    [Senate Hearing 117-674]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]

                                                           S. Hrg. 117-674

                     ASSESSING U.S. POLICY IN THE CAUCASUS

    =======================================================================

                                    HEARING

                                   BEFORE THE

                         COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                              UNITED STATES SENATE

                        ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 SECOND SESSION

                                   __________

                               NOVEMBER 16, 2022

                                   __________

           Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                      Available via http://www.govinfo.gov

                                 _________

                     U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

    52-323 PDF               WASHINGTON : 2023

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

                 ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
    BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland         JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
    JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire        MARCO RUBIO, Florida
    CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
    CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut      MITT ROMNEY, Utah
    TIM KAINE, Virginia                  ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
    EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts      RAND PAUL, Kentucky
    JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                 TODD YOUNG, Indiana
    CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey           JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
    BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                 TED CRUZ, Texas
    CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland           MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                         BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                     Damian Murphy, Staff Director
            Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
                        John Dutton, Chief Clerk

                                  (ii)

                             C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                                  ----------
                                                                       Page

    Menendez, Hon. Robert, U.S. Senator From New Jersey..............     1

    Prepared Statement of Senator James E. Risch.....................     3

    Donfried, Hon. Karen, Assistant Secretary of State for European
      and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC.     4
        Prepared Statement...........................................     6

    Reeker, Hon. Philip, Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations,
      U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC.......................     7
        Prepared Statement...........................................     9

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

    Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried and Mr. Philip Reeker to
      Questions Submitted by Senator James E. Risch..................    27

    Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions Submitted by Senator
      Cory Booker....................................................    30

    Response of Ms. Karen Donfried to a Question Submitted by Senator
      Chris Van Hollen...............................................    32

    Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions Submitted by Senator
      Bill Hagerty...................................................    32

    Testimony From Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director,
      Armenian National Committee of America.........................    33

    Statement From the Armenian Bar Association: Azerbaijan's
      Destruction of Armenian Cultural and Religious Monuments and
      Suppression of Religious Freedom...............................    35

                                     (iii)

                     ASSESSING U.S. POLICY IN THE CAUCASUS

                                  ----------

                          WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 2022

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in
    room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, and Van Hollen.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        Assistant Secretary Donfried, Ambassador Reeker, thank you
    for appearing before us today to talk about United States
    policy in the Caucasus.
        I would just simply note that our Republican colleagues are
    having a caucus so the ranking member is attending and,
    hopefully, he will be able to be here later and he has given
    his consent for us to proceed.
        The absence of members on the other side is not an
    indication of their lack of interest in this. They are very
    interested, but they have a caucus.
        This region is an ancient crossroads with deep geopolitical
    importance as a bridge between the West and the heart of Asia.
        Too often, dictators with imperial aspirations have
    victimized those living in the South Caucasus. From Russian-
    backed aggression in Abkhazia or South Ossetia to Turkish-
    supported Azerbaijani aggression against Armenia, their
    disregard for human life has been clear.
        In 2020, Azerbaijan's war uprooted close to 100,000
    Armenians from their homes in Nagorno-Karabakh. Sixty-five
    hundred people died.
        Today, Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, the land they know as
    Artsakh, still face an acute humanitarian crisis, including
    threats of ethnic cleansing and chronic shortages of water,
    energy, health care, and food.
        That is why I have pushed for more humanitarian assistance
    to help the victims both in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh
    because the U.S. humanitarian response has been, in my view,
    insufficient.
        Today, I want to hear from you about what more we can do
    and could be helping these affected areas, but, incredibly, it
    is not just that the United States is failing to meet these
    humanitarian needs. We are still sending security assistance to
    Azerbaijan.
        How on earth can the United States justify sending any kind
    of support, security or otherwise, to a regime in Baku? It is
    inexcusable.
        I personally think it is morally repugnant and it makes a
    mockery of the Freedom Support Act. Section 907 of this act is
    meant to ban security assistance to Azerbaijan until Azerbaijan
    is ``taking demonstrable steps to cease all blockades and other
    offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.''
        Yet, the Department of State has waived Section 907 over
    and over again. It requested $600,000 for fiscal year 2022 to
    provide Azerbaijan with international military education and
    training, a program meant to ``provide a professional military
    education to countries selected by the Secretary of State.''
        Suffice it to say that I am strongly opposed to having any
    aid go to a fighting force known for war crimes and aggression
    against a neighbor state, and the Department greenlit security
    assistance to the regime in Baku just months before it invaded
    Armenia in September, months before a video caught Azerbaijani
    forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold blood, months
    before a report surfaced of Azerbaijani soldiers sexually
    assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier.
        The GAO report I commissioned to get to the bottom of this
    found both the Department of State and Department of Defense
    failed to meet statutory reporting requirements to Congress on
    this issue.
        I would like you to explain why. It simply makes no sense
    to say that the United States' assistance and training has not
    impacted Azerbaijan's military balance with Armenia.
        I want you to give us all the details Congress has asked
    for so we can assess any assistance the U.S. provides to Baku.
        Finally, I want to be clear. I still have hopes for a
    lasting peace in the region. I know Secretary Blinken hosted
    Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers here in Washington
    last week. I welcome senior level U.S. engagement in this
    region. The lack of attention to the Caucasus over successive
    administrations has only benefited Russia's interests. I
    appreciate this new approach.
        I hope to hear from you about what more we could be doing
    for peace in the Caucasus and, specifically, following the
    recent attack on Armenia.
        I also remain skeptical that authoritarians in Baku or
    Moscow or Turkey, for that matter, will agree to let the
    Armenian people choose their own destiny, and it is not just
    Armenia, but Georgia as well.
        This is a nation with so much potential and, yet, today we
    see intimidation of independent media, arrests of opposition
    leaders, and continued efforts to block the very democratic
    reforms Georgia needs to advance on its Euro-Atlantic path.
        The United States must remain engaged to support the
    democratic development of Georgia during this tenuous period,
    and I look forward to hearing from the witnesses about these
    efforts.
        The people of this region do not want to live under the
    threat of violence. They do not want autocratic rule imposed on
    them by the barrel of a gun. No one wants to live that way--not
    you, not me, not the Armenian people, not the people of
    Nagorno-Karabakh.
        They deserve to live in peace. They deserve freedom and
    security, and that means ensuring that a peace deal does not
    lead to ethnic cleansing for the Armenian people of Nagorno-
    Karabakh.
        It means tackling the needs of the humanitarian crisis
    there. It means holding accountable those who order and carry
    out the violence we have seen in this region.
        I look forward to hearing from you today about where things
    stand with the Administration's efforts to help facilitate a
    peace process and address these issues.
        When Senator Risch arrives, I will be happy to recognize
    him for any opening statements.
        [The prepared statement of Senator James E. Risch follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Senator James E. Risch

        Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to Assistant Secretary
    Donfried and Ambassador Reeker for appearing before us today.
        The emerging instability in Europe and Eurasia has made clear the
    need for a strong U.S. policy for the Caucasus, a region that lies
    between Russia, Iran, and Turkey. Democratic backsliding in Georgia,
    war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and the malign ambitions of Russia
    and Iran are all critical challenges we must face with clear goals and
    strategies.
        Perhaps most importantly, Russia's war on Ukraine has distracted
    Putin and prevented him from maintaining his brand of chaos in the
    Caucasus. As its military power falters, Russia has proved unwilling
    and unable to continue flexing its military muscles in the region.
        This new environment means there is an opportunity to help foster a
    stable and democratic future in the Caucasus. Our policy towards the
    region must look to fill that leadership void and help the Caucasian
    nations achieve lasting peace by building strong democracies,
    societies, and economies.
        Russia's current inaction in helping to find a solution to the
    conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and absence from the Minsk
    Process, has provided a chance for a new approach to negotiations. The
    EU, France, and the U.S., have all recently made good-faith efforts to
    help Armenia and Azerbaijan end this long-standing conflict. I look
    forward to hearing from Ambassador Reeker about what solutions might be
    possible. Ending this conflict would both bring peace to a fractured
    region and remove one of Russia's key levers of influence in the
    region.
        In Georgia, the political situation has unfortunately deteriorated.
    Georgia was once a leader in democratic reform, but years of political
    polarization and failure to resist Russian malign influence have
    reversed its trajectory. It is extremely troubling that parties are
    unable to simply communicate with each other, much less compromise on
    basic issues, especially as Georgia faces serious challenges and 20
    percent of its territory remains occupied by Russia.
        I am also very worried by the unacceptable and slanderous attacks
    on the U.S. ambassador, our diplomats, and on Georgia's civil society.
    The State Department must take a firm stand and push back against this
    inflammatory behavior. I look forward to hearing from you how State
    will respond specifically to these attacks and how the U.S. plans to
    help Georgia break through its political gridlock, implement reforms,
    and recommit to its European path.
        The Caucasus is tremendously important as a crossroads between
    Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. While we help these nations confront
    the issues they have both internally and with one another, we must also
    look at ways to promote productive international partnerships. Trade
    agreements, energy deals, infrastructure, and investment all have the
    potential to better integrate the region within the transatlantic
    community.
        A more peaceful and settled Caucasus can also help open Central
    Asia to the world and better balance Russian and Chinese influence
    there. However, if we fail to form and implement an effective policy,
    we could see a return of Russian influence, or even see China
    establishing a stronger foothold in the region.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

        The Chairman. Let us introduce our two witnesses today.
        Assistant Secretary Karen Donfried leads the Bureau of
    Europe and Eurasian Affairs at the Department of State, having
    previously served as president of the German Marshall Fund, the
    National Security Council, and the National Intelligence
    Council. She is no stranger to the committee and we look
    forward to hearing from her today.
        We are also joined by the State Department Senior Advisor
    for Caucasus Negotiations, Ambassador Philip Reeker.
        Ambassador Reeker serves as a U.S. OSCE Minsk Group co-
    chair and lead negotiator for the U.S. delegation to the Geneva
    international discussions.
        He previously served the U.S. Embassy in London as Acting
    Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs
    and a civilian deputy and policy adviser to the commander of
    EUCOM.
        Welcome to both of you. Your full statements will be
    included in the record, without objection. I would ask you to
    summarize them in about 5 minutes or so so that members of the
    committee can have a conversation with you.
        We will recognize Assistant Secretary Donfried first.

    STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE KAREN DONFRIED, ASSISTANT SECRETARY
    OF STATE FOR EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
                         STATE, WASHINGTON, DC

        Ms. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, distinguished members of
    the committee, thank you for inviting me to discuss the
    Administration's priorities and engagement efforts in the South
    Caucasus.
        I appreciate and welcome your advice as we work
    collaboratively to advance U.S. interests across the region.
        Armenia and Azerbaijan have an historic opportunity to
    secure a lasting peace to a conflict that was triggered during
    the fall of the Soviet Union and has lasted for more than 30
    years.
        There have been setbacks, such as the fighting that broke
    out September 13-14. When hostilities erupted, we immediately
    engaged to halt the fighting. This setback reminded all of us
    of the fragility of the situation and the importance of
    securing a comprehensive sustainable peace agreement.
        Secretary Blinken's leadership has been instrumental in
    promoting dialogue. He hosted joint meetings of the foreign
    ministers on September 19 and November 7, along with a
    telephone call with both on October 4.
        National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met with his
    counterparts in Washington on September 27, demonstrating the
    Administration's whole-of-government commitment to securing
    peace.
        Thanks in part to our engagement, on October 4 Azerbaijan
    released 17 Armenian POWs detained during the September
    fighting. Actions like this help build needed trust between the
    two sides, and we take every opportunity to urge Azerbaijan to
    release the remaining detainees in its custody.
        We continue to encourage Azerbaijan and Armenia to maintain
    momentum for negotiations and we are doing so in close
    coordination with the EU and other partners.
        In this vein, we assess the Turkish-Armenian normalization
    dialogue positively and have let both sides know that we want
    to play a helpful role.
        It has the potential to increase regional stability, deter
    malign influence, and lead to greater economic development.
    This is even more important now, given Russia's unprovoked
    brutal war in Ukraine.
        More broadly, supporting peace between Armenia and
    Azerbaijan is both the right thing to do and in our national
    security interest.
        Should Azerbaijan and Armenia secure a peace deal, our
    security cooperation will become even more critical as we build
    the confidence and capacity of each country to freely express
    their sovereignty in a matter that maintains peace with their
    neighbors.
        Our bilateral relations with Armenia have never been
    stronger. We continue to seek ways to broaden our security
    partnership, deepen people-to-people ties, and grow our
    cooperation on democratic and economic development.
        The U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue is the flagship format
    for this partnership. We held the Dialogue's capstone event in
    Washington in May of this year, including a very positive
    meeting between Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister
    Mirzoyan.
        At that time, we signed a nuclear cooperation memorandum of
    understanding that can advance Armenia's energy sovereignty and
    build stronger U.S.-Armenian cooperation on nuclear energy,
    including through the potential provision of U.S.-origin small
    modular reactors.
        Other working groups on security and defense, justice
    reform and democracy, discussed additional ways the United
    States can help bolster Armenia's democratic development.
        I look forward to participating in the upcoming dialogue in
    Yerevan next year.
        In Azerbaijan, we remain committed to advancing our
    bilateral priorities--security, economic growth, democracy, and
    human rights. After 9/11, Azerbaijan stepped up early with
    financial and troop support to Afghanistan and helped protect
    Kabul International Airport until the final days of the 2021
    withdrawal.
        Security cooperation with Azerbaijan supports our national
    security priorities including counterterrorism objectives,
    interdiction of drugs and illicit material, and increased
    security of critical Caspian energy infrastructure.
        We welcome Azerbaijan's growing support for European energy
    security.
        The human rights situation in Azerbaijan remains a
    challenge. This Administration regularly urges Azerbaijan's
    government to respect human rights and the fundamental freedoms
    necessary to realize the full potential of Azerbaijan's people.
        In Georgia, the American people have long stood in
    solidarity with Georgians' desire to be a free, democratic, and
    sovereign country within its internationally recognized
    borders.
        Over the last 30 years, we have become strategic partners
    working toward a shared vision of a Georgia fully integrated
    into the Euro-Atlantic family of nations.
        The United States has allocated over $6 billion in
    assistance funds to Georgia, sending thousands of Georgians to
    the United States for cultural and educational exchanges, and
    training tens of thousands of Georgian soldiers to defend
    Georgia's territory and promote peace and stability outside its
    borders as well.
        That assistance supports democratic governance, rule of
    law, a vibrant civil society, and economic growth. We continue
    to urge the Georgian Government to implement the necessary
    reforms to acquire EU candidate status.
        People across the South Caucasus deserve to live in peace,
    which will unlock prosperity for the entire region. This
    Administration is fully committed to supporting that worthy
    goal.
        Thank you again for the opportunity to discuss our
    priorities and efforts in the South Caucasus. I look forward to
    your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Donfried follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Ms. Karen Donfried

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members
    of the Committee: Thank you for inviting me here to discuss the
    Administration's priorities and engagement efforts in the South
    Caucasus. I appreciate and welcome your advice as we work
    collaboratively to advance U.S. interests across the region.
        Armenia and Azerbaijan have a historic opportunity to secure a
    lasting peace to a conflict that was triggered during the fall of the
    Soviet Union and has lasted for more than 30 years. There have been
    setbacks, such as the fighting that broke out September 13-14. When
    hostilities erupted, we immediately engaged to halt the fighting. This
    setback reminded all of us of the fragility of the situation and the
    importance of securing a comprehensive, sustainable peace agreement.
        Secretary Blinken's leadership has been instrumental in promoting
    dialogue. He hosted joint meetings of the foreign ministers on
    September 19 and November 7 along with a telephone call on October 4
    with the two ministers. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met
    with his counterparts in Washington on September 27, demonstrating the
    Administration's `whole-of-government' commitment to securing peace.
    Thanks in part to our engagement, on October 4, Azerbaijan released 17
    Armenian POWs detained during the September fighting. Actions like this
    help build needed trust between the two sides, and we take every
    opportunity to urge Azerbaijan to release the remaining detainees in
    its custody. We continue to encourage Azerbaijan and Armenia to
    maintain momentum for negotiations, and we are doing so in close
    coordination with the EU and other partners.
        In this vein, we assess the Turkish-Armenian normalization dialogue
    positively, and have let both sides know that we want to play a helpful
    role. It has the potential to increase regional stability, deter malign
    influence, and lead to greater economic development. This is even more
    important now given Russia's unprovoked, brutal war in Ukraine.
        More broadly, supporting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is
    both the right thing to do and in our national security interest.
    Should Azerbaijan and Armenia secure a peace deal, our security
    cooperation will become even more critical as we build the confidence
    and capacity of each country to freely exercise their sovereignty in a
    matter that maintains peace with their neighbors.
        Our bilateral relations with Armenia have never been stronger. We
    continue to seek ways to broaden our security partnership, deepen
    people-to-people ties, and grow our cooperation on democratic and
    economic development. The U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue is the
    flagship format for this partnership. We held the dialogue's capstone
    event in Washington in May 2022, including a very positive meeting
    between Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Mirzoyan. At that time,
    we signed a Nuclear Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding that can
    advance Armenia's energy sovereignty and build stronger U.S.-Armenian
    cooperation on nuclear energy, including through the potential
    provision of U.S.-origin Small Modular Reactors. Other working groups
    on security and defense, justice reform, and democracy discussed
    additional ways the United States can help bolster Armenia's democratic
    development. I look forward to participating in the upcoming dialogue
    in Yerevan next year.
        In Azerbaijan, we remain committed to advancing our bilateral
    priorities: security, economic growth, and democracy and human rights.
    After 9/11, Azerbaijan stepped up early with financial and troop
    support to Afghanistan and helped protect Kabul International Airport
    until the final days of the 2021 withdrawal. Security cooperation with
    Azerbaijan supports our national security priorities, including
    counterterrorism objectives, interdiction of drugs and illicit
    material, and increased security of critical Caspian energy
    infrastructure. We welcome Azerbaijan's growing support for European
    energy security. The human rights situation in Azerbaijan remains a
    challenge. This Administration regularly urges Azerbaijan's government
    to respect human rights and the fundamental freedoms necessary to
    realize the full potential of Azerbaijan's people.
        In Georgia, the American people have long stood in solidarity with
    Georgians' desire to be a free, democratic, and sovereign country
    within its internationally recognized borders. Over the last 30 years,
    we have become strategic partners, working toward our shared vision of
    a Georgia fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic family of nations.
    The United States has allocated more than $6 billion in assistance
    funds to Georgia, sending thousands of Georgians to the United States
    for cultural and education exchanges, and training tens of thousands of
    Georgian soldiers to defend Georgia's territory and promote peace and
    stability outside its borders as well. U.S. assistance supports
    democratic governance, the rule of law, a vibrant civil society, and
    economic growth, and we continue to urge the Georgian Government to
    implement the necessary reforms to acquire EU candidate status.
        People across the South Caucasus deserve to live in peace, which
    will unlock prosperity for the entire region. This Administration is
    fully committed to supporting this worthy goal. Thank you again for the
    opportunity to discuss our priorities and efforts in the South
    Caucasus. I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Ambassador Reeker.

     STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE PHILIP REEKER, SENIOR ADVISOR FOR
    CAUCASUS NEGOTIATIONS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC

        Mr. Reeker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and distinguished
    members of the committee.
        I really do thank you for the opportunity to come before
    you as the Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations, the
    opportunity to discuss the Administration's efforts to support
    regional negotiations and address the core issues that pose a
    challenge to sustainable peace in the South Caucasus.
        Having taken this position just under 3 months ago after my
    return from Embassy London, I very much welcome your interest
    and value the cooperation with this committee and all members
    of Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and help
    build a lasting comprehensive peace that will benefit the
    people of the region.
        Let me start by echoing Assistant Secretary Donfried's
    optimism about the potential for peace between Azerbaijan and
    Armenia and her realism about the setbacks we have encountered
    even since I began this work.
        I was in the region, in fact, during the September 13-14
    fighting and met with President Aliyev on September 14 to urge
    an end to the violence.
        My meetings with Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders
    paralleled urgent and around-the-clock engagements with
    leadership of the two countries by Secretary Blinken, National
    Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Donfried
    herself, and Deputy Assistant Secretary Erika Olson as well as
    by our colleagues at the Department of Defense.
        Those engagements have continued since, and the joint
    efforts of the United States, the European Union, and partner
    countries have paved the way for a series of meetings between
    Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to discuss peace.
        Despite hostilities, we are encouraged by the pace of
    engagement by the Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership in their
    peace process. The leaders have met for negotiations on
    multiple occasions in recent months as part of an EU-
    facilitated peace process, most recently in Prague on October
    6.
        The Prague meeting produced two meaningful outcomes that
    have the potential to pave the way for peace: mutual
    recognition of the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration as a basis for
    border discussions and acceptance of an EU monitoring capacity
    with the potential to build confidence between the sides and
    deescalate potential hostilities.
        The United States has engaged bilaterally through partners
    like the European Union and its peace process, and through
    international organizations like the OSCE.
        On September 27, I think you are aware, national security
    advisors met in Washington to discuss ways of focusing the
    various tracks of negotiations and accelerating their efforts.
        On October 2, I conferred with the Armenian and Azerbaijani
    foreign ministers before and after their meeting in Geneva on
    the margins of the Geneva international discussions about
    Georgia to encourage their discussions and their accelerated
    negotiations.
        As noted, just last week on November 7, Secretary Blinken
    hosted both foreign ministers here in Washington at Blair House
    to maintain positive momentum between the sides.
        Our efforts and support complement those of the EU, which
    hosted border discussions on November 3 in Brussels. As with
    any peace negotiations, as I know you all know well, these are
    difficult discussions that focus on issues complicated by
    layers of history.
        The pace and depth of the current discussions demonstrates
    a clear potential, one we have not seen for a long time, for a
    settlement that could end decades of conflict.
        Of course, much remains to be done by both governments
    including investigating allegations of human rights and
    international humanitarian law violations, holding perpetrators
    accountable, ceasing inflammatory rhetoric, and fostering
    reconciliation.
        Though the U.S. and EU are facilitating negotiations
    between the sides, the substance of these discussions is being
    led by Armenian and Azerbaijani representatives themselves.
        Direct negotiations held at the initiative of the two
    countries and driven by their interests rather than the
    interests of outside actors have the greatest chance of long-
    term success.
        We will support those efforts in any way we can. Secretary
    Blinken has offered not only his counsel, but he has also
    offered U.S. technical assistance on issues ranging from border
    delimitation to the planning of transportation routes.
        While the resolution of contentious issues remains the
    responsibility of Armenia and Azerbaijan, I have made it clear
    the international community and the United States has a
    specific responsibility to ensure that the rights and security
    of ethnic Armenians are addressed credibly and in line with a
    peace settlement.
        To that end, I have repeatedly encouraged the leaders in
    both countries to consider an international mechanism or
    construct to ensure, monitor, and report on any agreement
    involving Nagorno-Karabakh.
        The sides are at an historic crossroads. We are encouraging
    them to choose a future of prosperity and demonstrate the
    wisdom of working together on a peace that will benefit the
    people of the region for generations to come.
        Our efforts will continue toward this goal and we will do
    so in any way we can.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Reeker follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Mr. Philip Reeker

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished Members
    of the Committee: Thank you for the opportunity to come before you as
    the Senior Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations to discuss the
    Administration's efforts to support regional negotiations and address
    the core issues that pose a challenge to sustainable peace in the South
    Caucasus. I welcome cooperation with this committee and all Members of
    Congress to advance U.S. interests in the region and help build a
    lasting, comprehensive peace that will benefit the people of the
    region.
        Let me start by echoing Assistant Secretary Donfried's optimism
    about the potential for peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and her
    realism about the setbacks we have encountered. I was in the region
    during the September 13-14 fighting and met with President Aliyev on
    September 14 to urge an end to the violence. My meetings with Armenian
    and Azerbaijani leaders paralleled urgent and around-the-clock
    engagements with leadership of the two countries by Secretary Blinken,
    National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Assistant Secretary Donfried,
    and Deputy Assistant Secretary Erika Olson, as well as by our
    colleagues at the Department of Defense. Those engagements have
    continued since, and the joint efforts of the United States, EU, and
    partner countries have paved the way for a series of meetings between
    Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to discuss peace.
        Despite recent hostilities, we are encouraged by the pace of
    engagement by Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership in the peace process.
    The leaders have met for negotiations on multiple occasions in recent
    months as part of an EU-facilitated peace process, most recently in
    Prague on October 6. The Prague meeting produced two meaningful
    outcomes that have the potential to pave the way for peace: mutual
    recognition of the 1991 Almaty Declaration as a basis for border
    discussions, and acceptance of an EU ``Monitoring Capacity'' with the
    potential to build confidence amongst the sides and deescalate
    potential hostilities.
        The United States is engaged bilaterally, through partners like the
    EU and its peace process, and through international organizations like
    the OSCE. On September 27, national security advisors met in Washington
    to discuss ways of focusing the various tracks of negotiations and
    accelerating efforts. On October 2, I conferred with the Armenian and
    Azerbaijani foreign ministers before and after their meeting in Geneva
    to encourage their discussions and accelerated negotiations. Last week,
    on November 7, the Secretary hosted both foreign ministers here in
    Washington to maintain positive momentum between the sides. Our efforts
    support and complement those of the EU, which hosted border discussions
    on November 3 in Brussels. As with any peace negotiations, these are
    difficult discussions that focus on issues complicated by layers of
    history. But the pace and depth of the current discussions demonstrates
    a clear potential for a settlement that could end decades of conflict.
        Of course, much remains to be done by both governments, including
    investigating allegations of human rights and international
    humanitarian law violations, holding perpetrators accountable, ceasing
    inflammatory rhetoric, and fostering reconciliation.
        Though the U.S. and EU are facilitating negotiations between the
    sides, the substance of these discussions is being led by Armenian and
    Azerbaijani representatives themselves. Direct negotiations held at the
    initiative of the two countries and driven by their interests, rather
    than the interests of outside actors, have the greatest chance of long-
    term success. We will support those efforts in any way we can. The
    Secretary has not only offered his counsel, but he has also offered
    U.S. technical assistance on issues ranging from border delimitation to
    the planning of transportation routes. While the resolution of
    contentious issues remains the responsibility of Armenia and
    Azerbaijan, I have made it clear the international community has a
    specific responsibility to ensure that the rights and security of
    ethnic Armenians are addressed credibly and in line with a peace
    settlement. To that end, I have repeatedly encouraged the leaders in
    both countries to consider an international mechanism to ensure,
    monitor, and report on any agreement involving Nagorno-Karabakh.
        The sides are at an historic crossroads. We are encouraging them to
    choose a future of prosperity and demonstrate the wisdom of working
    together on a peace that will benefit the people of the region for
    generations to come. Our efforts will continue towards this goal, and
    we will do so in any way we can.

        The Chairman. I thank you. We will start a round.
        I have to be honest with you, this testimony is
    unresponsive to the concerns that I have raised either in my
    opening statement or in the past. Let me try to get responses
    to it through questions.
        In 2020, Azerbaijan's war grew to close to 100,000
    Armenians. Is that true?
        Ms. Donfried. Yes.
        The Chairman. 6,500 people died. Is that true?
        Mr. Reeker. I believe that is the numbers I have seen,
    although I do not know that they are exact counts, Senator.
        The Chairman. Have you seen the video that caught
    Azerbaijani forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold
    blood?
        Mr. Reeker. I have seen a number of videos. My email box is
    filled with----
        The Chairman. Have you been able to verify the videos?
        Mr. Reeker. I have not, no.
        The Chairman. Are we making efforts to verify the videos?
        Mr. Reeker. I would have to check with others. I know in
    the region they were undertaking efforts in both countries.
        The Chairman. How about the reports of Azerbaijani soldiers
    sexually assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier?
        Mr. Reeker. I think we have all seen those reports--many
    reports of atrocities.
        The Chairman. Well, this is the problem.
        I do not understand--my understanding also, are you
    familiar with reports of Azerbaijan's reported use of illegal
    weapons, including white phosphorus cluster bombs, both of
    which are internationally prohibited munitions?
        Mr. Reeker. I am not familiar with those specific reports.
        The Chairman. The white phosphorus is very well reported,
    unfortunately, provided by Ukraine.
        Here is my point. You all seem to be looking the other way
    because of whatever interests we have with Azerbaijan.
        You mentioned, Assistant Secretary, there are some security
    interests and drug trafficking interests, but that should not
    trump, at the end of the day, violations that go to the very
    core of the instability. My frustration with the State
    Department is that they always say, well, both sides should
    refrain.
        When there is an aggressor we should call out the
    aggressor, and I think it is--does not take a rocket scientist
    to figure out who is the aggressor, who has the ability to even
    be an aggressor in this conflict. It is Azerbaijan. Yet, we
    look the other way and we waive Section 907.
        How does the Administration answer the GAO study that
    clearly said that the State Department did not meet up to its
    responsibilities in determining whether such a waiver should
    take place, and how do you provide a waiver in the face of all
    of these atrocities being committed by Azerbaijan?
        Assistant Secretary Donfried.
        Ms. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, to your first point about
    the State Department looking the other way, we are working very
    hard to achieve a goal, I think, we share, which is a
    sustainable peace in the South Caucasus.
        As I noted in my opening testimony, we have seen over three
    decades of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and what we
    are hearing from both of those countries today is they both
    believe there is an historic opportunity for a sustainable
    peace in the region. That would be profoundly important for
    both of these countries and for the region as a whole.
        What we are trying to do is facilitate to the best of our
    abilities these two countries achieving that peace, and I am
    happy to go into detail about how we are doing that. That is
    our goal.
        The Chairman. Facilitating including just overlooking what
    Azerbaijan does?
        Ms. Donfried. Now let us come to your concern about our
    waiving 907. We welcomed the GAO's review of the Section 907
    waiver process and we took steps to implement the GAO's
    recommendations before making the decision to extend the waiver
    in June.
        I want to emphasize there is nothing automatic about either
    the waiver or about any subsequent----
        The Chairman. It looks pretty automatic to me.
        In the face of all of the facts, how does one justify a 907
    waiver? Is it humanly possible to say that Azerbaijan has not
    benefitted itself from the assistance we have given it in a way
    that gives it a clear edge against Armenia as it relates to its
    military promise?
        There is no way to say that. You cannot sit here with a
    straight face and say that.
        Ms. Donfried. We have looked at this with great care. We
    have asked all engaged in these programs whether they assess
    that there is an impact on the negotiations between Armenia and
    Azerbaijan, whether there is an assessment that U.S. assistance
    in some way undermines or hampers efforts to achieve a peaceful
    settlement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and to assure that
    any assistance we provide cannot be used for offensive purposes
    against Armenia----
        The Chairman. I have a great deal of respect for you, but
    you are losing my confidence when you make evasive remarks like
    that.
        What specific actions--I will close on this--has the Biden
    administration taken to directly help at-risk Armenians living
    in Nagorno-Karabakh?
        I want you to cite for me program descriptions, partner
    organizations, deliverables, budgets, other relevant details,
    because I think we are woefully under-serving the humanitarian
    needs of those who are facing the realities of this conflict.
        Ms. Donfried. I will turn that question to Ambassador
    Reeker, but I do on 907 want to be very clear that I do believe
    that assistance is in the national security interest of the
    U.S.
        We provide nonlethal border security that has provided
    significant results countering transnational threats from Iran
    and disrupting smuggling routes to the South Caucasus, Russia,
    and Europe.
        I do believe what that assistance is going to supports
    U.S.----
        The Chairman. Border security that allows Azerbaijan to
    actually infringe upon the actual borders of Armenia.
        Can you tell me what actions we are taking to help
    humanitarian assistance?
        Mr. Reeker. Mr. Chairman, in my context, focusing on this
    peace process, what is most noticeable is the terrible
    humanitarian toll, particularly from the conflict in 2020, and
    that still seems to be a challenge for many.
        The Department continues to work with relevant agencies to
    evaluate needs in the region and identify how best humanitarian
    assistance can be provided.
        It is important to note that in the Nagorno-Karabakh itself
    access is extremely limited. I have not been able to visit
    there on my trips in the past 2 months to the region.
        It is not currently possible for U.S. Government personnel
    to access the area and conduct needs assessments or monitor
    programs, but the United States has programmed substantial
    funding for humanitarian demining operations, something that
    Armenians have raised with us repeatedly as a great concern as
    well as Azerbaijanis who have lost a number of civilians to
    landmine injuries and deaths. That includes an announcement--I
    just have a note here of $2 million announced on September 11
    for that.
        I have met when I have been in the region with the ICRC
    representatives and UNHCR representatives based in Yerevan who
    are able to travel in and working with both of our embassies in
    the region, including also our embassy in Tbilisi, which has
    access in that area.
        The Department does continue to develop programs to
    strengthen and advance ties with peoples in the region to
    foster the conditions.
        The goal, of course, of my work and what the secretary and
    assistant secretary have asked me to do is focus on getting the
    sides to a peace agreement and they are at this historical
    moment where, perhaps, they can do that and prevent any more
    horrific scenes, any more suffering----
        The Chairman. I appreciate all the aspirations, but this is
    wholly unresponsive in terms of health care, food security,
    water. I cannot believe we do not have an answer.
        Senator Cardin.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank both
    of our witnesses.
        I have the honor of being the chair of the U.S. Helsinki
    Commission, which monitors our participation in the OSCE.
        Ambassador Reeker, I want to ask you a question. I have
    been listening to reports for 30 years on the Minsk Group at
    OCSE international meetings and it is a carbon copy report
    every year. It is 30 years plus. Is it time to end the Minsk
    Group?
        Mr. Reeker. Thanks, Senator Cardin.
        You and I have discussed the Minsk Group and OSCE. You are
    probably familiar with my great respect for the OSCE and the--
    what I call toolbox that it offers to the broad region and its
    57 participating states.
        As you note, the Minsk Group was created under a mandate by
    OSCE almost 30 years ago after the horrific wars of the
    nineties and the breakup of the Soviet Union. The United States
    is a co-chair, one of three with France and----
        Senator Cardin. Yes. I know the background on all this. My
    point is that Russia cannot really participate now because they
    are not even participating in the OSCE.
        Mr. Reeker. Right.
        Senator Cardin. Some of their members cannot even get to
    meetings because of the war in Ukraine. Does this give us an
    opportunity just to end this process through our leadership in
    the OSCE?
        Mr. Reeker. Well, I think that is--we have seen an
    evolution and that is what I have taken on board very much. I
    have met at the OSCE. The Minsk Group, as it is been known, is
    not functioning.
        The mandate remains--the goal of the mandate, of course,
    remains and OSCE operates by consensus. I keep in very close
    touch with the French colleague, with the EU, which is still
    involved in the region now, with other interested parties, the
    OSCE itself. Azerbaijan has simply said they will not deal with
    the Minsk Group anymore.
        Senator Cardin. I am not suggesting that we not stay
    engaged with OSCE and the potential peace process, but is it
    time to end the Minsk Group?
        Mr. Reeker. As I said, I think it has evolved to the point
    where, by consensus, we could end that mandate, but I think the
    mandate itself is quite useful.
        The Minsk Group co-chair process itself is really no longer
    functioning and we are participating with the parties
    themselves on their peace process.
        Senator Cardin. I just think it gives cover to Russia right
    now and it gives cover to those who do not want to move forward
    with peace. It is time, I think, for us to look at an effective
    way up.
        Secretary Donfried, I want to get to Georgia.
        Georgia is a strategic partner for the United States. I
    recognize that. We have seen incredible backsliding on
    democratic advancements so much so the EU differentiated
    between Ukraine and Moldova when it came to Georgia, which was
    a clear indication the EU sees the backsliding.
        We saw the criticism of our ambassador. We have seen the
    failure for judicial reform.
        What is our strategy in regards to Georgia advancing
    democratic institutions and how do we plan to make progress?
        Ms. Donfried. Thanks so much for bringing Georgia into the
    conversation.
        As you know, the United States has partnered closely with
    Georgia since its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991,
    and I think we have seen over those decades significant
    progress in Georgia in developing its Euro-Atlantic ties----
        Senator Cardin. Have we seen progress recently?
        Ms. Donfried. Based on that progress, we have had a
    strategic partnership with Georgia and what we have seen
    recently has been deeply concerning to us because we have seen
    democratic backsliding in Georgia.
        I will tell you, I was in Georgia on the day that the
    European Commission previewed the decision that was coming from
    the European Council the next week where Georgia would be given
    a European perspective and, as you noted, Ukraine and Moldova
    were given candidate status.
        It was so emotional in Georgia. I had a lunch with civil
    society actors who were in tears because Georgia, as you know,
    had been the front runner on this path to EU membership.
        What strikes me about Georgia is 85 percent of Georgians
    support these Euro-Atlantic aspirations and I think that puts
    pressure on the government, and what we have been doing is
    saying to the Georgian Government, we have joined hands with
    the European Union. The list of reforms they are saying you
    need to make to get candidate status we are all in on helping
    you make those reforms.
        We are still hopeful that there will be progress, but,
    absolutely, we are concerned about the lack of progress to
    date.
        You mentioned the just outrageous criticism of our
    Ambassador to Georgia, Kelly Degnan, and I want to say to the
    members here that she is a fantastic representative of the
    United States in Georgia and I will back her up any day of the
    week.
        We have talked to the Georgian Government about this, the
    Prime Minister has spoken to this, and while these are groups
    that are not part of the government, some of the groups who
    have been highly and wrongly critical of her have close ties to
    the government. We have made clear that that criticism will
    undermine the partnership we have had over time with----
        Senator Cardin. I agree with that. I would just underscore
    this point.
        Georgia is important to the United States, but the United
    States is critical to Georgia, and we need to make that clear
    in demonstratable progress towards these democratic goals.
        We need Georgia to be on a path to integration in Europe
    and we have to make that absolutely abundantly clear that it is
    very critically important for the continued support from the
    United States.
        Ms. Donfried. If I can just add, I think it is important to
    just remind all of us that Russia continues to occupy 20
    percent of Georgian territory and seeks to negatively impact
    Georgia's independence, its ties with the U.S., and its
    democracy.
        I do believe, as you just said, that our continued
    engagement and support is critical for Georgia's future and for
    the South Caucasus.
        Thanks.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Senator Kaine.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        I want to ask some questions about food security issues. On
    October 29, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia's suspension
    of its participation in the U.N. and Turkey brokered grain deal
    and he cited the Ukrainian drone attacks against Russian
    vessels in Russian-occupied Crimea.
        They agreed to resume participation on November 2, but that
    agreement is slated to expire on the 19 of November.
        I do not buy Putin's explanation for the withdrawing from
    the agreement in the first place because the Ukrainian drone
    attacks were on their own sovereign territory, which continues
    to be illegally occupied by Russia.
        Next week, Ukraine and the world observes the 90th
    anniversary of the Holodomor, a man-made famine caused by the
    Soviet Union that killed millions of Ukrainians in the 1930s.
        Senator Portman and I have a resolution currently under
    consideration by the SFRC to commemorate this event. As
    important as this grain deal is, we cannot forget that it is a
    workaround to a crisis that Vladimir Putin created.
        Secretary Donfried, what is your assessment on prospects to
    extend the grain deal past November 19?
        Ms. Donfried. Senator Kaine, thank you so much for your
    engagement on Ukraine and the related issues, including food
    security.
        We are deeply engaged in the ongoing negotiations to extend
    the grain agreement. We are cautiously optimistic, but we will
    see how this plays out in the end.
        As you noted, food insecurity is such a critical issue for
    so many countries around the world, and part of Ukraine's
    success in standing up to Russia and winning this war is
    keeping global opinion on Ukraine's side.
        We have seen how important that has been. Look at the most
    recent vote on Russia's illegal annexation of Ukrainian
    territory where 103 countries stood with Ukraine.
        I could not agree with you more about how critical this
    issue is. What we are seeing is continued Russian escalation.
    Yesterday, we saw the largest number of Russian missiles flying
    against Ukrainian cities that we have seen in this 8\1/2\-month
    course of the war.
        I think we want to continue to underscore that food
    insecurity. All of the negative ramifications of this war are a
    result of Russia's unprovoked invasion, and there is one person
    who can change that and it is Vladimir Putin.
        Senator Kaine. Putin is the one that can change it, but the
    U.S. can also play an important role in rebutting
    misinformation from the Russians.
        The Russians are indicating the U.S. sanctions are
    hindering its ability to export Russian grains and fertilizers.
    That is not the case. That is not what our sanctions do and
    there have actually been exports of both grain and fertilizer
    from Russia.
        What steps is State taking to counter Russian
    disinformation that is apparently convincing some nations in
    Africa and elsewhere that it is the U.S. sanctions that are
    causing this food crisis rather than Russian misbehavior?
        Ms. Donfried. You are absolutely right that Russian
    misinformation has been quite successful in wide swaths of the
    world, and we are doing our very best to rebut that through
    various mechanisms that State is using.
        We are also working very closely with our allies and
    partners on this. We are engaging actively with the African
    Union in various international fora and we are also encouraging
    the Ukrainians to engage directly with those countries to share
    the truth.
        I think--I will point again to that UNGA vote. I think we
    are having some success with this, but we need to do more
    because you see the number of countries that also abstained in
    that vote.
        We certainly do not think we have achieved success here. We
    need to keep engaging, on your point, that sanctions are not
    the cause of this--in fact, there are exemptions for food and
    fertilizer--and we also need to make clear that the United
    States is the largest provider of assistance to the World Food
    Programme, that we are actively working to get grain to these
    countries and, I think, given Russia's seeming hesitation to
    renew the Black Sea grain initiative, another indicator that
    Russia's top concern is not alleviating food insecurity around
    the world.
        Senator Kaine. Well, I hope we will use the Holodomor
    commemoration as an opportunity to really cast a spotlight on
    this. Essentially, it is a forced hunger issue that is being
    driven by Russia in the same way that the Soviet Union
    manufactured a famine in Ukraine that killed millions in the
    1930s.
        One last question, Secretary Donfried. I understand you
    recently traveled to Ukraine. Tell me about the morale of our
    Ukrainian partners but, particularly, the morale of our
    personnel at Embassy Kyiv.
        Ms. Donfried. Thank you so much for asking about my recent
    trip.
        I was the first government official who is not at the U.S.
    Embassy in Kyiv who was able to stay overnight in Kyiv, which
    meant I had two full days, which may not sound like that much,
    but it did give me the opportunity to meet with a much larger
    group of Ukrainian interlocutors, but also to spend more time
    with my colleagues at the embassy.
        In terms of the engagements with Ukrainian folks in
    government, civil society, others, I just came away so
    inspired. This is a country that is truly under attack, and
    there are so many things that distract us from what is
    happening in Ukraine.
        We should not be distracted from these unbelievably
    horrific attacks against the civilian energy infrastructure,
    and what Russia is not able to achieve on the battlefield it is
    trying to achieve by plunging Ukraine into cold and darkness
    this winter.
        The resilience of Ukrainians, but also the pluckiness--the
    foreign minister said to me, well, I have been taking cold
    showers, but I hear it is good for my skin--and their
    resilience in the face of this and it is because of the
    rightness of their cause.
        I was there to deliver President Biden's message that we
    are standing with you. You have our support across every sector
    for military, economic, humanitarian, governance, and we will
    stay with you until you prevail in this conflict.
        Embassy--morale at the embassy also very strong, but, boy,
    do I and all of us at the State Department owe a debt of
    gratitude to our colleagues who are there every day
    representing us so ably.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
        Mr. Chairman, I am over my time, but I appreciate your
    patience.
        The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Assistant
    Secretary Donfried and Ambassador Reeker, thank you both for
    being here and for all of your efforts, and thank you for that
    trip to Ukraine, Secretary Donfried.
        I also want to begin by thanking you and all of those at
    the State Department for your efforts to get the EUFOR mandate
    reauthorized at the U.N. for Bosnia. I know that that was a
    real effort and I was very pleased, as those of us who care
    about the Balkans were, to see that that was done and that
    Russia actually was willing to engage on that. Thank you very
    much for that.
        I want to follow up on Senator Cardin's questions about
    Georgia because I appreciate that Georgia is trying to play a
    positive role in Nagorno-Karabakh, but the reality, as you
    point out, is that there has been tremendous backsliding in
    Georgia and we provide considerable support to Georgia to
    support a reform agenda.
        I, for one, argued that maybe we should tie some of that
    aid to behavior on the part of Georgia, and I was persuaded by
    State Department officials and House members in the last round
    of budget negotiations that maybe that was not a good thing to
    do.
        I think maybe it is--we need to think about whether it is
    time to rethink our strategy on Georgia. Can you respond to
    that?
        Ms. Donfried. Well, let me begin by thanking you for all
    you have done in the Western Balkans and--you and colleagues,
    and there was broad bipartisan support for an extension of that
    EUFOR mandate. I really think it was a shared success.
        We have a lot of challenges still in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
    but to have that continued security presence, absolutely, share
    the view of how critical it was.
        On Georgia, there, too, there has been broad bipartisan
    engagement on the Hill in Georgia that, I think, makes an
    important difference.
        I think it is always a good thing to assess policy. Very
    open to having that conversation in greater detail with you.
        You know the reasons why we wanted to stay the course at
    this point in time. We have voiced our strong concerns about
    some of the troubling statements and behaviors that we are
    seeing from some Georgian politicians.
        As I noted, I do not think those are indicative of the
    majority of Georgian people. We are----
        Senator Shaheen. I do not want to interrupt.
        Ms. Donfried. Yes. No, go ahead.
        Senator Shaheen. I certainly agree with you on that, but
    the fact is that the current Georgian Government said that
    candidate status was a key commitment that it was going to
    make. It said that to the public of Georgia. It said that to
    the United States and the European community, and they,
    clearly, have reneged on that commitment.
        I think it is important for us to think about the options
    that we have to try and hold them accountable for that, to let
    them know that there are consequences and some of those
    consequences may be the kind of assistance that we are willing
    to provide.
        I totally agree that the Georgian people are not the ones
    at fault here. It is their government, but at some point, they
    need to demand from their government more accountability.
        I will just--I am going to--I want to switch to another
    topic, but I will leave it at that and I hope that we might be
    able to engage in the future in a longer discussion about that
    because I do think we have to think of other ways in which we
    can help incentivize behavior because what we are doing now
    does not seem to be working.
        On the Black Sea region, writ large, as I am sure you are
    aware, Senator Romney and I introduced legislation to try and
    encourage the development of a strategy for the Black Sea
    region.
        I think one of the things we have seen from the war in
    Ukraine is just how important that whole region is and how
    having a coordinated strategy toward the region is really
    important.
        I wonder if you can share with us what the Department is
    thinking, whether you have that kind of a strategy, whether you
    are looking to develop something more and what you are thinking
    about in terms of our approach.
        Ms. Donfried. Well, thank you for that question and thank
    you for your work on this as well.
        There is no question that Russia's brutal invasion of
    Ukraine has focused all of us on the Black Sea region and
    thinking about the way forward there.
        Of course, NATO has taken very seriously the threat posed
    by Russia to our allies that border the Black Sea and, of
    course, U.S. force posture in the region looks very different
    today than it did before February 24.
        I think there is no question that the way we are thinking
    about the region and we are thinking about the critical
    importance of U.S. engagement is different than it was before
    this war.
        I will say right now our focus is on ensuring Ukraine
    prevails in this war because in many ways that is going to be
    foundational for how we think about Black Sea strategy, but
    very much welcome your work and your ideas on this and I can
    assure you that is something we are very focused on.
        Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen. Just to follow up, is there an effort to
    develop a more comprehensive strategy and, if so, do you have
    any timetable in mind for when you--I appreciate that item
    number one has to be the war in Ukraine, but what else are we
    doing and what is the time frame?
        Ms. Donfried. We are focused on it. I do not have a time
    frame for you.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Senator Murphy.
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Good to
    see you both.
        I wanted to ask a broad question about Turkey's role in the
    region. Obviously, we know their historic role backing
    Azerbaijan. There does not appear to be evidence that they
    explicitly supported Azerbaijan's latest provocations.
        They have also begun an interesting dialogue with Armenia
    that could, ultimately, be very important with Russia's
    preoccupation in Ukraine.
        Turkey, obviously, has a vacuum that they can fill. They
    have been more active than ever since 2020.
        Talk a little bit, if you would, Secretary Donfried, about
    Turkey's role in the region and specifically on this question
    of Turkey-Armenia normalization.
        What is the role that the United States can play to
    facilitate that? Are we best to just sit back and watch? Is
    there some kind of active role that we can play?
        Ms. Donfried. Well, thanks a lot for that question, Senator
    Murphy, and you are right to have us think about the other
    actors in the region and Turkey is a critical one.
        You are right to remark on the close relationship between
    Turkey and Azerbaijan, but I also appreciate your focus on
    Turkey-Armenia relations.
        We very much support normalization between Armenia and
    Turkey and we have spoken at length with the Turks about this,
    and I do believe there is a deep Turkish commitment to move
    forward on this, which also augurs well for broader peace in
    the region.
        What we have seen is both Turkey and Armenia have appointed
    special envoys for normalization and they have met multiple
    times. They have agreed on initial confidence-building
    measures.
        We are encouraging both sides to move forward on those.
    They need to implement the measures that they have agreed to.
        Our role here is one of encouraging that and we are hopeful
    that we will see progress because I do think it is part of the
    puzzle of the South Caucasus about how you get to a sustainable
    peace in the region.
        Senator Murphy. Let me just ask a question. I am sorry if
    it has been covered already.
        Obviously, the backdrop to our relationship with Azerbaijan
    is their increasing role as a supplier of energy to neighbors
    and into Europe. I have often thought that we have gotten the
    balance wrong when it comes to promoting human rights and
    democracy in countries that have large oil reservoirs.
        This is a country that now has more pipeline capacity than
    it did 10 or 20 years ago. What is the sort of future of
    Azerbaijani energy with respect to diversifying away from
    Russian energy in and around the region and how does this
    factor into the decisions that we make about how to approach
    some of these thornier issues of Azerbaijani conduct in the
    region?
        Ms. Donfried. The energy picture in Europe, as we have all
    seen over the past 8\1/2\ months, has changed fundamentally.
        The United States for a long time has been arguing that
    Russia is not a reliable supplier of energy for Europe. Not all
    of our European allies and partners agreed with that assessment
    prior to February 24. I would say all of them today agree with
    that assessment.
        We have long been a voice promoting energy diversification
    and we are seeing all of these countries that were overly
    dependent on Russia looking for other sources, and in that
    context, Azerbaijan is playing a very important role and I
    think will continue to play a very important role.
        That said, it does not mean that we turn a blind eye to our
    concerns about human rights in Azerbaijan, and I said it in my
    opening statement, I will say it again, we regularly urge
    Azerbaijan's government to respect human rights and the
    fundamental freedoms necessary to realize the full potential of
    Azerbaijan's people.
        I believe it is in our national security interest for us to
    be promoting human rights and democracy in Azerbaijan and we
    will continue to do so.
        Thanks.
        Senator Murphy. Thank you for that. I will not ask a
    question. I am running out of time.
        I will just note, I just left this committee meeting to
    meet with the relatively new leader of one of the opposition
    parties in Kosovo, who is in town, who I think maybe got the
    chance to see Deputy Secretary Escobar.
        On the other side of the Black Sea are the Balkan region.
    We have got some real potential bumps in the road coming up
    with the implementation of the license plate agreement in
    Kosovo.
        Again, I would just urge the Department to play as active a
    role as possible in the continued discussions between Serbia
    and Kosovo. We, for a long time, for good reason have relied on
    the Europeans to take the lead, the Germans specifically.
        I think that there is more reason now than ever for the
    United States to step in. I do not think you will see as active
    or as effective diplomacy from Europe and the need has never
    been greater, given what could happen in the coming months in
    the Serb regions of Kosovo.
        So, again, just a plea to maintain real direct involvement
    from the State Department in those very tricky negotiations and
    talks.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank both of
    you for being here and for your service.
        Secretary Donfried, let me just start on Armenia and
    Azerbaijan.
        Back in April of this year, the Armenian prime minister was
    speaking to the parliament in which many people [inaudible] and
    yet, in September we saw a unilateral attack of Azerbaijan on
    territory of Armenia, and I guess my first question is just a
    [inaudible].
        [Inaudible] is our assessment that that was a unilateral
    unprovoked attack by Azerbaijan on Armenians. Is that right?
        Ms. Donfried. I do not believe we have said that.
        Senator Van Hollen. Do we have a different assessment?
        Ms. Donfried. I think all of these things are complicated,
    and our focus has been on how do we try to move these two
    countries to a peace agreement after 30 years of conflict.
        Senator Van Hollen. I guess my question, though--I
    understand, but we did have a--we did see Azerbaijan attack
    Armenia, and is it your testimony today that that was in
    response to an Armenian attack on Azerbaijan?
        Ms. Donfried. My response to that would be that at that
    time in September when we spoke to both parties our focus was
    on stopping the violence. I do think we played an important
    role in that violence being stopped and our goal is to continue
    to encourage both sides to negotiate a sustainable peace.
        Senator Van Hollen. With all due respect, that did not
    respond to the question, but we will follow up with respect to
    the situation.
        Has Azerbaijan suffered any consequences in terms of U.S.
    policy as a result of the attack [inaudible].
        Ms. Donfried. Again, what we--our focus here is on--first,
    let me just say I agree with you about the importance of the
    speech that Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan gave in April. I
    think it was a very brave speech and I think it was very
    important in encouraging the peace process.
        We are in very close touch with both sides and, as I said
    in my testimony, I think our relationship with Armenia is
    probably better than it has ever been, and we are taking our
    cues from the parties about how we can be most helpful in
    moving this peace process forward.
        There are many elements of it. There is a peace treaty that
    the foreign ministers are leading on. The Armenian Prime
    Minister's speech in April was so important because it related
    to the future of Nagorno-Karabakh and what he was saying is
    putting a focus on the rights and security of the local
    Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.
        Senator Van Hollen. No, I recognize that. I thought it was
    an important speech, too.
        Ms. Donfried. Yes, and then we have got----
        Senator Van Hollen. It was followed in September by this
    attack.
        Look, I am glad that we are playing an important role.
    [Inaudible] agree with Senator Cardin that it is a process.
        By all accounts, at least for these purposes.
        [Inaudible] in terms of negotiations?
        Mr. Reeker. Senator, I am glad you asked because it is what
    I try to determine almost every day as I engage on this with
    Assistant Secretary Donfried's help and guidance, and, of
    course, Secretary Blinken has played an incredible role. He
    just spoke with both leaders over the last 2 days even as he is
    traveling in Asia to follow up on the engagements last week.
        Now, what was very interesting about the engagements of the
    foreign ministers last week, which were bilateral engagements
    that we hosted and facilitated at Blair House to underscore for
    them our willingness, our desire, to provide whatever we can in
    terms of assistance for them to make their project on their
    peace agreement, was that, at the end of the day, they came out
    with a joint statement, which was the first time they had done
    it.
        That may not sound like a lot from State Department people
    who put out statements all the time, but this was a remarkable
    thing, and the two leaders--the two foreign ministers left and
    left their press guys, as it were, to work it out. They did it
    in just 40 minutes, which was, again, remarkable. I had heard
    of an effort to put out a statement after the Border Commission
    meeting in Brussels the previous week that took 3\1/2\ hours.
        There is a little bit of progress there. There is broad
    agreement coming out of that historic speech of Prime Minister
    Pashinyan's, which, really, I called a profile in courage, to
    look at this in a new way.
        They have agreed on five broad principles toward a peace
    agreement. The Armenians want to include a sixth principle in
    there, which is to make sure that Nagorno-Karabakh is
    addressed, that the rights and securities are addressed.
        Obviously, that is something that has to be discussed
    between the people in Nagorno-Karabakh and Baku as well, and I
    have underscored that there should be an international
    mechanism to do that.
        You are absolutely right, Senator, and as Senator Cardin
    said, the Minsk Group process has not been functioning. The
    Minsk Group mandate and its ideal remains relevant and the goal
    of that is right.
        I think it is not important to focus on names and what we
    do with the so-called Minsk Group. The Russian colleague, for
    instance, has never been in touch with me.
        Rather, let us do what we can, working with the two sides
    bilaterally, trilaterally, as the Secretary did, bringing them
    together here, working with the European Union, which has been
    really remarkable in bringing the leaders together because that
    is where the tough decisions are going to have to be made.
        After last week, they have pledged to get back with another
    round of discussion of ideas, proposed development of a draft
    peace agreement, and the foreign ministers to meet again.
        I expect the leaders will meet again. The progress is drip,
    drip, drip, as we know, but it is really quite remarkable what
    I have seen just in less than 3 months in this capacity.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you both.
        The Chairman. Senator Booker.
        Senator Booker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Obviously, the war in Ukraine is having an impact on
    [inaudible] Russia's ability to just maintain and sustain their
    military presence in Georgia and, obviously, there it is all
    peacekeepers in the areas in Azerbaijan and [inaudible]
        I guess I am wondering what the impact is overall of the
    war on their ability to influence that region as well.
        Mr. Reeker. Senator, I am glad you raised that because we
    talked about the region--the South Caucasus--being a geographic
    crossroads. It is really where history and geography meet at a
    crossroads, and at this moment in history you are seeing this
    unique situation where Russia, which cannot be excluded from
    the broad equation--geography tells you that and history tells
    you that--they play a role. They have been involved.
        Obviously, the impact of their actions against Ukraine has
    made an impression on Azerbaijan as well as Armenia and,
    certainly, Georgia, which, as we mentioned earlier, is still 20
    percent occupied. Their land is occupied, and we underscore
    every day our strong support for Georgia's full territorial
    integrity and sovereignty and independence.
        I think it is an area where both Armenia and Azerbaijan are
    actually seeing they have mutual concerns. We are not a part of
    nor were we involved in the actual peace agreement--that
    ceasefire, to put it more correctly--that was reached with the
    Russians' tripartite agreement, they called it, in November
    2020. We welcomed the end of hostilities, but that included
    peacekeepers in those regions.
        Now, we have seen with the violence in September that those
    peacekeepers were, in many ways, nowhere to be seen and I think
    that has been a question of concern for both sides.
        A comprehensive settlement----
        Senator Booker. You link that to the fact that they are
    draining resources [inaudible] military resources?
        Mr. Reeker. I cannot make that link myself as an analyst,
    but I think one could see that even when Putin sent
    peacekeepers there in 2020 we know now that he obviously had
    other plans for his troops in mind, and the responsibilities he
    took on in the South Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh along the
    Armenian-Azerbaijani border obviously are affected by that.
        Senator Booker. We see that Russia is obviously involved in
    trying to undermine democracy. [inaudible] Madagascar to the EU
    and I am wondering as we are watching the backsliding
    [inaudible] it really concerns a number of my colleagues in
    Georgia, are they involved in ongoing efforts to undermine
    democratic norms?
        Mr. Reeker. As mentioned, I lead our delegation to the
    Geneva international discussions, which focus on the issue of
    Russia's occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which are
    integral parts of Georgia.
        Russia made a lot of commitments under the 2008 ceasefire
    agreement and they have not lived up to those commitments. They
    committed to withdraw their forces. We know that they interfere
    in politics. We have seen it, of course, in our own country.
        They have pledged to allow unfettered access, for instance,
    for delivery of humanitarian assistance into Abkhazia and South
    Ossetia. They have not done that.
        This is a challenge for Georgia. The Geneva international
    discussions did hold a session in October and the Russians did
    show up. They were able to get themselves to Geneva for that,
    and the Georgians, I think, were pleased that we could show
    that we continue to stand by that process.
        Senator Booker. If I can interrupt because I would like to
    get one more question in. My team and I have been looking a lot
    at the food insecurity issue as it relates to the conflict in
    Ukraine.
        Obviously, Georgia is an area where we [inaudible] that are
    clearly undermined by the Russian influence. I am wondering how
    has the ability to build capacity for wheat production in
    Georgia as it sort of relates to our ability [inaudible] in a
    crisis and are we involved in deeper efforts to try to promote
    that domestic wheat production?
        Ms. Donfried. I cannot go deep on this, but I can tell you
    that Cary Fowler, who is the food envoy at the State
    Department, is incredibly knowledgeable on this and I know is
    doing a lot of work on it. We certainly can circle back and get
    you more information on that.
        Senator Booker. Appreciate that. Thank you.
        The Chairman. As Senator Markey takes a seat, it is his
    turn.
        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
        September, I sent a letter with my colleagues to
    Secretaries Blinken and Austin asking them to prevent any U.S.
    security assistance from going to Azerbaijan until Armenia and
    Azerbaijan reached a permanent lasting resolution to ensure
    peace and stability in Nagorno-Karabakh.
        We also requested answers to several questions that I have
    not yet received answers to so I will pose them to you now.
        One, is the U.S. Government currently providing any
    security assistance to Azerbaijan?
        Ms. Donfried. As you referenced, in June of this year we
    did decide to extend the waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom
    Support Act and so we are providing assistance to Azerbaijan
    through that mechanism.
        Senator Markey. What is that assistance?
        Ms. Donfried. That assistance goes to several things. It
    strengthens interoperability among the U.S., NATO, and
    Azerbaijani peacekeeping forces.
        It increases the Western education and orientation of
    Azerbaijani officers. It helps secure Azerbaijan's 475-mile
    border with Iran and it provides security for energy sources
    critical for our allies in Europe.
        Senator Markey. Then what are those energy resources?
        Ms. Donfried. That would be, and actually we have seen an
    increase of, Azerbaijani oil and gas flowing to Europe as they
    diversify away from Russia.
        Senator Markey. Okay. That waiver was granted when?
        Ms. Donfried. In June.
        Senator Markey. In June.
        Has the U.S. Government taken steps to assess whether any
    Azerbaijani units who currently receive or have received in the
    past U.S. security assistance engaged in recent fighting
    against Armenia?
        Ms. Donfried. Yes. First, I just want to emphasize there is
    nothing automatic about this waiver. We assess it every year.
        We benefited from the GAO review of the Section 907 waiver
    process and have implemented those recommendations, and all of
    our assistance is carefully calibrated to make sure it does not
    undermine or hamper efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement
    between Armenia and Azerbaijan and to ensure that any
    assistance we provide cannot be used for offensive purposes
    against Armenia.
        Senator Markey. You have established that as a fact?
        Ms. Donfried. Yes, we have. Yes.
        Senator Markey. Ambassador Reeker, do you believe that
    Russia's influence in the region and in Armenia in particular
    is waning and what should the United States do to capitalize on
    any opportunities to increase our own presence and influence in
    the region?
        Mr. Reeker. Thanks for that question, Senator, because I do
    think Russia's actions in Ukraine--their attack there have made
    publics, let alone governments, across the South Caucasus more
    wary of Russia--Putin's intentions.
        The Russian engagement in Armenia has not helped the
    Armenians and their cause, and I think the question that--and
    we see that again at public levels as well--I think what we
    want to do is underscore our dedication to working with the
    countries bilaterally and in multilateral fora to promote this
    lasting peace because I think there is a realization that,
    while Russia remains part of the geographic equation, that it
    is the two countries coming to a full peace agreement, an end
    to violence, and then also with Georgia working to create
    synergies across that critical South Caucasus between the Black
    Sea and the Caspian Sea where you have energy resources. You
    have infrastructure opportunities. You have great trade
    opportunities. You have agriculture opportunities.
        This can be a food basket for much of the world. Tourism--
    these are all things that they can do once they have achieved
    this comprehensive piece, and I think both leaders at this
    moment see that there is an opportunity for a whole new chapter
    and history there.
        Senator Markey. Have you concluded that Russia's influence
    is waning in Armenia?
        Mr. Reeker. I think it is something you have to watch very
    closely. I do not like leaping to any conclusions.
        The Russians remain active. They have historic ties. The
    CSTO remains a structure which has not lived up to Armenia's
    expectations as a member of that. They remain active
    diplomatically. Putin hosted the two leaders in Sochi just a
    couple of weeks ago.
        We want to encourage the leaders to get together and make
    their own decisions. I think it is important that our embassies
    are robust. They need to be led by ambassadors there on the
    ground to increase the engagement that we can do.
        In my capacity, I travel regularly. I will be going again
    in another week to the region to continue to show what the U.S.
    wants and how we can support their efforts.
        Senator Markey. In your view, what can a peace agreement
    between Azerbaijan and Armenia do to fully guarantee the rights
    and security of the Armenian people in Nagorno-Karabakh?
        Mr. Reeker. I think that is really the heart of a question
    that we have to pay attention to. That is where Prime Minister
    Pashinyan has been very clear that it is not about territory,
    it is about security and about rights.
        President Aliyev has acknowledged that publicly and in
    conversations I have had with him and other colleagues have had
    with him. That is important, and to do that fully, as I
    mentioned in my testimony and as I stress every day, they need
    to consider how they can engage a mechanism, an international
    effort, to support, to monitor, to offer help, and it can have
    an economic component and capacity as well, to make sure that
    those people have an opportunity to define what security and
    rights means and to see that that is implemented.
        It takes time, but we are at a crucial moment where, I
    think, there is a new and unique opportunity to try to get that
    right.
        Senator Markey. Okay. Great.
        Secretary Donfried, just, finally, in your earlier
    testimony you stated that the State Department has taken steps
    to implement the GAO recommendations before extending the 907
    waiver for Azerbaijan assistance.
        Can you please explain in more detail the steps that were
    taken?
        Ms. Donfried. Absolutely.
        Thank you, Senator.
        The State Department requested and received input from
    agencies about all ongoing assistance programs, the potential
    impact of those programs on the peace process, and the
    implementing agencies' and partners' assessments of potential
    applicability of the Section 907 waiver prior to recommending
    renewal of the waiver this year.
        The State Department then completed an assessment as to
    whether any of these programs had an impact or could have an
    impact on the negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
        This assessment was transmitted to Congress as part of the
    June 2022 waiver determination, and then in the follow-on, 60-
    day report the State Department and the Department of Defense
    evaluated each ongoing assistance program to ensure there was
    no impact on either the military balance or on peace
    negotiations between the two countries.
        Senator Markey. Thank you.
        Ms. Donfried. Thanks.
        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Well, let me just say as we come to a close here I will
    charitably say that this is one of the most disappointing
    hearings I have ever held, but it has crystallized some things
    for me.
        One, is it seems to me that the United States is in bed
    with Azerbaijan.
        Assistant Secretary Donfried, you said we urge Azerbaijan
    to observe human rights, yet we give it money and they continue
    to do what they want. Money is fungible. Whether it is direct
    assistance that can hurt Armenia or not, money is fungible.
    They are not using that money--they would have to use other
    money that they have for other things that we give them money
    for.
        I heard you say that in response to, I think, it was
    Senator Markey's question that what we were urging them to do
    is to stop the violence, but you have to recognize when there
    is an aggressor.
        If I am the recipient of the violence and you are urging
    both sides to stop the violence, but it is one side that is the
    aggressor you should direct your comments to the aggressor.
        We seem incapable of doing that. We have done nothing to
    verify the videos and the evidence of cluster munitions, of
    white phosphorus, of--which are illegal. We have done nothing
    to verify the videos of the execution of Armenian soldiers, the
    abuse of female Armenian soldiers. We have done nothing. I
    asked you, are you aware of the videos. Yes. Well, did we do
    anything to verify them? No.
        You come to a hearing in which you cannot even tell me with
    any degree of specificity what humanitarian assistance we are
    providing.
        It is totally, totally unacceptable, and you can tell the
    Secretary I will be looking for ways to express my
    dissatisfaction.
        Let me conclude by asking unanimous consent to have Ranking
    Member Risch's opening statement included in the record as at
    the opening of the hearing.
        Without objection, so ordered.

    [Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found
    at the beginning of this hearing.]

        The Chairman. And unanimous consent that the testimony,
    ``The Armenian-American Community and U.S. Policy Priorities in
    the Caucasus'' submitted by the Armenian National Committee of
    America be entered into the record.
        Without objection, it shall also be submitted.

    [Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found
    in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section
    at the end of this hearing.]

        The Chairman. With that, the record for this hearing will
    remain open until the close of business on Thursday, November
    17. Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted
    no later than Thursday.
        This hearing is adjourned.
        [Whereupon, at 11:22 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried and Mr. Philip Reeker to
                 Questions Submitted by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Armenia-Azerbaijan: There is serious concern for the
    well-being of ethnic Armenians living in Azerbaijan-controlled Nagorno-
    Karabakh
        Does the U.S. believe that specific rights or legal status should
    be guaranteed to ethnic Armenians living there?

        Answer. Armenia has acknowledged that a conversation between the
    representatives of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the
    Azerbaijani Government is essential for securing the rights and
    security of the ethnic Armenian population. The State Department
    continues to raise the need for rights and security for the population
    of Nagorno-Karabakh in every engagement--including with President
    Aliyev.
        The United States has long supported the Helsinki Final Act (1975)
    principles of Non-Use of Force, Territorial Integrity, and the Equal
    Rights and Self-Determination of Peoples. While these can serve as
    guiding principles, the parties to the conflict need to have an honest,
    open conversation about rights and security and reach an agreement that
    is acceptable to all sides. This is not something the United States or
    any outside party can or should decide for them.

        Question. If so, what specific rights or legal status should they
    be guaranteed?

        Answer. The ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh is
    entitled to human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to security. The
    State Department will continue to press Azerbaijan to explain and
    clarify to this population and the international community, in a way
    that is transparent and verifiable, how this population will be
    protected.

        Question. The U.S. has supported productive border control
    negotiations between Turkey and Armenia. What barriers remain before
    Turkey and Armenia can come to an agreement to open up their borders to
    each other?

        Answer. The United States strongly supports Armenia-Turkey
    normalization, which would be good for the entire region.
        Both Turkey and Armenia have appointed special envoys for
    normalization. These envoys have met multiple times and agreed on some
    initial confidence-building measures. While more needs to be done to
    advance these negotiations and to implement agreed measures, we commend
    both Armenia and Turkey for taking initial steps in this direction.

        Question. Russia's war in Ukraine has diminished its ability to
    project power in the South Caucasus as it has in recent years. What
    role have we seen the Russian ``peacekeepers'' play in Nagorno-
    Karabakh?

        Answer. The United States was not involved in the November 9, 2020,
    ceasefire brokered by Russia between Armenia and Azerbaijan that
    resulted in the deployment of Russian ``peacekeepers'' to the region
    for a term of 5 years.
        A comprehensive settlement to the conflict between Armenia and
    Azerbaijan that addresses rights and security and resolves other
    outstanding issues would obviate the need for Russian ``peacekeepers''
    to remain in the area.
        We have seen nothing to indicate that the Russian military presence
    in Armenia played a mediating role in fighting that broke out in
    Nagorno-Karabakh in March or along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in
    September.

        Question. Has the role of Russian ``peacekeepers'' in Nagorno-
    Karabakh changed since Russia invaded Ukraine?

        Answer. Like the Russia-brokered ceasefire, we have little
    visibility into the Russian ``peacekeepers'' actions in Nagorno-
    Karabakh.
        Armenia and Azerbaijan have both complained publicly about Russian
    ``peacekeeper'' responsiveness to developments in and around Nagorno-
    Karabakh.

        Question. If so, how has their role changed?

        Answer. Because we were not party to the 2020 ceasefire and do not
    have direct access to the region patrolled by Russian peacekeepers, we
    are not in a position to assess any change in their behavior since
    February 2022.

        Question. Georgia: After making clear progress for many years,
    Georgia's democracy appears to be backsliding rapidly.
        What else can the U.S. do to rebuild electoral, judicial, and press
    freedom in Georgia?

        Answer. We share your concerns and raise these issues repeatedly in
    our meetings with Georgian officials. We continue to press Georgian
    officials to reverse backsliding and strengthen democratic institutions
    and processes in Georgia. For too long, elections in Georgia have been
    marred by allegations of pressure, intimidation, and vote buying. This
    problem has worsened in recent elections. It is also clear that judges
    are vulnerable to political pressure from within and outside the
    judiciary on cases involving politically sensitive subjects or
    individuals. Deeper and systemic electoral and judicial reforms, and
    the effective implementation of reforms, are needed to level the
    playing field and introduce transparency, independence, impartiality,
    and accountability. Reforms fostering a truly independent, impartial
    judiciary also would help to improve respect for freedom of expression,
    including for journalists and media outlets.
        Our Ambassador and her team at Embassy Tbilisi are employing
    diplomatic engagement, capacity building, and assistance programs to
    address these issues. We are evaluating all available tools and forms
    of leverage to push Georgia's governing party to conduct and implement
    these reforms inclusively and transparently.

        Question. How will the State Department confront the lies about our
    diplomats and the United States' intentions for Georgia?

        Answer. As we've said before, these kinds of false accusations
    against the United States and our Ambassador in Tbilisi are damaging to
    our bilateral relations and, frankly, are not how friends talk to one
    another. They also raise questions regarding the underlying goals and
    motivations of those casting the false accusations, as well as those
    who stand behind them. Neither the United States nor Georgia benefits
    from the propagation of unfounded accusations that appear designed to
    weaken the bond between the United States, arguably Georgia's strongest
    partner in the face of Russian aggression, and Georgia. We have voiced
    our strong concerns to Georgians at the most senior levels about the
    troubling statements that we have recently heard from some Georgian
    politicians. Fortunately, these statements do not appear to be
    indicative of the views of the majority of the people of Georgia.
    Washington fully supports Ambassador Degnan and her committed team at
    Embassy Tbilisi, and we remain a firm strategic partner to the people
    of Georgia, as we have been for three decades.

        Question. What role should the U.S. play, if any, in helping
    Georgia achieve an EU membership perspective?

        Answer. The European Council's unanimous decision to grant European
    perspective status to Georgia is an important step, which recognizes
    the European aspirations of the Georgian people. This step keeps
    Georgia on the path to EU membership, and the security, prosperity, and
    western integration that comes with it. We continue to press Georgia's
    government to undertake the meaningful reforms called for by the
    European Commission.
        The road to EU candidate status is clear and achievable. We
    continue to strongly urge the government to seize this opportunity and
    work with stakeholders across Georgian society to enact and implement
    the necessary steps as laid out by the European Commission, to achieve
    the European future the Georgian people desire, and to fulfill the
    commitment to European integration enshrined in the Georgian
    constitution and repeatedly promised by Georgia's government. In
    addition, many of our assistance programs in areas such as democratic
    development, rule of law, and a human-rights based approach to law
    enforcement also support the same goals as the European Commission's
    recommendations.
        We've also voiced our concerns publicly and privately about some of
    the government's actions, including stalling or moving backward on
    important democratic reforms. Georgian Government authorities have
    created setbacks to the clear, overwhelming aspirations of the people
    of Georgia for EU membership and for broader Euro-Atlantic integration.
    These actions have deepened polarization within Georgian society rather
    than unify the country. We continue to message to the Georgian
    Government and people the need to overcome this polarization and work
    together for the future well-being of their country.

        Question. Foreign Influence: What is the U.S. doing to stop bad
    actors like Iran and China from taking advantage of Russia's current
    lack of ability and loss of influence in the region?

        Answer. We recognize Armenia's and Azerbaijan's delicate geographic
    position vis-a-vis Iran and have consistently encouraged both countries
    to assess Iran's intentions in the region comprehensively, and to
    proceed with caution in all dealings involving the Iranian regime.
        While the PRC continues to seek inroads into Azerbaijan and Armenia
    due to its geostrategic neighborhood and its location at regional trade
    crossroads, the PRC has a limited presence.
        The PRC is active in Azerbaijan's information and communication
    technology (ICT) sector, through vaccine diplomacy, and through other
    soft power initiatives like Confucius Institutes. Azerbaijan has not
    signed agreements incurring debt from the PRC, nor are there any large-
    scale PRC investments in Azerbaijan.
        In Armenia, our priority is to establish fair and reciprocal
    economic relationships that do not disadvantage American companies and
    advocate for passage and implementation of robust investment screening
    legislation to safeguard regional security and data privacy.

        Question. Iran: What is your assessment of Azerbaijan-Iran
    relations and its impact on U.S. national security?

        Answer. Azerbaijan pursues a pragmatic foreign policy towards Iran,
    with which it shares a 475-mile border. Iran has a large ethnic Azeri
    population, which shares linguistic and cultural ties with Azerbaijan.
    Azerbaijan-Iran relations are currently tense, in part due to concern
    over Iranian attempts to export its ideology to other Shia-majority
    countries including Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan's growing defense and energy
    ties with Israel are an irritant in its bilateral relationship with
    Iran. The aspirational International North-South Transportation
    Corridor, which would connect Russian and Azerbaijani rail networks to
    Iranian ports, remains incomplete. Iran and Russia are reportedly
    negotiating funding a key portion of the rail network in Iran.
        Azerbaijan supports U.S. security interests as a key partner in
    counterterrorism and anti-narcotic activities along its southern border
    with Iran.

        Question. What is your assessment of Armenia-Iran relations and its
    impact on U.S. national security?

        Answer. We are aware of efforts by Iran to make headway in the
    South Caucasus by expanding its political, security, and economic
    presence.
        While we recognize Armenia's delicate geographic position vis-a-vis
    Iran, we consistently encourage Armenia to assess Iran's intentions in
    the region comprehensively, and to proceed with caution in all dealings
    involving the Iranian regime. Armenia has also committed repeatedly to
    fully complying with all U.S. sanctions, including against Iran, and
    has demonstrated good faith in these efforts. While Armenia and Iran
    enjoy cordial relations, their ties are mostly official and
    declarative. Iran cannot offer the types of partnerships the United
    States can in the economic, political, security, and people-to-people
    spheres.

        Question. We provide security assistance to Azerbaijan for border
    security along the Azerbaijan-Iran border. What benefit does this
    security assistance provide to U.S. national security interests?

        Answer. Azerbaijan is an important counterterrorism partner, and it
    occupies a difficult geographic space between Russia and Iran. In prior
    years, DoD has allocated section 333 funds (Train and Equip) to
    Azerbaijan, though it has not done so since FY 2020. Section 333
    assistance is designed in part to assist our partners in countering
    terrorism and ensuring border security, and it is therefore a uniquely
    valuable assistance tool to advance U.S. interests and national
    security in the South Caucasus region. Section 333 assistance in
    Azerbaijan has focused on maritime security in the Caspian Sea and
    enhancing security along Azerbaijan's southern border with Iran.
        U.S. non-lethal border security assistance along Azerbaijan's
    southern border with Iran--including x-ray systems, radiation
    detectors, and training for inspecting trucks and railcars--has
    produced results: Azerbaijani officials have reported an increase in
    interdictions along the southern border, impeding the narcotics
    smuggling that reportedly funds Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard
    Corps, an entity designated by the Department as a Foreign Terrorist
    Organization. The State Customs Committee announced the interdiction of
    more than 2,000 kg (4,400 lbs.) of narcotics along the southern border
    in 2021--seizures that officials directly attributed to USG-provided
    scanners and other border security equipment. They are on track to
    exceed that total this year.

        Question. What would happen if we withdrew our security assistance
    to Azerbaijan?

        Answer. The U.S. provides assistance on terms that clarify both the
    intended purposes and the limitations of the use of such assistance.
    The interagency continuously reviews and monitors U.S. foreign
    assistance provided to the Government of Azerbaijan for both in-country
    and regional impact.
        The United States calibrates all its security assistance to
    Azerbaijan to ensure that it is not usable for offensive purposes
    against Armenia and does not undermine or hamper ongoing efforts to
    negotiate a long-term political settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh
    conflict.
        U.S. security assistance to Azerbaijan strengthens interoperability
    among the U.S., NATO, and Azerbaijani peacekeeping forces, increases
    the western education and orientation of Azerbaijani officers, helps
    secure Azerbaijan's 475-mile border with Iran, and provides security
    for energy sources critical for our allies in Europe.
        Our non-lethal border security assistance has produced significant
    results countering transnational threats from Iran and disrupting
    smuggling routes to the South Caucasus, Russia, and Europe.
        A notable success from this assistance includes over 6,000 pounds
    of narcotics seized by the State Customs Committee of Azerbaijan in
    2021 using U.S.-provided equipment and training. Profit from this
    narcotics trade is widely suspected of funding the IRGC in Iran. They
    are on track to exceed that total this year. Withdrawing security
    assistance would harm ongoing successful cooperation with Azerbaijan in
    all of these, degrading U.S. abilities in countering various
    transnational threats.
                                     ______

                 Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions
                        Submitted by Senator Cory Booker

        Question. Wheat Production in Georgia: Five of the world's ancient
    wheat species are indigenous to the country of Georgia. These wheat
    varieties are now endangered, however, due to Soviet-era agricultural
    policies. As a result, Georgia is importing nearly five times as much
    wheat from Russia than it produces domestically according to recent
    statistics. Some farmers and non-profit organizations are spearheading
    efforts to promote organic agriculture and the planting of domestic
    wheat, although harvesting these varieties can be more expensive than
    growing industrialized wheat.
        Is the U.S. Government doing anything to promote domestic wheat
    production in the country of Georgia as part of an effort to reduce its
    dependency on Russia?

        Answer. Georgia is dependent upon wheat imports for 85 percent of
    domestic food consumption needs. Almost all imported wheat comes from
    the Russian Federation, the world's largest wheat exporter. Russia has
    used its leverage over Georgian food security to its recent
    geopolitical advantage, instituting a floating export tax in June 2021
    designed to incentivize the import of Russian milled flour, thereby
    introducing an additional layer of dependency. In 2021, Russian wheat
    exports to Georgia halved while flour exports increased approximately
    12 times. As a result, almost all Georgian wheat flour mills ceased
    operation or decreased operational capacity and laid off employees.
    Russia's war on Ukraine has brought a renewed interest in a commitment
    to rebuilding Georgian domestic wheat production and diversifying
    supplies away from Russia.
        To support Georgia's broader effort to transition away from
    Russia's sphere of influence, Georgia must sustainably improve its
    wheat yield per acre with modern seeds, technology, and agricultural
    practices. Given land and climate factors, Georgia could increase
    current wheat production to meet approximately 30-40 percent of
    domestic demand, lessening its dependence upon imported Russian wheat
    and reducing Russia's leverage over Georgia.
        Embassy Tbilisi received $850,000 in FY21 AECCA funds for a USDA/
    FAS project to strengthen Georgia's wheat value chain system. Due to
    limited support for the domestic wheat value chain and a changing
    market situation over the last decade, the initial intervention
    includes conducting an assessment of Georgia's wheat and milling
    industry including extension services offered to farmers by the public
    and private sector by Kansas State University (KSU), working with
    USDA's Foreign Agricultural Service. A study of varietal development
    and propagation efforts to produce a region-specific higher-yield crop,
    and a study on using more resilient wheat varieties in collaboration
    with the Regional International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center
    (CIMMYT) office is underway.
        To provide key intervention recommendations, KSU agricultural
    faculty are assessing the entire wheat growing and harvest cycle of
    marketing year 2022/23. The first field trip by KSU and USDA experts
    occurred in October 2022 with the second assessment planned for January
    2023. USDA also plans to assess market information for Georgian wheat
    with the objective of providing insights into grain grading and
    standards, market intelligence to highlight trends in domestic
    production and consumption, and current, historical, and future options
    for trade supply chains and diversification.
        After the initial assessment, USDA will produce a Georgian Wheat
    Value Chain Study, including recommendations on policy actions,
    capacity building activities, and other recommended interventions for
    USG, GoG and other public and private partners. These activities will
    be ready for potential funding during the FY23 budget cycle. These
    interventions could assist Georgia with more stability in the domestic
    bread value chain.

        Question. Black Sea Grain Deal: Regarding the recent extension of
    the grain deal: How many countries stand to benefit? What is the
    measurable impact?

        Answer. Prior to Russia's February 24 full-scale invasion of
    Ukraine, Ukraine shipped 5 million metric tons of grain a month. When
    Russia blocked Ukraine's Black Sea ports, that figure dropped to just
    300,000 metric tons. The deal brokered by Turkiye and the United
    Nations between Russia and Ukraine to resume Ukraine's agricultural
    exports via the Black Sea is an essential contribution to global food
    security. In just a few months of operation, this deal has facilitated
    over 400 ships safely crossing the Black Sea, shipping over 11 million
    metric tons of agricultural exports to global markets--that's over 1
    billion loaves of bread per month. The deal has concretely improved
    global food security, lowering prices, stabilizing markets, and
    increasing availability. The Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) operates
    as a humanitarian, market-driven mechanism and the Joint Coordination
    Centre in Istanbul organizes the flow of ships through the safe
    channel. World Food Programme shipments do receive priority, but
    otherwise the mechanism supports food traders, and purchases flow
    around the world.
        With U.S. assistance, the UN World Food Program has made shipments
    of Ukrainian wheat to the Horn of Africa and Yemen, areas suffering
    from severe drought and conflict. More than half of the Ukrainian wheat
    exported under the BSGI has reached developing countries in Latin
    America, Africa and Asia.

        Question. How are we communicating the importance of this deal's
    extension?

        Answer. The Black Sea Grain Initiative has been a tremendous
    success and the United States is undertaking several efforts to
    communicate the importance of the deal's extension. In a joint
    statement with the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom and High
    Representative of the European Union Josep Borrell on 14 November,
    Secretary Blinken highlighted our commitment to global food security
    and the imperative of renewing the Black Sea Grain Initiative. We have
    worked closely with the international community, bilaterally and
    through the G20, to communicate the importance of renewing the
    agreement. The G20 Leaders' Declaration embraced the agreement's work
    to address food insecurity in developing countries and emphasized the
    importance of its renewal. We have also worked through our embassies
    and consulates to engage locally on the BSGI through print and social
    media to increase public awareness of the benefits of the BSGI as we
    continue to address a global food crisis exacerbated by Russia's
    unjustified invasion of Ukraine.
        GPA is working with colleagues throughout the Department and
    interagency--specifically USAID--to identify and amplify regional,
    country, and community stories which highlight the positive impact of
    the deal's extension and U.S. food security efforts. GPA is also
    working with partners like the U.S. Agency for Global Media to produce
    radio editorials to target audiences with limited access to internet.
    Regional bureaus and our Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs also
    distributed tailored content to our Missions to develop targeted and
    country-specific messaging.

        Question. How are we countering Russian disinformation that
    Western-led sanctions are causing food insecurity?

        Answer. Russia's disinformation and propaganda ecosystem
    persistently works to deflect attention from the Kremlin's
    responsibility for worsening global food insecurity by blaming
    sanctions, when Putin's own behavior is the problem. Kremlin officials,
    often in concert with the PRC and other malign actors, heavily target
    the regions most affected by the food crisis--the Middle East and
    Africa. The GEC works to counter Moscow's disinformation and propaganda
    through a whole-of-society and whole-of-government approach. We sponsor
    programs globally that promote independent media and expose malign
    actors. Our analyses also provide our posts with the tools they need to
    best reach audiences and tailor our efforts to counter the spread of
    disinformation.
        GEC continuously monitors these disinformation narratives and
    tactics. In June, GEC publicly exposed Russia's efforts in a public
    report entitled ``Russia's Disinformation Cannot Hide Its
    Responsibility for the Global Food Crisis.'' The report was published
    on the Department's Disarming Disinformation website in 10 languages
    and has been cited by international media.
        Part of addressing disinformation is actively getting ahead of it.
    To that end, the Department of State implemented a public messaging
    campaign which included: seven Senior Official press briefings; 14 food
    security videos and 24 ShareAmerica stories; 10 USAGM Radio programs;
    and 22 public statements and addresses by Senior Officials, including
    by Secretary Blinken.
                                     ______

                 Response of Ms. Karen Donfried to a Question
                     Submitted by Senator Chris Van Hollen

        Question. September 2022 Azerbaijan attack on Armenia: In September
    2022, Azerbaijani forces launched a series of cross-border attacks into
    Armenia proper. Azerbaijani officials claimed without providing
    evidence that Azerbaijan was responding to an Armenian ``provocation,''
    while some in Armenia expressed concern that Azerbaijan was seeking to
    seize territory in Armenia. U.S. State Department spokesman Ned Price
    said early on that the United States had seen ``significant evidence of
    Azerbaijani shelling inside Armenia and significant damage to Armenian
    infrastructure,'' and satellite mapping by NASA's Fire Information for
    Resource Management Systems showed heavy fire in multiple locations
    inside Armenia.
        At the hearing, I asked about the Biden administration's assessment
    of the September 2022 conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and
    specially asked about the aggressor. The response was that the
    Administration does not have an assessment.
        Does the Biden administration contest the public reporting
    regarding overwhelming evidence that Azerbaijan was the primary
    instigator and aggressor towards Armenia in the September 2022
    conflict?

        Answer. Our focus during and since that fighting in September 2022
    was to help the parties find a way to cease hostilities and to continue
    working towards a durable peace agreement. Toward this end, the United
    States has not publicly taken a position on how the September violence
    began, though we noted at the time and have continued to highlight that
    there was significant damage done to civilian infrastructure in Armenia
    as a result of Azerbaijani shelling. We have repeatedly called on
    Azerbaijani troops to return to their initial positions.
                                     ______

                 Responses of Ms. Karen Donfried to Questions
                       Submitted by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. Energy Security: Assistant Secretary Donfried, the
    European Commission signed a memorandum of understanding with
    Azerbaijan to double imports of Azeri natural gas by 2027. Several
    Southeastern European countries, such as Bulgaria, have offered to
    facilitate the movement of natural gas further into Europe. What is the
    State Department doing to support the increase of flow of natural gas
    from Azerbaijan into Europe?

        Answer. Strengthening U.S. energy ties with Azerbaijan and other
    Caspian countries is an important part of our responsibilities. We
    continue to engage at all levels with Azerbaijan officials to discuss
    how we can work together to meet global energy demand. We welcome
    Azerbaijan's efforts to expand its support for European energy
    security.
        Caspian natural gas already plays a valuable role in ensuring
    energy security in Europe--and the more that resources in one region
    can be shared with another, the more all benefit. It is the reason that
    expanding natural gas as well as electricity interconnections is a
    significant opportunity for the Caspian region, as well as a boost for
    exports to world markets.
        The Southern Gas Corridor continues to be a powerful example of
    what can be achieved when the right amount of political will,
    coordinated investment, regional cooperation, and technological
    innovation come together. The pipeline has helped Turkiye, Italy,
    Greece, and Bulgaria increase energy security and reduce over-reliance
    on one supplier. The steady and reliable deliveries of the Southern Gas
    Corridor are important for the stability and diversification of
    European markets.

        Question. China Undersea Cables: Assistant Secretary Donfried, the
    Chinese Communist Party is expanding its foothold in the Caucasus by
    connecting China to Europe--through undersea cables and cable landing
    stations in the Caspian Sea--making information that moves along these
    Chinese-built systems potentially exploitable. AzerNews reported in
    September 2022 that Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan will lay undersea fiber-
    optic cables along the Caspian Sea seabed between their two countries
    with further connectivity into Europe via the Black Sea.
        The Ministry of Digital Development of Kazakhstan announced that
    the cables would provide transit for the Chinese Internet to Europe.
    What is the State Department doing to engage with Azerbaijan,
    Kazakhstan, and other European countries to address the information
    security concerns raised by China's construction and maintenance of
    these undersea fiber-optic cables?

        Answer. The Administration strongly supports an open,
    interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet by promoting inclusive,
    rights-respecting, multi-stakeholder models of internet governance and
    pro-competitive, pro-innovation digital economy policies and
    regulations. We encourage Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and other European
    countries to evaluate proposed infrastructure to ensure the CCP and
    other entities are unable to exploit these interconnections to harm
    information security, and further encourage the use of only trusted
    vendors of telecommunications infrastructure for subsea cables in the
    Caspian Sea.
        In Azerbaijan, the United States routinely engages with the
    government, private sector, and ICT operators to discuss the importance
    of information security and the risks from the PRC. Although Huawei and
    other PRC technology are active in Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan's internet
    traffic provider Azercell announced that they will continue its
    relationship with Finland-headquartered Nokia in October 2022.

        Question. Huawei: Assistant Secretary Donfried, as you know, Huawei
    and other CCP-directed telecommunications companies pose significant
    threats to national security and economic security of the United States
    and our Allies and partners. Huawei has established multiple ``Huawei
    ICT [information and communications technologies] Academies'' in
    Azerbaijan to train Azeris and further proliferate its influence
    through a global educational program. Moreover, Huawei ICT Academies
    reportedly can now be found in 72 countries. In December 2021,
    Azerbaijan's Ministry of Digital Development and Transport, ADA
    University, and Huawei agreed to create a joint research and
    development venture to foster Azeri technology experts under Huawei's
    tutelage.
        What is the State Department doing to engage with European allies
    and partners in order to monitor and address Huawei's expansion of ICT
    instruction?

        Answer. Azerbaijan's population of 10 million represents a
    significant future market of tech consumers and, to support
    Azerbaijan's independence, their access to free and open technology is
    in the U.S. interest. We regularly encourage Azerbaijan to look beyond
    cost and assess their vulnerability to malign PRC influence including
    in the technology space. While there is a commercial demand for Huawei
    and other PRC technology, the U.S. actively engages with the
    government, private sector and ICT operators to highlight the
    importance of information security and the risks from the PRC, as well
    as the benefits of relying on trusted vendors of ICTS technology.
    Huawei's engagement at four Azerbaijani universities is limited, and
    the U.S. Embassy continues to promote study in the United States for
    Azerbaijani students. Azerbaijan is positioning itself as a hub of
    trade, transit, and telecommunications. Azerbaijan will be a focal
    point for new east-west telecommunications lines across the Caspian
    Sea, and making Azerbaijan a key player in helping provide an
    information pathway that does not transit Russia and not dependent on
    PRC technology. Azerbaijan is also investing in the ICT sector,
    providing an opportunity for U.S. business.
                                     ______

                      The Armenian American Community and
                     U.S. Policy Priorities in the Caucasus

                                  presented by

                 Tereza Yerimyan, Government Affairs Director
                     Armenian National Committee of America

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch. We are
    grateful for this Committee's strong leadership on constructive U.S.
    engagement in the Caucasus and its enduring support for the national
    security and democratic aspirations of the Armenian nation.
        In the wake of Azerbaijan's 2020 ethnic-cleansing of Artsakh
    (Nagorno Karabakh), and amid Baku's ongoing occupation of sovereign
    Armenian territory, we ask the Committee to press the Biden
    administration to abandon its reckless policy of false-parity, and,
    instead, forthrightly condemn Azerbaijan's aggression.
        The oil-rich Aliyev regime must be held accountable, through the
    immediate cessation of U.S. military aid and the investigation of its
    invasions, atrocities, and war crimes. These actions must be matched
    with a robust aid package to meet pressing humanitarian and
    developmental needs in Artsakh. In terms of U.S.-Armenia bilateral
    ties, we seek a paradigm shift in relations that prioritizes the
    security and viability of Armenia and Artsakh in the face of
    existential regional threats.
        We respectfully submit the following policy recommendations to the
    Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the hopes that they will help
    inform and guide the panel's constructive discourse on U.S. interests
    in this region.
        First and foremost, we call upon the Committee to end U.S. military
    aid to Azerbaijan (including, but not limited to, Section 333 (Capacity
    Building), Foreign Military Financing, and International Military
    Education and Training), via statutory prohibitions, reversal of
    Presidential waiver authority, and the full enforcement of Section 907
    of the FREEDOM Support Act. In addition, the Departments of State and
    Defense must meet their statutory reporting requirements--as per the
    recommendations of the General Accountability Office's recent report--
    in connection with the Biden administration's decisions to waive this
    law, despite Azerbaijan ethnically cleansing Artsakh, occupying
    Armenia, illegally detaining and abusing of Armenian POWs, and
    desecrating Christian Armenian holy sites.
        We also ask that the Committee conduct oversight of the
    Administration's decision not to provide desperately needed, direct
    U.S. humanitarian assistance to Artsakh, where the at-risk Armenian
    population is facing continued aggression and chronic water, energy,
    healthcare, and food insecurity. The United States should never enforce
    an Azerbaijani veto against American humanitarian aid to vulnerable
    Armenians in Artsakh. Congress should appropriate no less than $50
    million for programs within Artsakh.
        As a follow up to questions asked by Chairman Menendez, but not
    answered by Under Secretary of State Victoria Nuland, during a July 21,
    2021 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, we seek clarity on two
    key points: 1) Has the Administration undertaken any investigation into
    the discovery of as many as 10 U.S. components in the Turkish Bayraktar
    UAVs used by Azerbaijan to attack civilians in Artsakh as potential
    violations of U.S. arms export control restrictions and other U.S. and
    international laws, and; 2) Has the Administration investigated reports
    that Azerbaijan used prohibited munitions (white phosphorus, cluster
    bombs) and deployed Turkish-recruited mercenaries from Syria against
    Artsakh?
        With regard to cultural preservation and religious freedom, we
    encourage the Committee to ask the Biden administration if it has
    provided funding, access to satellite imagery, or other assistance to
    academic, civil society, and other groups monitoring, preserving and
    protecting the rich Armenian Christian heritage across Artsakh,
    including areas currently under the control of the Azerbaijani
    military?
        In the wake of U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide, we ask
    this Committee to determine how Congressional and White House
    affirmation has actually been reflected in Biden administration policy,
    with a special focus on American diplomatic efforts to end Ankara's
    denials and obstruction of justice for this crime.
        We encourage this Committee to support key legislative initiatives,
    among them S. Res. 797, condemning Azerbaijan's aggression and calling
    for an end to U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan. In terms of the Fiscal
    Year 2023 National Defense Authorization Act, conferees should include:
    1) the Cardenas-Schiff-Sherman Amendment (introduced in the Senate as
    #SA 6441), requiring an investigation of Azerbaijani war crimes (U.S.
    parts in Turkish drones, foreign mercenaries, prohibited munitions,
    abuse of prisoners of war); and 2) the Pappas-Pallone Amendment (Senate
    versions: #SA 5754 and #SA 6345) placing restrictions on F-16 sales to
    Turkey.
        As the Committee considers President Biden's nominees for U.S.
    Ambassador to Armenia and Azerbaijan, we strongly recommend a focus,
    during the confirmation process, on strengthening Armenia's security
    and holding Azerbaijan accountable. U.S. policy toward Armenia must
    align with the security and viability of Armenia and Artsakh in the
    face of existential regional threats, while U.S. policy on Azerbaijan
    should prioritize accountability for its past and ongoing crimes. Our
    current flawed U.S. policy in the Caucasus offers lectures on democracy
    to democratic Armenia, ships U.S. tax-payer funded military aid to
    dictatorial Azerbaijan, and provides no assistance at all to at-risk
    Artsakh. That has to change.
        Thank you for your kind consideration of our testimony. We stand
    ready, as always, to support the work of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee to strengthen the long and enduring friendship of the
    American and Armenian peoples.
                                     ______

     Azerbaijan's Destruction of Armenian Cultural and Religious Monuments
                      and Suppression of Religious Freedom

                 Presented by the Armenian Bar Association \1\
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \1\ The Armenian Bar Association is an international non-profit
    organization of judges, attorneys, law professors, law students, and
    legal professionals. It has issued a comprehensive report (https://
    armenianbar.org/heritage/) on the issues discussed in this testimony in
    addition to reports on Azerbaijan's racial discrimination (https://
    armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-initiative/azerbaijans-racial-
    discrimination-against-ethnic-armenians/) against Armenians, its
    treatment of POWs (https://armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-
    initiative/armenian-pows-and-civilians-held-captive-by-azerbaijan/) and
    its responsibility in carrying out arbitrary executions (https://
    armenianbar.org/programs/united-nations-initiative/extrajudicial-
    summary-or-arbitrary-executions/) of ethnic Armenians.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and Ranking Member Risch for this
    opportunity.
        In September, 2020, Azerbaijan launched an unprovoked military
    offensive against the Armenian population in Artsakh (also referred to
    as Nagorno-Karabakh). The attack was timed to launch in the middle of
    the COVID pandemic and in the few weeks before the 2020 U.S.
    Presidential election. The eyes of the United States and international
    communities averted, the aggression drew little attention and has
    evaded any accountability. To this day, Azerbaijan's aggression remains
    unchecked.
        In November, 2020, a ceasefire statement brokered by Russia
    mandated that Armenians (governed by the Republic of Artsakh) cede
    control of portions of Artsakh and adjacent territories to Azerbaijan.
    While the ceasefire statement brought a temporary standstill, the
    current situation leaves many Armenian monuments and religious places
    of worship at heightened risk of destruction.
        Azerbaijan has a lengthy, documented history of denying the
    existence of, and intentionally destroying, Armenian cultural and
    religious heritage and monuments. From 1997 to 2006, Azerbaijan
    deliberately obliterated nearly all traces of once prevalent Armenian
    culture in an area known as Nakhichevan. They razed Armenian medieval
    churches, thousands of ancient carved cross-stones (khachkars), and
    historical tombstones.\2\ Video footage from 2005 depicts Azerbaijan
    destroying the surviving portions of the medieval necropolis of Djulfa,
    that housed tens of thousands of Armenian cross-stones (dating back to
    the sixth century A.D.).\3\ The cross-stones are listed on UNESCO's
    Representative List of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity,\4\ and are
    used for devotional and worship purposes by Armenian Christians and
    pilgrims in addition to documenting the history of the region.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \2\ Special investigation: Declassified satellite images show
    erasure of Armenian churches (https://www.theartnewspaper.com/2021/06/
    01/special-investigation-declassified-satellite-images-show-erasure-of-
    armenian-churches), The Art Newspaper (June 1, 2021); Christina
    Maranci, ``The Medieval Armenian Monuments in Nagorno-Karabakh Must be
    Protected (https://www.apollo-magazine.com/medieval-armenian-monuments-
    nagorno-karabakh/),'' Apollo Magazine (December 9, 2020); Dale Berning
    Sawa, ``Monumental loss: Azerbaijan and 'The Worst Cultural Genocide of
    the 21st Century (https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2019/mar/01/
    monumental-loss-azerbaijan-cultural-genocide-khachkars),''' The
    Guardian (March 1, 2019); Nora McGreevy, ``Why Scholars, Cultural
    Institutions Are Calling to Protect Armenian Heritage (https://
    www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/metropolitan-museum-scholars-call-
    protection-cultural-heritage-nagorno-karabakh-180976364/),''
    Smithsonian Magazine (November 24, 2020).
        \3\ Simon Maghakyan and Sarah Pickman, ``A Regime Conceals Its
    Erasure of Indigenous Armenian Culture (https://hyperallergic.com/
    482353/a-regime-conceals-its-erasure-of-indigenous-armenian-culture/
    ),'' Hyperallergic (February 18, 2019); ``Destruction of the Armenian
    Cemetery of Djulfa (https://www.icomos.org/risk/world_report/2006-2007/
    pdf/H@R_2006-2007_09_National_Report_Azerbaijan.pdf),'' ICOMOS Heritage
    at Risk; ``Azerbaijan: Famous Medieval Cemetery Vanishes: IWPR reporter
    confirms that there is nothing left of the celebrated stone crosses of
    Jugha (https://iwpr.net/global-voices/azerbaijan-famous-medieval-
    cemetery-vanishes),'' Institute for War & Peace Reporting; ``When the
    World Looked Away: The Destruction of Julfa Cemetery (https://
    www.rferl.org/a/armenia-azerbaijan-julfa-cemetery-
    destruction-unesco-cultural-heritage/
    30986581.html?fbclid=IwAR38guzAYkn3_fn
    SCPl3XoD8iBeNxJOdcjcw4fb4V8HW9ZvNLzNKn-uwM0M),'' Radio Free Europe
    (December 10, 2020); Kate Fitz Gibbon, ``World Heritage Committee
    Meeting in Baku Will be Hosted by Cultural Destroyers (https://
    culturalpropertynews.org/unesco-exposed/),'' Cultural Property News
    (March 19, 2019); ``Azeri Soldiers Vandalized a Cemetery in Nagorno-
    Karabakh, Rekindling Fears of Destruction of Armenian Heritage (https:/
    /www.archyde.com/azeri-soldiers-vandalized-a-cemetery-in-nagorno-
    karabakh-rekindling-fears-of-destruction-of-armenian-heritage),''
    Archyde (November 27, 2020); ``Silent Erasure: A Satellite
    Investigation of the Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage in
    Nakhichivan, Azerbaijan (https://caucasusheritage.cornell.edu/
    index.php/report),'' Caucasus Heritage Watch (September, 2022).
        \4\ ``Armenian cross-stones art. Symbolism and craftsmanship of
    Khachkars (https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/armenian-cross-stones-art-
    symbolism-and-craftsmanship-of-khachkars-00434),'' UNESCO.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        Experts predicted that in the aftermath of the 2020 war, Azerbaijan
    would continue its official policy of cultural erasure. \5\
    Unfortunately, that prediction has proven prescient. Artsakh is endowed
    with a deeply rich cultural history, including thousands of religious
    sites and monuments, many dating back thousands of years. While Russian
    peacekeeping forces monitor some Armenian places of worship (most
    notably Dadivank, a 7th-9th century monastic complex with a cathedral
    rebuilt in the 13th century--discussed below), they do not provide
    protection for a great many other Armenian religious sites, leaving
    them extremely vulnerable.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \5\ ``Artsakh: Cultural Heritage under Threat (https://
    newsletters.hyperallergic.com/profile/sunday/issues/sunday-edition-
    artsakh-cultural-heritage-under-threat-419872)'' Sunday Edition of
    Hyperallergic magazine (February 28, 2021).
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        Caucasus Heritage Watch, a non-profit research organization led by
    archeology professors from Cornell University and Purdue University,
    utilizes satellite imagery to monitor and document destruction in
    Artsakh since the November, 2020 ceasefire statement. As of October
    2022, Caucasus Heritage Watch has documented the complete destruction
    and erasure in July, 2022 of the Saint Sargis Church, and the partial
    destruction of other sites. \6\
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \6\ ``Caucasus Heritage Watch: Monitoring Report #4 (https://
    caucasusheritage.cornell.edu/index.php/report),'' Caucasus Heritage
    Watch (October, 2022).

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

        Under the pretext of its ``reconstruction,'' Azerbaijan has also
    begun its campaign of removing evidence of Armenian presence from the
    Holy Savior Ghazanchetsots Cathedral--a landmark of Armenian cultural
    and religious identity in Shushi--that Azerbaijan shelled repeatedly
    and intentionally during the war with high precision weaponry.\7\ Part
    of the ``reconstruction'' of the cathedral has included removal of its
    domes, which are architecturally distinctive as Armenian Apostolic. \8\
    Azerbaijan's ``reconstruction'' ``without input of [the cathedral's]
    congregation'' has been admonished by USCIRF \9\ as no members of the
    Armenian Apostolic Church have been consulted.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \7\ ``Artsakh Ombudsman Second Interim Public Report on the
    Azerbaijani Atrocities Against the Artsakh Population in September to
    October 2020 (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/document/735)'' (October 18,
    2020); ``Azerbaijan: Attack on Church Possible War Crime (https://
    www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/16/azerbaijan-attack-church-possible-war-
    crime),'' Human Rights Watch (December 16, 2020).
        \8\ ``Azerbaijan ``distorting'' Ghazanchetsots Cathedral under the
    guise of ``restoration''--Artsakh Ombudsman (https://en.armradio.am/
    2021/05/03/azerbaijan-distorting-ghazanchetsots-cathedral-under-the-
    guise-of-restoration-artsakh-ombudsman/),'' Public Radio of Armenia
    (May 3, 2021); Twitter postings (https://twitter.com/simonforco/status/
    1413860566960017410) from Azerbaijani Diplomat Nasimi Aghaev.
        \9\ USCIRF Concerned by Azerbaijan Religion Law Amendments,
    Condition of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral (https://www.uscirf.gov/news-
    room/releases-statements/uscirf-concerned-azerbaijan-religion-law-
    amendments-condition), Press Release (May 17, 2021)

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

        Many acts of ruin and destruction have been documented since
    November, 2020, including vandalism, graffiti, desecration,
    disfigurement of key features of religious monuments (domes and
    crosses), and the destruction of cemeteries and cross-stones. \10\ In
    2021, the BBC documented the complete elimination of another church--
    Zoravor Holy Mother of God Church located near the village of
    Mekhakavan (Jebrayil), now under Azerbaijani control. \11\ Notably,
    many of the photos and video stills of vandalism and destruction
    originate with and feature Azerbaijani military personnel. To deny the
    existence of Armenian cultural and religious heritage, many sites are
    falsely represented as ``Albanian-Udi'' including by official
    authorities.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \10\ Rob Lee, Twitter post (https://twitter.com/RALee85/status/
    1327791527507144705?s=20) (November 14, 2020); Sascha Duerkop, Twitter
    post (https://twitter.com/saschadueerkop/status/
    1329754063064489986?lang=en) (November 20, 2020); ``Azerbaijanis
    destroy Armenian cross-stone in occupied Artsakh village,'' Public
    Radio of Armenia (January 12, 2021); ``Azeri Soldiers Vandalized a
    Cemetery in Nagorno-Karabakh, Rekindling Fears of Destruction of
    Armenian Heritage (https://www.archyde.com/azeri-soldiers-vandalized-a-
    cemetery-in-nagorno-karabakh-rekindling-fears-of-destruction-of-
    armenian-heritage/),'' Archyde (November 27, 2020); Tigran Balayan,
    Twitter post (https://twitter.com/tbalayan/status/13276763463
    15706369?s=20) (November 14, 2020); ``The Azerbaijani military
    servicemen are vandalizing the Armenian church of St. Yeghishe in the
    Mataghis region of Artsakh (https://www.ombuds.am/en--us/site/
    VideoGalleryView/520),'' Human Rights Defender of the Republic of
    Armenia (March 29, 2021); ``Ad Hoc Public Report on the Armenian
    Cultural Heritage in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh): Cases of Vandalism and
    At Risk of Destruction by Azerbaijan (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/
    document/792),'' Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh
    (January 26, 2021); ``Damage to Cultural Property Means Damage to the
    Cultural Heritage of All Mankind (https://artsakhombuds.am/en/news/
    500)'' Human Rights Ombudsman of the Republic of Artsakh (March 25,
    2021); ``Azerbaijanis Remove Cross from Spitak Khach Church in Occupied
    Hadrut (https://asbarez.com/azerbaijanis-remove-cross-from-spitak-
    khach-church-in-occupied-hadrut/
    #:%7E:text=A%20video%20shared%20on%20social%20media%20clearly%
    20shows,another%20Armenian%20church%20as%20belonging%20to%20the%20Udis.)
    ,'' Asbarez.com (January 27, 2022); ``Azerbaijani soldiers vandalize
    Armenian church in Artsakh village (https://www.panorama.am/en/news/
    2022/02/08/church-vandalism/2637757),'' Panorama--Armenian news
    (February 8, 2022).
        \11\ ``Nagorno-Karabakh: The mystery of the missing church (https:/
    /www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-56517835)''
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        In addition to the threat of eradication of religious sites,
    Armenian Christians cannot safely return to Artsakh under Azerbaijani
    occupation for pilgrimages, services, monastic life, and custodianship.
    The following statistics obtained from church officials show the levels
    of activity within some of the main churches and monasteries in pre-war
    2019 and 2020 (for the first 9 months before the Azerbaijan's
    aggression) as compared to the post-war period during under
    Azerbaijan's control, which, among other things, has blocked all access
    to the sites, resulting in the ceasing of Armenian baptisms and
    marriages. Vibrant religious communities have entirely disappeared.

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

        Dadivank is a large, medieval monastic complex, a center for
    literary production, and was an active religious site, where
    worshippers and pilgrims would regularly attend mass up to the
    beginning of Azerbaijan's offensive. \12\
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \12\ Cultural Heritage Is Caught Up in the Conflict Over Nagorno-
    Karabakh (https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/dadivank-monastery-
    nagorno-karabakh), Atlas Obscura (December 10, 2020)
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        After the November, 2020 ceasefire statement, under the protection
    of Russian peacekeepers, Armenian monks remained in the monastery and
    pilgrims were, for a time, allowed to visit. But the situation at
    Dadivank swiftly deteriorated. From April, 2021 to the present,
    Azerbaijan has refused to allow pilgrimages there. In a report entitled
    ``We are left alone with you, Lord.'' Clergymen of Dadivank await
    Armenian pilgrims, the situation in Dadivank is documented from the
    perspective of the handful of monks remaining there.\13\ Although this
    site is monitored by tens of Russian peacekeepers, the freedom of
    religion and use of sacred Dadivank is rendered impossible as the monks
    are surrounded by hundreds of Azerbaijani troops, are subject to
    psychological intimidation, are taunted and tormented, have unsteady
    phone access, and are unable to freely leave the grounds of the
    monastic complex for fear of altercations.\14\
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \13\ Menk Menag Enk Mnatsel Kez Hed, Der: Dadivanki Hokevoragannere
    Hay Oukhdavorneri en sbassoum (https://www.azatutyun.am/a/
    31346025.html#comments) (Translated: ``We are left alone with you,
    Lord.'' Clergymen of Dadivank await Armenian pilgrims), Azadutyun News
    Channel (July 7, 2021)(Translation available upon request). See also
    ``In Nagorno-Karabakh, Land Mines, Bulldozers and Lingering Tensions
    (https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/25/world/europe/azerbaijan-armenia-
    nagorno-karabakh.html),'' Anton Troianovski, NY Times (July 25, 2021)
    (describing situation at Dadivank).
        \14\ The civilian population of Artsakh is also subject to
    psychological intimidation and propaganda encouraging them to leave
    their ancestral lands. ``Interim Report on Violations of the rights of
    Artsakh people by Azerbaijan in February-March 2022 (https://
    artsakhombuds.am/sites/default/files/2022-03/Ombudsman-Report-
    English.pdf),'' Human Rights Defender of Artsakh (2022).
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        In September, 2021, Armenia lodged with the Registry of the
    International Court of Justice (``ICJ'') a request for indication of
    provisional measures regarding the violations by Azerbaijan of the
    International Convention of December 21, 1965, on the Elimination of
    All Forms of Racial Discrimination. During the ICJ proceedings,
    Azerbaijan indefensibly denied the very existence of Armenian cultural
    heritage. In December, 2021, in its decision on provisional measures,
    the Court ordered that Azerbaijan ``shall protect the right to access
    and enjoy Armenian historic, cultural and religious heritage, including
    but not limited to, churches, cathedrals, places of worship, monuments,
    landmarks, cemeteries and other buildings and artefacts, by inter alia
    terminating, preventing, prohibiting and punishing their vandalisation,
    destruction or alteration, and allowing Armenians to visit places of
    worship.'' Flouting the provisional order, Azerbaijan subsequently
    announced the creation of a special committee that would act to purge
    traces of Armenian heritage.\15\
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \15\ Simon Maghakyan, ``Emboldened by Ukraine Crisis, Azerbaijan
    Escalates its War on Armenian Heritage Sites (https://
    hyperallergic.com/709512/azerbaijan-escalates-its-war-on-armenian-
    heritage-sites/),'' Hyperallergic Magazine (February 4, 2022). After
    international criticism, Azerbaijani authorities attempted to walk back
    their initial statements concerning this committee.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        To date, Azerbaijan has denied UNESCO's monitors access to the area
    notwithstanding UNESCO's multiple requests. USCIRF has recommended that
    the State Department include Azerbaijan on the Special Watch List.\16\
    However, there are still no assurances that Armenian cultural and
    religious heritage sites will be protected in territories that are
    under Azerbaijan's occupation, and there are no mechanisms to allow for
    Christian pilgrims to access the Armenian religious sites.\17\
    Azerbaijan's destruction of Armenian cultural and religious heritage is
    squarely within a broader systematic effort and pattern by Azerbaijan
    to: (1) deprive Armenian Christians of the ability to exercise their
    fundamental right to freely exercise their religion, (2) ethnically
    cleanse Artsakh of Armenian people and worshippers, and (3) erase the
    record of Armenian history and heritage and any evidence of Armenian
    presence from the region.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \16\ ``United States Commission on International Religious
    Freedom--2022 Annual Report (https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/
    files/2022%20Annual%20Report.pdf)''--USCIRF (April 2022)
        \17\ Civil society groups such as Save Armenian Monuments (https://
    savearmenianmonuments.com/), Monument Watch (https://monumentwatch.org/
    en/) and AUA Artsakh Heritage Project (https://artsakh-heritage.aua.am/
    ) have been raising awareness of these issues.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        Our purpose in making this submission is to inform you of these
    activities which advance Azerbaijan's policy of cultural genocide
    against the Armenians of Artsakh. The Armenian Bar Association is
    committed to bringing attention to atrocities committed by Azerbaijan
    and documenting them in our reports. We are available to provide
    additional information to you upon request and hope that you will find
    this information helpful in connection with any policy or action you
    are considering involving Azerbaijan and its government.

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