration, it
depends on how much you are actually engaged in the process
that you described. But, Okay, I appreciate that.
Earlier in the hearing, my Republican colleague from
Florida once again got on his rant in attacking the LGBTQ
community. This is nothing new. The Republicans have been
trying to marginalize this community for every turn of this
Congress. Yet we are the beacon for human rights here in the
United States, and we ought to push for that. Our foreign
policy should reflect that. It should reflect respect for other
communities, protect human rights around the world.
Mr. Camilleri, would you address why you think it might be
a better way to do policy to include all these communities?
There was a little chance to discuss it earlier. But I don't
think it came out very strongly.
Mr. Camilleri. Yes, I think these things are actually
linked, which is to say part of our competitive advantage over
countries like the PRC is precisely that we bring American
values to bear in the way that we operate.
And fundamentals of those American values is a belief in
democracy and a belief in fundamental human rights and, of
course, LGBTQ+ rights are human rights.
Ms. Titus. Well, we've seen democracy backsliding in a lot
of parts of the world and a lot of legislation being passed
that attacks this community kind of in particular. How does the
State Department try to counter that or deal with those kind of
policies in countries where we want to have better relations?
Mr. Camilleri. I think the question may have been for the
State Department so I will let the Assistant Secretary take it
away.
And from USAID standpoint, we are in many places supporting
advocates to engage their governments on behalf of the quality
and dignity for all populations as well as using our own kind
of diplomatic relationships to advocate directly for, again,
respect for universal human rights.
Ms. Titus. You know, I serve on the House democracy
partnership. Guatemala is one of the countries that we have a
partnership with. Peru, we are working on. And so I have seen
you all's work in supporting some NGO's, supporting the
drafting of some legislation. Could you address that? Is that
not a way to also deal with this in a more specific kind of
answer?
Mr. Camilleri. Yes, that's precisely--I think,
Congresswoman, that is precisely the kind of work that in some
places we are able to partner with civil society to do, which
is to engage, for example, with their legislatures to--or with
their court systems. And we have seen actually some encouraging
decisions from courts in the region that are more protective of
fundamental equality.
And so we are able to--we can partner with NGO's with civil
society organizations, some cases directly with governments
that are committed to expanding protections for the LGBTQ
community, which in many parts of Latin America and the
Caribbean unfortunately subject not just to discrimination but
significant violence in order to provide those protections.
Mr. Robinson. I would just add that the same goes for
security, which is where my perspective is. We are working to
make sure that police departments for instance, both at the
Federal and State level, are protecting all members of society,
marginalized communities, indigenous communities, LBGTQ
communities as well.
Ms. Titus. Thank you very much. I yield back.
Mr. Issa [presiding]. Thank you. Secretary Robinson, I will
ask you first because I know you are very kindly staying over
your departure time. And I appreciate that.
Obviously, there has been a rise in narcotics coming into
this country. But there is also a rise in narcotics affecting
countries in the Western Hemisphere. Can you give me your best
prognosis on whether it is Mexico or the return of drugs to
Colombia and so on, what the likely effect is if we cannot
reverse that trend in those countries of drugs often intended
for us, but they also get consumed in the countries in which
they pass through.
Mr. Robinson. No, absolutely it is a threat. And I would
say frankly the Office of National Drug Control Policy has
better statistics and more expertise. But both of those
countries have reached to ONDCP about the rise in local usage
of narcotics and synthetic drugs. And this is happening around
the world. We get it from our partners in Europe and Asia as
well.
Mr. Issa [presiding]. So I just want to ask a leading
question if you can indulge me. Would you say from your
experience and from the experience of the State Department,
that one of the kindest things we can do is have a strict
enforcement policy both here at our border and in cooperation
with these countries because if we don't, we are not just
causing drugs to come into the United States, but we are, in
fact, affecting this very stability of these countries, most of
them to our south?
Mr. Robinson. Well, No. 1, I think it is incumbent upon
every country to secure their borders. But what we want to do
is strike a balance, right? We want to make sure that we are
stopping the bad things that are coming in but allowing trade,
allowing the free flow of investment.
And that is a little tricky. That is why I think it is good
that we work with the Department of Homeland Security and
Department of Justice and have an interagency team that is
looking at all of the different aspects of this so that we can
address this issue.
Mr. Issa [presiding]. Well, I will just share with you. I
have the busiest land border in the world there in San Diego.
And if it were not for the incredible amount of drugs coming
over that land port, if it were not for all the procedures and
the delays that are caused by that, even with the most
effective and efficient modern technology, some of which are
sniffing dogs, but we would, in fact, be able to run that port
with a third or half as many actual lanes. There is no question
that drugs, and to a certain extent human smuggling, make a
huge difference in our effectiveness.
Thank you. And I may have more questions for the record.
But I wanted to thank you for remaining.
Administrator, I want to ask you sort of--you have been on
the job--I know you are acting--but you have been on the job
and in the area long enough to see the effects of a number of
administrations in years of USAID.
Under the Trump Administration, there was an attempt to
dramatically consolidate some portions of our foreign aid and
investment. Some was consolidated. Some wasn't. I happened to
be during that time at TDA. So it was one of the small agencies
that wasn't.
From your perspective, are you better off with a multitude
of small agencies and agencies that sometimes even compete,
sometimes coordinate, and that would include, of course, the
EXIM Bank and others, Millennium Challenge, or in fact should
this committee continue to look at a direction toward competing
against China and other ``aid producers`` that aren't always
aid deliverers, to have a more, if you will, coordinated
attempt?
And I know that is a broad question, but it is one that I
think we need to look at that we created the Millennium
Challenge. We have created each of those agencies. This
committee was responsible for making TDA an independent agency
back in the 90's. We did it all for good reason. But is that
still clearly an impediment when you have to run to Commerce
and run to a lot of places to try to put together your
programs?
Mr. Camilleri. Thank you, Congressman. That is a big
question, maybe slightly above my pay grade. But I appreciate--
--
Mr. Issa [presiding]. You don't have to comment on the DOD
part of it. I will leave that part alone at least.
Mr. Camilleri. All right. It will keep me out of trouble. I
think what I would say is you used the word coordination. And
that ultimately is critical because what you have provided to
us is across the interagency with a broad set of tools and
maybe the most recent one being a pretty powerful one in the
DOC.
We have seen that when we bring that full toolkit to bear,
we can be very effective. Ecuador has come up here today as a
place that is facing some really significant challenges that
has both the prior government and this one the strongest in
partnering with us to meet those challenges.
DOC has actually responded in a big way in Ecuador. I think
it is per capita the biggest market now for the development of
finance corporations.
So that in combination with what USAID is doing, what INL
is doing, I think is a good example of when we bring those
various tools to bear on a specific challenge and opportunity
in terms of that bilateral relationship how we can be
effective.
But I think to your point, the challenge for us in the
administration is making sure that we are coordinating among
those various tools.
Mr. Issa [presiding]. So I am going to close with just one
question for you. Not to say that we need to create yet another
hat somewhere in some agency or above an agency, but should
there be a single point of contact reporting, if you will, to
the President for coordinating, for competing because some of
your activities--obviously you are not in the State Department
even though you partner with them. You are not in Treasury,
even though you partner with them. You are not in Commerce,
even though--and the list goes on. Is in fact that sort of
question of who above your pay grade could ensure that that
cooperation doesn't just occur sometimes but occurs all the
time?
Mr. Camilleri. I think I would say, and the Assistant
Secretary may have reflections on this as well based on his
tenure, you know, we see each other a lot.
Mr. Issa [presiding]. I know you try. I am not for a moment
doubting the effort. I just was asking the question. And maybe
for the Assistant Secretary that would be a good question, can
we do it better?
Mr. Robinson. Well, I would absolutely agree with you that
we should always be asking the question, can we do it better?
It is, again, tricky, right because all of our authorities
are different and the way we get money is different. That is
why accordingly----
Mr. Issa [presiding]. Even the color of how you can spend
it is different.
Mr. Robinson. Exactly. And so that is why the coordinating
responsibility of the NEC is so important, making sure that we
all get together to hash these things out.
As Michael said, we spent a lot of time together anyway.
But could we do it better and more effectively? Absolutely.
Mr. Issa [presiding]. Okay. Well, in closing, if you
wouldn't mind opining with further thoughts either without
questions or I will be happy to add additional questions.
But it is an area where I think for the long term good of
this committee, we need to look and say can we provide ability
for you to do it better, which might include changing, if you
will, the color of money the authorities, coordination, and so
on. I am not on the Armed Services Committee, but I hear from
them often their strengths and weaknesses because they can
spend money different than you.
With that, I want to thank all of the witnesses for their
valuable testimony. Members will have their questions
submitted. We would ask that you be willing within--if you
receive them within five legislative days to respond promptly.
Pursuant to the committee rules, all members will have 5
days to submit statements, questions and extraneous material
for the record, subject to the length limitations. Without
objection, that is ordered. And we stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 1:04 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
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Material Submitted for the Hearing Record
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