[Senate Hearing 117-674]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 117-674
ASSESSING U.S. POLICY IN THE CAUCASUS
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
NOVEMBER 16, 2022
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via http://www.govinfo.gov
_________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
52-323 PDF WASHINGTON : 2023
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Page
Menendez, Hon. Robert, U.S. Senator From New Jersey.............. 1
Prepared Statement of Senator James E. Risch..................... 3
Donfried, Hon. Karen, Assistant Secretary of State for European
and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC. 4
Prepared Statement........................................... 6
Reeker, Hon. Philip, Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations,
U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC....................... 7
Prepared Statement........................................... 9
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried and Mr. Philip Reeker to
Questions Submitted by Senator James E. Risch.................. 27
Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions Submitted by Senator
Cory Booker.................................................... 30
Response of Ms. Karen Donfried to a Question Submitted by Senator
Chris Van Hollen............................................... 32
Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions Submitted by Senator
Bill Hagerty................................................... 32
Testimony From Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director,
Armenian National Committee of America......................... 33
Statement From the Armenian Bar Association: Azerbaijan's
Destruction of Armenian Cultural and Religious Monuments and
Suppression of Religious Freedom............................... 35
(iii)
ASSESSING U.S. POLICY IN THE CAUCASUS
----------
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, and Van Hollen.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
Assistant Secretary Donfried, Ambassador Reeker, thank you
for appearing before us today to talk about United States
policy in the Caucasus.
I would just simply note that our Republican colleagues are
having a caucus so the ranking member is attending and,
hopefully, he will be able to be here later and he has given
his consent for us to proceed.
The absence of members on the other side is not an
indication of their lack of interest in this. They are very
interested, but they have a caucus.
This region is an ancient crossroads with deep geopolitical
importance as a bridge between the West and the heart of Asia.
Too often, dictators with imperial aspirations have
victimized those living in the South Caucasus. From Russian-
backed aggression in Abkhazia or South Ossetia to Turkish-
supported Azerbaijani aggression against Armenia, their
disregard for human life has been clear.
In 2020, Azerbaijan's war uprooted close to 100,000
Armenians from their homes in Nagorno-Karabakh. Sixty-five
hundred people died.
Today, Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, the land they know as
Artsakh, still face an acute humanitarian crisis, including
threats of ethnic cleansing and chronic shortages of water,
energy, health care, and food.
That is why I have pushed for more humanitarian assistance
to help the victims both in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh
because the U.S. humanitarian response has been, in my view,
insufficient.
Today, I want to hear from you about what more we can do
and could be helping these affected areas, but, incredibly, it
is not just that the United States is failing to meet these
humanitarian needs. We are still sending security assistance to
Azerbaijan.
How on earth can the United States justify sending any kind
of support, security or otherwise, to a regime in Baku? It is
inexcusable.
I personally think it is morally repugnant and it makes a
mockery of the Freedom Support Act. Section 907 of this act is
meant to ban security assistance to Azerbaijan until Azerbaijan
is ``taking demonstrable steps to cease all blockades and other
offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.''
Yet, the Department of State has waived Section 907 over
and over again. It requested $600,000 for fiscal year 2022 to
provide Azerbaijan with international military education and
training, a program meant to ``provide a professional military
education to countries selected by the Secretary of State.''
Suffice it to say that I am strongly opposed to having any
aid go to a fighting force known for war crimes and aggression
against a neighbor state, and the Department greenlit security
assistance to the regime in Baku just months before it invaded
Armenia in September, months before a video caught Azerbaijani
forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold blood, months
before a report surfaced of Azerbaijani soldiers sexually
assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier.
The GAO report I commissioned to get to the bottom of this
found both the Department of State and Department of Defense
failed to meet statutory reporting requirements to Congress on
this issue.
I would like you to explain why. It simply makes no sense
to say that the United States' assistance and training has not
impacted Azerbaijan's military balance with Armenia.
I want you to give us all the details Congress has asked
for so we can assess any assistance the U.S. provides to Baku.
Finally, I want to be clear. I still have hopes for a
lasting peace in the region. I know Secretary Blinken hosted
Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers here in Washington
last week. I welcome senior level U.S. engagement in this
region. The lack of attention to the Caucasus over successive
administrations has only benefited Russia's interests. I
appreciate this new approach.
I hope to hear from you about what more we could be doing
for peace in the Caucasus and, specifically, following the
recent attack on Armenia.
I also remain skeptical that authoritarians in Baku or
Moscow or Turkey, for that matter, will agree to let the
Armenian people choose their own destiny, and it is not just
Armenia, but Georgia as well.
This is a nation with so much potential and, yet, today we
see intimidation of independent media, arrests of opposition
leaders, and continued efforts to block the very democratic
reforms Georgia needs to advance on its Euro-Atlantic path.
The United States must remain engaged to support the
democratic development of Georgia during this tenuous period,
and I look forward to hearing from the witnesses about these
efforts.
The people of this region do not want to live under the
threat of violence. They do not want autocratic rule imposed on
them by the barrel of a gun. No one wants to live that way--not
you, not me, not the Armenian people, not the people of
Nagorno-Karabakh.
They deserve to live in peace. They deserve freedom and
security, and that means ensuring that a peace deal does not
lead to ethnic cleansing for the Armenian people of Nagorno-
Karabakh.
It means tackling the needs of the humanitarian crisis
there. It means holding accountable those who order and carry
out the violence we have seen in this region.
I look forward to hearing from you today about where things
stand with the Administration's efforts to help facilitate a
peace process and address these issues.
When Senator Risch arrives, I will be happy to recognize
him for any opening statements.
[The prepared statement of Senator James E. Risch follows:]
Prepared Statement of Senator James E. Risch
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to Assistant Secretary
Donfried and Ambassador Reeker for appearing before us today.
The emerging instability in Europe and Eurasia has made clear the
need for a strong U.S. policy for the Caucasus, a region that lies
between Russia, Iran, and Turkey. Democratic backsliding in Georgia,
war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and the malign ambitions of Russia
and Iran are all critical challenges we must face with clear goals and
strategies.
Perhaps most importantly, Russia's war on Ukraine has distracted
Putin and prevented him from maintaining his brand of chaos in the
Caucasus. As its military power falters, Russia has proved unwilling
and unable to continue flexing its military muscles in the region.
This new environment means there is an opportunity to help foster a
stable and democratic future in the Caucasus. Our policy towards the
region must look to fill that leadership void and help the Caucasian
nations achieve lasting peace by building strong democracies,
societies, and economies.
Russia's current inaction in helping to find a solution to the
conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and absence from the Minsk
Process, has provided a chance for a new approach to negotiations. The
EU, France, and the U.S., have all recently made good-faith efforts to
help Armenia and Azerbaijan end this long-standing conflict. I look
forward to hearing from Ambassador Reeker about what solutions might be
possible. Ending this conflict would both bring peace to a fractured
region and remove one of Russia's key levers of influence in the
region.
In Georgia, the political situation has unfortunately deteriorated.
Georgia was once a leader in democratic reform, but years of political
polarization and failure to resist Russian malign influence have
reversed its trajectory. It is extremely troubling that parties are
unable to simply communicate with each other, much less compromise on
basic issues, especially as Georgia faces serious challenges and 20
percent of its territory remains occupied by Russia.
I am also very worried by the unacceptable and slanderous attacks
on the U.S. ambassador, our diplomats, and on Georgia's civil society.
The State Department must take a firm stand and push back against this
inflammatory behavior. I look forward to hearing from you how State
will respond specifically to these attacks and how the U.S. plans to
help Georgia break through its political gridlock, implement reforms,
and recommit to its European path.
The Caucasus is tremendously important as a crossroads between
Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. While we help these nations confront
the issues they have both internally and with one another, we must also
look at ways to promote productive international partnerships. Trade
agreements, energy deals, infrastructure, and investment all have the
potential to better integrate the region within the transatlantic
community.
A more peaceful and settled Caucasus can also help open Central
Asia to the world and better balance Russian and Chinese influence
there. However, if we fail to form and implement an effective policy,
we could see a return of Russian influence, or even see China
establishing a stronger foothold in the region.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Let us introduce our two witnesses today.
Assistant Secretary Karen Donfried leads the Bureau of
Europe and Eurasian Affairs at the Department of State, having
previously served as president of the German Marshall Fund, the
National Security Council, and the National Intelligence
Council. She is no stranger to the committee and we look
forward to hearing from her today.
We are also joined by the State Department Senior Advisor
for Caucasus Negotiations, Ambassador Philip Reeker.
Ambassador Reeker serves as a U.S. OSCE Minsk Group co-
chair and lead negotiator for the U.S. delegation to the Geneva
international discussions.
He previously served the U.S. Embassy in London as Acting
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs
and a civilian deputy and policy adviser to the commander of
EUCOM.
Welcome to both of you. Your full statements will be
included in the record, without objection. I would ask you to
summarize them in about 5 minutes or so so that members of the
committee can have a conversation with you.
We will recognize Assistant Secretary Donfried first.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE KAREN DONFRIED, ASSISTANT SECRETARY
OF STATE FOR EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Ms. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, distinguished members of
the committee, thank you for inviting me to discuss the
Administration's priorities and engagement efforts in the South
Caucasus.
I appreciate and welcome your advice as we work
collaboratively to advance U.S. interests across the region.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have an historic opportunity to
secure a lasting peace to a conflict that was triggered during
the fall of the Soviet Union and has lasted for more than 30
years.
There have been setbacks, such as the fighting that broke
out September 13-14. When hostilities erupted, we immediately
engaged to halt the fighting. This setback reminded all of us
of the fragility of the situation and the importance of
securing a comprehensive sustainable peace agreement.
Secretary Blinken's leadership has been instrumental in
promoting dialogue. He hosted joint meetings of the foreign
ministers on September 19 and November 7, along with a
telephone call with both on October 4.
National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met with his
counterparts in Washington on September 27, demonstrating the
Administration's whole-of-government commitment to securing
peace.
Thanks in part to our engagement, on October 4 Azerbaijan
released 17 Armenian POWs detained during the September
fighting. Actions like this help build needed trust between the
two sides, and we take every opportunity to urge Azerbaijan to
release the remaining detainees in its custody.
We continue to encourage Azerbaijan and Armenia to maintain
momentum for negotiations and we are doing so in close
coordination with the EU and other partners.
In this vein, we assess the Turkish-Armenian normalization
dialogue positively and have let both sides know that we want
to play a helpful role.
It has the potential to increase regional stability, deter
malign influence, and lead to greater economic development.
This is even more important now, given Russia's unprovoked
brutal war in Ukraine.
More broadly, supporting peace between Armenia and
Azerbaijan is both the right thing to do and in our national
security interest.
Should Azerbaijan and Armenia secure a peace deal, our
security cooperation will become even more critical as we build
the confidence and capacity of each country to freely express
their sovereignty in a matter that maintains peace with their
neighbors.
Our bilateral relations with Armenia have never been
stronger. We continue to seek ways to broaden our security
partnership, deepen people-to-people ties, and grow our
cooperation on democratic and economic development.
The U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue is the flagship format
for this partnership. We held the Dialogue's capstone event in
Washington in May of this year, including a very positive
meeting between Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister
Mirzoyan.
At that time, we signed a nuclear cooperation memorandum of
understanding that can advance Armenia's energy sovereignty and
build stronger U.S.-Armenian cooperation on nuclear energy,
including through the potential provision of U.S.-origin small
modular reactors.
Other working groups on security and defense, justice
reform and democracy, discussed additional ways the United
States can help bolster Armenia's democratic development.
I look forward to participating in the upcoming dialogue in
Yerevan next year.
In Azerbaijan, we remain committed to advancing our
bilateral priorities--security, economic growth, democracy, and
human rights. After 9/11, Azerbaijan stepped up early with
financial and troop support to Afghanistan and helped protect
Kabul International Airport until the final days of the 2021
withdrawal.
Security cooperation with Azerbaijan supports our national
security priorities including counterterrorism objectives,
interdiction of drugs and illicit material, and increased
security of critical Caspian energy infrastructure.
We welcome Azerbaijan's growing support for European energy
security.
The human rights situation in Azerbaijan remains a
challenge. This Administration regularly urges Azerbaijan's
government to respect human rights and the fundamental freedoms
necessary to realize the full potential of Azerbaijan's people.
In Georgia, the American people have long stood in
solidarity with Georgians' desire to be a free, democratic, and
sovereign country within its internationally recognized
borders.
Over the last 30 years, we have become strategic partners
working toward a shared vision of a Georgia fully integrated
into the Euro-Atlantic family of nations.
The United States has allocated over $6 billion in
assistance funds to Georgia, sending thousands of Georgians to
the United States for cultural and educational exchanges, and
training tens of thousands of Georgian soldiers to defend
Georgia's territory and promote peace and stability outside its
borders as well.
That assistance supports democratic governance, rule of
law, a vibrant civil society, and economic growth. We continue
to urge the Georgian Government to implement the necessary
reforms to acquire EU candidate status.
People across the South Caucasus deserve to live in peace,
which will unlock prosperity for the entire region. This
Administration is fully committed to supporting that worthy
goal.
Thank you again for the opportunity to discuss our
priorities and efforts in the South Caucasus. I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Donfried follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ms. Karen Donfried
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members
of the Committee: Thank you for inviting me here to discuss the
Administration's priorities and engagement efforts in the South
Caucasus. I appreciate and welcome your advice as we work
collaboratively to advance U.S. interests across the region.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have a historic opportunity to secure a
lasting peace to a conflict that was triggered during the fall of the
Soviet Union and has lasted for more than 30 years. There have been
setbacks, such as the fighting that broke out September 13-14. When
hostilities erupted, we immediately engaged to halt the fighting. This
setback reminded all of us of the fragility of the situation and the
importance of securing a comprehensive, sustainable peace agreement.
Secretary Blinken's leadership has been instrumental in promoting
dialogue. He hosted joint meetings of the foreign ministers on
September 19 and November 7 along with a telephone call on October 4
with the two ministers. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met
with his counterparts in Washington on September 27, demonstrating the
Administration's `whole-of-government' commitment to securing peace.
Thanks in part to our engagement, on October 4, Azerbaijan released 17
Armenian POWs detained during the September fighting. Actions like this
help build needed trust between the two sides, and we take every
opportunity to urge Azerbaijan to release the remaining detainees in
its custody. We continue to encourage Azerbaijan and Armenia to
maintain momentum for negotiations, and we are doing so in close
coordination with the EU and other partners.
In this vein, we assess the Turkish-Armenian normalization dialogue
positively, and have let both sides know that we want to play a helpful
role. It has the potential to increase regional stability, deter malign
influence, and lead to greater economic development. This is even more
important now given Russia's unprovoked, brutal war in Ukraine.
More broadly, supporting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is
both the right thing to do and in our national security interest.
Should Azerbaijan and Armenia secure a peace deal, our security
cooperation will become even more critical as we build the confidence
and capacity of each country to freely exercise their sovereignty in a
matter that maintains peace with their neighbors.
Our bilateral relations with Armenia have never been stronger. We
continue to seek ways to broaden our security partnership, deepen
people-to-people ties, and grow our cooperation on democratic and
economic development. The U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue is the
flagship format for this partnership. We held the dialogue's capstone
event in Washington in May 2022, including a very positive meeting
between Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Mirzoyan. At that time,
we signed a Nuclear Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding that can
advance Armenia's energy sovereignty and build stronger U.S.-Armenian
cooperation on nuclear energy, including through the potential
provision of U.S.-origin Small Modular Reactors. Other working groups
on security and defense, justice reform, and democracy discussed
additional ways the United States can help bolster Armenia's democratic
development. I look forward to participating in the upcoming dialogue
in Yerevan next year.
In Azerbaijan, we remain committed to advancing our bilateral
priorities: security, economic growth, and democracy and human rights.
After 9/11, Azerbaijan stepped up early with financial and troop
support to Afghanistan and helped protect Kabul International Airport
until the final days of the 2021 withdrawal. Security cooperation with
Azerbaijan supports our national security priorities, including
counterterrorism objectives, interdiction of drugs and illicit
material, and increased security of critical Caspian energy
infrastructure. We welcome Azerbaijan's growing support for European
energy security. The human rights situation in Azerbaijan remains a
challenge. This Administration regularly urges Azerbaijan's government
to respect human rights and the fundamental freedoms necessary to
realize the full potential of Azerbaijan's people.
In Georgia, the American people have long stood in solidarity with
Georgians' desire to be a free, democratic, and sovereign country
within its internationally recognized borders. Over the last 30 years,
we have become strategic partners, working toward our shared vision of
a Georgia fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic family of nations.
The United States has allocated more than $6 billion in assistance
funds to Georgia, sending thousands of Georgians to the United States
for cultural and education exchanges, and training tens of thousands of
Georgian soldiers to defend Georgia's territory and promote peace and
stability outside its borders as well. U.S. assistance supports
democratic governance, the rule of law, a vibrant civil society, and
economic growth, and we continue to urge the Georgian Government to
implement the necessary reforms to acquire EU candidate status.
People across the South Caucasus deserve to live in peace, which
will unlock prosperity for the entire region. This Administration is
fully committed to supporting this worthy goal. Thank you again for the
opportunity to discuss our priorities and efforts in the South
Caucasus. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Ambassador Reeker.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE PHILIP REEKER, SENIOR ADVISOR FOR
CAUCASUS NEGOTIATIONS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Reeker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and distinguished
members of the committee.
I really do thank you for the opportunity to come before
you as the Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations, the
opportunity to discuss the Administration's efforts to support
regional negotiations and address the core issues that pose a
challenge to sustainable peace in the South Caucasus.
Having taken this position just under 3 months ago after my
return from Embassy London, I very much welcome your interest
and value the cooperation with this committee and all members
of Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and help
build a lasting comprehensive peace that will benefit the
people of the region.
Let me start by echoing Assistant Secretary Donfried's
optimism about the potential for peace between Azerbaijan and
Armenia and her realism about the setbacks we have encountered
even since I began this work.
I was in the region, in fact, during the September 13-14
fighting and met with President Aliyev on September 14 to urge
an end to the violence.
My meetings with Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders
paralleled urgent and around-the-clock engagements with
leadership of the two countries by Secretary Blinken, National
Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Donfried
herself, and Deputy Assistant Secretary Erika Olson as well as
by our colleagues at the Department of Defense.
Those engagements have continued since, and the joint
efforts of the United States, the European Union, and partner
countries have paved the way for a series of meetings between
Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to discuss peace.
Despite hostilities, we are encouraged by the pace of
engagement by the Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership in their
peace process. The leaders have met for negotiations on
multiple occasions in recent months as part of an EU-
facilitated peace process, most recently in Prague on October
6.
The Prague meeting produced two meaningful outcomes that
have the potential to pave the way for peace: mutual
recognition of the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration as a basis for
border discussions and acceptance of an EU monitoring capacity
with the potential to build confidence between the sides and
deescalate potential hostilities.
The United States has engaged bilaterally through partners
like the European Union and its peace process, and through
international organizations like the OSCE.
On September 27, I think you are aware, national security
advisors met in Washington to discuss ways of focusing the
various tracks of negotiations and accelerating their efforts.
On October 2, I conferred with the Armenian and Azerbaijani
foreign ministers before and after their meeting in Geneva on
the margins of the Geneva international discussions about
Georgia to encourage their discussions and their accelerated
negotiations.
As noted, just last week on November 7, Secretary Blinken
hosted both foreign ministers here in Washington at Blair House
to maintain positive momentum between the sides.
Our efforts and support complement those of the EU, which
hosted border discussions on November 3 in Brussels. As with
any peace negotiations, as I know you all know well, these are
difficult discussions that focus on issues complicated by
layers of history.
The pace and depth of the current discussions demonstrates
a clear potential, one we have not seen for a long time, for a
settlement that could end decades of conflict.
Of course, much remains to be done by both governments
including investigating allegations of human rights and
international humanitarian law violations, holding perpetrators
accountable, ceasing inflammatory rhetoric, and fostering
reconciliation.
Though the U.S. and EU are facilitating negotiations
between the sides, the substance of these discussions is being
led by Armenian and Azerbaijani representatives themselves.
Direct negotiations held at the initiative of the two
countries and driven by their interests rather than the
interests of outside actors have the greatest chance of long-
term success.
We will support those efforts in any way we can. Secretary
Blinken has offered not only his counsel, but he has also
offered U.S. technical assistance on issues ranging from border
delimitation to the planning of transportation routes.
While the resolution of contentious issues remains the
responsibility of Armenia and Azerbaijan, I have made it clear
the international community and the United States has a
specific responsibility to ensure that the rights and security
of ethnic Armenians are addressed credibly and in line with a
peace settlement.
To that end, I have repeatedly encouraged the leaders in
both countries to consider an international mechanism or
construct to ensure, monitor, and report on any agreement
involving Nagorno-Karabakh.
The sides are at an historic crossroads. We are encouraging
them to choose a future of prosperity and demonstrate the
wisdom of working together on a peace that will benefit the
people of the region for generations to come.
Our efforts will continue toward this goal and we will do
so in any way we can.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Reeker follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mr. Philip Reeker
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members
of the Committee: Thank you for the opportunity to come before you as
the Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations to discuss the
Administration's efforts to support regional negotiations and address
the core issues that pose a challenge to sustainable peace in the South
Caucasus. I welcome cooperation with this committee and all Members of
Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and help build a
lasting, comprehensive peace that will benefit the people of the
region.
Let me start by echoing Assistant Secretary Donfried's optimism
about the potential for peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and her
realism about the setbacks we have encountered. I was in the region
during the September 13-14 fighting and met with President Aliyev on
September 14 to urge an end to the violence. My meetings with Armenian
and Azerbaijani leaders paralleled urgent and around-the-clock
engagements with leadership of the two countries by Secretary Blinken,
National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Donfried,
and Deputy Assistant Secretary Erika Olson, as well as by our
colleagues at the Department of Defense. Those engagements have
continued since, and the joint efforts of the United States, EU, and
partner countries have paved the way for a series of meetings between
Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to discuss peace.
Despite recent hostilities, we are encouraged by the pace of
engagement by Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership in the peace process.
The leaders have met for negotiations on multiple occasions in recent
months as part of an EU-facilitated peace process, most recently in
Prague on October 6. The Prague meeting produced two meaningful
outcomes that have the potential to pave the way for peace: mutual
recognition of the 1991 Almaty Declaration as a basis for border
discussions, and acceptance of an EU ``Monitoring Capacity'' with the
potential to build confidence amongst the sides and deescalate
potential hostilities.
The United States is engaged bilaterally, through partners like the
EU and its peace process, and through international organizations like
the OSCE. On September 27, national security advisors met in Washington
to discuss ways of focusing the various tracks of negotiations and
accelerating efforts. On October 2, I conferred with the Armenian and
Azerbaijani foreign ministers before and after their meeting in Geneva
to encourage their discussions and accelerated negotiations. Last week,
on November 7, the Secretary hosted both foreign ministers here in
Washington to maintain positive momentum between the sides. Our efforts
support and complement those of the EU, which hosted border discussions
on November 3 in Brussels. As with any peace negotiations, these are
difficult discussions that focus on issues complicated by layers of
history. But the pace and depth of the current discussions demonstrates
a clear potential for a settlement that could end decades of conflict.
Of course, much remains to be done by both governments, including
investigating allegations of human rights and international
humanitarian law violations, holding perpetrators accountable, ceasing
inflammatory rhetoric, and fostering reconciliation.
Though the U.S. and EU are facilitating negotiations between the
sides, the substance of these discussions is being led by Armenian and
Azerbaijani representatives themselves. Direct negotiations held at the
initiative of the two countries and driven by their interests, rather
than the interests of outside actors, have the greatest chance of long-
term success. We will support those efforts in any way we can. The
Secretary has not only offered his counsel, but he has also offered
U.S. technical assistance on issues ranging from border delimitation to
the planning of transportation routes. While the resolution of
contentious issues remains the responsibility of Armenia and
Azerbaijan, I have made it clear the international community has a
specific responsibility to ensure that the rights and security of
ethnic Armenians are addressed credibly and in line with a peace
settlement. To that end, I have repeatedly encouraged the leaders in
both countries to consider an international mechanism to ensure,
monitor, and report on any agreement involving Nagorno-Karabakh.
The sides are at an historic crossroads. We are encouraging them to
choose a future of prosperity and demonstrate the wisdom of working
together on a peace that will benefit the people of the region for
generations to come. Our efforts will continue towards this goal, and
we will do so in any way we can.
The Chairman. I thank you. We will start a round.
I have to be honest with you, this testimony is
unresponsive to the concerns that I have raised either in my
opening statement or in the past. Let me try to get responses
to it through questions.
In 2020, Azerbaijan's war grew to close to 100,000
Armenians. Is that true?
Ms. Donfried. Yes.
The Chairman. 6,500 people died. Is that true?
Mr. Reeker. I believe that is the numbers I have seen,
although I do not know that they are exact counts, Senator.
The Chairman. Have you seen the video that caught
Azerbaijani forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold
blood?
Mr. Reeker. I have seen a number of videos. My email box is
filled with----
The Chairman. Have you been able to verify the videos?
Mr. Reeker. I have not, no.
The Chairman. Are we making efforts to verify the videos?
Mr. Reeker. I would have to check with others. I know in
the region they were undertaking efforts in both countries.
The Chairman. How about the reports of Azerbaijani soldiers
sexually assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier?
Mr. Reeker. I think we have all seen those reports--many
reports of atrocities.
The Chairman. Well, this is the problem.
I do not understand--my understanding also, are you
familiar with reports of Azerbaijan's reported use of illegal
weapons, including white phosphorus cluster bombs, both of
which are internationally prohibited munitions?
Mr. Reeker. I am not familiar with those specific reports.
The Chairman. The white phosphorus is very well reported,
unfortunately, provided by Ukraine.
Here is my point. You all seem to be looking the other way
because of whatever interests we have with Azerbaijan.
You mentioned, Assistant Secretary, there are some security
interests and drug trafficking interests, but that should not
trump, at the end of the day, violations that go to the very
core of the instability. My frustration with the State
Department is that they always say, well, both sides should
refrain.
When there is an aggressor we should call out the
aggressor, and I think it is--does not take a rocket scientist
to figure out who is the aggressor, who has the ability to even
be an aggressor in this conflict. It is Azerbaijan. Yet, we
look the other way and we waive Section 907.
How does the Administration answer the GAO study that
clearly said that the State Department did not meet up to its
responsibilities in determining whether such a waiver should
take place, and how do you provide a waiver in the face of all
of these atrocities being committed by Azerbaijan?
Assistant Secretary Donfried.
Ms. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, to your first point about
the State Department looking the other way, we are working very
hard to achieve a goal, I think, we share, which is a
sustainable peace in the South Caucasus.
As I noted in my opening testimony, we have seen over three
decades of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and what we
are hearing from both of those countries today is they both
believe there is an historic opportunity for a sustainable
peace in the region. That would be profoundly important for
both of these countries and for the region as a whole.
What we are trying to do is facilitate to the best of our
abilities these two countries achieving that peace, and I am
happy to go into detail about how we are doing that. That is
our goal.
The Chairman. Facilitating including just overlooking what
Azerbaijan does?
Ms. Donfried. Now let us come to your concern about our
waiving 907. We welcomed the GAO's review of the Section 907
waiver process and we took steps to implement the GAO's
recommendations before making the decision to extend the waiver
in June.
I want to emphasize there is nothing automatic about either
the waiver or about any subsequent----
The Chairman. It looks pretty automatic to me.
In the face of all of the facts, how does one justify a 907
waiver? Is it humanly possible to say that Azerbaijan has not
benefitted itself from the assistance we have given it in a way
that gives it a clear edge against Armenia as it relates to its
military promise?
There is no way to say that. You cannot sit here with a
straight face and say that.
Ms. Donfried. We have looked at this with great care. We
have asked all engaged in these programs whether they assess
that there is an impact on the negotiations between Armenia and
Azerbaijan, whether there is an assessment that U.S. assistance
in some way undermines or hampers efforts to achieve a peaceful
settlement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and to assure that
any assistance we provide cannot be used for offensive purposes
against Armenia----
The Chairman. I have a great deal of respect for you, but
you are losing my confidence when you make evasive remarks like
that.
What specific actions--I will close on this--has the Biden
administration taken to directly help at-risk Armenians living
in Nagorno-Karabakh?
I want you to cite for me program descriptions, partner
organizations, deliverables, budgets, other relevant details,
because I think we are woefully under-serving the humanitarian
needs of those who are facing the realities of this conflict.
Ms. Donfried. I will turn that question to Ambassador
Reeker, but I do on 907 want to be very clear that I do believe
that assistance is in the national security interest of the
U.S.
We provide nonlethal border security that has provided
significant results countering transnational threats from Iran
and disrupting smuggling routes to the South Caucasus, Russia,
and Europe.
I do believe what that assistance is going to supports
U.S.----
The Chairman. Border security that allows Azerbaijan to
actually infringe upon the actual borders of Armenia.
Can you tell me what actions we are taking to help
humanitarian assistance?
Mr. Reeker. Mr. Chairman, in my context, focusing on this
peace process, what is most noticeable is the terrible
humanitarian toll, particularly from the conflict in 2020, and
that still seems to be a challenge for many.
The Department continues to work with relevant agencies to
evaluate needs in the region and identify how best humanitarian
assistance can be provided.
It is important to note that in the Nagorno-Karabakh itself
access is extremely limited. I have not been able to visit
there on my trips in the past 2 months to the region.
It is not currently possible for U.S. Government personnel
to access the area and conduct needs assessments or monitor
programs, but the United States has programmed substantial
funding for humanitarian demining operations, something that
Armenians have raised with us repeatedly as a great concern as
well as Azerbaijanis who have lost a number of civilians to
landmine injuries and deaths. That includes an announcement--I
just have a note here of $2 million announced on September 11
for that.
I have met when I have been in the region with the ICRC
representatives and UNHCR representatives based in Yerevan who
are able to travel in and working with both of our embassies in
the region, including also our embassy in Tbilisi, which has
access in that area.
The Department does continue to develop programs to
strengthen and advance ties with peoples in the region to
foster the conditions.
The goal, of course, of my work and what the secretary and
assistant secretary have asked me to do is focus on getting the
sides to a peace agreement and they are at this historical
moment where, perhaps, they can do that and prevent any more
horrific scenes, any more suffering----
The Chairman. I appreciate all the aspirations, but this is
wholly unresponsive in terms of health care, food security,
water. I cannot believe we do not have an answer.
Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank both
of our witnesses.
I have the honor of being the chair of the U.S. Helsinki
Commission, which monitors our participation in the OSCE.
Ambassador Reeker, I want to ask you a question. I have
been listening to reports for 30 years on the Minsk Group at
OCSE international meetings and it is a carbon copy report
every year. It is 30 years plus. Is it time to end the Minsk
Group?
Mr. Reeker. Thanks, Senator Cardin.
You and I have discussed the Minsk Group and OSCE. You are
probably familiar with my great respect for the OSCE and the--
what I call toolbox that it offers to the broad region and its
57 participating states.
As you note, the Minsk Group was created under a mandate by
OSCE almost 30 years ago after the horrific wars of the
nineties and the breakup of the Soviet Union. The United States
is a co-chair, one of three with France and----
Senator Cardin. Yes. I know the background on all this. My
point is that Russia cannot really participate now because they
are not even participating in the OSCE.
Mr. Reeker. Right.
Senator Cardin. Some of their members cannot even get to
meetings because of the war in Ukraine. Does this give us an
opportunity just to end this process through our leadership in
the OSCE?
Mr. Reeker. Well, I think that is--we have seen an
evolution and that is what I have taken on board very much. I
have met at the OSCE. The Minsk Group, as it is been known, is
not functioning.
The mandate remains--the goal of the mandate, of course,
remains and OSCE operates by consensus. I keep in very close
touch with the French colleague, with the EU, which is still
involved in the region now, with other interested parties, the
OSCE itself. Azerbaijan has simply said they will not deal with
the Minsk Group anymore.
Senator Cardin. I am not suggesting that we not stay
engaged with OSCE and the potential peace process, but is it
time to end the Minsk Group?
Mr. Reeker. As I said, I think it has evolved to the point
where, by consensus, we could end that mandate, but I think the
mandate itself is quite useful.
The Minsk Group co-chair process itself is really no longer
functioning and we are participating with the parties
themselves on their peace process.
Senator Cardin. I just think it gives cover to Russia right
now and it gives cover to those who do not want to move forward
with peace. It is time, I think, for us to look at an effective
way up.
Secretary Donfried, I want to get to Georgia.
Georgia is a strategic partner for the United States. I
recognize that. We have seen incredible backsliding on
democratic advancements so much so the EU differentiated
between Ukraine and Moldova when it came to Georgia, which was
a clear indication the EU sees the backsliding.
We saw the criticism of our ambassador. We have seen the
failure for judicial reform.
What is our strategy in regards to Georgia advancing
democratic institutions and how do we plan to make progress?
Ms. Donfried. Thanks so much for bringing Georgia into the
conversation.
As you know, the United States has partnered closely with
Georgia since its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991,
and I think we have seen over those decades significant
progress in Georgia in developing its Euro-Atlantic ties----
Senator Cardin. Have we seen progress recently?
Ms. Donfried. Based on that progress, we have had a
strategic partnership with Georgia and what we have seen
recently has been deeply concerning to us because we have seen
democratic backsliding in Georgia.
I will tell you, I was in Georgia on the day that the
European Commission previewed the decision that was coming from
the European Council the next week where Georgia would be given
a European perspective and, as you noted, Ukraine and Moldova
were given candidate status.
It was so emotional in Georgia. I had a lunch with civil
society actors who were in tears because Georgia, as you know,
had been the front runner on this path to EU membership.
What strikes me about Georgia is 85 percent of Georgians
support these Euro-Atlantic aspirations and I think that puts
pressure on the government, and what we have been doing is
saying to the Georgian Government, we have joined hands with
the European Union. The list of reforms they are saying you
need to make to get candidate status we are all in on helping
you make those reforms.
We are still hopeful that there will be progress, but,
absolutely, we are concerned about the lack of progress to
date.
You mentioned the just outrageous criticism of our
Ambassador to Georgia, Kelly Degnan, and I want to say to the
members here that she is a fantastic representative of the
United States in Georgia and I will back her up any day of the
week.
We have talked to the Georgian Government about this, the
Prime Minister has spoken to this, and while these are groups
that are not part of the government, some of the groups who
have been highly and wrongly critical of her have close ties to
the government. We have made clear that that criticism will
undermine the partnership we have had over time with----
Senator Cardin. I agree with that. I would just underscore
this point.
Georgia is important to the United States, but the United
States is critical to Georgia, and we need to make that clear
in demonstratable progress towards these democratic goals.
We need Georgia to be on a path to integration in Europe
and we have to make that absolutely abundantly clear that it is
very critically important for the continued support from the
United States.
Ms. Donfried. If I can just add, I think it is important to
just remind all of us that Russia continues to occupy 20
percent of Georgian territory and seeks to negatively impact
Georgia's independence, its ties with the U.S., and its
democracy.
I do believe, as you just said, that our continued
engagement and support is critical for Georgia's future and for
the South Caucasus.
Thanks.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I want to ask some questions about food security issues. On
October 29, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia's suspension
of its participation in the U.N. and Turkey brokered grain deal
and he cited the Ukrainian drone attacks against Russian
vessels in Russian-occupied Crimea.
They agreed to resume participation on November 2, but that
agreement is slated to expire on the 19 of November.
I do not buy Putin's explanation for the withdrawing from
the agreement in the first place because the Ukrainian drone
attacks were on their own sovereign territory, which continues
to be illegally occupied by Russia.
Next week, Ukraine and the world observes the 90th
anniversary of the Holodomor, a man-made famine caused by the
Soviet Union that killed millions of Ukrainians in the 1930s.
Senator Portman and I have a resolution currently under
consideration by the SFRC to commemorate this event. As
important as this grain deal is, we cannot forget that it is a
workaround to a crisis that Vladimir Putin created.
Secretary Donfried, what is your assessment on prospects to
extend the grain deal past November 19?
Ms. Donfried. Senator Kaine, thank you so much for your
engagement on Ukraine and the related issues, including food
security.
We are deeply engaged in the ongoing negotiations to extend
the grain agreement. We are cautiously optimistic, but we will
see how this plays out in the end.
As you noted, food insecurity is such a critical issue for
so many countries around the world, and part of Ukraine's
success in standing up to Russia and winning this war is
keeping global opinion on Ukraine's side.
We have seen how important that has been. Look at the most
recent vote on Russia's illegal annexation of Ukrainian
territory where 103 countries stood with Ukraine.
I could not agree with you more about how critical this
issue is. What we are seeing is continued Russian escalation.
Yesterday, we saw the largest number of Russian missiles flying
against Ukrainian cities that we have seen in this 8\1/2\-month
course of the war.
I think we want to continue to underscore that food
insecurity. All of the negative ramifications of this war are a
result of Russia's unprovoked invasion, and there is one person
who can change that and it is Vladimir Putin.
Senator Kaine. Putin is the one that can change it, but the
U.S. can also play an important role in rebutting
misinformation from the Russians.
The Russians are indicating the U.S. sanctions are
hindering its ability to export Russian grains and fertilizers.
That is not the case. That is not what our sanctions do and
there have actually been exports of both grain and fertilizer
from Russia.
What steps is State taking to counter Russian
disinformation that is apparently convincing some nations in
Africa and elsewhere that it is the U.S. sanctions that are
causing this food crisis rather than Russian misbehavior?
Ms. Donfried. You are absolutely right that Russian
misinformation has been quite successful in wide swaths of the
world, and we are doing our very best to rebut that through
various mechanisms that State is using.
We are also working very closely with our allies and
partners on this. We are engaging actively with the African
Union in various international fora and we are also encouraging
the Ukrainians to engage directly with those countries to share
the truth.
I think--I will point again to that UNGA vote. I think we
are having some success with this, but we need to do more
because you see the number of countries that also abstained in
that vote.
We certainly do not think we have achieved success here. We
need to keep engaging, on your point, that sanctions are not
the cause of this--in fact, there are exemptions for food and
fertilizer--and we also need to make clear that the United
States is the largest provider of assistance to the World Food
Programme, that we are actively working to get grain to these
countries and, I think, given Russia's seeming hesitation to
renew the Black Sea grain initiative, another indicator that
Russia's top concern is not alleviating food insecurity around
the world.
Senator Kaine. Well, I hope we will use the Holodomor
commemoration as an opportunity to really cast a spotlight on
this. Essentially, it is a forced hunger issue that is being
driven by Russia in the same way that the Soviet Union
manufactured a famine in Ukraine that killed millions in the
1930s.
One last question, Secretary Donfried. I understand you
recently traveled to Ukraine. Tell me about the morale of our
Ukrainian partners but, particularly, the morale of our
personnel at Embassy Kyiv.
Ms. Donfried. Thank you so much for asking about my recent
trip.
I was the first government official who is not at the U.S.
Embassy in Kyiv who was able to stay overnight in Kyiv, which
meant I had two full days, which may not sound like that much,
but it did give me the opportunity to meet with a much larger
group of Ukrainian interlocutors, but also to spend more time
with my colleagues at the embassy.
In terms of the engagements with Ukrainian folks in
government, civil society, others, I just came away so
inspired. This is a country that is truly under attack, and
there are so many things that distract us from what is
happening in Ukraine.
We should not be distracted from these unbelievably
horrific attacks against the civilian energy infrastructure,
and what Russia is not able to achieve on the battlefield it is
trying to achieve by plunging Ukraine into cold and darkness
this winter.
The resilience of Ukrainians, but also the pluckiness--the
foreign minister said to me, well, I have been taking cold
showers, but I hear it is good for my skin--and their
resilience in the face of this and it is because of the
rightness of their cause.
I was there to deliver President Biden's message that we
are standing with you. You have our support across every sector
for military, economic, humanitarian, governance, and we will
stay with you until you prevail in this conflict.
Embassy--morale at the embassy also very strong, but, boy,
do I and all of us at the State Department owe a debt of
gratitude to our colleagues who are there every day
representing us so ably.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
Mr. Chairman, I am over my time, but I appreciate your
patience.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Assistant
Secretary Donfried and Ambassador Reeker, thank you both for
being here and for all of your efforts, and thank you for that
trip to Ukraine, Secretary Donfried.
I also want to begin by thanking you and all of those at
the State Department for your efforts to get the EUFOR mandate
reauthorized at the U.N. for Bosnia. I know that that was a
real effort and I was very pleased, as those of us who care
about the Balkans were, to see that that was done and that
Russia actually was willing to engage on that. Thank you very
much for that.
I want to follow up on Senator Cardin's questions about
Georgia because I appreciate that Georgia is trying to play a
positive role in Nagorno-Karabakh, but the reality, as you
point out, is that there has been tremendous backsliding in
Georgia and we provide considerable support to Georgia to
support a reform agenda.
I, for one, argued that maybe we should tie some of that
aid to behavior on the part of Georgia, and I was persuaded by
State Department officials and House members in the last round
of budget negotiations that maybe that was not a good thing to
do.
I think maybe it is--we need to think about whether it is
time to rethink our strategy on Georgia. Can you respond to
that?
Ms. Donfried. Well, let me begin by thanking you for all
you have done in the Western Balkans and--you and colleagues,
and there was broad bipartisan support for an extension of that
EUFOR mandate. I really think it was a shared success.
We have a lot of challenges still in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
but to have that continued security presence, absolutely, share
the view of how critical it was.
On Georgia, there, too, there has been broad bipartisan
engagement on the Hill in Georgia that, I think, makes an
important difference.
I think it is always a good thing to assess policy. Very
open to having that conversation in greater detail with you.
You know the reasons why we wanted to stay the course at
this point in time. We have voiced our strong concerns about
some of the troubling statements and behaviors that we are
seeing from some Georgian politicians.
As I noted, I do not think those are indicative of the
majority of Georgian people. We are----
Senator Shaheen. I do not want to interrupt.
Ms. Donfried. Yes. No, go ahead.
Senator Shaheen. I certainly agree with you on that, but
the fact is that the current Georgian Government said that
candidate status was a key commitment that it was going to
make. It said that to the public of Georgia. It said that to
the United States and the European community, and they,
clearly, have reneged on that commitment.
I think it is important for us to think about the options
that we have to try and hold them accountable for that, to let
them know that there are consequences and some of those
consequences may be the kind of assistance that we are willing
to provide.
I totally agree that the Georgian people are not the ones
at fault here. It is their government, but at some point, they
need to demand from their government more accountability.
I will just--I am going to--I want to switch to another
topic, but I will leave it at that and I hope that we might be
able to engage in the future in a longer discussion about that
because I do think we have to think of other ways in which we
can help incentivize behavior because what we are doing now
does not seem to be working.
On the Black Sea region, writ large, as I am sure you are
aware, Senator Romney and I introduced legislation to try and
encourage the development of a strategy for the Black Sea
region.
I think one of the things we have seen from the war in
Ukraine is just how important that whole region is and how
having a coordinated strategy toward the region is really
important.
I wonder if you can share with us what the Department is
thinking, whether you have that kind of a strategy, whether you
are looking to develop something more and what you are thinking
about in terms of our approach.
Ms. Donfried. Well, thank you for that question and thank
you for your work on this as well.
There is no question that Russia's brutal invasion of
Ukraine has focused all of us on the Black Sea region and
thinking about the way forward there.
Of course, NATO has taken very seriously the threat posed
by Russia to our allies that border the Black Sea and, of
course, U.S. force posture in the region looks very different
today than it did before February 24.
I think there is no question that the way we are thinking
about the region and we are thinking about the critical
importance of U.S. engagement is different than it was before
this war.
I will say right now our focus is on ensuring Ukraine
prevails in this war because in many ways that is going to be
foundational for how we think about Black Sea strategy, but
very much welcome your work and your ideas on this and I can
assure you that is something we are very focused on.
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Just to follow up, is there an effort to
develop a more comprehensive strategy and, if so, do you have
any timetable in mind for when you--I appreciate that item
number one has to be the war in Ukraine, but what else are we
doing and what is the time frame?
Ms. Donfried. We are focused on it. I do not have a time
frame for you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Good to
see you both.
I wanted to ask a broad question about Turkey's role in the
region. Obviously, we know their historic role backing
Azerbaijan. There does not appear to be evidence that they
explicitly supported Azerbaijan's latest provocations.
They have also begun an interesting dialogue with Armenia
that could, ultimately, be very important with Russia's
preoccupation in Ukraine.
Turkey, obviously, has a vacuum that they can fill. They
have been more active than ever since 2020.
Talk a little bit, if you would, Secretary Donfried, about
Turkey's role in the region and specifically on this question
of Turkey-Armenia normalization.
What is the role that the United States can play to
facilitate that? Are we best to just sit back and watch? Is
there some kind of active role that we can play?
Ms. Donfried. Well, thanks a lot for that question, Senator
Murphy, and you are right to have us think about the other
actors in the region and Turkey is a critical one.
You are right to remark on the close relationship between
Turkey and Azerbaijan, but I also appreciate your focus on
Turkey-Armenia relations.
We very much support normalization between Armenia and
Turkey and we have spoken at length with the Turks about this,
and I do believe there is a deep Turkish commitment to move
forward on this, which also augurs well for broader peace in
the region.
What we have seen is both Turkey and Armenia have appointed
special envoys for normalization and they have met multiple
times. They have agreed on initial confidence-building
measures.
We are encouraging both sides to move forward on those.
They need to implement the measures that they have agreed to.
Our role here is one of encouraging that and we are hopeful
that we will see progress because I do think it is part of the
puzzle of the South Caucasus about how you get to a sustainable
peace in the region.
Senator Murphy. Let me just ask a question. I am sorry if
it has been covered already.
Obviously, the backdrop to our relationship with Azerbaijan
is their increasing role as a supplier of energy to neighbors
and into Europe. I have often thought that we have gotten the
balance wrong when it comes to promoting human rights and
democracy in countries that have large oil reservoirs.
This is a country that now has more pipeline capacity than
it did 10 or 20 years ago. What is the sort of future of
Azerbaijani energy with respect to diversifying away from
Russian energy in and around the region and how does this
factor into the decisions that we make about how to approach
some of these thornier issues of Azerbaijani conduct in the
region?
Ms. Donfried. The energy picture in Europe, as we have all
seen over the past 8\1/2\ months, has changed fundamentally.
The United States for a long time has been arguing that
Russia is not a reliable supplier of energy for Europe. Not all
of our European allies and partners agreed with that assessment
prior to February 24. I would say all of them today agree with
that assessment.
We have long been a voice promoting energy diversification
and we are seeing all of these countries that were overly
dependent on Russia looking for other sources, and in that
context, Azerbaijan is playing a very important role and I
think will continue to play a very important role.
That said, it does not mean that we turn a blind eye to our
concerns about human rights in Azerbaijan, and I said it in my
opening statement, I will say it again, we regularly urge
Azerbaijan's government to respect human rights and the
fundamental freedoms necessary to realize the full potential of
Azerbaijan's people.
I believe it is in our national security interest for us to
be promoting human rights and democracy in Azerbaijan and we
will continue to do so.
Thanks.
Senator Murphy. Thank you for that. I will not ask a
question. I am running out of time.
I will just note, I just left this committee meeting to
meet with the relatively new leader of one of the opposition
parties in Kosovo, who is in town, who I think maybe got the
chance to see Deputy Secretary Escobar.
On the other side of the Black Sea are the Balkan region.
We have got some real potential bumps in the road coming up
with the implementation of the license plate agreement in
Kosovo.
Again, I would just urge the Department to play as active a
role as possible in the continued discussions between Serbia
and Kosovo. We, for a long time, for good reason have relied on
the Europeans to take the lead, the Germans specifically.
I think that there is more reason now than ever for the
United States to step in. I do not think you will see as active
or as effective diplomacy from Europe and the need has never
been greater, given what could happen in the coming months in
the Serb regions of Kosovo.
So, again, just a plea to maintain real direct involvement
from the State Department in those very tricky negotiations and
talks.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank both of
you for being here and for your service.
Secretary Donfried, let me just start on Armenia and
Azerbaijan.
Back in April of this year, the Armenian prime minister was
speaking to the parliament in which many people [inaudible] and
yet, in September we saw a unilateral attack of Azerbaijan on
territory of Armenia, and I guess my first question is just a
[inaudible].
[Inaudible] is our assessment that that was a unilateral
unprovoked attack by Azerbaijan on Armenians. Is that right?
Ms. Donfried. I do not believe we have said that.
Senator Van Hollen. Do we have a different assessment?
Ms. Donfried. I think all of these things are complicated,
and our focus has been on how do we try to move these two
countries to a peace agreement after 30 years of conflict.
Senator Van Hollen. I guess my question, though--I
understand, but we did have a--we did see Azerbaijan attack
Armenia, and is it your testimony today that that was in
response to an Armenian attack on Azerbaijan?
Ms. Donfried. My response to that would be that at that
time in September when we spoke to both parties our focus was
on stopping the violence. I do think we played an important
role in that violence being stopped and our goal is to continue
to encourage both sides to negotiate a sustainable peace.
Senator Van Hollen. With all due respect, that did not
respond to the question, but we will follow up with respect to
the situation.
Has Azerbaijan suffered any consequences in terms of U.S.
policy as a result of the attack [inaudible].
Ms. Donfried. Again, what we--our focus here is on--first,
let me just say I agree with you about the importance of the
speech that Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan gave in April. I
think it was a very brave speech and I think it was very
important in encouraging the peace process.
We are in very close touch with both sides and, as I said
in my testimony, I think our relationship with Armenia is
probably better than it has ever been, and we are taking our
cues from the parties about how we can be most helpful in
moving this peace process forward.
There are many elements of it. There is a peace treaty that
the foreign ministers are leading on. The Armenian Prime
Minister's speech in April was so important because it related
to the future of Nagorno-Karabakh and what he was saying is
putting a focus on the rights and security of the local
Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I recognize that. I thought it was
an important speech, too.
Ms. Donfried. Yes, and then we have got----
Senator Van Hollen. It was followed in September by this
attack.
Look, I am glad that we are playing an important role.
[Inaudible] agree with Senator Cardin that it is a process.
By all accounts, at least for these purposes.
[Inaudible] in terms of negotiations?
Mr. Reeker. Senator, I am glad you asked because it is what
I try to determine almost every day as I engage on this with
Assistant Secretary Donfried's help and guidance, and, of
course, Secretary Blinken has played an incredible role. He
just spoke with both leaders over the last 2 days even as he is
traveling in Asia to follow up on the engagements last week.
Now, what was very interesting about the engagements of the
foreign ministers last week, which were bilateral engagements
that we hosted and facilitated at Blair House to underscore for
them our willingness, our desire, to provide whatever we can in
terms of assistance for them to make their project on their
peace agreement, was that, at the end of the day, they came out
with a joint statement, which was the first time they had done
it.
That may not sound like a lot from State Department people
who put out statements all the time, but this was a remarkable
thing, and the two leaders--the two foreign ministers left and
left their press guys, as it were, to work it out. They did it
in just 40 minutes, which was, again, remarkable. I had heard
of an effort to put out a statement after the Border Commission
meeting in Brussels the previous week that took 3\1/2\ hours.
There is a little bit of progress there. There is broad
agreement coming out of that historic speech of Prime Minister
Pashinyan's, which, really, I called a profile in courage, to
look at this in a new way.
They have agreed on five broad principles toward a peace
agreement. The Armenians want to include a sixth principle in
there, which is to make sure that Nagorno-Karabakh is
addressed, that the rights and securities are addressed.
Obviously, that is something that has to be discussed
between the people in Nagorno-Karabakh and Baku as well, and I
have underscored that there should be an international
mechanism to do that.
You are absolutely right, Senator, and as Senator Cardin
said, the Minsk Group process has not been functioning. The
Minsk Group mandate and its ideal remains relevant and the goal
of that is right.
I think it is not important to focus on names and what we
do with the so-called Minsk Group. The Russian colleague, for
instance, has never been in touch with me.
Rather, let us do what we can, working with the two sides
bilaterally, trilaterally, as the Secretary did, bringing them
together here, working with the European Union, which has been
really remarkable in bringing the leaders together because that
is where the tough decisions are going to have to be made.
After last week, they have pledged to get back with another
round of discussion of ideas, proposed development of a draft
peace agreement, and the foreign ministers to meet again.
I expect the leaders will meet again. The progress is drip,
drip, drip, as we know, but it is really quite remarkable what
I have seen just in less than 3 months in this capacity.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you both.
The Chairman. Senator Booker.
Senator Booker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Obviously, the war in Ukraine is having an impact on
[inaudible] Russia's ability to just maintain and sustain their
military presence in Georgia and, obviously, there it is all
peacekeepers in the areas in Azerbaijan and [inaudible]
I guess I am wondering what the impact is overall of the
war on their ability to influence that region as well.
Mr. Reeker. Senator, I am glad you raised that because we
talked about the region--the South Caucasus--being a geographic
crossroads. It is really where history and geography meet at a
crossroads, and at this moment in history you are seeing this
unique situation where Russia, which cannot be excluded from
the broad equation--geography tells you that and history tells
you that--they play a role. They have been involved.
Obviously, the impact of their actions against Ukraine has
made an impression on Azerbaijan as well as Armenia and,
certainly, Georgia, which, as we mentioned earlier, is still 20
percent occupied. Their land is occupied, and we underscore
every day our strong support for Georgia's full territorial
integrity and sovereignty and independence.
I think it is an area where both Armenia and Azerbaijan are
actually seeing they have mutual concerns. We are not a part of
nor were we involved in the actual peace agreement--that
ceasefire, to put it more correctly--that was reached with the
Russians' tripartite agreement, they called it, in November
2020. We welcomed the end of hostilities, but that included
peacekeepers in those regions.
Now, we have seen with the violence in September that those
peacekeepers were, in many ways, nowhere to be seen and I think
that has been a question of concern for both sides.
A comprehensive settlement----
Senator Booker. You link that to the fact that they are
draining resources [inaudible] military resources?
Mr. Reeker. I cannot make that link myself as an analyst,
but I think one could see that even when Putin sent
peacekeepers there in 2020 we know now that he obviously had
other plans for his troops in mind, and the responsibilities he
took on in the South Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh along the
Armenian-Azerbaijani border obviously are affected by that.
Senator Booker. We see that Russia is obviously involved in
trying to undermine democracy. [inaudible] Madagascar to the EU
and I am wondering as we are watching the backsliding
[inaudible] it really concerns a number of my colleagues in
Georgia, are they involved in ongoing efforts to undermine
democratic norms?
Mr. Reeker. As mentioned, I lead our delegation to the
Geneva international discussions, which focus on the issue of
Russia's occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which are
integral parts of Georgia.
Russia made a lot of commitments under the 2008 ceasefire
agreement and they have not lived up to those commitments. They
committed to withdraw their forces. We know that they interfere
in politics. We have seen it, of course, in our own country.
They have pledged to allow unfettered access, for instance,
for delivery of humanitarian assistance into Abkhazia and South
Ossetia. They have not done that.
This is a challenge for Georgia. The Geneva international
discussions did hold a session in October and the Russians did
show up. They were able to get themselves to Geneva for that,
and the Georgians, I think, were pleased that we could show
that we continue to stand by that process.
Senator Booker. If I can interrupt because I would like to
get one more question in. My team and I have been looking a lot
at the food insecurity issue as it relates to the conflict in
Ukraine.
Obviously, Georgia is an area where we [inaudible] that are
clearly undermined by the Russian influence. I am wondering how
has the ability to build capacity for wheat production in
Georgia as it sort of relates to our ability [inaudible] in a
crisis and are we involved in deeper efforts to try to promote
that domestic wheat production?
Ms. Donfried. I cannot go deep on this, but I can tell you
that Cary Fowler, who is the food envoy at the State
Department, is incredibly knowledgeable on this and I know is
doing a lot of work on it. We certainly can circle back and get
you more information on that.
Senator Booker. Appreciate that. Thank you.
The Chairman. As Senator Markey takes a seat, it is his
turn.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
September, I sent a letter with my colleagues to
Secretaries Blinken and Austin asking them to prevent any U.S.
security assistance from going to Azerbaijan until Armenia and
Azerbaijan reached a permanent lasting resolution to ensure
peace and stability in Nagorno-Karabakh.
We also requested answers to several questions that I have
not yet received answers to so I will pose them to you now.
One, is the U.S. Government currently providing any
security assistance to Azerbaijan?
Ms. Donfried. As you referenced, in June of this year we
did decide to extend the waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom
Support Act and so we are providing assistance to Azerbaijan
through that mechanism.
Senator Markey. What is that assistance?
Ms. Donfried. That assistance goes to several things. It
strengthens interoperability among the U.S., NATO, and
Azerbaijani peacekeeping forces.
It increases the Western education and orientation of
Azerbaijani officers. It helps secure Azerbaijan's 475-mile
border with Iran and it provides security for energy sources
critical for our allies in Europe.
Senator Markey. Then what are those energy resources?
Ms. Donfried. That would be, and actually we have seen an
increase of, Azerbaijani oil and gas flowing to Europe as they
diversify away from Russia.
Senator Markey. Okay. That waiver was granted when?
Ms. Donfried. In June.
Senator Markey. In June.
Has the U.S. Government taken steps to assess whether any
Azerbaijani units who currently receive or have received in the
past U.S. security assistance engaged in recent fighting
against Armenia?
Ms. Donfried. Yes. First, I just want to emphasize there is
nothing automatic about this waiver. We assess it every year.
We benefited from the GAO review of the Section 907 waiver
process and have implemented those recommendations, and all of
our assistance is carefully calibrated to make sure it does not
undermine or hamper efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement
between Armenia and Azerbaijan and to ensure that any
assistance we provide cannot be used for offensive purposes
against Armenia.
Senator Markey. You have established that as a fact?
Ms. Donfried. Yes, we have. Yes.
Senator Markey. Ambassador Reeker, do you believe that
Russia's influence in the region and in Armenia in particular
is waning and what should the United States do to capitalize on
any opportunities to increase our own presence and influence in
the region?
Mr. Reeker. Thanks for that question, Senator, because I do
think Russia's actions in Ukraine--their attack there have made
publics, let alone governments, across the South Caucasus more
wary of Russia--Putin's intentions.
The Russian engagement in Armenia has not helped the
Armenians and their cause, and I think the question that--and
we see that again at public levels as well--I think what we
want to do is underscore our dedication to working with the
countries bilaterally and in multilateral fora to promote this
lasting peace because I think there is a realization that,
while Russia remains part of the geographic equation, that it
is the two countries coming to a full peace agreement, an end
to violence, and then also with Georgia working to create
synergies across that critical South Caucasus between the Black
Sea and the Caspian Sea where you have energy resources. You
have infrastructure opportunities. You have great trade
opportunities. You have agriculture opportunities.
This can be a food basket for much of the world. Tourism--
these are all things that they can do once they have achieved
this comprehensive piece, and I think both leaders at this
moment see that there is an opportunity for a whole new chapter
and history there.
Senator Markey. Have you concluded that Russia's influence
is waning in Armenia?
Mr. Reeker. I think it is something you have to watch very
closely. I do not like leaping to any conclusions.
The Russians remain active. They have historic ties. The
CSTO remains a structure which has not lived up to Armenia's
expectations as a member of that. They remain active
diplomatically. Putin hosted the two leaders in Sochi just a
couple of weeks ago.
We want to encourage the leaders to get together and make
their own decisions. I think it is important that our embassies
are robust. They need to be led by ambassadors there on the
ground to increase the engagement that we can do.
In my capacity, I travel regularly. I will be going again
in another week to the region to continue to show what the U.S.
wants and how we can support their efforts.
Senator Markey. In your view, what can a peace agreement
between Azerbaijan and Armenia do to fully guarantee the rights
and security of the Armenian people in Nagorno-Karabakh?
Mr. Reeker. I think that is really the heart of a question
that we have to pay attention to. That is where Prime Minister
Pashinyan has been very clear that it is not about territory,
it is about security and about rights.
President Aliyev has acknowledged that publicly and in
conversations I have had with him and other colleagues have had
with him. That is important, and to do that fully, as I
mentioned in my testimony and as I stress every day, they need
to consider how they can engage a mechanism, an international
effort, to support, to monitor, to offer help, and it can have
an economic component and capacity as well, to make sure that
those people have an opportunity to define what security and
rights means and to see that that is implemented.
It takes time, but we are at a crucial moment where, I
think, there is a new and unique opportunity to try to get that
right.
Senator Markey. Okay. Great.
Secretary Donfried, just, finally, in your earlier
testimony you stated that the State Department has taken steps
to implement the GAO recommendations before extending the 907
waiver for Azerbaijan assistance.
Can you please explain in more detail the steps that were
taken?
Ms. Donfried. Absolutely.
Thank you, Senator.
The State Department requested and received input from
agencies about all ongoing assistance programs, the potential
impact of those programs on the peace process, and the
implementing agencies' and partners' assessments of potential
applicability of the Section 907 waiver prior to recommending
renewal of the waiver this year.
The State Department then completed an assessment as to
whether any of these programs had an impact or could have an
impact on the negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
This assessment was transmitted to Congress as part of the
June 2022 waiver determination, and then in the follow-on, 60-
day report the State Department and the Department of Defense
evaluated each ongoing assistance program to ensure there was
no impact on either the military balance or on peace
negotiations between the two countries.
Senator Markey. Thank you.
Ms. Donfried. Thanks.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Well, let me just say as we come to a close here I will
charitably say that this is one of the most disappointing
hearings I have ever held, but it has crystallized some things
for me.
One, is it seems to me that the United States is in bed
with Azerbaijan.
Assistant Secretary Donfried, you said we urge Azerbaijan
to observe human rights, yet we give it money and they continue
to do what they want. Money is fungible. Whether it is direct
assistance that can hurt Armenia or not, money is fungible.
They are not using that money--they would have to use other
money that they have for other things that we give them money
for.
I heard you say that in response to, I think, it was
Senator Markey's question that what we were urging them to do
is to stop the violence, but you have to recognize when there
is an aggressor.
If I am the recipient of the violence and you are urging
both sides to stop the violence, but it is one side that is the
aggressor you should direct your comments to the aggressor.
We seem incapable of doing that. We have done nothing to
verify the videos and the evidence of cluster munitions, of
white phosphorus, of--which are illegal. We have done nothing
to verify the videos of the execution of Armenian soldiers, the
abuse of female Armenian soldiers. We have done nothing. I
asked you, are you aware of the videos. Yes. Well, did we do
anything to verify them? No.
You come to a hearing in which you cannot even tell me with
any degree of specificity what humanitarian assistance we are
providing.
It is totally, totally unacceptable, and you can tell the
Secretary I will be looking for ways to express my
dissatisfaction.
Let me conclude by asking unanimous consent to have Ranking
Member Risch's opening statement included in the record as at
the opening of the hearing.
Without objection, so ordered.
[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found
at the beginning of this hearing.]
The Chairman. And unanimous consent that the testimony,
``The Armenian-American Community and U.S. Policy Priorities in
the Caucasus'' submitted by the Armenian National Committee of
America be entered into the record.
Without objection, it shall also be submitted.
[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found
in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section
at the end of this hearing.]
The Chairman. With that, the record for this hearing will
remain open until the close of business on Thursday, November
17. Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted
no later than Thursday.
This hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:22 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried and Mr. Philip Reeker to
Questions Submitted by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Armenia-Azerbaijan: There is serious concern for the
well-being of ethnic Armenians living in Azerbaijan-controlled Nagorno-
Karabakh
Does the U.S. believe that specific rights or legal status should
be guaranteed to ethnic Armenians living there?
Answer. Armenia has acknowledged that a conversation between the
representatives of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the
Azerbaijani Government is essential for securing the rights and
security of the ethnic Armenian population. The State Department
continues to raise the need for rights and security for the population
of Nagorno-Karabakh in every engagement--including with President
Aliyev.
The United States has long supported the Helsinki Final Act (1975)
principles of Non-Use of Force, Territorial Integrity, and the Equal
Rights and Self-Determination of Peoples. While these can serve as
guiding principles, the parties to the conflict need to have an honest,
open conversation about rights and security and reach an agreement that
is acceptable to all sides. This is not something the United States or
any outside party can or should decide for them.
Question. If so, what specific rights or legal status should they
be guaranteed?
Answer. The ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh is
entitled to human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to security. The
State Department will continue to press Azerbaijan to explain and
clarify to this population and the international community, in a way
that is transparent and verifiable, how this population will be
protected.
Question. The U.S. has supported productive border control
negotiations between Turkey and Armenia. What barriers remain before
Turkey and Armenia can come to an agreement to open up their borders to
each other?
Answer. The United States strongly supports Armenia-Turkey
normalization, which would be good for the entire region.
Both Turkey and Armenia have appointed special envoys for
normalization. These envoys have met multiple times and agreed on some
initial confidence-building measures. While more needs to be done to
advance these negotiations and to implement agreed measures, we commend
both Armenia and Turkey for taking initial steps in this direction.
Question. Russia's war in Ukraine has diminished its ability to
project power in the South Caucasus as it has in recent years. What
role have we seen the Russian ``peacekeepers'' play in Nagorno-
Karabakh?
Answer. The United States was not involved in the November 9, 2020,
ceasefire brokered by Russia between Armenia and Azerbaijan that
resulted in the deployment of Russian ``peacekeepers'' to the region
for a term of 5 years.
A comprehensive settlement to the conflict between Armenia and
Azerbaijan that addresses rights and security and resolves other
outstanding issues would obviate the need for Russian ``peacekeepers''
to remain in the area.
We have seen nothing to indicate that the Russian military presence
in Armenia played a mediating role in fighting that broke out in
Nagorno-Karabakh in March or along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in
September.
Question. Has the role of Russian ``peacekeepers'' in Nagorno-
Karabakh changed since Russia invaded Ukraine?
Answer. Like the Russia-brokered ceasefire, we have little
visibility into the Russian ``peacekeepers'' actions in Nagorno-
Karabakh.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have both complained publicly about Russian
``peacekeeper'' responsiveness to developments in and around Nagorno-
Karabakh.
Question. If so, how has their role changed?
Answer. Because we were not party to the 2020 ceasefire and do not
have direct access to the region patrolled by Russian peacekeepers, we
are not in a position to assess any change in their behavior since
February 2022.
Question. Georgia: After making clear progress for many years,
Georgia's democracy appears to be backsliding rapidly.
What else can the U.S. do to rebuild electoral, judicial, and press
freedom in Georgia?
Answer. We share your concerns and raise these issues repeatedly in
our meetings with Georgian officials. We continue to press Georgian
officials to reverse backsliding and strengthen democratic institutions
and processes in Georgia. For too long, elections in Georgia have been
marred by allegations of pressure, intimidation, and vote buying. This
problem has worsened in recent elections. It is also clear that judges
are vulnerable to political pressure from within and outside the
judiciary on cases involving politically sensitive subjects or
individuals. Deeper and systemic electoral and judicial reforms, and
the effective implementation of reforms, are needed to level the
playing field and introduce transparency, independence, impartiality,
and accountability. Reforms fostering a truly independent, impartial
judiciary also would help to improve respect for freedom of expression,
including for journalists and media outlets.
Our Ambassador and her team at Embassy Tbilisi are employing
diplomatic engagement, capacity building, and assistance programs to
address these issues. We are evaluating all available tools and forms
of leverage to push Georgia's governing party to conduct and implement
these reforms inclusively and transparently.
Question. How will the State Department confront the lies about our
diplomats and the United States' intentions for Georgia?
Answer. As we've said before, these kinds of false accusations
against the United States and our Ambassador in Tbilisi are damaging to
our bilateral relations and, frankly, are not how friends talk to one
another. They also raise questions regarding the underlying goals and
motivations of those casting the false accusations, as well as those
who stand behind them. Neither the United States nor Georgia benefits
from the propagation of unfounded accusations that appear designed to
weaken the bond between the United States, arguably Georgia's strongest
partner in the face of Russian aggression, and Georgia. We have voiced
our strong concerns to Georgians at the most senior levels about the
troubling statements that we have recently heard from some Georgian
politicians. Fortunately, these statements do not appear to be
indicative of the views of the majority of the people of Georgia.
Washington fully supports Ambassador Degnan and her committed team at
Embassy Tbilisi, and we remain a firm strategic partner to the people
of Georgia, as we have been for three decades.
Question. What role should the U.S. play, if any, in helping
Georgia achieve an EU membership perspective?
Answer. The European Council's unanimous decision to grant European
perspective status to Georgia is an important step, which recognizes
the European aspirations of the Georgian people. This step keeps
Georgia on the path to EU membership, and the security, prosperity, and
western integration that comes with it. We continue to press Georgia's
government to undertake the meaningful reforms called for by the
European Commission.
The road to EU candidate status is clear and achievable. We
continue to strongly urge the government to seize this opportunity and
work with stakeholders across Georgian society to enact and implement
the necessary steps as laid out by the European Commission, to achieve
the European future the Georgian people desire, and to fulfill the
commitment to European integration enshrined in the Georgian
constitution and repeatedly promised by Georgia's government. In
addition, many of our assistance programs in areas such as democratic
development, rule of law, and a human-rights based approach to law
enforcement also support the same goals as the European Commission's
recommendations.
We've also voiced our concerns publicly and privately about some of
the government's actions, including stalling or moving backward on
important democratic reforms. Georgian Government authorities have
created setbacks to the clear, overwhelming aspirations of the people
of Georgia for EU membership and for broader Euro-Atlantic integration.
These actions have deepened polarization within Georgian society rather
than unify the country. We continue to message to the Georgian
Government and people the need to overcome this polarization and work
together for the future well-being of their country.
Question. Foreign Influence: What is the U.S. doing to stop bad
actors like Iran and China from taking advantage of Russia's current
lack of ability and loss of influence in the region?
Answer. We recognize Armenia's and Azerbaijan's delicate geographic
position vis-a-vis Iran and have consistently encouraged both countries
to assess Iran's intentions in the region comprehensively, and to
proceed with caution in all dealings involving the Iranian regime.
While the PRC continues to seek inroads into Azerbaijan and Armenia
due to its geostrategic neighborhood and its location at regional trade
crossroads, the PRC has a limited presence.
The PRC is active in Azerbaijan's information and communication
technology (ICT) sector, through vaccine diplomacy, and through other
soft power initiatives like Confucius Institutes. Azerbaijan has not
signed agreements incurring debt from the PRC, nor are there any large-
scale PRC investments in Azerbaijan.
In Armenia, our priority is to establish fair and reciprocal
economic relationships that do not disadvantage American companies and
advocate for passage and implementation of robust investment screening
legislation to safeguard regional security and data privacy.
Question. Iran: What is your assessment of Azerbaijan-Iran
relations and its impact on U.S. national security?
Answer. Azerbaijan pursues a pragmatic foreign policy towards Iran,
with which it shares a 475-mile border. Iran has a large ethnic Azeri
population, which shares linguistic and cultural ties with Azerbaijan.
Azerbaijan-Iran relations are currently tense, in part due to concern
over Iranian attempts to export its ideology to other Shia-majority
countries including Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan's growing defense and energy
ties with Israel are an irritant in its bilateral relationship with
Iran. The aspirational International North-South Transportation
Corridor, which would connect Russian and Azerbaijani rail networks to
Iranian ports, remains incomplete. Iran and Russia are reportedly
negotiating funding a key portion of the rail network in Iran.
Azerbaijan supports U.S. security interests as a key partner in
counterterrorism and anti-narcotic activities along its southern border
with Iran.
Question. What is your assessment of Armenia-Iran relations and its
impact on U.S. national security?
Answer. We are aware of efforts by Iran to make headway in the
South Caucasus by expanding its political, security, and economic
presence.
While we recognize Armenia's delicate geographic position vis-a-vis
Iran, we consistently encourage Armenia to assess Iran's intentions in
the region comprehensively, and to proceed with caution in all dealings
involving the Iranian regime. Armenia has also committed repeatedly to
fully complying with all U.S. sanctions, including against Iran, and
has demonstrated good faith in these efforts. While Armenia and Iran
enjoy cordial relations, their ties are mostly official and
declarative. Iran cannot offer the types of partnerships the United
States can in the economic, political, security, and people-to-people
spheres.
Question. We provide security assistance to Azerbaijan for border
security along the Azerbaijan-Iran border. What benefit does this
security assistance provide to U.S. national security interests?
Answer. Azerbaijan is an important counterterrorism partner, and it
occupies a difficult geographic space between Russia and Iran. In prior
years, DoD has allocated section 333 funds (Train and Equip) to
Azerbaijan, though it has not done so since FY 2020. Section 333
assistance is designed in part to assist our partners in countering
terrorism and ensuring border security, and it is therefore a uniquely
valuable assistance tool to advance U.S. interests and national
security in the South Caucasus region. Section 333 assistance in
Azerbaijan has focused on maritime security in the Caspian Sea and
enhancing security along Azerbaijan's southern border with Iran.
U.S. non-lethal border security assistance along Azerbaijan's
southern border with Iran--including x-ray systems, radiation
detectors, and training for inspecting trucks and railcars--has
produced results: Azerbaijani officials have reported an increase in
interdictions along the southern border, impeding the narcotics
smuggling that reportedly funds Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps, an entity designated by the Department as a Foreign Terrorist
Organization. The State Customs Committee announced the interdiction of
more than 2,000 kg (4,400 lbs.) of narcotics along the southern border
in 2021--seizures that officials directly attributed to USG-provided
scanners and other border security equipment. They are on track to
exceed that total this year.
Question. What would happen if we withdrew our security assistance
to Azerbaijan?
Answer. The U.S. provides assistance on terms that clarify both the
intended purposes and the limitations of the use of such assistance.
The interagency continuously reviews and monitors U.S. foreign
assistance provided to the Government of Azerbaijan for both in-country
and regional impact.
The United States calibrates all its security assistance to
Azerbaijan to ensure that it is not usable for offensive purposes
against Armenia and does not undermine or hamper ongoing efforts to
negotiate a long-term political settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict.
U.S. security assistance to Azerbaijan strengthens interoperability
among the U.S., NATO, and Azerbaijani peacekeeping forces, increases
the western education and orientation of Azerbaijani officers, helps
secure Azerbaijan's 475-mile border with Iran, and provides security
for energy sources critical for our allies in Europe.
Our non-lethal border security assistance has produced significant
results countering transnational threats from Iran and disrupting
smuggling routes to the South Caucasus, Russia, and Europe.
A notable success from this assistance includes over 6,000 pounds
of narcotics seized by the State Customs Committee of Azerbaijan in
2021 using U.S.-provided equipment and training. Profit from this
narcotics trade is widely suspected of funding the IRGC in Iran. They
are on track to exceed that total this year. Withdrawing security
assistance would harm ongoing successful cooperation with Azerbaijan in
all of these, degrading U.S. abilities in countering various
transnational threats.
______
Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions
Submitted by Senator Cory Booker
Question. Wheat Production in Georgia: Five of the world's ancient
wheat species are indigenous to the country of Georgia. These wheat
varieties are now endangered, however, due to Soviet-era agricultural
policies. As a result, Georgia is importing nearly five times as much
wheat from Russia than it produces domestically according to recent
statistics. Some farmers and non-profit organizations are spearheading
efforts to promote organic agriculture and the planting of domestic
wheat, although harvesting these varieties can be more expensive than
growing industrialized wheat.
Is the U.S. Government doing anything to promote domestic wheat
production in the country of Georgia as part of an effort to reduce its
dependency on Russia?
Answer. Georgia is dependent upon wheat imports for 85 percent of
domestic food consumption needs. Almost all imported wheat comes from
the Russian Federation, the world's largest wheat exporter. Russia has
used its leverage over Georgian food security to its recent
geopolitical advantage, instituting a floating export tax in June 2021
designed to incentivize the import of Russian milled flour, thereby
introducing an additional layer of dependency. In 2021, Russian wheat
exports to Georgia halved while flour exports increased approximately
12 times. As a result, almost all Georgian wheat flour mills ceased
operation or decreased operational capacity and laid off employees.
Russia's war on Ukraine has brought a renewed interest in a commitment
to rebuilding Georgian domestic wheat production and diversifying
supplies away from Russia.
To support Georgia's broader effort to transition away from
Russia's sphere of influence, Georgia must sustainably improve its
wheat yield per acre with modern seeds, technology, and agricultural
practices. Given land and climate factors, Georgia could increase
current wheat production to meet approximately 30-40 percent of
domestic demand, lessening its dependence upon imported Russian wheat
and reducing Russia's leverage over Georgia.
Embassy Tbilisi received $850,000 in FY21 AECCA funds for a USDA/
FAS project to strengthen Georgia's wheat value chain system. Due to
limited support for the domestic wheat value chain and a changing
market situation over the last decade, the initial intervention
includes conducting an assessment of Georgia's wheat and milling
industry including extension services offered to farmers by the public
and private sector by Kansas State University (KSU), working with
USDA's Foreign Agricultural Service. A study of varietal development
and propagation efforts to produce a region-specific higher-yield crop,
and a study on using more resilient wheat varieties in collaboration
with the Regional International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center
(CIMMYT) office is underway.
To provide key intervention recommendations, KSU agricultural
faculty are assessing the entire wheat growing and harvest cycle of
marketing year 2022/23. The first field trip by KSU and USDA experts
occurred in October 2022 with the second assessment planned for January
2023. USDA also plans to assess market information for Georgian wheat
with the objective of providing insights into grain grading and
standards, market intelligence to highlight trends in domestic
production and consumption, and current, historical, and future options
for trade supply chains and diversification.
After the initial assessment, USDA will produce a Georgian Wheat
Value Chain Study, including recommendations on policy actions,
capacity building activities, and other recommended interventions for
USG, GoG and other public and private partners. These activities will
be ready for potential funding during the FY23 budget cycle. These
interventions could assist Georgia with more stability in the domestic
bread value chain.
Question. Black Sea Grain Deal: Regarding the recent extension of
the grain deal: How many countries stand to benefit? What is the
measurable impact?
Answer. Prior to Russia's February 24 full-scale invasion of
Ukraine, Ukraine shipped 5 million metric tons of grain a month. When
Russia blocked Ukraine's Black Sea ports, that figure dropped to just
300,000 metric tons. The deal brokered by Turkiye and the United
Nations between Russia and Ukraine to resume Ukraine's agricultural
exports via the Black Sea is an essential contribution to global food
security. In just a few months of operation, this deal has facilitated
over 400 ships safely crossing the Black Sea, shipping over 11 million
metric tons of agricultural exports to global markets--that's over 1
billion loaves of bread per month. The deal has concretely improved
global food security, lowering prices, stabilizing markets, and
increasing availability. The Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) operates
as a humanitarian, market-driven mechanism and the Joint Coordination
Centre in Istanbul organizes the flow of ships through the safe
channel. World Food Programme shipments do receive priority, but
otherwise the mechanism supports food traders, and purchases flow
around the world.
With U.S. assistance, the UN World Food Program has made shipments
of Ukrainian wheat to the Horn of Africa and Yemen, areas suffering
from severe drought and conflict. More than half of the Ukrainian wheat
exported under the BSGI has reached developing countries in Latin
America, Africa and Asia.
Question. How are we communicating the importance of this deal's
extension?
Answer. The Black Sea Grain Initiative has been a tremendous
success and the United States is undertaking several efforts to
communicate the importance of the deal's extension. In a joint
statement with the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom and High
Representative of the European Union Josep Borrell on 14 November,
Secretary Blinken highlighted our commitment to global food security
and the imperative of renewing the Black Sea Grain Initiative. We have
worked closely with the international community, bilaterally and
through the G20, to communicate the importance of renewing the
agreement. The G20 Leaders' Declaration embraced the agreement's work
to address food insecurity in developing countries and emphasized the
importance of its renewal. We have also worked through our embassies
and consulates to engage locally on the BSGI through print and social
media to increase public awareness of the benefits of the BSGI as we
continue to address a global food crisis exacerbated by Russia's
unjustified invasion of Ukraine.
GPA is working with colleagues throughout the Department and
interagency--specifically USAID--to identify and amplify regional,
country, and community stories which highlight the positive impact of
the deal's extension and U.S. food security efforts. GPA is also
working with partners like the U.S. Agency for Global Media to produce
radio editorials to target audiences with limited access to internet.
Regional bureaus and our Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs also
distributed tailored content to our Missions to develop targeted and
country-specific messaging.
Question. How are we countering Russian disinformation that
Western-led sanctions are causing food insecurity?
Answer. Russia's disinformation and propaganda ecosystem
persistently works to deflect attention from the Kremlin's
responsibility for worsening global food insecurity by blaming
sanctions, when Putin's own behavior is the problem. Kremlin officials,
often in concert with the PRC and other malign actors, heavily target
the regions most affected by the food crisis--the Middle East and
Africa. The GEC works to counter Moscow's disinformation and propaganda
through a whole-of-society and whole-of-government approach. We sponsor
programs globally that promote independent media and expose malign
actors. Our analyses also provide our posts with the tools they need to
best reach audiences and tailor our efforts to counter the spread of
disinformation.
GEC continuously monitors these disinformation narratives and
tactics. In June, GEC publicly exposed Russia's efforts in a public
report entitled ``Russia's Disinformation Cannot Hide Its
Responsibility for the Global Food Crisis.'' The report was published
on the Department's Disarming Disinformation website in 10 languages
and has been cited by international media.
Part of addressing disinformation is actively getting ahead of it.
To that end, the Department of State implemented a public messaging
campaign which included: seven Senior Official press briefings; 14 food
security videos and 24 ShareAmerica stories; 10 USAGM Radio programs;
and 22 public statements and addresses by Senior Officials, including
by Secretary Blinken.
______
Response of Ms. Karen Donfried to a Question
Submitted by Senator Chris Van Hollen
Question. September 2022 Azerbaijan attack on Armenia: In September
2022, Azerbaijani forces launched a series of cross-border attacks into
Armenia proper. Azerbaijani officials claimed without providing
evidence that Azerbaijan was responding to an Armenian ``provocation,''
while some in Armenia expressed concern that Azerbaijan was seeking to
seize territory in Armenia. U.S. State Department spokesman Ned Price
said early on that the United States had seen ``significant evidence of
Azerbaijani shelling inside Armenia and significant damage to Armenian
infrastructure,'' and satellite mapping by NASA's Fire Information for
Resource Management Systems showed heavy fire in multiple locations
inside Armenia.
At the hearing, I asked about the Biden administration's assessment
of the September 2022 conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and
specially asked about the aggressor. The response was that the
Administration does not have an assessment.
Does the Biden administration contest the public reporting
regarding overwhelming evidence that Azerbaijan was the primary
instigator and aggressor towards Armenia in the September 2022
conflict?
Answer. Our focus during and since that fighting in September 2022
was to help the parties find a way to cease hostilities and to continue
working towards a durable peace agreement. Toward this end, the United
States has not publicly taken a position on how the September violence
began, though we noted at the time and have continued to highlight that
there was significant damage done to civilian infrastructure in Armenia
as a result of Azerbaijani shelling. We have repeatedly called on
Azerbaijani troops to return to their initial positions.
______
Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. Energy Security: Assistant Secretary Donfried, the
European Commission signed a memorandum of understanding with
Azerbaijan to double imports of Azeri natural gas by 2027. Several
Southeastern European countries, such as Bulgaria, have offered to
facilitate the movement of natural gas further into Europe. What is the
State Department doing to support the increase of flow of natural gas
from Azerbaijan into Europe?
Answer. Strengthening U.S. energy ties with Azerbaijan and other
Caspian countries is an important part of our responsibilities. We
continue to engage at all levels with Azerbaijan officials to discuss
how we can work together to meet global energy demand. We welcome
Azerbaijan's efforts to expand its support for European energy
security.
Caspian natural gas already plays a valuable role in ensuring
energy security in Europe--and the more that resources in one region
can be shared with another, the more all benefit. It is the reason that
expanding natural gas as well as electricity interconnections is a
significant opportunity for the Caspian region, as well as a boost for
exports to world markets.
The Southern Gas Corridor continues to be a powerful example of
what can be achieved when the right amount of political will,
coordinated investment, regional cooperation, and technological
innovation come together. The pipeline has helped Turkiye, Italy,
Greece, and Bulgaria increase energy security and reduce over-reliance
on one supplier. The steady and reliable deliveries of the Southern Gas
Corridor are important for the stability and diversification of
European markets.
Question. China Undersea Cables: Assistant Secretary Donfried, the
Chinese Communist Party is expanding its foothold in the Caucasus by
connecting China to Europe--through undersea cables and cable landing
stations in the Caspian Sea--making information that moves along these
Chinese-built systems potentially exploitable. AzerNews reported in
September 2022 that Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan will lay undersea fiber-
optic cables along the Caspian Sea seabed between their two countries
with further connectivity into Europe via the Black Sea.
The Ministry of Digital Development of Kazakhstan announced that
the cables would provide transit for the Chinese Internet to Europe.
What is the State Department doing to engage with Azerbaijan,
Kazakhstan, and other European countries to address the information
security concerns raised by China's construction and maintenance of
these undersea fiber-optic cables?
Answer. The Administration strongly supports an open,
interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet by promoting inclusive,
rights-respecting, multi-stakeholder models of internet governance and
pro-competitive, pro-innovation digital economy policies and
regulations. We encourage Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and other European
countries to evaluate proposed infrastructure to ensure the CCP and
other entities are unable to exploit these interconnections to harm
information security, and further encourage the use of only trusted
vendors of telecommunications infrastructure for subsea cables in the
Caspian Sea.
In Azerbaijan, the United States routinely engages with the
government, private sector, and ICT operators to discuss the importance
of information security and the risks from the PRC. Although Huawei and
other PRC technology are active in Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan's internet
traffic provider Azercell announced that they will continue its
relationship with Finland-headquartered Nokia in October 2022.
Question. Huawei: Assistant Secretary Donfried, as you know, Huawei
and other CCP-directed telecommunications companies pose significant
threats to national security and economic security of the United States
and our Allies and partners. Huawei has established multiple ``Huawei
ICT [information and communications technologies] Academies'' in
Azerbaijan to train Azeris and further proliferate its influence
through a global educational program. Moreover, Huawei ICT Academies
reportedly can now be found in 72 countries. In December 2021,
Azerbaijan's Ministry of Digital Development and Transport, ADA
University, and Huawei agreed to create a joint research and
development venture to foster Azeri technology experts under Huawei's
tutelage.
What is the State Department doing to engage with European allies
and partners in order to monitor and address Huawei's expansion of ICT
instruction?
Answer. Azerbaijan's population of 10 million represents a
significant future market of tech consumers and, to support
Azerbaijan's independence, their access to free and open technology is
in the U.S. interest. We regularly encourage Azerbaijan to look beyond
cost and assess their vulnerability to malign PRC influence including
in the technology space. While there is a commercial demand for Huawei
and other PRC technology, the U.S. actively engages with the
government, private sector and ICT operators to highlight the
importance of information security and the risks from the PRC, as well
as the benefits of relying on trusted vendors of ICTS technology.
Huawei's engagement at four Azerbaijani universities is limited, and
the U.S. Embassy continues to promote study in the United States for
Azerbaijani students. Azerbaijan is positioning itself as a hub of
trade, transit, and telecommunications. Azerbaijan will be a focal
point for new east-west telecommunications lines across the Caspian
Sea, and making Azerbaijan a key player in helping provide an
information pathway that does not transit Russia and not dependent on
PRC technology. Azerbaijan is also investing in the ICT sector,
providing an opportunity for U.S. business.
______
The Armenian American Community and
U.S. Policy Priorities in the Caucasus
presented by
Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director
Armenian National Committee of America
Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch. We are
grateful for this Committee's strong leadership on constructive U.S.
engagement in the Caucasus and its enduring support for the national
security and democratic aspirations of the Armenian nation.
In the wake of Azerbaijan's 2020 ethnic-cleansing of Artsakh
(Nagorno Karabakh), and amid Baku's ongoing occupation of sovereign
Armenian territory, we ask the Committee to press the Biden
administration to abandon its reckless policy of false-parity, and,
instead, forthrightly condemn Azerbaijan's aggression.
The oil-rich Aliyev regime must be held accountable, through the
immediate cessation of U.S. military aid and the investigation of its
invasions, atrocities, and war crimes. These actions must be matched
with a robust aid package to meet pressing humanitarian and
developmental needs in Artsakh. In terms of U.S.-Armenia bilateral
ties, we seek a paradigm shift in relations that prioritizes the
security and viability of Armenia and Artsakh in the face of
existential regional threats.
We respectfully submit the following policy recommendations to the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the hopes that they will help
inform and guide the panel's constructive discourse on U.S. interests
in this region.
First and foremost, we call upon the Committee to end U.S. military
aid to Azerbaijan (including, but not limited to, Section 333 (Capacity
Building), Foreign Military Financing, and International Military
Education and Training), via statutory prohibitions, reversal of
Presidential waiver authority, and the full enforcement of Section 907
of the FREEDOM Support Act. In addition, the Departments of State and
Defense must meet their statutory reporting requirements--as per the
recommendations of the General Accountability Office's recent report--
in connection with the Biden administration's decisions to waive this
law, despite Azerbaijan ethnically cleansing Artsakh, occupying
Armenia, illegally detaining and abusing of Armenian POWs, and
desecrating Christian Armenian holy sites.
We also ask that the Committee conduct oversight of the
Administration's decision not to provide desperately needed, direct
U.S. humanitarian assistance to Artsakh, where the at-risk Armenian
population is facing continued aggression and chronic water, energy,
healthcare, and food insecurity. The United States should never enforce
an Azerbaijani veto against American humanitarian aid to vulnerable
Armenians in Artsakh. Congress should appropriate no less than $50
million for programs within Artsakh.
As a follow up to questions asked by Chairman Menendez, but not
answered by Under Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, during a July 21,
2021 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, we seek clarity on two
key points: 1) Has the Administration undertaken any investigation into
the discovery of as many as 10 U.S. components in the Turkish Bayraktar
UAVs used by Azerbaijan to attack civilians in Artsakh as potential
violations of U.S. arms export control restrictions and other U.S. and
international laws, and; 2) Has the Administration investigated reports
that Azerbaijan used prohibited munitions (white phosphorus, cluster
bombs) and deployed Turkish-recruited mercenaries from Syria against
Artsakh?
With regard to cultural preservation and religious freedom, we
encourage the Committee to ask the Biden administration if it has
provided funding, access to satellite imagery, or other assistance to
academic, civil society, and other groups monitoring, preserving and
protecting the rich Armenian Christian heritage across Artsakh,
including areas currently under the control of the Azerbaijani
military?
In the wake of U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide, we ask
this Committee to determine how Congressional and White House
affirmation has actually been reflected in Biden administration policy,
with a special focus on American diplomatic efforts to end Ankara's
denials and obstruction of justice for this crime.
We encourage this Committee to support key legislative initiatives,
among them S. Res. 797, condemning Azerbaijan's aggression and calling
for an end to U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan. In terms of the Fiscal
Year 2023 National Defense Authorization Act, conferees should include:
1) the Cardenas-Schiff-Sherman Amendment (introduced in the Senate as
#SA 6441), requiring an investigation of Azerbaijani war crimes (U.S.
parts in Turkish drones, foreign mercenaries, prohibited munitions,
abuse of prisoners of war); and 2) the Pappas-Pallone Amendment (Senate
versions: #SA 5754 and #SA 6345) placing restrictions on F-16 sales to
Turkey.
As the Committee considers President Biden's nominees for U.S.
Ambassador to Armenia and Azerbaijan, we strongly recommend a focus,
during the confirmation process, on strengthening Armenia's security
and holding Azerbaijan accountable. U.S. policy toward Armenia must
align with the security and viability of Armenia and Artsakh in the
face of existential regional threats, while U.S. policy on Azerbaijan
should prioritize accountability for its past and ongoing crimes. Our
current flawed U.S. policy in the Caucasus offers lectures on democracy
to democratic Armenia, ships U.S. tax-payer funded military aid to
dictatorial Azerbaijan, and provides no assistance at all to at-risk
Artsakh. That has to change.
Thank you for your kind consideration of our testimony. We stand
ready, as always, to support the work of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee to strengthen the long and enduring friendship of the
American and Armenian peoples.
______
Azerbaijan's Destruction of Armenian Cultural and Religious Monuments
and Suppression of Religious Freedom
Presented by the Armenian Bar Association \1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ The Armenian Bar Association is an international non-profit
organization of judges, attorneys, law professors, law students, and
legal professionals. It has issued a comprehensive report (https://
armenianbar.org/heritage/) on the issues discussed in this testimony in
addition to reports on Azerbaijan's racial discrimination (https://
armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-initiative/azerbaijans-racial-
discrimination-against-ethnic-armenians/) against Armenians, its
treatment of POWs (https://armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-
initiative/armenian-pows-and-civilians-held-captive-by-azerbaijan/) and
its responsibility in carrying out arbitrary executions (https://
armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-initiative/extrajudicial-
summary-or-arbitrary-executions/) of ethnic Armenians.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and Ranking Member Risch for this
opportunity.
In September, 2020, Azerbaijan launched an unprovoked military
offensive against the Armenian population in Artsakh (also referred to
as Nagorno-Karabakh). The attack was timed to launch in the middle of
the COVID pandemic and in the few weeks before the 2020 U.S.
Presidential election. The eyes of the United States and international
communities averted, the aggression drew little attention and has
evaded any accountability. To this day, Azerbaijan's aggression remains
unchecked.
In November, 2020, a ceasefire statement brokered by Russia
mandated that Armenians (governed by the Republic of Artsakh) cede
control of portions of Artsakh and adjacent territories to Azerbaijan.
While the ceasefire statement brought a temporary standstill, the
current situation leaves many Armenian monuments and religious places
of worship at heightened risk of destruction.
Azerbaijan has a lengthy, documented history of denying the
existence of, and intentionally destroying, Armenian cultural and
religious heritage and monuments. From 1997 to 2006, Azerbaijan
deliberately obliterated nearly all traces of once prevalent Armenian
culture in an area known as Nakhichevan. They razed Armenian medieval
churches, thousands of ancient carved cross-stones (khachkars), and
historical tombstones.\2\ Video footage from 2005 depicts Azerbaijan
destroying the surviving portions of the medieval necropolis of Djulfa,
that housed tens of thousands of Armenian cross-stones (dating back to
the sixth century A.D.).\3\ The cross-stones are listed on UNESCO's
Representative List of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity,\4\ and are
used for devotional and worship purposes by Armenian Christians and
pilgrims in addition to documenting the history of the region.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ Special investigation: Declassified satellite images show
erasure of Armenian churches (https://www.theartnewspaper.com/2021/06/
01/special-investigation-declassified-satellite-images-show-erasure-of-
armenian-churches), The Art Newspaper (June 1, 2021); Christina
Maranci, ``The Medieval Armenian Monuments in Nagorno-Karabakh Must be
Protected (https://www.apollo-magazine.com/medieval-armenian-monuments-
nagorno-karabakh/),'' Apollo Magazine (December 9, 2020); Dale Berning
Sawa, ``Monumental loss: Azerbaijan and 'The Worst Cultural Genocide of
the 21st Century (https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2019/mar/01/
monumental-loss-azerbaijan-cultural-genocide-khachkars),''' The
Guardian (March 1, 2019); Nora McGreevy, ``Why Scholars, Cultural
Institutions Are Calling to Protect Armenian Heritage (https://
www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/metropolitan-museum-scholars-call-
protection-cultural-heritage-nagorno-karabakh-180976364/),''
Smithsonian Magazine (November 24, 2020).
\3\ Simon Maghakyan and Sarah Pickman, ``A Regime Conceals Its
Erasure of Indigenous Armenian Culture (https://hyperallergic.com/
482353/a-regime-conceals-its-erasure-of-indigenous-armenian-culture/
),'' Hyperallergic (February 18, 2019); ``Destruction of the Armenian
Cemetery of Djulfa (https://www.icomos.org/risk/world_report/2006-2007/
pdf/H@R_2006-2007_09_National_Report_Azerbaijan.pdf),'' ICOMOS Heritage
at Risk; ``Azerbaijan: Famous Medieval Cemetery Vanishes: IWPR reporter
confirms that there is nothing left of the celebrated stone crosses of
Jugha (https://iwpr.net/global-voices/azerbaijan-famous-medieval-
cemetery-vanishes),'' Institute for War & Peace Reporting; ``When the
World Looked Away: The Destruction of Julfa Cemetery (https://
www.rferl.org/a/armenia-azerbaijan-julfa-cemetery-
destruction-unesco-cultural-heritage/
30986581.html?fbclid=IwAR38guzAYkn3_fn
SCPl3XoD8iBeNxJOdcjcw4fb4V8HW9ZvNLzNKn-uwM0M),'' Radio Free Europe
(December 10, 2020); Kate Fitz Gibbon, ``World Heritage Committee
Meeting in Baku Will be Hosted by Cultural Destroyers (https://
culturalpropertynews.org/unesco-exposed/),'' Cultural Property News
(March 19, 2019); ``Azeri Soldiers Vandalized a Cemetery in Nagorno-
Karabakh, Rekindling Fears of Destruction of Armenian Heritage (https:/
/www.archyde.com/azeri-soldiers-vandalized-a-cemetery-in-nagorno-
karabakh-rekindling-fears-of-destruction-of-armenian-heritage),''
Archyde (November 27, 2020); ``Silent Erasure: A Satellite
Investigation of the Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage in
Nakhichivan, Azerbaijan (https://caucasusheritage.cornell.edu/
index.php/report),'' Caucasus Heritage Watch (September, 2022).
\4\ ``Armenian cross-stones art. Symbolism and craftsmanship of
Khachkars (https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/armenian-cross-stones-art-
symbolism-and-craftsmanship-of-khachkars-00434),'' UNESCO.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Experts predicted that in the aftermath of the 2020 war, Azerbaijan
would continue its official policy of cultural erasure. \5\
Unfortunately, that prediction has proven prescient. Artsakh is endowed
with a deeply rich cultural history, including thousands of religious
sites and monuments, many dating back thousands of years. While Russian
peacekeeping forces monitor some Armenian places of worship (most
notably Dadivank, a 7th-9th century monastic complex with a cathedral
rebuilt in the 13th century--discussed below), they do not provide
protection for a great many other Armenian religious sites, leaving
them extremely vulnerable.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\5\ ``Artsakh: Cultural Heritage under Threat (https://
newsletters.hyperallergic.com/profile/sunday/issues/sunday-edition-
artsakh-cultural-heritage-under-threat-419872)'' Sunday Edition of
Hyperallergic magazine (February 28, 2021).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Caucasus Heritage Watch, a non-profit research organization led by
archeology professors from Cornell University and Purdue University,
utilizes satellite imagery to monitor and document destruction in
Artsakh since the November, 2020 ceasefire statement. As of October
2022, Caucasus Heritage Watch has documented the complete destruction
and erasure in July, 2022 of the Saint Sargis Church, and the partial
destruction of other sites. \6\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\6\ ``Caucasus Heritage Watch: Monitoring Report #4 (https://
caucasusheritage.cornell.edu/index.php/report),'' Caucasus Heritage
Watch (October, 2022).
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Under the pretext of its ``reconstruction,'' Azerbaijan has also
begun its campaign of removing evidence of Armenian presence from the
Holy Savior Ghazanchetsots Cathedral--a landmark of Armenian cultural
and religious identity in Shushi--that Azerbaijan shelled repeatedly
and intentionally during the war with high precision weaponry.\7\ Part
of the ``reconstruction'' of the cathedral has included removal of its
domes, which are architecturally distinctive as Armenian Apostolic. \8\
Azerbaijan's ``reconstruction'' ``without input of [the cathedral's]
congregation'' has been admonished by USCIRF \9\ as no members of the
Armenian Apostolic Church have been consulted.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\7\ ``Artsakh Ombudsman Second Interim Public Report on the
Azerbaijani Atrocities Against the Artsakh Population in September to
October 2020 (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/document/735)'' (October 18,
2020); ``Azerbaijan: Attack on Church Possible War Crime (https://
www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/16/azerbaijan-attack-church-possible-war-
crime),'' Human Rights Watch (December 16, 2020).
\8\ ``Azerbaijan ``distorting'' Ghazanchetsots Cathedral under the
guise of ``restoration''--Artsakh Ombudsman (https://en.armradio.am/
2021/05/03/azerbaijan-distorting-ghazanchetsots-cathedral-under-the-
guise-of-restoration-artsakh-ombudsman/),'' Public Radio of Armenia
(May 3, 2021); Twitter postings (https://twitter.com/simonforco/status/
1413860566960017410) from Azerbaijani Diplomat Nasimi Aghaev.
\9\ USCIRF Concerned by Azerbaijan Religion Law Amendments,
Condition of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral (https://www.uscirf.gov/news-
room/releases-statements/uscirf-concerned-azerbaijan-religion-law-
amendments-condition), Press Release (May 17, 2021)
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Many acts of ruin and destruction have been documented since
November, 2020, including vandalism, graffiti, desecration,
disfigurement of key features of religious monuments (domes and
crosses), and the destruction of cemeteries and cross-stones. \10\ In
2021, the BBC documented the complete elimination of another church--
Zoravor Holy Mother of God Church located near the village of
Mekhakavan (Jebrayil), now under Azerbaijani control. \11\ Notably,
many of the photos and video stills of vandalism and destruction
originate with and feature Azerbaijani military personnel. To deny the
existence of Armenian cultural and religious heritage, many sites are
falsely represented as ``Albanian-Udi'' including by official
authorities.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\10\ Rob Lee, Twitter post (https://twitter.com/RALee85/status/
1327791527507144705?s=20) (November 14, 2020); Sascha Duerkop, Twitter
post (https://twitter.com/saschadueerkop/status/
1329754063064489986?lang=en) (November 20, 2020); ``Azerbaijanis
destroy Armenian cross-stone in occupied Artsakh village,'' Public
Radio of Armenia (January 12, 2021); ``Azeri Soldiers Vandalized a
Cemetery in Nagorno-Karabakh, Rekindling Fears of Destruction of
Armenian Heritage (https://www.archyde.com/azeri-soldiers-vandalized-a-
cemetery-in-nagorno-karabakh-rekindling-fears-of-destruction-of-
armenian-heritage/),'' Archyde (November 27, 2020); Tigran Balayan,
Twitter post (https://twitter.com/tbalayan/status/13276763463
15706369?s=20) (November 14, 2020); ``The Azerbaijani military
servicemen are vandalizing the Armenian church of St. Yeghishe in the
Mataghis region of Artsakh (https://www.ombuds.am/en--us/site/
VideoGalleryView/520),'' Human Rights Defender of the Republic of
Armenia (March 29, 2021); ``Ad Hoc Public Report on the Armenian
Cultural Heritage in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh): Cases of Vandalism and
At Risk of Destruction by Azerbaijan (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/
document/792),'' Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh
(January 26, 2021); ``Damage to Cultural Property Means Damage to the
Cultural Heritage of All Mankind (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/news/
500)'' Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh (March 25,
2021); ``Azerbaijanis Remove Cross from Spitak Khach Church in Occupied
Hadrut (https://asbarez.com/azerbaijanis-remove-cross-from-spitak-
khach-church-in-occupied-hadrut/
#:%7E:text=A%20video%20shared%20on%20social%20media%20clearly%
20shows,another%20Armenian%20church%20as%20belonging%20to%20the%20Udis.)
,'' Asbarez.com (January 27, 2022); ``Azerbaijani soldiers vandalize
Armenian church in Artsakh village (https://www.panorama.am/en/news/
2022/02/08/church-vandalism/2637757),'' Panorama--Armenian news
(February 8, 2022).
\11\ ``Nagorno-Karabakh: The mystery of the missing church (https:/
/www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-56517835)''
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In addition to the threat of eradication of religious sites,
Armenian Christians cannot safely return to Artsakh under Azerbaijani
occupation for pilgrimages, services, monastic life, and custodianship.
The following statistics obtained from church officials show the levels
of activity within some of the main churches and monasteries in pre-war
2019 and 2020 (for the first 9 months before the Azerbaijan's
aggression) as compared to the post-war period during under
Azerbaijan's control, which, among other things, has blocked all access
to the sites, resulting in the ceasing of Armenian baptisms and
marriages. Vibrant religious communities have entirely disappeared.
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Dadivank is a large, medieval monastic complex, a center for
literary production, and was an active religious site, where
worshippers and pilgrims would regularly attend mass up to the
beginning of Azerbaijan's offensive. \12\
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\12\ Cultural Heritage Is Caught Up in the Conflict Over Nagorno-
Karabakh (https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/dadivank-monastery-
nagorno-karabakh), Atlas Obscura (December 10, 2020)
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After the November, 2020 ceasefire statement, under the protection
of Russian peacekeepers, Armenian monks remained in the monastery and
pilgrims were, for a time, allowed to visit. But the situation at
Dadivank swiftly deteriorated. From April, 2021 to the present,
Azerbaijan has refused to allow pilgrimages there. In a report entitled
``We are left alone with you, Lord.'' Clergymen of Dadivank await
Armenian pilgrims, the situation in Dadivank is documented from the
perspective of the handful of monks remaining there.\13\ Although this
site is monitored by tens of Russian peacekeepers, the freedom of
religion and use of sacred Dadivank is rendered impossible as the monks
are surrounded by hundreds of Azerbaijani troops, are subject to
psychological intimidation, are taunted and tormented, have unsteady
phone access, and are unable to freely leave the grounds of the
monastic complex for fear of altercations.\14\
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\13\ Menk Menag Enk Mnatsel Kez Hed, Der: Dadivanki Hokevoragannere
Hay Oukhdavorneri en sbassoum (https://www.azatutyun.am/a/
31346025.html#comments) (Translated: ``We are left alone with you,
Lord.'' Clergymen of Dadivank await Armenian pilgrims), Azadutyun News
Channel (July 7, 2021)(Translation available upon request). See also
``In Nagorno-Karabakh, Land Mines, Bulldozers and Lingering Tensions
(https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/25/world/europe/azerbaijan-armenia-
nagorno-karabakh.html),'' Anton Troianovski, NY Times (July 25, 2021)
(describing situation at Dadivank).
\14\ The civilian population of Artsakh is also subject to
psychological intimidation and propaganda encouraging them to leave
their ancestral lands. ``Interim Report on Violations of the rights of
Artsakh people by Azerbaijan in February-March 2022 (https://
artsakhombuds.am/sites/default/files/2022-03/Ombudsman-Report-
English.pdf),'' Human Rights Defender of Artsakh (2022).
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In September, 2021, Armenia lodged with the Registry of the
International Court of Justice (``ICJ'') a request for indication of
provisional measures regarding the violations by Azerbaijan of the
International Convention of December 21, 1965, on the Elimination of
All Forms of Racial Discrimination. During the ICJ proceedings,
Azerbaijan indefensibly denied the very existence of Armenian cultural
heritage. In December, 2021, in its decision on provisional measures,
the Court ordered that Azerbaijan ``shall protect the right to access
and enjoy Armenian historic, cultural and religious heritage, including
but not limited to, churches, cathedrals, places of worship, monuments,
landmarks, cemeteries and other buildings and artefacts, by inter alia
terminating, preventing, prohibiting and punishing their vandalisation,
destruction or alteration, and allowing Armenians to visit places of
worship.'' Flouting the provisional order, Azerbaijan subsequently
announced the creation of a special committee that would act to purge
traces of Armenian heritage.\15\
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\15\ Simon Maghakyan, ``Emboldened by Ukraine Crisis, Azerbaijan
Escalates its War on Armenian Heritage Sites (https://
hyperallergic.com/709512/azerbaijan-escalates-its-war-on-armenian-
heritage-sites/),'' Hyperallergic Magazine (February 4, 2022). After
international criticism, Azerbaijani authorities attempted to walk back
their initial statements concerning this committee.
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To date, Azerbaijan has denied UNESCO's monitors access to the area
notwithstanding UNESCO's multiple requests. USCIRF has recommended that
the State Department include Azerbaijan on the Special Watch List.\16\
However, there are still no assurances that Armenian cultural and
religious heritage sites will be protected in territories that are
under Azerbaijan's occupation, and there are no mechanisms to allow for
Christian pilgrims to access the Armenian religious sites.\17\
Azerbaijan's destruction of Armenian cultural and religious heritage is
squarely within a broader systematic effort and pattern by Azerbaijan
to: (1) deprive Armenian Christians of the ability to exercise their
fundamental right to freely exercise their religion, (2) ethnically
cleanse Artsakh of Armenian people and worshippers, and (3) erase the
record of Armenian history and heritage and any evidence of Armenian
presence from the region.
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\16\ ``United States Commission on International Religious
Freedom--2022 Annual Report (https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/
files/2022%20Annual%20Report.pdf)''--USCIRF (April 2022)
\17\ Civil society groups such as Save Armenian Monuments (https://
savearmenianmonuments.com/), Monument Watch (https://monumentwatch.org/
en/) and AUA Artsakh Heritage Project (https://artsakh-heritage.aua.am/
) have been raising awareness of these issues.
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Our purpose in making this submission is to inform you of these
activities which advance Azerbaijan's policy of cultural genocide
against the Armenians of Artsakh. The Armenian Bar Association is
committed to bringing attention to atrocities committed by Azerbaijan
and documenting them in our reports. We are available to provide
additional information to you upon request and hope that you will find
this information helpful in connection with any policy or action you
are considering involving Azerbaijan and its government.
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