[Senate Hearing 117-674]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]









                                                       S. Hrg. 117-674

                 ASSESSING U.S. POLICY IN THE CAUCASUS

=======================================================================

                                HEARING



                               BEFORE THE



                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE



                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS



                             SECOND SESSION



                               __________

                           NOVEMBER 16, 2022

                               __________



       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations








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                  Available via http://www.govinfo.gov


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                 U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
                 
52-323 PDF               WASHINGTON : 2023























                 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS        

             ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman        
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland         JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire        MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut      MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia                  ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts      RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                 TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey           JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                 TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland           MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                     BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                 Damian Murphy, Staff Director        
        Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director        
                    John Dutton, Chief Clerk        



                              (ii)        

  



















                         C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

Menendez, Hon. Robert, U.S. Senator From New Jersey..............     1

Prepared Statement of Senator James E. Risch.....................     3

Donfried, Hon. Karen, Assistant Secretary of State for European 
  and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC.     4
    Prepared Statement...........................................     6

Reeker, Hon. Philip, Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations, 
  U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC.......................     7
    Prepared Statement...........................................     9

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record

Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried and Mr. Philip Reeker to 
  Questions Submitted by Senator James E. Risch..................    27

Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions Submitted by Senator 
  Cory Booker....................................................    30

Response of Ms. Karen Donfried to a Question Submitted by Senator 
  Chris Van Hollen...............................................    32

Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions Submitted by Senator 
  Bill Hagerty...................................................    32

Testimony From Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director, 
  Armenian National Committee of America.........................    33

Statement From the Armenian Bar Association: Azerbaijan's 
  Destruction of Armenian Cultural and Religious Monuments and 
  Suppression of Religious Freedom...............................    35

                                 (iii)

  

 
                 ASSESSING U.S. POLICY IN THE CAUCASUS

                              ----------                              


                      WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in 
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, and Van Hollen.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    Assistant Secretary Donfried, Ambassador Reeker, thank you 
for appearing before us today to talk about United States 
policy in the Caucasus.
    I would just simply note that our Republican colleagues are 
having a caucus so the ranking member is attending and, 
hopefully, he will be able to be here later and he has given 
his consent for us to proceed.
    The absence of members on the other side is not an 
indication of their lack of interest in this. They are very 
interested, but they have a caucus.
    This region is an ancient crossroads with deep geopolitical 
importance as a bridge between the West and the heart of Asia.
    Too often, dictators with imperial aspirations have 
victimized those living in the South Caucasus. From Russian-
backed aggression in Abkhazia or South Ossetia to Turkish-
supported Azerbaijani aggression against Armenia, their 
disregard for human life has been clear.
    In 2020, Azerbaijan's war uprooted close to 100,000 
Armenians from their homes in Nagorno-Karabakh. Sixty-five 
hundred people died.
    Today, Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, the land they know as 
Artsakh, still face an acute humanitarian crisis, including 
threats of ethnic cleansing and chronic shortages of water, 
energy, health care, and food.
    That is why I have pushed for more humanitarian assistance 
to help the victims both in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh 
because the U.S. humanitarian response has been, in my view, 
insufficient.
    Today, I want to hear from you about what more we can do 
and could be helping these affected areas, but, incredibly, it 
is not just that the United States is failing to meet these 
humanitarian needs. We are still sending security assistance to 
Azerbaijan.
    How on earth can the United States justify sending any kind 
of support, security or otherwise, to a regime in Baku? It is 
inexcusable.
    I personally think it is morally repugnant and it makes a 
mockery of the Freedom Support Act. Section 907 of this act is 
meant to ban security assistance to Azerbaijan until Azerbaijan 
is ``taking demonstrable steps to cease all blockades and other 
offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.''
    Yet, the Department of State has waived Section 907 over 
and over again. It requested $600,000 for fiscal year 2022 to 
provide Azerbaijan with international military education and 
training, a program meant to ``provide a professional military 
education to countries selected by the Secretary of State.''
    Suffice it to say that I am strongly opposed to having any 
aid go to a fighting force known for war crimes and aggression 
against a neighbor state, and the Department greenlit security 
assistance to the regime in Baku just months before it invaded 
Armenia in September, months before a video caught Azerbaijani 
forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold blood, months 
before a report surfaced of Azerbaijani soldiers sexually 
assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier.
    The GAO report I commissioned to get to the bottom of this 
found both the Department of State and Department of Defense 
failed to meet statutory reporting requirements to Congress on 
this issue.
    I would like you to explain why. It simply makes no sense 
to say that the United States' assistance and training has not 
impacted Azerbaijan's military balance with Armenia.
    I want you to give us all the details Congress has asked 
for so we can assess any assistance the U.S. provides to Baku.
    Finally, I want to be clear. I still have hopes for a 
lasting peace in the region. I know Secretary Blinken hosted 
Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers here in Washington 
last week. I welcome senior level U.S. engagement in this 
region. The lack of attention to the Caucasus over successive 
administrations has only benefited Russia's interests. I 
appreciate this new approach.
    I hope to hear from you about what more we could be doing 
for peace in the Caucasus and, specifically, following the 
recent attack on Armenia.
    I also remain skeptical that authoritarians in Baku or 
Moscow or Turkey, for that matter, will agree to let the 
Armenian people choose their own destiny, and it is not just 
Armenia, but Georgia as well.
    This is a nation with so much potential and, yet, today we 
see intimidation of independent media, arrests of opposition 
leaders, and continued efforts to block the very democratic 
reforms Georgia needs to advance on its Euro-Atlantic path.
    The United States must remain engaged to support the 
democratic development of Georgia during this tenuous period, 
and I look forward to hearing from the witnesses about these 
efforts.
    The people of this region do not want to live under the 
threat of violence. They do not want autocratic rule imposed on 
them by the barrel of a gun. No one wants to live that way--not 
you, not me, not the Armenian people, not the people of 
Nagorno-Karabakh.
    They deserve to live in peace. They deserve freedom and 
security, and that means ensuring that a peace deal does not 
lead to ethnic cleansing for the Armenian people of Nagorno-
Karabakh.
    It means tackling the needs of the humanitarian crisis 
there. It means holding accountable those who order and carry 
out the violence we have seen in this region.
    I look forward to hearing from you today about where things 
stand with the Administration's efforts to help facilitate a 
peace process and address these issues.
    When Senator Risch arrives, I will be happy to recognize 
him for any opening statements.
    [The prepared statement of Senator James E. Risch follows:]

              Prepared Statement of Senator James E. Risch

    Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to Assistant Secretary 
Donfried and Ambassador Reeker for appearing before us today.
    The emerging instability in Europe and Eurasia has made clear the 
need for a strong U.S. policy for the Caucasus, a region that lies 
between Russia, Iran, and Turkey. Democratic backsliding in Georgia, 
war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and the malign ambitions of Russia 
and Iran are all critical challenges we must face with clear goals and 
strategies.
    Perhaps most importantly, Russia's war on Ukraine has distracted 
Putin and prevented him from maintaining his brand of chaos in the 
Caucasus. As its military power falters, Russia has proved unwilling 
and unable to continue flexing its military muscles in the region.
    This new environment means there is an opportunity to help foster a 
stable and democratic future in the Caucasus. Our policy towards the 
region must look to fill that leadership void and help the Caucasian 
nations achieve lasting peace by building strong democracies, 
societies, and economies.
    Russia's current inaction in helping to find a solution to the 
conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and absence from the Minsk 
Process, has provided a chance for a new approach to negotiations. The 
EU, France, and the U.S., have all recently made good-faith efforts to 
help Armenia and Azerbaijan end this long-standing conflict. I look 
forward to hearing from Ambassador Reeker about what solutions might be 
possible. Ending this conflict would both bring peace to a fractured 
region and remove one of Russia's key levers of influence in the 
region.
    In Georgia, the political situation has unfortunately deteriorated. 
Georgia was once a leader in democratic reform, but years of political 
polarization and failure to resist Russian malign influence have 
reversed its trajectory. It is extremely troubling that parties are 
unable to simply communicate with each other, much less compromise on 
basic issues, especially as Georgia faces serious challenges and 20 
percent of its territory remains occupied by Russia.
    I am also very worried by the unacceptable and slanderous attacks 
on the U.S. ambassador, our diplomats, and on Georgia's civil society. 
The State Department must take a firm stand and push back against this 
inflammatory behavior. I look forward to hearing from you how State 
will respond specifically to these attacks and how the U.S. plans to 
help Georgia break through its political gridlock, implement reforms, 
and recommit to its European path.
    The Caucasus is tremendously important as a crossroads between 
Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. While we help these nations confront 
the issues they have both internally and with one another, we must also 
look at ways to promote productive international partnerships. Trade 
agreements, energy deals, infrastructure, and investment all have the 
potential to better integrate the region within the transatlantic 
community.
    A more peaceful and settled Caucasus can also help open Central 
Asia to the world and better balance Russian and Chinese influence 
there. However, if we fail to form and implement an effective policy, 
we could see a return of Russian influence, or even see China 
establishing a stronger foothold in the region.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    The Chairman. Let us introduce our two witnesses today.
    Assistant Secretary Karen Donfried leads the Bureau of 
Europe and Eurasian Affairs at the Department of State, having 
previously served as president of the German Marshall Fund, the 
National Security Council, and the National Intelligence 
Council. She is no stranger to the committee and we look 
forward to hearing from her today.
    We are also joined by the State Department Senior Advisor 
for Caucasus Negotiations, Ambassador Philip Reeker.
    Ambassador Reeker serves as a U.S. OSCE Minsk Group co-
chair and lead negotiator for the U.S. delegation to the Geneva 
international discussions.
    He previously served the U.S. Embassy in London as Acting 
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs 
and a civilian deputy and policy adviser to the commander of 
EUCOM.
    Welcome to both of you. Your full statements will be 
included in the record, without objection. I would ask you to 
summarize them in about 5 minutes or so so that members of the 
committee can have a conversation with you.
    We will recognize Assistant Secretary Donfried first.

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE KAREN DONFRIED, ASSISTANT SECRETARY 
OF STATE FOR EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF 
                     STATE, WASHINGTON, DC

    Ms. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, distinguished members of 
the committee, thank you for inviting me to discuss the 
Administration's priorities and engagement efforts in the South 
Caucasus.
    I appreciate and welcome your advice as we work 
collaboratively to advance U.S. interests across the region.
    Armenia and Azerbaijan have an historic opportunity to 
secure a lasting peace to a conflict that was triggered during 
the fall of the Soviet Union and has lasted for more than 30 
years.
    There have been setbacks, such as the fighting that broke 
out September 13-14. When hostilities erupted, we immediately 
engaged to halt the fighting. This setback reminded all of us 
of the fragility of the situation and the importance of 
securing a comprehensive sustainable peace agreement.
    Secretary Blinken's leadership has been instrumental in 
promoting dialogue. He hosted joint meetings of the foreign 
ministers on September 19 and November 7, along with a 
telephone call with both on October 4.
    National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met with his 
counterparts in Washington on September 27, demonstrating the 
Administration's whole-of-government commitment to securing 
peace.
    Thanks in part to our engagement, on October 4 Azerbaijan 
released 17 Armenian POWs detained during the September 
fighting. Actions like this help build needed trust between the 
two sides, and we take every opportunity to urge Azerbaijan to 
release the remaining detainees in its custody.
    We continue to encourage Azerbaijan and Armenia to maintain 
momentum for negotiations and we are doing so in close 
coordination with the EU and other partners.
    In this vein, we assess the Turkish-Armenian normalization 
dialogue positively and have let both sides know that we want 
to play a helpful role.
    It has the potential to increase regional stability, deter 
malign influence, and lead to greater economic development. 
This is even more important now, given Russia's unprovoked 
brutal war in Ukraine.
    More broadly, supporting peace between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan is both the right thing to do and in our national 
security interest.
    Should Azerbaijan and Armenia secure a peace deal, our 
security cooperation will become even more critical as we build 
the confidence and capacity of each country to freely express 
their sovereignty in a matter that maintains peace with their 
neighbors.
    Our bilateral relations with Armenia have never been 
stronger. We continue to seek ways to broaden our security 
partnership, deepen people-to-people ties, and grow our 
cooperation on democratic and economic development.
    The U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue is the flagship format 
for this partnership. We held the Dialogue's capstone event in 
Washington in May of this year, including a very positive 
meeting between Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister 
Mirzoyan.
    At that time, we signed a nuclear cooperation memorandum of 
understanding that can advance Armenia's energy sovereignty and 
build stronger U.S.-Armenian cooperation on nuclear energy, 
including through the potential provision of U.S.-origin small 
modular reactors.
    Other working groups on security and defense, justice 
reform and democracy, discussed additional ways the United 
States can help bolster Armenia's democratic development.
    I look forward to participating in the upcoming dialogue in 
Yerevan next year.
    In Azerbaijan, we remain committed to advancing our 
bilateral priorities--security, economic growth, democracy, and 
human rights. After 9/11, Azerbaijan stepped up early with 
financial and troop support to Afghanistan and helped protect 
Kabul International Airport until the final days of the 2021 
withdrawal.
    Security cooperation with Azerbaijan supports our national 
security priorities including counterterrorism objectives, 
interdiction of drugs and illicit material, and increased 
security of critical Caspian energy infrastructure.
    We welcome Azerbaijan's growing support for European energy 
security.
    The human rights situation in Azerbaijan remains a 
challenge. This Administration regularly urges Azerbaijan's 
government to respect human rights and the fundamental freedoms 
necessary to realize the full potential of Azerbaijan's people.
    In Georgia, the American people have long stood in 
solidarity with Georgians' desire to be a free, democratic, and 
sovereign country within its internationally recognized 
borders.
    Over the last 30 years, we have become strategic partners 
working toward a shared vision of a Georgia fully integrated 
into the Euro-Atlantic family of nations.
    The United States has allocated over $6 billion in 
assistance funds to Georgia, sending thousands of Georgians to 
the United States for cultural and educational exchanges, and 
training tens of thousands of Georgian soldiers to defend 
Georgia's territory and promote peace and stability outside its 
borders as well.
    That assistance supports democratic governance, rule of 
law, a vibrant civil society, and economic growth. We continue 
to urge the Georgian Government to implement the necessary 
reforms to acquire EU candidate status.
    People across the South Caucasus deserve to live in peace, 
which will unlock prosperity for the entire region. This 
Administration is fully committed to supporting that worthy 
goal.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to discuss our 
priorities and efforts in the South Caucasus. I look forward to 
your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Donfried follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Ms. Karen Donfried

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members 
of the Committee: Thank you for inviting me here to discuss the 
Administration's priorities and engagement efforts in the South 
Caucasus. I appreciate and welcome your advice as we work 
collaboratively to advance U.S. interests across the region.
    Armenia and Azerbaijan have a historic opportunity to secure a 
lasting peace to a conflict that was triggered during the fall of the 
Soviet Union and has lasted for more than 30 years. There have been 
setbacks, such as the fighting that broke out September 13-14. When 
hostilities erupted, we immediately engaged to halt the fighting. This 
setback reminded all of us of the fragility of the situation and the 
importance of securing a comprehensive, sustainable peace agreement.
    Secretary Blinken's leadership has been instrumental in promoting 
dialogue. He hosted joint meetings of the foreign ministers on 
September 19 and November 7 along with a telephone call on October 4 
with the two ministers. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met 
with his counterparts in Washington on September 27, demonstrating the 
Administration's `whole-of-government' commitment to securing peace. 
Thanks in part to our engagement, on October 4, Azerbaijan released 17 
Armenian POWs detained during the September fighting. Actions like this 
help build needed trust between the two sides, and we take every 
opportunity to urge Azerbaijan to release the remaining detainees in 
its custody. We continue to encourage Azerbaijan and Armenia to 
maintain momentum for negotiations, and we are doing so in close 
coordination with the EU and other partners.
    In this vein, we assess the Turkish-Armenian normalization dialogue 
positively, and have let both sides know that we want to play a helpful 
role. It has the potential to increase regional stability, deter malign 
influence, and lead to greater economic development. This is even more 
important now given Russia's unprovoked, brutal war in Ukraine.
    More broadly, supporting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is 
both the right thing to do and in our national security interest. 
Should Azerbaijan and Armenia secure a peace deal, our security 
cooperation will become even more critical as we build the confidence 
and capacity of each country to freely exercise their sovereignty in a 
matter that maintains peace with their neighbors.
    Our bilateral relations with Armenia have never been stronger. We 
continue to seek ways to broaden our security partnership, deepen 
people-to-people ties, and grow our cooperation on democratic and 
economic development. The U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue is the 
flagship format for this partnership. We held the dialogue's capstone 
event in Washington in May 2022, including a very positive meeting 
between Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Mirzoyan. At that time, 
we signed a Nuclear Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding that can 
advance Armenia's energy sovereignty and build stronger U.S.-Armenian 
cooperation on nuclear energy, including through the potential 
provision of U.S.-origin Small Modular Reactors. Other working groups 
on security and defense, justice reform, and democracy discussed 
additional ways the United States can help bolster Armenia's democratic 
development. I look forward to participating in the upcoming dialogue 
in Yerevan next year.
    In Azerbaijan, we remain committed to advancing our bilateral 
priorities: security, economic growth, and democracy and human rights. 
After 9/11, Azerbaijan stepped up early with financial and troop 
support to Afghanistan and helped protect Kabul International Airport 
until the final days of the 2021 withdrawal. Security cooperation with 
Azerbaijan supports our national security priorities, including 
counterterrorism objectives, interdiction of drugs and illicit 
material, and increased security of critical Caspian energy 
infrastructure. We welcome Azerbaijan's growing support for European 
energy security. The human rights situation in Azerbaijan remains a 
challenge. This Administration regularly urges Azerbaijan's government 
to respect human rights and the fundamental freedoms necessary to 
realize the full potential of Azerbaijan's people.
    In Georgia, the American people have long stood in solidarity with 
Georgians' desire to be a free, democratic, and sovereign country 
within its internationally recognized borders. Over the last 30 years, 
we have become strategic partners, working toward our shared vision of 
a Georgia fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic family of nations. 
The United States has allocated more than $6 billion in assistance 
funds to Georgia, sending thousands of Georgians to the United States 
for cultural and education exchanges, and training tens of thousands of 
Georgian soldiers to defend Georgia's territory and promote peace and 
stability outside its borders as well. U.S. assistance supports 
democratic governance, the rule of law, a vibrant civil society, and 
economic growth, and we continue to urge the Georgian Government to 
implement the necessary reforms to acquire EU candidate status.
    People across the South Caucasus deserve to live in peace, which 
will unlock prosperity for the entire region. This Administration is 
fully committed to supporting this worthy goal. Thank you again for the 
opportunity to discuss our priorities and efforts in the South 
Caucasus. I look forward to your questions.

    The Chairman. Ambassador Reeker.

 STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE PHILIP REEKER, SENIOR ADVISOR FOR 
CAUCASUS NEGOTIATIONS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC

    Mr. Reeker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and distinguished 
members of the committee.
    I really do thank you for the opportunity to come before 
you as the Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations, the 
opportunity to discuss the Administration's efforts to support 
regional negotiations and address the core issues that pose a 
challenge to sustainable peace in the South Caucasus.
    Having taken this position just under 3 months ago after my 
return from Embassy London, I very much welcome your interest 
and value the cooperation with this committee and all members 
of Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and help 
build a lasting comprehensive peace that will benefit the 
people of the region.
    Let me start by echoing Assistant Secretary Donfried's 
optimism about the potential for peace between Azerbaijan and 
Armenia and her realism about the setbacks we have encountered 
even since I began this work.
    I was in the region, in fact, during the September 13-14 
fighting and met with President Aliyev on September 14 to urge 
an end to the violence.
    My meetings with Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders 
paralleled urgent and around-the-clock engagements with 
leadership of the two countries by Secretary Blinken, National 
Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Donfried 
herself, and Deputy Assistant Secretary Erika Olson as well as 
by our colleagues at the Department of Defense.
    Those engagements have continued since, and the joint 
efforts of the United States, the European Union, and partner 
countries have paved the way for a series of meetings between 
Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to discuss peace.
    Despite hostilities, we are encouraged by the pace of 
engagement by the Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership in their 
peace process. The leaders have met for negotiations on 
multiple occasions in recent months as part of an EU-
facilitated peace process, most recently in Prague on October 
6.
    The Prague meeting produced two meaningful outcomes that 
have the potential to pave the way for peace: mutual 
recognition of the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration as a basis for 
border discussions and acceptance of an EU monitoring capacity 
with the potential to build confidence between the sides and 
deescalate potential hostilities.
    The United States has engaged bilaterally through partners 
like the European Union and its peace process, and through 
international organizations like the OSCE.
    On September 27, I think you are aware, national security 
advisors met in Washington to discuss ways of focusing the 
various tracks of negotiations and accelerating their efforts.
    On October 2, I conferred with the Armenian and Azerbaijani 
foreign ministers before and after their meeting in Geneva on 
the margins of the Geneva international discussions about 
Georgia to encourage their discussions and their accelerated 
negotiations.
    As noted, just last week on November 7, Secretary Blinken 
hosted both foreign ministers here in Washington at Blair House 
to maintain positive momentum between the sides.
    Our efforts and support complement those of the EU, which 
hosted border discussions on November 3 in Brussels. As with 
any peace negotiations, as I know you all know well, these are 
difficult discussions that focus on issues complicated by 
layers of history.
    The pace and depth of the current discussions demonstrates 
a clear potential, one we have not seen for a long time, for a 
settlement that could end decades of conflict.
    Of course, much remains to be done by both governments 
including investigating allegations of human rights and 
international humanitarian law violations, holding perpetrators 
accountable, ceasing inflammatory rhetoric, and fostering 
reconciliation.
    Though the U.S. and EU are facilitating negotiations 
between the sides, the substance of these discussions is being 
led by Armenian and Azerbaijani representatives themselves.
    Direct negotiations held at the initiative of the two 
countries and driven by their interests rather than the 
interests of outside actors have the greatest chance of long-
term success.
    We will support those efforts in any way we can. Secretary 
Blinken has offered not only his counsel, but he has also 
offered U.S. technical assistance on issues ranging from border 
delimitation to the planning of transportation routes.
    While the resolution of contentious issues remains the 
responsibility of Armenia and Azerbaijan, I have made it clear 
the international community and the United States has a 
specific responsibility to ensure that the rights and security 
of ethnic Armenians are addressed credibly and in line with a 
peace settlement.
    To that end, I have repeatedly encouraged the leaders in 
both countries to consider an international mechanism or 
construct to ensure, monitor, and report on any agreement 
involving Nagorno-Karabakh.
    The sides are at an historic crossroads. We are encouraging 
them to choose a future of prosperity and demonstrate the 
wisdom of working together on a peace that will benefit the 
people of the region for generations to come.
    Our efforts will continue toward this goal and we will do 
so in any way we can.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Reeker follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Mr. Philip Reeker

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members 
of the Committee: Thank you for the opportunity to come before you as 
the Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations to discuss the 
Administration's efforts to support regional negotiations and address 
the core issues that pose a challenge to sustainable peace in the South 
Caucasus. I welcome cooperation with this committee and all Members of 
Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and help build a 
lasting, comprehensive peace that will benefit the people of the 
region.
    Let me start by echoing Assistant Secretary Donfried's optimism 
about the potential for peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and her 
realism about the setbacks we have encountered. I was in the region 
during the September 13-14 fighting and met with President Aliyev on 
September 14 to urge an end to the violence. My meetings with Armenian 
and Azerbaijani leaders paralleled urgent and around-the-clock 
engagements with leadership of the two countries by Secretary Blinken, 
National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Donfried, 
and Deputy Assistant Secretary Erika Olson, as well as by our 
colleagues at the Department of Defense. Those engagements have 
continued since, and the joint efforts of the United States, EU, and 
partner countries have paved the way for a series of meetings between 
Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to discuss peace.
    Despite recent hostilities, we are encouraged by the pace of 
engagement by Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership in the peace process. 
The leaders have met for negotiations on multiple occasions in recent 
months as part of an EU-facilitated peace process, most recently in 
Prague on October 6. The Prague meeting produced two meaningful 
outcomes that have the potential to pave the way for peace: mutual 
recognition of the 1991 Almaty Declaration as a basis for border 
discussions, and acceptance of an EU ``Monitoring Capacity'' with the 
potential to build confidence amongst the sides and deescalate 
potential hostilities.
    The United States is engaged bilaterally, through partners like the 
EU and its peace process, and through international organizations like 
the OSCE. On September 27, national security advisors met in Washington 
to discuss ways of focusing the various tracks of negotiations and 
accelerating efforts. On October 2, I conferred with the Armenian and 
Azerbaijani foreign ministers before and after their meeting in Geneva 
to encourage their discussions and accelerated negotiations. Last week, 
on November 7, the Secretary hosted both foreign ministers here in 
Washington to maintain positive momentum between the sides. Our efforts 
support and complement those of the EU, which hosted border discussions 
on November 3 in Brussels. As with any peace negotiations, these are 
difficult discussions that focus on issues complicated by layers of 
history. But the pace and depth of the current discussions demonstrates 
a clear potential for a settlement that could end decades of conflict.
    Of course, much remains to be done by both governments, including 
investigating allegations of human rights and international 
humanitarian law violations, holding perpetrators accountable, ceasing 
inflammatory rhetoric, and fostering reconciliation.
    Though the U.S. and EU are facilitating negotiations between the 
sides, the substance of these discussions is being led by Armenian and 
Azerbaijani representatives themselves. Direct negotiations held at the 
initiative of the two countries and driven by their interests, rather 
than the interests of outside actors, have the greatest chance of long-
term success. We will support those efforts in any way we can. The 
Secretary has not only offered his counsel, but he has also offered 
U.S. technical assistance on issues ranging from border delimitation to 
the planning of transportation routes. While the resolution of 
contentious issues remains the responsibility of Armenia and 
Azerbaijan, I have made it clear the international community has a 
specific responsibility to ensure that the rights and security of 
ethnic Armenians are addressed credibly and in line with a peace 
settlement. To that end, I have repeatedly encouraged the leaders in 
both countries to consider an international mechanism to ensure, 
monitor, and report on any agreement involving Nagorno-Karabakh.
    The sides are at an historic crossroads. We are encouraging them to 
choose a future of prosperity and demonstrate the wisdom of working 
together on a peace that will benefit the people of the region for 
generations to come. Our efforts will continue towards this goal, and 
we will do so in any way we can.

    The Chairman. I thank you. We will start a round.
    I have to be honest with you, this testimony is 
unresponsive to the concerns that I have raised either in my 
opening statement or in the past. Let me try to get responses 
to it through questions.
    In 2020, Azerbaijan's war grew to close to 100,000 
Armenians. Is that true?
    Ms. Donfried. Yes.
    The Chairman. 6,500 people died. Is that true?
    Mr. Reeker. I believe that is the numbers I have seen, 
although I do not know that they are exact counts, Senator.
    The Chairman. Have you seen the video that caught 
Azerbaijani forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold 
blood?
    Mr. Reeker. I have seen a number of videos. My email box is 
filled with----
    The Chairman. Have you been able to verify the videos?
    Mr. Reeker. I have not, no.
    The Chairman. Are we making efforts to verify the videos?
    Mr. Reeker. I would have to check with others. I know in 
the region they were undertaking efforts in both countries.
    The Chairman. How about the reports of Azerbaijani soldiers 
sexually assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier?
    Mr. Reeker. I think we have all seen those reports--many 
reports of atrocities.
    The Chairman. Well, this is the problem.
    I do not understand--my understanding also, are you 
familiar with reports of Azerbaijan's reported use of illegal 
weapons, including white phosphorus cluster bombs, both of 
which are internationally prohibited munitions?
    Mr. Reeker. I am not familiar with those specific reports.
    The Chairman. The white phosphorus is very well reported, 
unfortunately, provided by Ukraine.
    Here is my point. You all seem to be looking the other way 
because of whatever interests we have with Azerbaijan.
    You mentioned, Assistant Secretary, there are some security 
interests and drug trafficking interests, but that should not 
trump, at the end of the day, violations that go to the very 
core of the instability. My frustration with the State 
Department is that they always say, well, both sides should 
refrain.
    When there is an aggressor we should call out the 
aggressor, and I think it is--does not take a rocket scientist 
to figure out who is the aggressor, who has the ability to even 
be an aggressor in this conflict. It is Azerbaijan. Yet, we 
look the other way and we waive Section 907.
    How does the Administration answer the GAO study that 
clearly said that the State Department did not meet up to its 
responsibilities in determining whether such a waiver should 
take place, and how do you provide a waiver in the face of all 
of these atrocities being committed by Azerbaijan?
    Assistant Secretary Donfried.
    Ms. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, to your first point about 
the State Department looking the other way, we are working very 
hard to achieve a goal, I think, we share, which is a 
sustainable peace in the South Caucasus.
    As I noted in my opening testimony, we have seen over three 
decades of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and what we 
are hearing from both of those countries today is they both 
believe there is an historic opportunity for a sustainable 
peace in the region. That would be profoundly important for 
both of these countries and for the region as a whole.
    What we are trying to do is facilitate to the best of our 
abilities these two countries achieving that peace, and I am 
happy to go into detail about how we are doing that. That is 
our goal.
    The Chairman. Facilitating including just overlooking what 
Azerbaijan does?
    Ms. Donfried. Now let us come to your concern about our 
waiving 907. We welcomed the GAO's review of the Section 907 
waiver process and we took steps to implement the GAO's 
recommendations before making the decision to extend the waiver 
in June.
    I want to emphasize there is nothing automatic about either 
the waiver or about any subsequent----
    The Chairman. It looks pretty automatic to me.
    In the face of all of the facts, how does one justify a 907 
waiver? Is it humanly possible to say that Azerbaijan has not 
benefitted itself from the assistance we have given it in a way 
that gives it a clear edge against Armenia as it relates to its 
military promise?
    There is no way to say that. You cannot sit here with a 
straight face and say that.
    Ms. Donfried. We have looked at this with great care. We 
have asked all engaged in these programs whether they assess 
that there is an impact on the negotiations between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan, whether there is an assessment that U.S. assistance 
in some way undermines or hampers efforts to achieve a peaceful 
settlement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and to assure that 
any assistance we provide cannot be used for offensive purposes 
against Armenia----
    The Chairman. I have a great deal of respect for you, but 
you are losing my confidence when you make evasive remarks like 
that.
    What specific actions--I will close on this--has the Biden 
administration taken to directly help at-risk Armenians living 
in Nagorno-Karabakh?
    I want you to cite for me program descriptions, partner 
organizations, deliverables, budgets, other relevant details, 
because I think we are woefully under-serving the humanitarian 
needs of those who are facing the realities of this conflict.
    Ms. Donfried. I will turn that question to Ambassador 
Reeker, but I do on 907 want to be very clear that I do believe 
that assistance is in the national security interest of the 
U.S.
    We provide nonlethal border security that has provided 
significant results countering transnational threats from Iran 
and disrupting smuggling routes to the South Caucasus, Russia, 
and Europe.
    I do believe what that assistance is going to supports 
U.S.----
    The Chairman. Border security that allows Azerbaijan to 
actually infringe upon the actual borders of Armenia.
    Can you tell me what actions we are taking to help 
humanitarian assistance?
    Mr. Reeker. Mr. Chairman, in my context, focusing on this 
peace process, what is most noticeable is the terrible 
humanitarian toll, particularly from the conflict in 2020, and 
that still seems to be a challenge for many.
    The Department continues to work with relevant agencies to 
evaluate needs in the region and identify how best humanitarian 
assistance can be provided.
    It is important to note that in the Nagorno-Karabakh itself 
access is extremely limited. I have not been able to visit 
there on my trips in the past 2 months to the region.
    It is not currently possible for U.S. Government personnel 
to access the area and conduct needs assessments or monitor 
programs, but the United States has programmed substantial 
funding for humanitarian demining operations, something that 
Armenians have raised with us repeatedly as a great concern as 
well as Azerbaijanis who have lost a number of civilians to 
landmine injuries and deaths. That includes an announcement--I 
just have a note here of $2 million announced on September 11 
for that.
    I have met when I have been in the region with the ICRC 
representatives and UNHCR representatives based in Yerevan who 
are able to travel in and working with both of our embassies in 
the region, including also our embassy in Tbilisi, which has 
access in that area.
    The Department does continue to develop programs to 
strengthen and advance ties with peoples in the region to 
foster the conditions.
    The goal, of course, of my work and what the secretary and 
assistant secretary have asked me to do is focus on getting the 
sides to a peace agreement and they are at this historical 
moment where, perhaps, they can do that and prevent any more 
horrific scenes, any more suffering----
    The Chairman. I appreciate all the aspirations, but this is 
wholly unresponsive in terms of health care, food security, 
water. I cannot believe we do not have an answer.
    Senator Cardin.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank both 
of our witnesses.
    I have the honor of being the chair of the U.S. Helsinki 
Commission, which monitors our participation in the OSCE.
    Ambassador Reeker, I want to ask you a question. I have 
been listening to reports for 30 years on the Minsk Group at 
OCSE international meetings and it is a carbon copy report 
every year. It is 30 years plus. Is it time to end the Minsk 
Group?
    Mr. Reeker. Thanks, Senator Cardin.
    You and I have discussed the Minsk Group and OSCE. You are 
probably familiar with my great respect for the OSCE and the--
what I call toolbox that it offers to the broad region and its 
57 participating states.
    As you note, the Minsk Group was created under a mandate by 
OSCE almost 30 years ago after the horrific wars of the 
nineties and the breakup of the Soviet Union. The United States 
is a co-chair, one of three with France and----
    Senator Cardin. Yes. I know the background on all this. My 
point is that Russia cannot really participate now because they 
are not even participating in the OSCE.
    Mr. Reeker. Right.
    Senator Cardin. Some of their members cannot even get to 
meetings because of the war in Ukraine. Does this give us an 
opportunity just to end this process through our leadership in 
the OSCE?
    Mr. Reeker. Well, I think that is--we have seen an 
evolution and that is what I have taken on board very much. I 
have met at the OSCE. The Minsk Group, as it is been known, is 
not functioning.
    The mandate remains--the goal of the mandate, of course, 
remains and OSCE operates by consensus. I keep in very close 
touch with the French colleague, with the EU, which is still 
involved in the region now, with other interested parties, the 
OSCE itself. Azerbaijan has simply said they will not deal with 
the Minsk Group anymore.
    Senator Cardin. I am not suggesting that we not stay 
engaged with OSCE and the potential peace process, but is it 
time to end the Minsk Group?
    Mr. Reeker. As I said, I think it has evolved to the point 
where, by consensus, we could end that mandate, but I think the 
mandate itself is quite useful.
    The Minsk Group co-chair process itself is really no longer 
functioning and we are participating with the parties 
themselves on their peace process.
    Senator Cardin. I just think it gives cover to Russia right 
now and it gives cover to those who do not want to move forward 
with peace. It is time, I think, for us to look at an effective 
way up.
    Secretary Donfried, I want to get to Georgia.
    Georgia is a strategic partner for the United States. I 
recognize that. We have seen incredible backsliding on 
democratic advancements so much so the EU differentiated 
between Ukraine and Moldova when it came to Georgia, which was 
a clear indication the EU sees the backsliding.
    We saw the criticism of our ambassador. We have seen the 
failure for judicial reform.
    What is our strategy in regards to Georgia advancing 
democratic institutions and how do we plan to make progress?
    Ms. Donfried. Thanks so much for bringing Georgia into the 
conversation.
    As you know, the United States has partnered closely with 
Georgia since its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, 
and I think we have seen over those decades significant 
progress in Georgia in developing its Euro-Atlantic ties----
    Senator Cardin. Have we seen progress recently?
    Ms. Donfried. Based on that progress, we have had a 
strategic partnership with Georgia and what we have seen 
recently has been deeply concerning to us because we have seen 
democratic backsliding in Georgia.
    I will tell you, I was in Georgia on the day that the 
European Commission previewed the decision that was coming from 
the European Council the next week where Georgia would be given 
a European perspective and, as you noted, Ukraine and Moldova 
were given candidate status.
    It was so emotional in Georgia. I had a lunch with civil 
society actors who were in tears because Georgia, as you know, 
had been the front runner on this path to EU membership.
    What strikes me about Georgia is 85 percent of Georgians 
support these Euro-Atlantic aspirations and I think that puts 
pressure on the government, and what we have been doing is 
saying to the Georgian Government, we have joined hands with 
the European Union. The list of reforms they are saying you 
need to make to get candidate status we are all in on helping 
you make those reforms.
    We are still hopeful that there will be progress, but, 
absolutely, we are concerned about the lack of progress to 
date.
    You mentioned the just outrageous criticism of our 
Ambassador to Georgia, Kelly Degnan, and I want to say to the 
members here that she is a fantastic representative of the 
United States in Georgia and I will back her up any day of the 
week.
    We have talked to the Georgian Government about this, the 
Prime Minister has spoken to this, and while these are groups 
that are not part of the government, some of the groups who 
have been highly and wrongly critical of her have close ties to 
the government. We have made clear that that criticism will 
undermine the partnership we have had over time with----
    Senator Cardin. I agree with that. I would just underscore 
this point.
    Georgia is important to the United States, but the United 
States is critical to Georgia, and we need to make that clear 
in demonstratable progress towards these democratic goals.
    We need Georgia to be on a path to integration in Europe 
and we have to make that absolutely abundantly clear that it is 
very critically important for the continued support from the 
United States.
    Ms. Donfried. If I can just add, I think it is important to 
just remind all of us that Russia continues to occupy 20 
percent of Georgian territory and seeks to negatively impact 
Georgia's independence, its ties with the U.S., and its 
democracy.
    I do believe, as you just said, that our continued 
engagement and support is critical for Georgia's future and for 
the South Caucasus.
    Thanks.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Senator Kaine.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    I want to ask some questions about food security issues. On 
October 29, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia's suspension 
of its participation in the U.N. and Turkey brokered grain deal 
and he cited the Ukrainian drone attacks against Russian 
vessels in Russian-occupied Crimea.
    They agreed to resume participation on November 2, but that 
agreement is slated to expire on the 19 of November.
    I do not buy Putin's explanation for the withdrawing from 
the agreement in the first place because the Ukrainian drone 
attacks were on their own sovereign territory, which continues 
to be illegally occupied by Russia.
    Next week, Ukraine and the world observes the 90th 
anniversary of the Holodomor, a man-made famine caused by the 
Soviet Union that killed millions of Ukrainians in the 1930s.
    Senator Portman and I have a resolution currently under 
consideration by the SFRC to commemorate this event. As 
important as this grain deal is, we cannot forget that it is a 
workaround to a crisis that Vladimir Putin created.
    Secretary Donfried, what is your assessment on prospects to 
extend the grain deal past November 19?
    Ms. Donfried. Senator Kaine, thank you so much for your 
engagement on Ukraine and the related issues, including food 
security.
    We are deeply engaged in the ongoing negotiations to extend 
the grain agreement. We are cautiously optimistic, but we will 
see how this plays out in the end.
    As you noted, food insecurity is such a critical issue for 
so many countries around the world, and part of Ukraine's 
success in standing up to Russia and winning this war is 
keeping global opinion on Ukraine's side.
    We have seen how important that has been. Look at the most 
recent vote on Russia's illegal annexation of Ukrainian 
territory where 103 countries stood with Ukraine.
    I could not agree with you more about how critical this 
issue is. What we are seeing is continued Russian escalation. 
Yesterday, we saw the largest number of Russian missiles flying 
against Ukrainian cities that we have seen in this 8\1/2\-month 
course of the war.
    I think we want to continue to underscore that food 
insecurity. All of the negative ramifications of this war are a 
result of Russia's unprovoked invasion, and there is one person 
who can change that and it is Vladimir Putin.
    Senator Kaine. Putin is the one that can change it, but the 
U.S. can also play an important role in rebutting 
misinformation from the Russians.
    The Russians are indicating the U.S. sanctions are 
hindering its ability to export Russian grains and fertilizers. 
That is not the case. That is not what our sanctions do and 
there have actually been exports of both grain and fertilizer 
from Russia.
    What steps is State taking to counter Russian 
disinformation that is apparently convincing some nations in 
Africa and elsewhere that it is the U.S. sanctions that are 
causing this food crisis rather than Russian misbehavior?
    Ms. Donfried. You are absolutely right that Russian 
misinformation has been quite successful in wide swaths of the 
world, and we are doing our very best to rebut that through 
various mechanisms that State is using.
    We are also working very closely with our allies and 
partners on this. We are engaging actively with the African 
Union in various international fora and we are also encouraging 
the Ukrainians to engage directly with those countries to share 
the truth.
    I think--I will point again to that UNGA vote. I think we 
are having some success with this, but we need to do more 
because you see the number of countries that also abstained in 
that vote.
    We certainly do not think we have achieved success here. We 
need to keep engaging, on your point, that sanctions are not 
the cause of this--in fact, there are exemptions for food and 
fertilizer--and we also need to make clear that the United 
States is the largest provider of assistance to the World Food 
Programme, that we are actively working to get grain to these 
countries and, I think, given Russia's seeming hesitation to 
renew the Black Sea grain initiative, another indicator that 
Russia's top concern is not alleviating food insecurity around 
the world.
    Senator Kaine. Well, I hope we will use the Holodomor 
commemoration as an opportunity to really cast a spotlight on 
this. Essentially, it is a forced hunger issue that is being 
driven by Russia in the same way that the Soviet Union 
manufactured a famine in Ukraine that killed millions in the 
1930s.
    One last question, Secretary Donfried. I understand you 
recently traveled to Ukraine. Tell me about the morale of our 
Ukrainian partners but, particularly, the morale of our 
personnel at Embassy Kyiv.
    Ms. Donfried. Thank you so much for asking about my recent 
trip.
    I was the first government official who is not at the U.S. 
Embassy in Kyiv who was able to stay overnight in Kyiv, which 
meant I had two full days, which may not sound like that much, 
but it did give me the opportunity to meet with a much larger 
group of Ukrainian interlocutors, but also to spend more time 
with my colleagues at the embassy.
    In terms of the engagements with Ukrainian folks in 
government, civil society, others, I just came away so 
inspired. This is a country that is truly under attack, and 
there are so many things that distract us from what is 
happening in Ukraine.
    We should not be distracted from these unbelievably 
horrific attacks against the civilian energy infrastructure, 
and what Russia is not able to achieve on the battlefield it is 
trying to achieve by plunging Ukraine into cold and darkness 
this winter.
    The resilience of Ukrainians, but also the pluckiness--the 
foreign minister said to me, well, I have been taking cold 
showers, but I hear it is good for my skin--and their 
resilience in the face of this and it is because of the 
rightness of their cause.
    I was there to deliver President Biden's message that we 
are standing with you. You have our support across every sector 
for military, economic, humanitarian, governance, and we will 
stay with you until you prevail in this conflict.
    Embassy--morale at the embassy also very strong, but, boy, 
do I and all of us at the State Department owe a debt of 
gratitude to our colleagues who are there every day 
representing us so ably.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
    Mr. Chairman, I am over my time, but I appreciate your 
patience.
    The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Assistant 
Secretary Donfried and Ambassador Reeker, thank you both for 
being here and for all of your efforts, and thank you for that 
trip to Ukraine, Secretary Donfried.
    I also want to begin by thanking you and all of those at 
the State Department for your efforts to get the EUFOR mandate 
reauthorized at the U.N. for Bosnia. I know that that was a 
real effort and I was very pleased, as those of us who care 
about the Balkans were, to see that that was done and that 
Russia actually was willing to engage on that. Thank you very 
much for that.
    I want to follow up on Senator Cardin's questions about 
Georgia because I appreciate that Georgia is trying to play a 
positive role in Nagorno-Karabakh, but the reality, as you 
point out, is that there has been tremendous backsliding in 
Georgia and we provide considerable support to Georgia to 
support a reform agenda.
    I, for one, argued that maybe we should tie some of that 
aid to behavior on the part of Georgia, and I was persuaded by 
State Department officials and House members in the last round 
of budget negotiations that maybe that was not a good thing to 
do.
    I think maybe it is--we need to think about whether it is 
time to rethink our strategy on Georgia. Can you respond to 
that?
    Ms. Donfried. Well, let me begin by thanking you for all 
you have done in the Western Balkans and--you and colleagues, 
and there was broad bipartisan support for an extension of that 
EUFOR mandate. I really think it was a shared success.
    We have a lot of challenges still in Bosnia-Herzegovina, 
but to have that continued security presence, absolutely, share 
the view of how critical it was.
    On Georgia, there, too, there has been broad bipartisan 
engagement on the Hill in Georgia that, I think, makes an 
important difference.
    I think it is always a good thing to assess policy. Very 
open to having that conversation in greater detail with you.
    You know the reasons why we wanted to stay the course at 
this point in time. We have voiced our strong concerns about 
some of the troubling statements and behaviors that we are 
seeing from some Georgian politicians.
    As I noted, I do not think those are indicative of the 
majority of Georgian people. We are----
    Senator Shaheen. I do not want to interrupt.
    Ms. Donfried. Yes. No, go ahead.
    Senator Shaheen. I certainly agree with you on that, but 
the fact is that the current Georgian Government said that 
candidate status was a key commitment that it was going to 
make. It said that to the public of Georgia. It said that to 
the United States and the European community, and they, 
clearly, have reneged on that commitment.
    I think it is important for us to think about the options 
that we have to try and hold them accountable for that, to let 
them know that there are consequences and some of those 
consequences may be the kind of assistance that we are willing 
to provide.
    I totally agree that the Georgian people are not the ones 
at fault here. It is their government, but at some point, they 
need to demand from their government more accountability.
    I will just--I am going to--I want to switch to another 
topic, but I will leave it at that and I hope that we might be 
able to engage in the future in a longer discussion about that 
because I do think we have to think of other ways in which we 
can help incentivize behavior because what we are doing now 
does not seem to be working.
    On the Black Sea region, writ large, as I am sure you are 
aware, Senator Romney and I introduced legislation to try and 
encourage the development of a strategy for the Black Sea 
region.
    I think one of the things we have seen from the war in 
Ukraine is just how important that whole region is and how 
having a coordinated strategy toward the region is really 
important.
    I wonder if you can share with us what the Department is 
thinking, whether you have that kind of a strategy, whether you 
are looking to develop something more and what you are thinking 
about in terms of our approach.
    Ms. Donfried. Well, thank you for that question and thank 
you for your work on this as well.
    There is no question that Russia's brutal invasion of 
Ukraine has focused all of us on the Black Sea region and 
thinking about the way forward there.
    Of course, NATO has taken very seriously the threat posed 
by Russia to our allies that border the Black Sea and, of 
course, U.S. force posture in the region looks very different 
today than it did before February 24.
    I think there is no question that the way we are thinking 
about the region and we are thinking about the critical 
importance of U.S. engagement is different than it was before 
this war.
    I will say right now our focus is on ensuring Ukraine 
prevails in this war because in many ways that is going to be 
foundational for how we think about Black Sea strategy, but 
very much welcome your work and your ideas on this and I can 
assure you that is something we are very focused on.
    Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Just to follow up, is there an effort to 
develop a more comprehensive strategy and, if so, do you have 
any timetable in mind for when you--I appreciate that item 
number one has to be the war in Ukraine, but what else are we 
doing and what is the time frame?
    Ms. Donfried. We are focused on it. I do not have a time 
frame for you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Murphy.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Good to 
see you both.
    I wanted to ask a broad question about Turkey's role in the 
region. Obviously, we know their historic role backing 
Azerbaijan. There does not appear to be evidence that they 
explicitly supported Azerbaijan's latest provocations.
    They have also begun an interesting dialogue with Armenia 
that could, ultimately, be very important with Russia's 
preoccupation in Ukraine.
    Turkey, obviously, has a vacuum that they can fill. They 
have been more active than ever since 2020.
    Talk a little bit, if you would, Secretary Donfried, about 
Turkey's role in the region and specifically on this question 
of Turkey-Armenia normalization.
    What is the role that the United States can play to 
facilitate that? Are we best to just sit back and watch? Is 
there some kind of active role that we can play?
    Ms. Donfried. Well, thanks a lot for that question, Senator 
Murphy, and you are right to have us think about the other 
actors in the region and Turkey is a critical one.
    You are right to remark on the close relationship between 
Turkey and Azerbaijan, but I also appreciate your focus on 
Turkey-Armenia relations.
    We very much support normalization between Armenia and 
Turkey and we have spoken at length with the Turks about this, 
and I do believe there is a deep Turkish commitment to move 
forward on this, which also augurs well for broader peace in 
the region.
    What we have seen is both Turkey and Armenia have appointed 
special envoys for normalization and they have met multiple 
times. They have agreed on initial confidence-building 
measures.
    We are encouraging both sides to move forward on those. 
They need to implement the measures that they have agreed to.
    Our role here is one of encouraging that and we are hopeful 
that we will see progress because I do think it is part of the 
puzzle of the South Caucasus about how you get to a sustainable 
peace in the region.
    Senator Murphy. Let me just ask a question. I am sorry if 
it has been covered already.
    Obviously, the backdrop to our relationship with Azerbaijan 
is their increasing role as a supplier of energy to neighbors 
and into Europe. I have often thought that we have gotten the 
balance wrong when it comes to promoting human rights and 
democracy in countries that have large oil reservoirs.
    This is a country that now has more pipeline capacity than 
it did 10 or 20 years ago. What is the sort of future of 
Azerbaijani energy with respect to diversifying away from 
Russian energy in and around the region and how does this 
factor into the decisions that we make about how to approach 
some of these thornier issues of Azerbaijani conduct in the 
region?
    Ms. Donfried. The energy picture in Europe, as we have all 
seen over the past 8\1/2\ months, has changed fundamentally.
    The United States for a long time has been arguing that 
Russia is not a reliable supplier of energy for Europe. Not all 
of our European allies and partners agreed with that assessment 
prior to February 24. I would say all of them today agree with 
that assessment.
    We have long been a voice promoting energy diversification 
and we are seeing all of these countries that were overly 
dependent on Russia looking for other sources, and in that 
context, Azerbaijan is playing a very important role and I 
think will continue to play a very important role.
    That said, it does not mean that we turn a blind eye to our 
concerns about human rights in Azerbaijan, and I said it in my 
opening statement, I will say it again, we regularly urge 
Azerbaijan's government to respect human rights and the 
fundamental freedoms necessary to realize the full potential of 
Azerbaijan's people.
    I believe it is in our national security interest for us to 
be promoting human rights and democracy in Azerbaijan and we 
will continue to do so.
    Thanks.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you for that. I will not ask a 
question. I am running out of time.
    I will just note, I just left this committee meeting to 
meet with the relatively new leader of one of the opposition 
parties in Kosovo, who is in town, who I think maybe got the 
chance to see Deputy Secretary Escobar.
    On the other side of the Black Sea are the Balkan region. 
We have got some real potential bumps in the road coming up 
with the implementation of the license plate agreement in 
Kosovo.
    Again, I would just urge the Department to play as active a 
role as possible in the continued discussions between Serbia 
and Kosovo. We, for a long time, for good reason have relied on 
the Europeans to take the lead, the Germans specifically.
    I think that there is more reason now than ever for the 
United States to step in. I do not think you will see as active 
or as effective diplomacy from Europe and the need has never 
been greater, given what could happen in the coming months in 
the Serb regions of Kosovo.
    So, again, just a plea to maintain real direct involvement 
from the State Department in those very tricky negotiations and 
talks.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank both of 
you for being here and for your service.
    Secretary Donfried, let me just start on Armenia and 
Azerbaijan.
    Back in April of this year, the Armenian prime minister was 
speaking to the parliament in which many people [inaudible] and 
yet, in September we saw a unilateral attack of Azerbaijan on 
territory of Armenia, and I guess my first question is just a 
[inaudible].
    [Inaudible] is our assessment that that was a unilateral 
unprovoked attack by Azerbaijan on Armenians. Is that right?
    Ms. Donfried. I do not believe we have said that.
    Senator Van Hollen. Do we have a different assessment?
    Ms. Donfried. I think all of these things are complicated, 
and our focus has been on how do we try to move these two 
countries to a peace agreement after 30 years of conflict.
    Senator Van Hollen. I guess my question, though--I 
understand, but we did have a--we did see Azerbaijan attack 
Armenia, and is it your testimony today that that was in 
response to an Armenian attack on Azerbaijan?
    Ms. Donfried. My response to that would be that at that 
time in September when we spoke to both parties our focus was 
on stopping the violence. I do think we played an important 
role in that violence being stopped and our goal is to continue 
to encourage both sides to negotiate a sustainable peace.
    Senator Van Hollen. With all due respect, that did not 
respond to the question, but we will follow up with respect to 
the situation.
    Has Azerbaijan suffered any consequences in terms of U.S. 
policy as a result of the attack [inaudible].
    Ms. Donfried. Again, what we--our focus here is on--first, 
let me just say I agree with you about the importance of the 
speech that Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan gave in April. I 
think it was a very brave speech and I think it was very 
important in encouraging the peace process.
    We are in very close touch with both sides and, as I said 
in my testimony, I think our relationship with Armenia is 
probably better than it has ever been, and we are taking our 
cues from the parties about how we can be most helpful in 
moving this peace process forward.
    There are many elements of it. There is a peace treaty that 
the foreign ministers are leading on. The Armenian Prime 
Minister's speech in April was so important because it related 
to the future of Nagorno-Karabakh and what he was saying is 
putting a focus on the rights and security of the local 
Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.
    Senator Van Hollen. No, I recognize that. I thought it was 
an important speech, too.
    Ms. Donfried. Yes, and then we have got----
    Senator Van Hollen. It was followed in September by this 
attack.
    Look, I am glad that we are playing an important role. 
[Inaudible] agree with Senator Cardin that it is a process.
    By all accounts, at least for these purposes.
    [Inaudible] in terms of negotiations?
    Mr. Reeker. Senator, I am glad you asked because it is what 
I try to determine almost every day as I engage on this with 
Assistant Secretary Donfried's help and guidance, and, of 
course, Secretary Blinken has played an incredible role. He 
just spoke with both leaders over the last 2 days even as he is 
traveling in Asia to follow up on the engagements last week.
    Now, what was very interesting about the engagements of the 
foreign ministers last week, which were bilateral engagements 
that we hosted and facilitated at Blair House to underscore for 
them our willingness, our desire, to provide whatever we can in 
terms of assistance for them to make their project on their 
peace agreement, was that, at the end of the day, they came out 
with a joint statement, which was the first time they had done 
it.
    That may not sound like a lot from State Department people 
who put out statements all the time, but this was a remarkable 
thing, and the two leaders--the two foreign ministers left and 
left their press guys, as it were, to work it out. They did it 
in just 40 minutes, which was, again, remarkable. I had heard 
of an effort to put out a statement after the Border Commission 
meeting in Brussels the previous week that took 3\1/2\ hours.
    There is a little bit of progress there. There is broad 
agreement coming out of that historic speech of Prime Minister 
Pashinyan's, which, really, I called a profile in courage, to 
look at this in a new way.
    They have agreed on five broad principles toward a peace 
agreement. The Armenians want to include a sixth principle in 
there, which is to make sure that Nagorno-Karabakh is 
addressed, that the rights and securities are addressed.
    Obviously, that is something that has to be discussed 
between the people in Nagorno-Karabakh and Baku as well, and I 
have underscored that there should be an international 
mechanism to do that.
    You are absolutely right, Senator, and as Senator Cardin 
said, the Minsk Group process has not been functioning. The 
Minsk Group mandate and its ideal remains relevant and the goal 
of that is right.
    I think it is not important to focus on names and what we 
do with the so-called Minsk Group. The Russian colleague, for 
instance, has never been in touch with me.
    Rather, let us do what we can, working with the two sides 
bilaterally, trilaterally, as the Secretary did, bringing them 
together here, working with the European Union, which has been 
really remarkable in bringing the leaders together because that 
is where the tough decisions are going to have to be made.
    After last week, they have pledged to get back with another 
round of discussion of ideas, proposed development of a draft 
peace agreement, and the foreign ministers to meet again.
    I expect the leaders will meet again. The progress is drip, 
drip, drip, as we know, but it is really quite remarkable what 
I have seen just in less than 3 months in this capacity.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you both.
    The Chairman. Senator Booker.
    Senator Booker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Obviously, the war in Ukraine is having an impact on 
[inaudible] Russia's ability to just maintain and sustain their 
military presence in Georgia and, obviously, there it is all 
peacekeepers in the areas in Azerbaijan and [inaudible]
    I guess I am wondering what the impact is overall of the 
war on their ability to influence that region as well.
    Mr. Reeker. Senator, I am glad you raised that because we 
talked about the region--the South Caucasus--being a geographic 
crossroads. It is really where history and geography meet at a 
crossroads, and at this moment in history you are seeing this 
unique situation where Russia, which cannot be excluded from 
the broad equation--geography tells you that and history tells 
you that--they play a role. They have been involved.
    Obviously, the impact of their actions against Ukraine has 
made an impression on Azerbaijan as well as Armenia and, 
certainly, Georgia, which, as we mentioned earlier, is still 20 
percent occupied. Their land is occupied, and we underscore 
every day our strong support for Georgia's full territorial 
integrity and sovereignty and independence.
    I think it is an area where both Armenia and Azerbaijan are 
actually seeing they have mutual concerns. We are not a part of 
nor were we involved in the actual peace agreement--that 
ceasefire, to put it more correctly--that was reached with the 
Russians' tripartite agreement, they called it, in November 
2020. We welcomed the end of hostilities, but that included 
peacekeepers in those regions.
    Now, we have seen with the violence in September that those 
peacekeepers were, in many ways, nowhere to be seen and I think 
that has been a question of concern for both sides.
    A comprehensive settlement----
    Senator Booker. You link that to the fact that they are 
draining resources [inaudible] military resources?
    Mr. Reeker. I cannot make that link myself as an analyst, 
but I think one could see that even when Putin sent 
peacekeepers there in 2020 we know now that he obviously had 
other plans for his troops in mind, and the responsibilities he 
took on in the South Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh along the 
Armenian-Azerbaijani border obviously are affected by that.
    Senator Booker. We see that Russia is obviously involved in 
trying to undermine democracy. [inaudible] Madagascar to the EU 
and I am wondering as we are watching the backsliding 
[inaudible] it really concerns a number of my colleagues in 
Georgia, are they involved in ongoing efforts to undermine 
democratic norms?
    Mr. Reeker. As mentioned, I lead our delegation to the 
Geneva international discussions, which focus on the issue of 
Russia's occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which are 
integral parts of Georgia.
    Russia made a lot of commitments under the 2008 ceasefire 
agreement and they have not lived up to those commitments. They 
committed to withdraw their forces. We know that they interfere 
in politics. We have seen it, of course, in our own country.
    They have pledged to allow unfettered access, for instance, 
for delivery of humanitarian assistance into Abkhazia and South 
Ossetia. They have not done that.
    This is a challenge for Georgia. The Geneva international 
discussions did hold a session in October and the Russians did 
show up. They were able to get themselves to Geneva for that, 
and the Georgians, I think, were pleased that we could show 
that we continue to stand by that process.
    Senator Booker. If I can interrupt because I would like to 
get one more question in. My team and I have been looking a lot 
at the food insecurity issue as it relates to the conflict in 
Ukraine.
    Obviously, Georgia is an area where we [inaudible] that are 
clearly undermined by the Russian influence. I am wondering how 
has the ability to build capacity for wheat production in 
Georgia as it sort of relates to our ability [inaudible] in a 
crisis and are we involved in deeper efforts to try to promote 
that domestic wheat production?
    Ms. Donfried. I cannot go deep on this, but I can tell you 
that Cary Fowler, who is the food envoy at the State 
Department, is incredibly knowledgeable on this and I know is 
doing a lot of work on it. We certainly can circle back and get 
you more information on that.
    Senator Booker. Appreciate that. Thank you.
    The Chairman. As Senator Markey takes a seat, it is his 
turn.
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
    September, I sent a letter with my colleagues to 
Secretaries Blinken and Austin asking them to prevent any U.S. 
security assistance from going to Azerbaijan until Armenia and 
Azerbaijan reached a permanent lasting resolution to ensure 
peace and stability in Nagorno-Karabakh.
    We also requested answers to several questions that I have 
not yet received answers to so I will pose them to you now.
    One, is the U.S. Government currently providing any 
security assistance to Azerbaijan?
    Ms. Donfried. As you referenced, in June of this year we 
did decide to extend the waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom 
Support Act and so we are providing assistance to Azerbaijan 
through that mechanism.
    Senator Markey. What is that assistance?
    Ms. Donfried. That assistance goes to several things. It 
strengthens interoperability among the U.S., NATO, and 
Azerbaijani peacekeeping forces.
    It increases the Western education and orientation of 
Azerbaijani officers. It helps secure Azerbaijan's 475-mile 
border with Iran and it provides security for energy sources 
critical for our allies in Europe.
    Senator Markey. Then what are those energy resources?
    Ms. Donfried. That would be, and actually we have seen an 
increase of, Azerbaijani oil and gas flowing to Europe as they 
diversify away from Russia.
    Senator Markey. Okay. That waiver was granted when?
    Ms. Donfried. In June.
    Senator Markey. In June.
    Has the U.S. Government taken steps to assess whether any 
Azerbaijani units who currently receive or have received in the 
past U.S. security assistance engaged in recent fighting 
against Armenia?
    Ms. Donfried. Yes. First, I just want to emphasize there is 
nothing automatic about this waiver. We assess it every year.
    We benefited from the GAO review of the Section 907 waiver 
process and have implemented those recommendations, and all of 
our assistance is carefully calibrated to make sure it does not 
undermine or hamper efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement 
between Armenia and Azerbaijan and to ensure that any 
assistance we provide cannot be used for offensive purposes 
against Armenia.
    Senator Markey. You have established that as a fact?
    Ms. Donfried. Yes, we have. Yes.
    Senator Markey. Ambassador Reeker, do you believe that 
Russia's influence in the region and in Armenia in particular 
is waning and what should the United States do to capitalize on 
any opportunities to increase our own presence and influence in 
the region?
    Mr. Reeker. Thanks for that question, Senator, because I do 
think Russia's actions in Ukraine--their attack there have made 
publics, let alone governments, across the South Caucasus more 
wary of Russia--Putin's intentions.
    The Russian engagement in Armenia has not helped the 
Armenians and their cause, and I think the question that--and 
we see that again at public levels as well--I think what we 
want to do is underscore our dedication to working with the 
countries bilaterally and in multilateral fora to promote this 
lasting peace because I think there is a realization that, 
while Russia remains part of the geographic equation, that it 
is the two countries coming to a full peace agreement, an end 
to violence, and then also with Georgia working to create 
synergies across that critical South Caucasus between the Black 
Sea and the Caspian Sea where you have energy resources. You 
have infrastructure opportunities. You have great trade 
opportunities. You have agriculture opportunities.
    This can be a food basket for much of the world. Tourism--
these are all things that they can do once they have achieved 
this comprehensive piece, and I think both leaders at this 
moment see that there is an opportunity for a whole new chapter 
and history there.
    Senator Markey. Have you concluded that Russia's influence 
is waning in Armenia?
    Mr. Reeker. I think it is something you have to watch very 
closely. I do not like leaping to any conclusions.
    The Russians remain active. They have historic ties. The 
CSTO remains a structure which has not lived up to Armenia's 
expectations as a member of that. They remain active 
diplomatically. Putin hosted the two leaders in Sochi just a 
couple of weeks ago.
    We want to encourage the leaders to get together and make 
their own decisions. I think it is important that our embassies 
are robust. They need to be led by ambassadors there on the 
ground to increase the engagement that we can do.
    In my capacity, I travel regularly. I will be going again 
in another week to the region to continue to show what the U.S. 
wants and how we can support their efforts.
    Senator Markey. In your view, what can a peace agreement 
between Azerbaijan and Armenia do to fully guarantee the rights 
and security of the Armenian people in Nagorno-Karabakh?
    Mr. Reeker. I think that is really the heart of a question 
that we have to pay attention to. That is where Prime Minister 
Pashinyan has been very clear that it is not about territory, 
it is about security and about rights.
    President Aliyev has acknowledged that publicly and in 
conversations I have had with him and other colleagues have had 
with him. That is important, and to do that fully, as I 
mentioned in my testimony and as I stress every day, they need 
to consider how they can engage a mechanism, an international 
effort, to support, to monitor, to offer help, and it can have 
an economic component and capacity as well, to make sure that 
those people have an opportunity to define what security and 
rights means and to see that that is implemented.
    It takes time, but we are at a crucial moment where, I 
think, there is a new and unique opportunity to try to get that 
right.
    Senator Markey. Okay. Great.
    Secretary Donfried, just, finally, in your earlier 
testimony you stated that the State Department has taken steps 
to implement the GAO recommendations before extending the 907 
waiver for Azerbaijan assistance.
    Can you please explain in more detail the steps that were 
taken?
    Ms. Donfried. Absolutely.
    Thank you, Senator.
    The State Department requested and received input from 
agencies about all ongoing assistance programs, the potential 
impact of those programs on the peace process, and the 
implementing agencies' and partners' assessments of potential 
applicability of the Section 907 waiver prior to recommending 
renewal of the waiver this year.
    The State Department then completed an assessment as to 
whether any of these programs had an impact or could have an 
impact on the negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
    This assessment was transmitted to Congress as part of the 
June 2022 waiver determination, and then in the follow-on, 60-
day report the State Department and the Department of Defense 
evaluated each ongoing assistance program to ensure there was 
no impact on either the military balance or on peace 
negotiations between the two countries.
    Senator Markey. Thank you.
    Ms. Donfried. Thanks.
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Well, let me just say as we come to a close here I will 
charitably say that this is one of the most disappointing 
hearings I have ever held, but it has crystallized some things 
for me.
    One, is it seems to me that the United States is in bed 
with Azerbaijan.
    Assistant Secretary Donfried, you said we urge Azerbaijan 
to observe human rights, yet we give it money and they continue 
to do what they want. Money is fungible. Whether it is direct 
assistance that can hurt Armenia or not, money is fungible. 
They are not using that money--they would have to use other 
money that they have for other things that we give them money 
for.
    I heard you say that in response to, I think, it was 
Senator Markey's question that what we were urging them to do 
is to stop the violence, but you have to recognize when there 
is an aggressor.
    If I am the recipient of the violence and you are urging 
both sides to stop the violence, but it is one side that is the 
aggressor you should direct your comments to the aggressor.
    We seem incapable of doing that. We have done nothing to 
verify the videos and the evidence of cluster munitions, of 
white phosphorus, of--which are illegal. We have done nothing 
to verify the videos of the execution of Armenian soldiers, the 
abuse of female Armenian soldiers. We have done nothing. I 
asked you, are you aware of the videos. Yes. Well, did we do 
anything to verify them? No.
    You come to a hearing in which you cannot even tell me with 
any degree of specificity what humanitarian assistance we are 
providing.
    It is totally, totally unacceptable, and you can tell the 
Secretary I will be looking for ways to express my 
dissatisfaction.
    Let me conclude by asking unanimous consent to have Ranking 
Member Risch's opening statement included in the record as at 
the opening of the hearing.
    Without objection, so ordered.

[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found 
at the beginning of this hearing.]

    The Chairman. And unanimous consent that the testimony, 
``The Armenian-American Community and U.S. Policy Priorities in 
the Caucasus'' submitted by the Armenian National Committee of 
America be entered into the record.
    Without objection, it shall also be submitted.

[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found 
in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section 
at the end of this hearing.]

    The Chairman. With that, the record for this hearing will 
remain open until the close of business on Thursday, November 
17. Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted 
no later than Thursday.
    This hearing is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 11:22 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
                              ----------                              


              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried and Mr. Philip Reeker to 
             Questions Submitted by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Armenia-Azerbaijan: There is serious concern for the 
well-being of ethnic Armenians living in Azerbaijan-controlled Nagorno-
Karabakh
    Does the U.S. believe that specific rights or legal status should 
be guaranteed to ethnic Armenians living there?

    Answer. Armenia has acknowledged that a conversation between the 
representatives of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the 
Azerbaijani Government is essential for securing the rights and 
security of the ethnic Armenian population. The State Department 
continues to raise the need for rights and security for the population 
of Nagorno-Karabakh in every engagement--including with President 
Aliyev.
    The United States has long supported the Helsinki Final Act (1975) 
principles of Non-Use of Force, Territorial Integrity, and the Equal 
Rights and Self-Determination of Peoples. While these can serve as 
guiding principles, the parties to the conflict need to have an honest, 
open conversation about rights and security and reach an agreement that 
is acceptable to all sides. This is not something the United States or 
any outside party can or should decide for them.

    Question. If so, what specific rights or legal status should they 
be guaranteed?

    Answer. The ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh is 
entitled to human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to security. The 
State Department will continue to press Azerbaijan to explain and 
clarify to this population and the international community, in a way 
that is transparent and verifiable, how this population will be 
protected.

    Question. The U.S. has supported productive border control 
negotiations between Turkey and Armenia. What barriers remain before 
Turkey and Armenia can come to an agreement to open up their borders to 
each other?

    Answer. The United States strongly supports Armenia-Turkey 
normalization, which would be good for the entire region.
    Both Turkey and Armenia have appointed special envoys for 
normalization. These envoys have met multiple times and agreed on some 
initial confidence-building measures. While more needs to be done to 
advance these negotiations and to implement agreed measures, we commend 
both Armenia and Turkey for taking initial steps in this direction.

    Question. Russia's war in Ukraine has diminished its ability to 
project power in the South Caucasus as it has in recent years. What 
role have we seen the Russian ``peacekeepers'' play in Nagorno-
Karabakh?

    Answer. The United States was not involved in the November 9, 2020, 
ceasefire brokered by Russia between Armenia and Azerbaijan that 
resulted in the deployment of Russian ``peacekeepers'' to the region 
for a term of 5 years.
    A comprehensive settlement to the conflict between Armenia and 
Azerbaijan that addresses rights and security and resolves other 
outstanding issues would obviate the need for Russian ``peacekeepers'' 
to remain in the area.
    We have seen nothing to indicate that the Russian military presence 
in Armenia played a mediating role in fighting that broke out in 
Nagorno-Karabakh in March or along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in 
September.

    Question. Has the role of Russian ``peacekeepers'' in Nagorno-
Karabakh changed since Russia invaded Ukraine?

    Answer. Like the Russia-brokered ceasefire, we have little 
visibility into the Russian ``peacekeepers'' actions in Nagorno-
Karabakh.
    Armenia and Azerbaijan have both complained publicly about Russian 
``peacekeeper'' responsiveness to developments in and around Nagorno-
Karabakh.

    Question. If so, how has their role changed?

    Answer. Because we were not party to the 2020 ceasefire and do not 
have direct access to the region patrolled by Russian peacekeepers, we 
are not in a position to assess any change in their behavior since 
February 2022.

    Question. Georgia: After making clear progress for many years, 
Georgia's democracy appears to be backsliding rapidly.
    What else can the U.S. do to rebuild electoral, judicial, and press 
freedom in Georgia?

    Answer. We share your concerns and raise these issues repeatedly in 
our meetings with Georgian officials. We continue to press Georgian 
officials to reverse backsliding and strengthen democratic institutions 
and processes in Georgia. For too long, elections in Georgia have been 
marred by allegations of pressure, intimidation, and vote buying. This 
problem has worsened in recent elections. It is also clear that judges 
are vulnerable to political pressure from within and outside the 
judiciary on cases involving politically sensitive subjects or 
individuals. Deeper and systemic electoral and judicial reforms, and 
the effective implementation of reforms, are needed to level the 
playing field and introduce transparency, independence, impartiality, 
and accountability. Reforms fostering a truly independent, impartial 
judiciary also would help to improve respect for freedom of expression, 
including for journalists and media outlets.
    Our Ambassador and her team at Embassy Tbilisi are employing 
diplomatic engagement, capacity building, and assistance programs to 
address these issues. We are evaluating all available tools and forms 
of leverage to push Georgia's governing party to conduct and implement 
these reforms inclusively and transparently.

    Question. How will the State Department confront the lies about our 
diplomats and the United States' intentions for Georgia?

    Answer. As we've said before, these kinds of false accusations 
against the United States and our Ambassador in Tbilisi are damaging to 
our bilateral relations and, frankly, are not how friends talk to one 
another. They also raise questions regarding the underlying goals and 
motivations of those casting the false accusations, as well as those 
who stand behind them. Neither the United States nor Georgia benefits 
from the propagation of unfounded accusations that appear designed to 
weaken the bond between the United States, arguably Georgia's strongest 
partner in the face of Russian aggression, and Georgia. We have voiced 
our strong concerns to Georgians at the most senior levels about the 
troubling statements that we have recently heard from some Georgian 
politicians. Fortunately, these statements do not appear to be 
indicative of the views of the majority of the people of Georgia. 
Washington fully supports Ambassador Degnan and her committed team at 
Embassy Tbilisi, and we remain a firm strategic partner to the people 
of Georgia, as we have been for three decades.

    Question. What role should the U.S. play, if any, in helping 
Georgia achieve an EU membership perspective?

    Answer. The European Council's unanimous decision to grant European 
perspective status to Georgia is an important step, which recognizes 
the European aspirations of the Georgian people. This step keeps 
Georgia on the path to EU membership, and the security, prosperity, and 
western integration that comes with it. We continue to press Georgia's 
government to undertake the meaningful reforms called for by the 
European Commission.
    The road to EU candidate status is clear and achievable. We 
continue to strongly urge the government to seize this opportunity and 
work with stakeholders across Georgian society to enact and implement 
the necessary steps as laid out by the European Commission, to achieve 
the European future the Georgian people desire, and to fulfill the 
commitment to European integration enshrined in the Georgian 
constitution and repeatedly promised by Georgia's government. In 
addition, many of our assistance programs in areas such as democratic 
development, rule of law, and a human-rights based approach to law 
enforcement also support the same goals as the European Commission's 
recommendations.
    We've also voiced our concerns publicly and privately about some of 
the government's actions, including stalling or moving backward on 
important democratic reforms. Georgian Government authorities have 
created setbacks to the clear, overwhelming aspirations of the people 
of Georgia for EU membership and for broader Euro-Atlantic integration. 
These actions have deepened polarization within Georgian society rather 
than unify the country. We continue to message to the Georgian 
Government and people the need to overcome this polarization and work 
together for the future well-being of their country.

    Question. Foreign Influence: What is the U.S. doing to stop bad 
actors like Iran and China from taking advantage of Russia's current 
lack of ability and loss of influence in the region?

    Answer. We recognize Armenia's and Azerbaijan's delicate geographic 
position vis-a-vis Iran and have consistently encouraged both countries 
to assess Iran's intentions in the region comprehensively, and to 
proceed with caution in all dealings involving the Iranian regime.
    While the PRC continues to seek inroads into Azerbaijan and Armenia 
due to its geostrategic neighborhood and its location at regional trade 
crossroads, the PRC has a limited presence.
    The PRC is active in Azerbaijan's information and communication 
technology (ICT) sector, through vaccine diplomacy, and through other 
soft power initiatives like Confucius Institutes. Azerbaijan has not 
signed agreements incurring debt from the PRC, nor are there any large-
scale PRC investments in Azerbaijan.
    In Armenia, our priority is to establish fair and reciprocal 
economic relationships that do not disadvantage American companies and 
advocate for passage and implementation of robust investment screening 
legislation to safeguard regional security and data privacy.

    Question. Iran: What is your assessment of Azerbaijan-Iran 
relations and its impact on U.S. national security?

    Answer. Azerbaijan pursues a pragmatic foreign policy towards Iran, 
with which it shares a 475-mile border. Iran has a large ethnic Azeri 
population, which shares linguistic and cultural ties with Azerbaijan. 
Azerbaijan-Iran relations are currently tense, in part due to concern 
over Iranian attempts to export its ideology to other Shia-majority 
countries including Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan's growing defense and energy 
ties with Israel are an irritant in its bilateral relationship with 
Iran. The aspirational International North-South Transportation 
Corridor, which would connect Russian and Azerbaijani rail networks to 
Iranian ports, remains incomplete. Iran and Russia are reportedly 
negotiating funding a key portion of the rail network in Iran.
    Azerbaijan supports U.S. security interests as a key partner in 
counterterrorism and anti-narcotic activities along its southern border 
with Iran.

    Question. What is your assessment of Armenia-Iran relations and its 
impact on U.S. national security?

    Answer. We are aware of efforts by Iran to make headway in the 
South Caucasus by expanding its political, security, and economic 
presence.
    While we recognize Armenia's delicate geographic position vis-a-vis 
Iran, we consistently encourage Armenia to assess Iran's intentions in 
the region comprehensively, and to proceed with caution in all dealings 
involving the Iranian regime. Armenia has also committed repeatedly to 
fully complying with all U.S. sanctions, including against Iran, and 
has demonstrated good faith in these efforts. While Armenia and Iran 
enjoy cordial relations, their ties are mostly official and 
declarative. Iran cannot offer the types of partnerships the United 
States can in the economic, political, security, and people-to-people 
spheres.

    Question. We provide security assistance to Azerbaijan for border 
security along the Azerbaijan-Iran border. What benefit does this 
security assistance provide to U.S. national security interests?

    Answer. Azerbaijan is an important counterterrorism partner, and it 
occupies a difficult geographic space between Russia and Iran. In prior 
years, DoD has allocated section 333 funds (Train and Equip) to 
Azerbaijan, though it has not done so since FY 2020. Section 333 
assistance is designed in part to assist our partners in countering 
terrorism and ensuring border security, and it is therefore a uniquely 
valuable assistance tool to advance U.S. interests and national 
security in the South Caucasus region. Section 333 assistance in 
Azerbaijan has focused on maritime security in the Caspian Sea and 
enhancing security along Azerbaijan's southern border with Iran.
    U.S. non-lethal border security assistance along Azerbaijan's 
southern border with Iran--including x-ray systems, radiation 
detectors, and training for inspecting trucks and railcars--has 
produced results: Azerbaijani officials have reported an increase in 
interdictions along the southern border, impeding the narcotics 
smuggling that reportedly funds Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard 
Corps, an entity designated by the Department as a Foreign Terrorist 
Organization. The State Customs Committee announced the interdiction of 
more than 2,000 kg (4,400 lbs.) of narcotics along the southern border 
in 2021--seizures that officials directly attributed to USG-provided 
scanners and other border security equipment. They are on track to 
exceed that total this year.

    Question. What would happen if we withdrew our security assistance 
to Azerbaijan?

    Answer. The U.S. provides assistance on terms that clarify both the 
intended purposes and the limitations of the use of such assistance. 
The interagency continuously reviews and monitors U.S. foreign 
assistance provided to the Government of Azerbaijan for both in-country 
and regional impact.
    The United States calibrates all its security assistance to 
Azerbaijan to ensure that it is not usable for offensive purposes 
against Armenia and does not undermine or hamper ongoing efforts to 
negotiate a long-term political settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh 
conflict.
    U.S. security assistance to Azerbaijan strengthens interoperability 
among the U.S., NATO, and Azerbaijani peacekeeping forces, increases 
the western education and orientation of Azerbaijani officers, helps 
secure Azerbaijan's 475-mile border with Iran, and provides security 
for energy sources critical for our allies in Europe.
    Our non-lethal border security assistance has produced significant 
results countering transnational threats from Iran and disrupting 
smuggling routes to the South Caucasus, Russia, and Europe.
    A notable success from this assistance includes over 6,000 pounds 
of narcotics seized by the State Customs Committee of Azerbaijan in 
2021 using U.S.-provided equipment and training. Profit from this 
narcotics trade is widely suspected of funding the IRGC in Iran. They 
are on track to exceed that total this year. Withdrawing security 
assistance would harm ongoing successful cooperation with Azerbaijan in 
all of these, degrading U.S. abilities in countering various 
transnational threats.
                                 ______
                                 

             Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions 
                    Submitted by Senator Cory Booker

    Question. Wheat Production in Georgia: Five of the world's ancient 
wheat species are indigenous to the country of Georgia. These wheat 
varieties are now endangered, however, due to Soviet-era agricultural 
policies. As a result, Georgia is importing nearly five times as much 
wheat from Russia than it produces domestically according to recent 
statistics. Some farmers and non-profit organizations are spearheading 
efforts to promote organic agriculture and the planting of domestic 
wheat, although harvesting these varieties can be more expensive than 
growing industrialized wheat.
    Is the U.S. Government doing anything to promote domestic wheat 
production in the country of Georgia as part of an effort to reduce its 
dependency on Russia?

    Answer. Georgia is dependent upon wheat imports for 85 percent of 
domestic food consumption needs. Almost all imported wheat comes from 
the Russian Federation, the world's largest wheat exporter. Russia has 
used its leverage over Georgian food security to its recent 
geopolitical advantage, instituting a floating export tax in June 2021 
designed to incentivize the import of Russian milled flour, thereby 
introducing an additional layer of dependency. In 2021, Russian wheat 
exports to Georgia halved while flour exports increased approximately 
12 times. As a result, almost all Georgian wheat flour mills ceased 
operation or decreased operational capacity and laid off employees. 
Russia's war on Ukraine has brought a renewed interest in a commitment 
to rebuilding Georgian domestic wheat production and diversifying 
supplies away from Russia.
    To support Georgia's broader effort to transition away from 
Russia's sphere of influence, Georgia must sustainably improve its 
wheat yield per acre with modern seeds, technology, and agricultural 
practices. Given land and climate factors, Georgia could increase 
current wheat production to meet approximately 30-40 percent of 
domestic demand, lessening its dependence upon imported Russian wheat 
and reducing Russia's leverage over Georgia.
    Embassy Tbilisi received $850,000 in FY21 AECCA funds for a USDA/
FAS project to strengthen Georgia's wheat value chain system. Due to 
limited support for the domestic wheat value chain and a changing 
market situation over the last decade, the initial intervention 
includes conducting an assessment of Georgia's wheat and milling 
industry including extension services offered to farmers by the public 
and private sector by Kansas State University (KSU), working with 
USDA's Foreign Agricultural Service. A study of varietal development 
and propagation efforts to produce a region-specific higher-yield crop, 
and a study on using more resilient wheat varieties in collaboration 
with the Regional International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center 
(CIMMYT) office is underway.
    To provide key intervention recommendations, KSU agricultural 
faculty are assessing the entire wheat growing and harvest cycle of 
marketing year 2022/23. The first field trip by KSU and USDA experts 
occurred in October 2022 with the second assessment planned for January 
2023. USDA also plans to assess market information for Georgian wheat 
with the objective of providing insights into grain grading and 
standards, market intelligence to highlight trends in domestic 
production and consumption, and current, historical, and future options 
for trade supply chains and diversification.
    After the initial assessment, USDA will produce a Georgian Wheat 
Value Chain Study, including recommendations on policy actions, 
capacity building activities, and other recommended interventions for 
USG, GoG and other public and private partners. These activities will 
be ready for potential funding during the FY23 budget cycle. These 
interventions could assist Georgia with more stability in the domestic 
bread value chain.

    Question. Black Sea Grain Deal: Regarding the recent extension of 
the grain deal: How many countries stand to benefit? What is the 
measurable impact?

    Answer. Prior to Russia's February 24 full-scale invasion of 
Ukraine, Ukraine shipped 5 million metric tons of grain a month. When 
Russia blocked Ukraine's Black Sea ports, that figure dropped to just 
300,000 metric tons. The deal brokered by Turkiye and the United 
Nations between Russia and Ukraine to resume Ukraine's agricultural 
exports via the Black Sea is an essential contribution to global food 
security. In just a few months of operation, this deal has facilitated 
over 400 ships safely crossing the Black Sea, shipping over 11 million 
metric tons of agricultural exports to global markets--that's over 1 
billion loaves of bread per month. The deal has concretely improved 
global food security, lowering prices, stabilizing markets, and 
increasing availability. The Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) operates 
as a humanitarian, market-driven mechanism and the Joint Coordination 
Centre in Istanbul organizes the flow of ships through the safe 
channel. World Food Programme shipments do receive priority, but 
otherwise the mechanism supports food traders, and purchases flow 
around the world.
    With U.S. assistance, the UN World Food Program has made shipments 
of Ukrainian wheat to the Horn of Africa and Yemen, areas suffering 
from severe drought and conflict. More than half of the Ukrainian wheat 
exported under the BSGI has reached developing countries in Latin 
America, Africa and Asia.

    Question. How are we communicating the importance of this deal's 
extension?

    Answer. The Black Sea Grain Initiative has been a tremendous 
success and the United States is undertaking several efforts to 
communicate the importance of the deal's extension. In a joint 
statement with the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom and High 
Representative of the European Union Josep Borrell on 14 November, 
Secretary Blinken highlighted our commitment to global food security 
and the imperative of renewing the Black Sea Grain Initiative. We have 
worked closely with the international community, bilaterally and 
through the G20, to communicate the importance of renewing the 
agreement. The G20 Leaders' Declaration embraced the agreement's work 
to address food insecurity in developing countries and emphasized the 
importance of its renewal. We have also worked through our embassies 
and consulates to engage locally on the BSGI through print and social 
media to increase public awareness of the benefits of the BSGI as we 
continue to address a global food crisis exacerbated by Russia's 
unjustified invasion of Ukraine.
    GPA is working with colleagues throughout the Department and 
interagency--specifically USAID--to identify and amplify regional, 
country, and community stories which highlight the positive impact of 
the deal's extension and U.S. food security efforts. GPA is also 
working with partners like the U.S. Agency for Global Media to produce 
radio editorials to target audiences with limited access to internet. 
Regional bureaus and our Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs also 
distributed tailored content to our Missions to develop targeted and 
country-specific messaging.

    Question. How are we countering Russian disinformation that 
Western-led sanctions are causing food insecurity?

    Answer. Russia's disinformation and propaganda ecosystem 
persistently works to deflect attention from the Kremlin's 
responsibility for worsening global food insecurity by blaming 
sanctions, when Putin's own behavior is the problem. Kremlin officials, 
often in concert with the PRC and other malign actors, heavily target 
the regions most affected by the food crisis--the Middle East and 
Africa. The GEC works to counter Moscow's disinformation and propaganda 
through a whole-of-society and whole-of-government approach. We sponsor 
programs globally that promote independent media and expose malign 
actors. Our analyses also provide our posts with the tools they need to 
best reach audiences and tailor our efforts to counter the spread of 
disinformation.
    GEC continuously monitors these disinformation narratives and 
tactics. In June, GEC publicly exposed Russia's efforts in a public 
report entitled ``Russia's Disinformation Cannot Hide Its 
Responsibility for the Global Food Crisis.'' The report was published 
on the Department's Disarming Disinformation website in 10 languages 
and has been cited by international media.
    Part of addressing disinformation is actively getting ahead of it. 
To that end, the Department of State implemented a public messaging 
campaign which included: seven Senior Official press briefings; 14 food 
security videos and 24 ShareAmerica stories; 10 USAGM Radio programs; 
and 22 public statements and addresses by Senior Officials, including 
by Secretary Blinken.
                                 ______
                                 

             Response of Ms. Karen Donfried to a Question 
                 Submitted by Senator Chris Van Hollen

    Question. September 2022 Azerbaijan attack on Armenia: In September 
2022, Azerbaijani forces launched a series of cross-border attacks into 
Armenia proper. Azerbaijani officials claimed without providing 
evidence that Azerbaijan was responding to an Armenian ``provocation,'' 
while some in Armenia expressed concern that Azerbaijan was seeking to 
seize territory in Armenia. U.S. State Department spokesman Ned Price 
said early on that the United States had seen ``significant evidence of 
Azerbaijani shelling inside Armenia and significant damage to Armenian 
infrastructure,'' and satellite mapping by NASA's Fire Information for 
Resource Management Systems showed heavy fire in multiple locations 
inside Armenia.
    At the hearing, I asked about the Biden administration's assessment 
of the September 2022 conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and 
specially asked about the aggressor. The response was that the 
Administration does not have an assessment.
    Does the Biden administration contest the public reporting 
regarding overwhelming evidence that Azerbaijan was the primary 
instigator and aggressor towards Armenia in the September 2022 
conflict?

    Answer. Our focus during and since that fighting in September 2022 
was to help the parties find a way to cease hostilities and to continue 
working towards a durable peace agreement. Toward this end, the United 
States has not publicly taken a position on how the September violence 
began, though we noted at the time and have continued to highlight that 
there was significant damage done to civilian infrastructure in Armenia 
as a result of Azerbaijani shelling. We have repeatedly called on 
Azerbaijani troops to return to their initial positions.
                                 ______
                                 

             Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions 
                   Submitted by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. Energy Security: Assistant Secretary Donfried, the 
European Commission signed a memorandum of understanding with 
Azerbaijan to double imports of Azeri natural gas by 2027. Several 
Southeastern European countries, such as Bulgaria, have offered to 
facilitate the movement of natural gas further into Europe. What is the 
State Department doing to support the increase of flow of natural gas 
from Azerbaijan into Europe?

    Answer. Strengthening U.S. energy ties with Azerbaijan and other 
Caspian countries is an important part of our responsibilities. We 
continue to engage at all levels with Azerbaijan officials to discuss 
how we can work together to meet global energy demand. We welcome 
Azerbaijan's efforts to expand its support for European energy 
security.
    Caspian natural gas already plays a valuable role in ensuring 
energy security in Europe--and the more that resources in one region 
can be shared with another, the more all benefit. It is the reason that 
expanding natural gas as well as electricity interconnections is a 
significant opportunity for the Caspian region, as well as a boost for 
exports to world markets.
    The Southern Gas Corridor continues to be a powerful example of 
what can be achieved when the right amount of political will, 
coordinated investment, regional cooperation, and technological 
innovation come together. The pipeline has helped Turkiye, Italy, 
Greece, and Bulgaria increase energy security and reduce over-reliance 
on one supplier. The steady and reliable deliveries of the Southern Gas 
Corridor are important for the stability and diversification of 
European markets.

    Question. China Undersea Cables: Assistant Secretary Donfried, the 
Chinese Communist Party is expanding its foothold in the Caucasus by 
connecting China to Europe--through undersea cables and cable landing 
stations in the Caspian Sea--making information that moves along these 
Chinese-built systems potentially exploitable. AzerNews reported in 
September 2022 that Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan will lay undersea fiber-
optic cables along the Caspian Sea seabed between their two countries 
with further connectivity into Europe via the Black Sea.
    The Ministry of Digital Development of Kazakhstan announced that 
the cables would provide transit for the Chinese Internet to Europe. 
What is the State Department doing to engage with Azerbaijan, 
Kazakhstan, and other European countries to address the information 
security concerns raised by China's construction and maintenance of 
these undersea fiber-optic cables?

    Answer. The Administration strongly supports an open, 
interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet by promoting inclusive, 
rights-respecting, multi-stakeholder models of internet governance and 
pro-competitive, pro-innovation digital economy policies and 
regulations. We encourage Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and other European 
countries to evaluate proposed infrastructure to ensure the CCP and 
other entities are unable to exploit these interconnections to harm 
information security, and further encourage the use of only trusted 
vendors of telecommunications infrastructure for subsea cables in the 
Caspian Sea.
    In Azerbaijan, the United States routinely engages with the 
government, private sector, and ICT operators to discuss the importance 
of information security and the risks from the PRC. Although Huawei and 
other PRC technology are active in Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan's internet 
traffic provider Azercell announced that they will continue its 
relationship with Finland-headquartered Nokia in October 2022.

    Question. Huawei: Assistant Secretary Donfried, as you know, Huawei 
and other CCP-directed telecommunications companies pose significant 
threats to national security and economic security of the United States 
and our Allies and partners. Huawei has established multiple ``Huawei 
ICT [information and communications technologies] Academies'' in 
Azerbaijan to train Azeris and further proliferate its influence 
through a global educational program. Moreover, Huawei ICT Academies 
reportedly can now be found in 72 countries. In December 2021, 
Azerbaijan's Ministry of Digital Development and Transport, ADA 
University, and Huawei agreed to create a joint research and 
development venture to foster Azeri technology experts under Huawei's 
tutelage.
    What is the State Department doing to engage with European allies 
and partners in order to monitor and address Huawei's expansion of ICT 
instruction?

    Answer. Azerbaijan's population of 10 million represents a 
significant future market of tech consumers and, to support 
Azerbaijan's independence, their access to free and open technology is 
in the U.S. interest. We regularly encourage Azerbaijan to look beyond 
cost and assess their vulnerability to malign PRC influence including 
in the technology space. While there is a commercial demand for Huawei 
and other PRC technology, the U.S. actively engages with the 
government, private sector and ICT operators to highlight the 
importance of information security and the risks from the PRC, as well 
as the benefits of relying on trusted vendors of ICTS technology. 
Huawei's engagement at four Azerbaijani universities is limited, and 
the U.S. Embassy continues to promote study in the United States for 
Azerbaijani students. Azerbaijan is positioning itself as a hub of 
trade, transit, and telecommunications. Azerbaijan will be a focal 
point for new east-west telecommunications lines across the Caspian 
Sea, and making Azerbaijan a key player in helping provide an 
information pathway that does not transit Russia and not dependent on 
PRC technology. Azerbaijan is also investing in the ICT sector, 
providing an opportunity for U.S. business.
                                 ______
                                 

                  The Armenian American Community and 
                 U.S. Policy Priorities in the Caucasus

                              presented by

             Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director 
                 Armenian National Committee of America

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch. We are 
grateful for this Committee's strong leadership on constructive U.S. 
engagement in the Caucasus and its enduring support for the national 
security and democratic aspirations of the Armenian nation.
    In the wake of Azerbaijan's 2020 ethnic-cleansing of Artsakh 
(Nagorno Karabakh), and amid Baku's ongoing occupation of sovereign 
Armenian territory, we ask the Committee to press the Biden 
administration to abandon its reckless policy of false-parity, and, 
instead, forthrightly condemn Azerbaijan's aggression.
    The oil-rich Aliyev regime must be held accountable, through the 
immediate cessation of U.S. military aid and the investigation of its 
invasions, atrocities, and war crimes. These actions must be matched 
with a robust aid package to meet pressing humanitarian and 
developmental needs in Artsakh. In terms of U.S.-Armenia bilateral 
ties, we seek a paradigm shift in relations that prioritizes the 
security and viability of Armenia and Artsakh in the face of 
existential regional threats.
    We respectfully submit the following policy recommendations to the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the hopes that they will help 
inform and guide the panel's constructive discourse on U.S. interests 
in this region.
    First and foremost, we call upon the Committee to end U.S. military 
aid to Azerbaijan (including, but not limited to, Section 333 (Capacity 
Building), Foreign Military Financing, and International Military 
Education and Training), via statutory prohibitions, reversal of 
Presidential waiver authority, and the full enforcement of Section 907 
of the FREEDOM Support Act. In addition, the Departments of State and 
Defense must meet their statutory reporting requirements--as per the 
recommendations of the General Accountability Office's recent report--
in connection with the Biden administration's decisions to waive this 
law, despite Azerbaijan ethnically cleansing Artsakh, occupying 
Armenia, illegally detaining and abusing of Armenian POWs, and 
desecrating Christian Armenian holy sites.
    We also ask that the Committee conduct oversight of the 
Administration's decision not to provide desperately needed, direct 
U.S. humanitarian assistance to Artsakh, where the at-risk Armenian 
population is facing continued aggression and chronic water, energy, 
healthcare, and food insecurity. The United States should never enforce 
an Azerbaijani veto against American humanitarian aid to vulnerable 
Armenians in Artsakh. Congress should appropriate no less than $50 
million for programs within Artsakh.
    As a follow up to questions asked by Chairman Menendez, but not 
answered by Under Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, during a July 21, 
2021 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, we seek clarity on two 
key points: 1) Has the Administration undertaken any investigation into 
the discovery of as many as 10 U.S. components in the Turkish Bayraktar 
UAVs used by Azerbaijan to attack civilians in Artsakh as potential 
violations of U.S. arms export control restrictions and other U.S. and 
international laws, and; 2) Has the Administration investigated reports 
that Azerbaijan used prohibited munitions (white phosphorus, cluster 
bombs) and deployed Turkish-recruited mercenaries from Syria against 
Artsakh?
    With regard to cultural preservation and religious freedom, we 
encourage the Committee to ask the Biden administration if it has 
provided funding, access to satellite imagery, or other assistance to 
academic, civil society, and other groups monitoring, preserving and 
protecting the rich Armenian Christian heritage across Artsakh, 
including areas currently under the control of the Azerbaijani 
military?
    In the wake of U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide, we ask 
this Committee to determine how Congressional and White House 
affirmation has actually been reflected in Biden administration policy, 
with a special focus on American diplomatic efforts to end Ankara's 
denials and obstruction of justice for this crime.
    We encourage this Committee to support key legislative initiatives, 
among them S. Res. 797, condemning Azerbaijan's aggression and calling 
for an end to U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan. In terms of the Fiscal 
Year 2023 National Defense Authorization Act, conferees should include: 
1) the Cardenas-Schiff-Sherman Amendment (introduced in the Senate as 
#SA 6441), requiring an investigation of Azerbaijani war crimes (U.S. 
parts in Turkish drones, foreign mercenaries, prohibited munitions, 
abuse of prisoners of war); and 2) the Pappas-Pallone Amendment (Senate 
versions: #SA 5754 and #SA 6345) placing restrictions on F-16 sales to 
Turkey.
    As the Committee considers President Biden's nominees for U.S. 
Ambassador to Armenia and Azerbaijan, we strongly recommend a focus, 
during the confirmation process, on strengthening Armenia's security 
and holding Azerbaijan accountable. U.S. policy toward Armenia must 
align with the security and viability of Armenia and Artsakh in the 
face of existential regional threats, while U.S. policy on Azerbaijan 
should prioritize accountability for its past and ongoing crimes. Our 
current flawed U.S. policy in the Caucasus offers lectures on democracy 
to democratic Armenia, ships U.S. tax-payer funded military aid to 
dictatorial Azerbaijan, and provides no assistance at all to at-risk 
Artsakh. That has to change.
    Thank you for your kind consideration of our testimony. We stand 
ready, as always, to support the work of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee to strengthen the long and enduring friendship of the 
American and Armenian peoples.
                                 ______
                                 

 Azerbaijan's Destruction of Armenian Cultural and Religious Monuments 
                  and Suppression of Religious Freedom

             Presented by the Armenian Bar Association \1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \1\ The Armenian Bar Association is an international non-profit 
organization of judges, attorneys, law professors, law students, and 
legal professionals. It has issued a comprehensive report (https://
armenianbar.org/heritage/) on the issues discussed in this testimony in 
addition to reports on Azerbaijan's racial discrimination (https://
armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-initiative/azerbaijans-racial-
discrimination-against-ethnic-armenians/) against Armenians, its 
treatment of POWs (https://armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-
initiative/armenian-pows-and-civilians-held-captive-by-azerbaijan/) and 
its responsibility in carrying out arbitrary executions (https://
armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-initiative/extrajudicial-
summary-or-arbitrary-executions/) of ethnic Armenians.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and Ranking Member Risch for this 
opportunity.
    In September, 2020, Azerbaijan launched an unprovoked military 
offensive against the Armenian population in Artsakh (also referred to 
as Nagorno-Karabakh). The attack was timed to launch in the middle of 
the COVID pandemic and in the few weeks before the 2020 U.S. 
Presidential election. The eyes of the United States and international 
communities averted, the aggression drew little attention and has 
evaded any accountability. To this day, Azerbaijan's aggression remains 
unchecked.
    In November, 2020, a ceasefire statement brokered by Russia 
mandated that Armenians (governed by the Republic of Artsakh) cede 
control of portions of Artsakh and adjacent territories to Azerbaijan. 
While the ceasefire statement brought a temporary standstill, the 
current situation leaves many Armenian monuments and religious places 
of worship at heightened risk of destruction.
    Azerbaijan has a lengthy, documented history of denying the 
existence of, and intentionally destroying, Armenian cultural and 
religious heritage and monuments. From 1997 to 2006, Azerbaijan 
deliberately obliterated nearly all traces of once prevalent Armenian 
culture in an area known as Nakhichevan. They razed Armenian medieval 
churches, thousands of ancient carved cross-stones (khachkars), and 
historical tombstones.\2\ Video footage from 2005 depicts Azerbaijan 
destroying the surviving portions of the medieval necropolis of Djulfa, 
that housed tens of thousands of Armenian cross-stones (dating back to 
the sixth century A.D.).\3\ The cross-stones are listed on UNESCO's 
Representative List of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity,\4\ and are 
used for devotional and worship purposes by Armenian Christians and 
pilgrims in addition to documenting the history of the region.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \2\ Special investigation: Declassified satellite images show 
erasure of Armenian churches (https://www.theartnewspaper.com/2021/06/
01/special-investigation-declassified-satellite-images-show-erasure-of-
armenian-churches), The Art Newspaper (June 1, 2021); Christina 
Maranci, ``The Medieval Armenian Monuments in Nagorno-Karabakh Must be 
Protected (https://www.apollo-magazine.com/medieval-armenian-monuments-
nagorno-karabakh/),'' Apollo Magazine (December 9, 2020); Dale Berning 
Sawa, ``Monumental loss: Azerbaijan and 'The Worst Cultural Genocide of 
the 21st Century (https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2019/mar/01/
monumental-loss-azerbaijan-cultural-genocide-khachkars),''' The 
Guardian (March 1, 2019); Nora McGreevy, ``Why Scholars, Cultural 
Institutions Are Calling to Protect Armenian Heritage (https://
www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/metropolitan-museum-scholars-call-
protection-cultural-heritage-nagorno-karabakh-180976364/),'' 
Smithsonian Magazine (November 24, 2020).
    \3\ Simon Maghakyan and Sarah Pickman, ``A Regime Conceals Its 
Erasure of Indigenous Armenian Culture (https://hyperallergic.com/
482353/a-regime-conceals-its-erasure-of-indigenous-armenian-culture/
),'' Hyperallergic (February 18, 2019); ``Destruction of the Armenian 
Cemetery of Djulfa (https://www.icomos.org/risk/world_report/2006-2007/
pdf/H@R_2006-2007_09_National_Report_Azerbaijan.pdf),'' ICOMOS Heritage 
at Risk; ``Azerbaijan: Famous Medieval Cemetery Vanishes: IWPR reporter 
confirms that there is nothing left of the celebrated stone crosses of 
Jugha (https://iwpr.net/global-voices/azerbaijan-famous-medieval-
cemetery-vanishes),'' Institute for War & Peace Reporting; ``When the 
World Looked Away: The Destruction of Julfa Cemetery (https://
www.rferl.org/a/armenia-azerbaijan-julfa-cemetery-
destruction-unesco-cultural-heritage/
30986581.html?fbclid=IwAR38guzAYkn3_fn
SCPl3XoD8iBeNxJOdcjcw4fb4V8HW9ZvNLzNKn-uwM0M),'' Radio Free Europe 
(December 10, 2020); Kate Fitz Gibbon, ``World Heritage Committee 
Meeting in Baku Will be Hosted by Cultural Destroyers (https://
culturalpropertynews.org/unesco-exposed/),'' Cultural Property News 
(March 19, 2019); ``Azeri Soldiers Vandalized a Cemetery in Nagorno-
Karabakh, Rekindling Fears of Destruction of Armenian Heritage (https:/
/www.archyde.com/azeri-soldiers-vandalized-a-cemetery-in-nagorno-
karabakh-rekindling-fears-of-destruction-of-armenian-heritage),'' 
Archyde (November 27, 2020); ``Silent Erasure: A Satellite 
Investigation of the Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage in 
Nakhichivan, Azerbaijan (https://caucasusheritage.cornell.edu/
index.php/report),'' Caucasus Heritage Watch (September, 2022).
    \4\ ``Armenian cross-stones art. Symbolism and craftsmanship of 
Khachkars (https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/armenian-cross-stones-art-
symbolism-and-craftsmanship-of-khachkars-00434),'' UNESCO.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Experts predicted that in the aftermath of the 2020 war, Azerbaijan 
would continue its official policy of cultural erasure. \5\ 
Unfortunately, that prediction has proven prescient. Artsakh is endowed 
with a deeply rich cultural history, including thousands of religious 
sites and monuments, many dating back thousands of years. While Russian 
peacekeeping forces monitor some Armenian places of worship (most 
notably Dadivank, a 7th-9th century monastic complex with a cathedral 
rebuilt in the 13th century--discussed below), they do not provide 
protection for a great many other Armenian religious sites, leaving 
them extremely vulnerable.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \5\ ``Artsakh: Cultural Heritage under Threat (https://
newsletters.hyperallergic.com/profile/sunday/issues/sunday-edition-
artsakh-cultural-heritage-under-threat-419872)'' Sunday Edition of 
Hyperallergic magazine (February 28, 2021).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Caucasus Heritage Watch, a non-profit research organization led by 
archeology professors from Cornell University and Purdue University, 
utilizes satellite imagery to monitor and document destruction in 
Artsakh since the November, 2020 ceasefire statement. As of October 
2022, Caucasus Heritage Watch has documented the complete destruction 
and erasure in July, 2022 of the Saint Sargis Church, and the partial 
destruction of other sites. \6\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \6\ ``Caucasus Heritage Watch: Monitoring Report #4 (https://
caucasusheritage.cornell.edu/index.php/report),'' Caucasus Heritage 
Watch (October, 2022).

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]



    Under the pretext of its ``reconstruction,'' Azerbaijan has also 
begun its campaign of removing evidence of Armenian presence from the 
Holy Savior Ghazanchetsots Cathedral--a landmark of Armenian cultural 
and religious identity in Shushi--that Azerbaijan shelled repeatedly 
and intentionally during the war with high precision weaponry.\7\ Part 
of the ``reconstruction'' of the cathedral has included removal of its 
domes, which are architecturally distinctive as Armenian Apostolic. \8\ 
Azerbaijan's ``reconstruction'' ``without input of [the cathedral's] 
congregation'' has been admonished by USCIRF \9\ as no members of the 
Armenian Apostolic Church have been consulted.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \7\ ``Artsakh Ombudsman Second Interim Public Report on the 
Azerbaijani Atrocities Against the Artsakh Population in September to 
October 2020 (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/document/735)'' (October 18, 
2020); ``Azerbaijan: Attack on Church Possible War Crime (https://
www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/16/azerbaijan-attack-church-possible-war-
crime),'' Human Rights Watch (December 16, 2020).
    \8\ ``Azerbaijan ``distorting'' Ghazanchetsots Cathedral under the 
guise of ``restoration''--Artsakh Ombudsman (https://en.armradio.am/
2021/05/03/azerbaijan-distorting-ghazanchetsots-cathedral-under-the-
guise-of-restoration-artsakh-ombudsman/),'' Public Radio of Armenia 
(May 3, 2021); Twitter postings (https://twitter.com/simonforco/status/
1413860566960017410) from Azerbaijani Diplomat Nasimi Aghaev.
    \9\ USCIRF Concerned by Azerbaijan Religion Law Amendments, 
Condition of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral (https://www.uscirf.gov/news-
room/releases-statements/uscirf-concerned-azerbaijan-religion-law-
amendments-condition), Press Release (May 17, 2021)

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    Many acts of ruin and destruction have been documented since 
November, 2020, including vandalism, graffiti, desecration, 
disfigurement of key features of religious monuments (domes and 
crosses), and the destruction of cemeteries and cross-stones. \10\ In 
2021, the BBC documented the complete elimination of another church--
Zoravor Holy Mother of God Church located near the village of 
Mekhakavan (Jebrayil), now under Azerbaijani control. \11\ Notably, 
many of the photos and video stills of vandalism and destruction 
originate with and feature Azerbaijani military personnel. To deny the 
existence of Armenian cultural and religious heritage, many sites are 
falsely represented as ``Albanian-Udi'' including by official 
authorities.
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    \10\ Rob Lee, Twitter post (https://twitter.com/RALee85/status/
1327791527507144705?s=20) (November 14, 2020); Sascha Duerkop, Twitter 
post (https://twitter.com/saschadueerkop/status/
1329754063064489986?lang=en) (November 20, 2020); ``Azerbaijanis 
destroy Armenian cross-stone in occupied Artsakh village,'' Public 
Radio of Armenia (January 12, 2021); ``Azeri Soldiers Vandalized a 
Cemetery in Nagorno-Karabakh, Rekindling Fears of Destruction of 
Armenian Heritage (https://www.archyde.com/azeri-soldiers-vandalized-a-
cemetery-in-nagorno-karabakh-rekindling-fears-of-destruction-of-
armenian-heritage/),'' Archyde (November 27, 2020); Tigran Balayan, 
Twitter post (https://twitter.com/tbalayan/status/13276763463
15706369?s=20) (November 14, 2020); ``The Azerbaijani military 
servicemen are vandalizing the Armenian church of St. Yeghishe in the 
Mataghis region of Artsakh (https://www.ombuds.am/en--us/site/
VideoGalleryView/520),'' Human Rights Defender of the Republic of 
Armenia (March 29, 2021); ``Ad Hoc Public Report on the Armenian 
Cultural Heritage in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh): Cases of Vandalism and 
At Risk of Destruction by Azerbaijan (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/
document/792),'' Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh 
(January 26, 2021); ``Damage to Cultural Property Means Damage to the 
Cultural Heritage of All Mankind (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/news/
500)'' Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh (March 25, 
2021); ``Azerbaijanis Remove Cross from Spitak Khach Church in Occupied 
Hadrut (https://asbarez.com/azerbaijanis-remove-cross-from-spitak-
khach-church-in-occupied-hadrut/
#:%7E:text=A%20video%20shared%20on%20social%20media%20clearly%
20shows,another%20Armenian%20church%20as%20belonging%20to%20the%20Udis.)
,'' Asbarez.com (January 27, 2022); ``Azerbaijani soldiers vandalize 
Armenian church in Artsakh village (https://www.panorama.am/en/news/
2022/02/08/church-vandalism/2637757),'' Panorama--Armenian news 
(February 8, 2022).
    \11\ ``Nagorno-Karabakh: The mystery of the missing church (https:/
/www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-56517835)''
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    In addition to the threat of eradication of religious sites, 
Armenian Christians cannot safely return to Artsakh under Azerbaijani 
occupation for pilgrimages, services, monastic life, and custodianship. 
The following statistics obtained from church officials show the levels 
of activity within some of the main churches and monasteries in pre-war 
2019 and 2020 (for the first 9 months before the Azerbaijan's 
aggression) as compared to the post-war period during under 
Azerbaijan's control, which, among other things, has blocked all access 
to the sites, resulting in the ceasing of Armenian baptisms and 
marriages. Vibrant religious communities have entirely disappeared.

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    Dadivank is a large, medieval monastic complex, a center for 
literary production, and was an active religious site, where 
worshippers and pilgrims would regularly attend mass up to the 
beginning of Azerbaijan's offensive. \12\
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    \12\ Cultural Heritage Is Caught Up in the Conflict Over Nagorno-
Karabakh (https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/dadivank-monastery-
nagorno-karabakh), Atlas Obscura (December 10, 2020)
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    After the November, 2020 ceasefire statement, under the protection 
of Russian peacekeepers, Armenian monks remained in the monastery and 
pilgrims were, for a time, allowed to visit. But the situation at 
Dadivank swiftly deteriorated. From April, 2021 to the present, 
Azerbaijan has refused to allow pilgrimages there. In a report entitled 
``We are left alone with you, Lord.'' Clergymen of Dadivank await 
Armenian pilgrims, the situation in Dadivank is documented from the 
perspective of the handful of monks remaining there.\13\ Although this 
site is monitored by tens of Russian peacekeepers, the freedom of 
religion and use of sacred Dadivank is rendered impossible as the monks 
are surrounded by hundreds of Azerbaijani troops, are subject to 
psychological intimidation, are taunted and tormented, have unsteady 
phone access, and are unable to freely leave the grounds of the 
monastic complex for fear of altercations.\14\
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    \13\ Menk Menag Enk Mnatsel Kez Hed, Der: Dadivanki Hokevoragannere 
Hay Oukhdavorneri en sbassoum (https://www.azatutyun.am/a/
31346025.html#comments) (Translated: ``We are left alone with you, 
Lord.'' Clergymen of Dadivank await Armenian pilgrims), Azadutyun News 
Channel (July 7, 2021)(Translation available upon request). See also 
``In Nagorno-Karabakh, Land Mines, Bulldozers and Lingering Tensions 
(https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/25/world/europe/azerbaijan-armenia-
nagorno-karabakh.html),'' Anton Troianovski, NY Times (July 25, 2021) 
(describing situation at Dadivank).
    \14\ The civilian population of Artsakh is also subject to 
psychological intimidation and propaganda encouraging them to leave 
their ancestral lands. ``Interim Report on Violations of the rights of 
Artsakh people by Azerbaijan in February-March 2022 (https://
artsakhombuds.am/sites/default/files/2022-03/Ombudsman-Report-
English.pdf),'' Human Rights Defender of Artsakh (2022).
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    In September, 2021, Armenia lodged with the Registry of the 
International Court of Justice (``ICJ'') a request for indication of 
provisional measures regarding the violations by Azerbaijan of the 
International Convention of December 21, 1965, on the Elimination of 
All Forms of Racial Discrimination. During the ICJ proceedings, 
Azerbaijan indefensibly denied the very existence of Armenian cultural 
heritage. In December, 2021, in its decision on provisional measures, 
the Court ordered that Azerbaijan ``shall protect the right to access 
and enjoy Armenian historic, cultural and religious heritage, including 
but not limited to, churches, cathedrals, places of worship, monuments, 
landmarks, cemeteries and other buildings and artefacts, by inter alia 
terminating, preventing, prohibiting and punishing their vandalisation, 
destruction or alteration, and allowing Armenians to visit places of 
worship.'' Flouting the provisional order, Azerbaijan subsequently 
announced the creation of a special committee that would act to purge 
traces of Armenian heritage.\15\
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    \15\ Simon Maghakyan, ``Emboldened by Ukraine Crisis, Azerbaijan 
Escalates its War on Armenian Heritage Sites (https://
hyperallergic.com/709512/azerbaijan-escalates-its-war-on-armenian-
heritage-sites/),'' Hyperallergic Magazine (February 4, 2022). After 
international criticism, Azerbaijani authorities attempted to walk back 
their initial statements concerning this committee.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    To date, Azerbaijan has denied UNESCO's monitors access to the area 
notwithstanding UNESCO's multiple requests. USCIRF has recommended that 
the State Department include Azerbaijan on the Special Watch List.\16\ 
However, there are still no assurances that Armenian cultural and 
religious heritage sites will be protected in territories that are 
under Azerbaijan's occupation, and there are no mechanisms to allow for 
Christian pilgrims to access the Armenian religious sites.\17\ 
Azerbaijan's destruction of Armenian cultural and religious heritage is 
squarely within a broader systematic effort and pattern by Azerbaijan 
to: (1) deprive Armenian Christians of the ability to exercise their 
fundamental right to freely exercise their religion, (2) ethnically 
cleanse Artsakh of Armenian people and worshippers, and (3) erase the 
record of Armenian history and heritage and any evidence of Armenian 
presence from the region.
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    \16\ ``United States Commission on International Religious 
Freedom--2022 Annual Report (https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/
files/2022%20Annual%20Report.pdf)''--USCIRF (April 2022)
    \17\ Civil society groups such as Save Armenian Monuments (https://
savearmenianmonuments.com/), Monument Watch (https://monumentwatch.org/
en/) and AUA Artsakh Heritage Project (https://artsakh-heritage.aua.am/
) have been raising awareness of these issues.
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    Our purpose in making this submission is to inform you of these 
activities which advance Azerbaijan's policy of cultural genocide 
against the Armenians of Artsakh. The Armenian Bar Association is 
committed to bringing attention to atrocities committed by Azerbaijan 
and documenting them in our reports. We are available to provide 
additional information to you upon request and hope that you will find 
this information helpful in connection with any policy or action you 
are considering involving Azerbaijan and its government.

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