[Senate Hearing 117-642]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 117-642
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS,
SECOND SESSION_PART II
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
----------
Part II
June 23, 2022 thru November 30, 2022
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
51-737 PDF WASHINGTON : 2023
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
other material submitted for the record are located at the end
of each hearing transcript.
PART I
Wednesday, January 12, 2022...................................... 1
Cleveland, Sarah H., of New York, nominated to be Legal
Adviser of the Department of State......................... 9
O'Brien James C., of Nebraska, nominated to be head of the
Office of Sanctions Coordination, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 12
Tsunis, George J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
Greece..................................................... 15
Van Schaack, Beth, of California, nominated to be Ambassador-
at-Large for Global Criminal Justice....................... 18
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 33
Tuesday, February 8, 2022........................................ 91
Lipstadt, Dr. Deborah E., of Georgia, nominated to be Special
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 98
Dogu, Hon. Laura Farnsworth, of Texas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras..................... 101
Levine, Randi Charno, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Portuguese Republic................................. 104
Perry, Hon. N. Nickolas, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to Jamaica...................................... 107
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 128
Thursday, March 3, 2022.......................................... 167
Romanowski, Hon. Alina L., of Illinois, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq......................... 172
Hickey, Douglas T., of Idaho, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Finland.................................... 175
Fagin, Steven H., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Yemen................................... 177
McKee, Hon. Erin Elizabeth, of California, nominated to be an
assistant administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development.................................. 180
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 192
(iii)
Tuesday, March 15, 2022.......................................... 239
Meehan, Bernadette M., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Chile........................ 241
Nkengasong, Dr. John N., of Georgia, nominated to be
Ambassador-at-Large, Coordinator of the United States
Government Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally.......... 244
Muyangwa, Dr. Monde, of Maryland, nominated to be an
assistant administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development.................................. 247
Gonzales, Hon. Rebecca Eliza, nominated to be Director of the
Office of Foreign Missions................................. 250
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 273
Thursday, April 7, 2022.......................................... 317
Kennedy, Hon. Caroline, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Commonwealth of Australia................ 322
Goldberg, Hon. Philip S., of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea........ 325
Nathanson, Marc B., of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Kingdom of Norway................................... 328
Carlson, Marykay Loss, of Arkansas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines.............. 331
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 351
Wednesday, May 4, 2022........................................... 391
Turner, Dr. Bruce I., of Colorado, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva,
with the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service... 396
Leventhal, Alan M., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark....................... 400
Milstein, Constance J., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Malta........................ 403
Hartley, Hon. Jane D., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland........................................... 405
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 419
Tuesday, May 10, 2022............................................ 511
Brink, Hon. Bridget A., nominated to be Ambassador to Ukraine 515
Richard, Hon. Elizabeth H., of Virginia, nominated to be
Coordinator for Counterterrorism, with the rank and status
of Ambassador-at-Large..................................... 518
Laskaris, Hon. Alexander Mark, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Chad......... 520
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 547
Wednesday, May 18, 2022.......................................... 585
Bagley, Hon. Elizabeth Frawley, of Florida, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil............ 590
Aponte, Hon. Mari Carmen, of Florida, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Panama....................... 593
Mora, Dr. Francisco O., of Florida, nominated to be Permanent
Representative to the Organization of American States, with
the rank of Ambassador..................................... 596
Kwan, Michelle, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
Belize..................................................... 599
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 622
Tuesday, May 24, 2022............................................ 651
Brigety, Hon. Reuben E. II, of Florida, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa................. 656
Battle, Hon. Michael A. Sr., of Georgia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania.............. 658
Whitman, Margaret C., of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Kenya................................... 660
Gonzales, Michael C., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia....................... 675
Godfrey, John T., of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Sudan................................... 677
Adler, Michael J., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of South Sudan................................ 680
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 690
Tuesday, June 7, 2022............................................ 763
Bennett, Amanda, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
Chief Executive Officer of the United States Agency for
Global Media............................................... 765
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 780
Thursday, June 16, 2022.......................................... 791
Wittes, Dr. Tamara Cofman, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the United
States Agency for International Development................ 794
Ratney, Michael Alan, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.................. 797
Davis, Timmy T., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the State of Qatar......................................... 800
Gupta, Dr. Geeta Rao, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues.............. 803
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 827
Part II
Thursday, June 23, 2022.......................................... 875
Shortino, Elizabeth, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be United States Executive Director of the International
Monetary Fund for a term of two years...................... 878
Pressman, Hon. David, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to Hungary................................................. 881
Pyatt, Hon. Geoffrey R., nominated to be an Assistant
Secretary (Energy Resources)............................... 883
Wood, Hon. Robert A., of New York, nominated to be Alternate
Representative for Special Political Affairs in the United
Nations, with the rank of Ambassador, and to be an
Alternate Representative to the Sessions of the General
Assembly of the United Nations, during his tenure of
service.................................................... 887
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 902
Wednesday, July 13, 2022......................................... 937
Godec, Hon. Robert F., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand...................... 941
Thompson, Dean R., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to
Nepal...................................................... 944
Abraham, Yohannes, of Virginia, nominated to be
Representative to the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations, with the rank and status of Ambassador............ 947
Buangan, Richard Lee, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to Mongolia..................................... 950
Damour, Marie C., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Fiji, and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and
Tuvalu..................................................... 953
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 972
Wednesday, July 27, 2022......................................... 1015
Talwar, Hon. Puneet, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco................. 1018
Henick, Dr. Jonathan, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Uzbekistan.............................. 1021
Viguerie, Lesslie, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Kyrgyz Republic........................................ 1024
Rosenblum, Hon. Daniel N., of Maryland, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan................... 1026
Hood, Joey R., of New Hampshire, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Tunisia................................. 1029
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1043
Thursday, July 28, 2022--a.m..................................... 1103
Duncan, William H., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of El Salvador................................ 1110
Rodriguez, Hugo F., Jr., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Nicaragua.................... 1112
Bond, Candace A., of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago........................ 1115
Fulton, Heide B., of West Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay............. 1118
Faucher, Robert J., of Arizona, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Suriname................................... 1121
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1138
Thursday, July 28, 2022--p.m..................................... 1173
Duggal, Shefali Razdan, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands............... 1177
Patman, Carrin F., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Iceland.................................... 1180
Aggeler, Angela Price, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Ambassador to the Republic of North Macedonia........ 1182
Rana, Gautam A., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Slovak Republic........................................ 1185
Berry, Hon. Randy W., of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Namibia................................. 1187
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1197
Wednesday, August 3, 2022........................................ 1231
Ba, Jessica Davis, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
be Ambassador to the Republic of Cote D'Ivoire............. 1239
Tamlyn, Hon. Lucy, of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of the Congo......... 1242
Korhonen, Rachna Sachdeva, of New Jersey, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Mali......................... 1245
Schiffer, Rolfe Michael, of New York, nominated to be an
Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development.................................. 1248
Fick, Nathaniel, of Maine, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy.................... 1250
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1271
Tuesday, November 29, 2022....................................... 1355
Robinson, Christopher T., of Maryland, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia....................... 1359
Kent, George P., of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Estonia................................. 1362
Merten, Hon. Kenneth, of Virginia, to the Republic of
Bulgaria................................................... 1365
Kavalec, Kathleen Ann, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to Romania...................................... 1367
Sabet, Bijan, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Czech Republic......................................... 1370
Sullivan, Hon. Stephanie Sanders, of Maryland, nominated to
be Representative to the African Union, with the rank and
status of Ambassador....................................... 1389
Jardine, Henry V., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Mauritius, and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Republic of Seychelles..................................... 1392
Gorordo, L. Felice, of Florida, nominated to be Alternate
Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years..... 1394
Weiner, Richard L.A., of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development................................................ 1397
Micaller, Manuel P., Jr. of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Tajikistan................... 1400
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1414
Wednesday, November 30, 2022..................................... 1513
Tracy, Hon. Lynne M., of Ohio, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Russian Federation..................................... 1516
Fisher, Hon. Julie D., of Tennessee, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus....................... 1542
Kvien, Kristina A., of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Armenia................................. 1545
Spahn, Carol, of Maryland, nominated to be Director of the
Peace Corps................................................ 1548
Dyer, Cynthia, of Virginia, nominated to be Director of the
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking, with the rank of
Ambassador-at-Large........................................ 1550
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1564
NOMINATIONS
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THURSDAY, JUNE 23, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:22 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward J.
Markey presiding.
Present: Senators Markey [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Johnson, and Portman.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. This nomination hearing of the Senator
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider the nominees before us: Ms.
Elizabeth Shortino to serve as United States Executive Director
of the International Monetary Fund; the Honorable David
Pressman to serve as Ambassador to Hungary; the Honorable
Geoffrey Pyatt to serve as Assistant Secretary of State for
Energy Resources; and the Honorable Robert Wood to serve as
Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs in the
United Nations.
I would like to congratulate each of you on your
nominations. We thank you for your service.
We thank your families, who have served and will continue
to serve beside you as you embark on your new post.
Elizabeth Shortino is nominated to be the United States
Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund. Ms.
Shortino has spent 17 years as a dedicated public servant at
the Office of Management and Budget and the Department of
Treasury.
Since February of 2021, Ms. Shortino has served as the
acting U.S. Executive Director at the International Monetary
Fund. U.S. leadership at the IMF will be crucial as Russia's
unprovoked war against Ukraine rages on, further straining
Ukraine's economy and jeopardizing global economic growth.
Next, Ambassador David Pressman, nominated to be Ambassador
to Hungary. Ambassador Pressman previously served as U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations for Special Political Affairs.
Ambassador Pressman is a prominent international human
rights lawyer. This experience will serve him well as
Ambassador to Hungary, where Prime Minister Viktor Orban
continues to serve as a foe of democratic institutions and
human rights.
In this role, we will rely on you to champion the
restoration of checks and balances, support for an independent
media, and support for LGBTQI rights that have come under
assault under the Orban government.
Next, Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Energy Resources. Ambassador Pyatt is a
dedicated public servant, having served most recently as
Ambassador to Greece and before that Ambassador to Ukraine.
The Assistant Secretary for Energy Resources will be a
crucial part of the Administration's efforts to lead a clean
energy revolution.
We need to cut fossil fuel demand and deploy renewable and
energy efficient technologies in order to provide real long-
term security for ourselves and for our allies.
As President Biden works to take short-term steps to
support Europe in the face of war and disruption, I urge the
Administration to continue to direct investments, funding, and
private sector collaborations towards the renewable energy and
electrification solutions that will keep Americans and our
allies and partners safe, healthy, and supplied with affordable
energy.
Ambassador Pyatt, I look forward to hearing how you will
advance those goals as Assistant Secretary.
And finally, I would like to introduce Ambassador Robert
Wood, who is nominated to be the Alternate Representative for
Special Political Affairs at the United Nations.
Ambassador Wood has extensive experience with multilateral
bodies from his time as the U.S. Ambassador to the Conference
on Disarmament, Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. mission to
the European Union, and Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S.
mission of international organizations in Vienna, Austria.
We welcome you as well, Ambassador Wood, and as we continue
to navigate the pressing challenges to the international
community posed by Russia's invasion of Ukraine and North
Korea's continued illicit development of weapons of mass
destruction, we need to ensure that voice at the United Nations
remains strong.
We have to continue to build coalitions even as Russia and
China continue to serve as spoilers within the United Nations
Security Council.
Congratulations to each of you on your nomination to serve
in these crucial posts.
Now let me turn and recognize the ranking member today,
Senator Portman from Ohio.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. Thank you, Senator Markey, and thank you
for your perfect timing. I apologize for being a couple minutes
late. We are all juggling all of our commitments this morning.
But I am delighted to be here and particularly with these
nominees. Thank you all for being willing to serve our country.
We were just told by Senator Markey something about your
background so I will not go into that except to say that all of
you are looking to join the ranks of some very important
responsibilities.
Elizabeth Shortino to be at IMF--I look forward to talking
to you about that; Ambassador David Pressman, U.S. Ambassador
to Hungary; Geoffrey Pyatt, who I got to know when he was
ambassador in Ukraine, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Energy Resources; and Ambassador Robert Wood at the U.N.
This is a critical time--I guess we always say that--in
global affairs, but I think it is not an overstatement to say
that right now it is particularly difficult because it is a
time of great instability, which requires U.S. leadership, in
my view, on the world stage.
The positions you have been nominated to are all very
important and maybe now more than ever.
Ambassador Pyatt, energy security, as you know, is of
critical importance as Russia continues to wage this war
against Ukraine. Eight hundred and seventy million dollars a
day is about what the Europeans are sending to Russia to help
fund the war machine and so we need to see a change there. We
are seeing it slowly, more quickly if the United States has an
even stronger leadership role.
Unfortunately, it took us a while to work with the EU to
get them to make any moves, but they have embargoed Russian
coal now, which will take effect in mid-August, as you know,
and then they are phasing in this embargo on Russian oil.
I would like to hear from you today, of course, about how
we can be more helpful to accelerate Europe's independence from
Russia.
Strong concerns with our energy policies here at home
because I do not think they are helping right now, and so we
need to do what we can to increase production in this country
rather than rely on the Venezuelas and Saudi Arabias even and,
certainly, the Iranian sources to backfill our own energy
needs.
Ambassador Pressman, Hungary has found itself in the middle
of these conversations about European energy security and
energy independence from Russia. They were a particularly
difficult partner to deal with during Europe's attempts to
agree to ban Russian oil. In fact, the compromise was required
because of them.
I have concerns with the influence of Russia and China in
Hungary and I would like to hear from you today about the
dynamic and ways in which the United States can work to counter
this and the ways in which you personally would work to do so.
Ambassador Wood, no shortage of global issues before the
Security Council--as was noted, Russia's illegal invasion of
Ukraine, the global food and energy crises. Multiple
humanitarian disasters have confirmed your plate will be full.
I want to talk to you about what your priorities will be at
the U.N., if confirmed, and how you plan to work with our
partners and allies there to pursue those priorities.
And we do have a lot of allies, and it turns out that
Vladimir Putin's brutal and unwarranted attack on Ukraine has
strengthened some of those alliances. I note that the NATO
meeting coming up will have the heads of state from countries
like South Korea and Japan and Australia and New Zealand
attending.
Although they are not expanding NATO they are, in effect,
expanding its reach by allying with us so closely.
Ms. Shortino, inflation and energy prices continue to climb
upwards. Of course, this is impacting us here at home but also
impacting emerging and developing countries around the world
and to compound that, of course, we have a sovereign country,
Ukraine, that needs to be rebuilt.
I am interested--really interested in talking to you about
that. I think that IMF can play a central role. Following on
the $40 billion dollar package that Senator Markey and I
supported to help Ukraine, I would hope that the IMF can play a
bigger role, going forward, to help Ukraine get back on its
feet.
I would like to thank you all for being here, again, and,
again, for stepping forward to serve your country and we look
forward to hearing from you.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Portman.
And now we will turn to our opening statements from our
witnesses. I would ask each of you to keep your statements to
five minutes.
And we will begin with you, Ms. Shortino. Whenever you feel
comfortable, please begin.
STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH SHORTINO OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS
Ms. Shortino. Thank you so much, Chairman Markey, and
Ranking Member Portman and members of the committee. I am truly
honored that President Biden has nominated me to serve as
Executive Director of the United States to the International
Monetary Fund.
I am also thankful for the support of Vice President
Harris, Secretary Yellen, and Deputy Secretary Adeyemo.
I am very pleased to be joined today by my husband, Michael
Shortino, my mother, Peggy Demarest, and my son, Alex Shortino,
behind me.
I have spent the last 17 years of my career working in
international affairs for the U.S. Government, serving
administrations from both parties to advance U.S. economic
interests.
My interest in public service took hold during my years at
the University of North Carolina where I majored in political
science. Following graduation, I took a position in management
consulting.
But after four years of working on business strategy I was
drawn to public service. As a graduate student at the Johns
Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, I developed a
passion for international economics and diplomacy and,
specifically, the role of the Bretton Woods Institutions in the
global economic order.
I formally began my career in federal service at the Office
of Management and Budget, overseeing State Department and USAID
economic and development assistance programs.
Four years later, I made the transition to the Treasury
Department in the midst of the global financial crisis. My
career at Treasury has spanned a wide range of international
topics that have all, on some level, involved the use of IMF
engagement to advance U.S. interests.
As an economist working on Pakistan, I worked closely with
the State Department, Defense Department, and USAID to leverage
the IMF and enhancing U.S. national security interests in the
region.
As the director of the Office of the Middle East and North
Africa, I developed strong relationships with IMF staff and
partnered with the IMF to design lending programs that would
support Arab Spring countries in their economic transitions.
Later, as director of the International Monetary Policy
Office, I led Treasury's engagement on IMF policies, IMF
lending, and G-7 and G-20. I also spearheaded the U.S. agenda
for the G-7 during its presidency in 2020 and oversaw the IMF
response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
The IMF has a pivotal role to play in supporting the global
economy. It is truly a unique organization in its ability to
rapidly mobilize support for countries in crisis.
In response to the COVID-19 crisis, it mobilized $33
billion in emergency financing. More recently, it approved $1.4
billion in rapid financing to support Ukraine.
Its engagement often provides a catalytic effect. Its sound
policy advice and robust economic lending conditions can unlock
other international support and market financing, and
facilitate critical transitions towards a stable and growing
economic outlook.
It is the only international institution charged with
assessing exchange rate stability and global economic
imbalances, and its capacity development programs are of the
highest caliber and provide much needed support, particularly
for low income and fragile states.
While the IMF has many strengths, it also faces challenges.
It is an organization that boasts a broad and diverse
membership, and leveraging the IMF's toolkit to advance U.S.
interests requires active engagement with IMF management and
other board members.
Its lending programs need to incorporate measures to
strengthen governance by corruption and bolster anti-money
laundering frameworks, which will help ensure that IMF funds
and other funds are used appropriately.
With low income countries facing rising debt challenges
compounded by the increase in energy and food prices, the IMF
has a significant role to play to support its poorest members.
If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, I will work
tirelessly to help ensure the IMF delivers on these future
challenges while still executing its core mission.
Building upon my experience, I will press for the IMF to
call out unfair and opaque Chinese lending as part of its
broader efforts to promote debt sustainability. I will ensure
that U.S. interests are protected in the next review of IMF
quota and governance reform, which is scheduled to conclude in
2023.
I will take steps to make sure IMF lending is in line with
and supports U.S. national and economic goals, including
fighting corruption and money laundering.
Finally, I will work to improve the operational
effectiveness of the IMF as an institution. I look forward to
regularly engaging with the U.S. Congress and this committee on
all of these issues, and I would be honored to have the
opportunity to serve in this role.
I look forward to your questions today. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Shortino follows:]
Prepared Statement of Elizabeth Shortino
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of
the committee. I am honored that President Biden nominated me to serve
as Executive Director of the United States to the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), and I am thankful for the support of Vice
President Harris, Secretary Yellen, and Deputy Secretary Adeyemo. I am
pleased to be joined today by my husband, Michael Shortino and my three
children: Jack, Alex, and Julia.
I have spent the last 17 years of my career working in
international affairs for the U.S. Government, serving administrations
from both parties to advance U.S. economic interests. My interest in
public service took hold during my undergraduate years at the
University of North Carolina, where I majored in political science and
interned at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.
Following graduation, I took a position in management consulting; but
after four years working on business strategy, I was drawn to public
service. As a graduate student at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced
International Studies, I developed a passion for international
economics and diplomacy, and specifically the role of the Bretton-Woods
institutions in the global economic order.
I formally began my career in federal service at the Office of
Management and Budget overseeing State Department and USAID economic
and development assistance programs to advance economic diplomacy and
support U.S. national security interests. Four years later, I made the
transition to the Treasury Department in the midst of the global
financial crisis.
My career at Treasury has spanned a wide range of international
topics that have all, on some level, involved the use of IMF engagement
to advance U.S interests. As a desk economist for Pakistan, I worked
closely with the State Department, Defense Department, and USAID to
leverage the IMF in enhancing U.S. national security interests in the
region. As Director of the Office of Middle East and North Africa, I
developed strong relationships with IMF staff and partnered with the
IMF to design lending programs that would support Arab Spring countries
in their economic transitions. Later, as Director of the International
Monetary Policy office, I led Treasury's engagement on IMF policies,
IMF lending, and G7 and G20 engagement, including spearheading the U.S.
agenda for the G7 during its presidency in 2020 and overseeing the IMF
response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
The IMF has a pivotal role to play in supporting the global
economy. It is truly a unique organization in its ability to rapidly
mobilize funding to support countries in a crisis. In the response to
the COVID-19 crisis, it mobilized more than $33 billion in emergency
financing, and more recently it approved $1.4 billion in rapid
financing to support Ukraine. Its engagement often provides a catalytic
effect; its sound policy advice and robust economic lending conditions
can unlock other international support and market financing and
facilitate critical transitions towards a stable and growing economic
outlook. It is also the only international institution charged with
assessing exchange rate stability and global economic balances. And its
capacity development programs are of the highest caliber and provide
much needed support for low-income countries and fragile states.
While the IMF has many strengths, it also faces challenges. It is
an organization that boasts a broad and diverse membership and
leveraging the IMF's toolkit to advance U.S. interests requires active
engagement with IMF management and other Board members. Its lending
programs need to incorporate measures to strengthen governance, fight
corruption, and strengthen anti-money laundering frameworks to help
ensure IMF funds are used appropriately. With low-income countries
facing rising debt challenges, compounded by increasing energy and food
prices, the IMF will have a significant role to play to support its
poorest members.
If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, I will work tirelessly to
help ensure the IMF delivers on these future challenges while still
executing its core mission. Building upon my experience, I will press
for the IMF to call out unfair and opaque Chinese lending as part of
its broader efforts to promote debt sustainability. I will ensure that
U.S. interests are protected in the next review of IMF quota and
governance reform, scheduled to conclude in 2023. I will take steps to
make sure IMF engagement are in line with and support U.S. national and
economic goals, including fighting corruption and money laundering.
Finally, I will work to improve the operational effectiveness of the
IMF as an institution.
I look forward to regularly engaging with the U.S. Congress and
this committee on all of these issues. I would be honored to have the
opportunity to serve in this role. I look forward to answering your
questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you very much.
Now we will turn to you, Mr. Pressman, for your testimony.
STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID PRESSMAN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES TO HUNGARY
Mr. Pressman. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Portman,
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
return to this committee as the President's nominee to serve as
United States Ambassador in Hungary.
I am grateful to President Biden and to Secretary Blinken
for the opportunity, if confirmed, to join the exceptional team
of public servants at Embassy Budapest at this time of enormous
complexity and urgency.
As you know, we meet against a backdrop of rising
authoritarianism and democratic backsliding around the world.
Vladimir Putin has once again attacked a sovereign
democratic neighbor, flouting the rules-based international
order and challenging the institutions that America and its
partners stood up to protect it, including the United Nations
Security Council where I previously served as the United States
ambassador.
Even for someone who has spent much of my career focused on
the worst humanity has to offer--national security threats,
human rights abuses, war crimes--the carnage Putin continues to
wreak in Ukraine is staggering.
But where Putin expected weakness he has found strength.
The Ukrainian people's courage and determination, to borrow the
words of a former president, has, quote, ``lit a candle of hope
and inspiration, reminding the world that brave hearts still
exist to fight injustice,'' end quote.
When President Reagan spoke those words he was speaking of
Hungary and Hungarians, who, like their Ukrainian neighbors
today, inspired people everywhere with their bravery, their
thirst for freedom, their zeal for democracy.
In October 1956, Hungarian men and women took to the
streets to stand up to Soviet oppression and demanded the right
to control their destinies. They did so knowing that they could
be imprisoned, tortured, or killed.
Their courage changed the course of Hungary and Europe, and
inspired successive generations who chose to dedicate their
lives to advancing dignity, freedom, and liberty, including me.
Whether serving in government to advance our nation's
interests in the Security Council or working outside of
government to uphold human rights, I have always strived to
dedicate myself to advancing the fundamental values that make
our nation exceptional.
If confirmed, I will bring that same passion for our
interests and values to my work as Ambassador to Hungary.
Hungary is a longtime friend, ally, and partner that makes
significant contributions to common security objectives such as
combating terrorism, transnational crime, and weapons
proliferation.
As a NATO ally, Hungary supports efforts to defend NATO's
eastern flank at this critical moment and has been our partner
in addressing challenges around the world, including in
Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Balkans.
Hungary is also home to hundreds of U.S. companies and the
citizens of our nations take part in rich and growing cultural,
educational, and scientific exchanges.
As both a NATO ally and a member of the European Union,
Hungary joined the world in condemning Putin's unprovoked and
brutal war in Ukraine and, ultimately, supported European Union
efforts to impose severe costs on Putin.
However, Hungary's reticence in that process and the
obvious influence of Russia and China in Hungary and on its
government are causes for serious concern, not just for the
United States' interests or Europe's but for the people of
Hungary.
If confirmed, combating the malign influence of Moscow and
Beijing and preserving and, indeed, strengthening our
collective response to Putin's war of choice will be a top
priority.
The threats to democracy in Hungary are real and they merit
our determined attention. Human rights, media freedom, and the
rule of law are not ``nice to haves'' in Hungary or anywhere
else. They are fundamental foundations for sustaining democracy
and liberty, and for meeting people's most basic needs.
Today in Hungary we see deeply troubling trends in each of
these areas. If confirmed, I will support efforts to advance
and protect these fundamental rights and transatlantic values.
The opportunity to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Hungary is
an opportunity to bring our countries closer together and
deepen ties between our economies and our people, and that is
essential because the fates of our nations are already very
much linked.
A free, safe, and secure Europe of which Hungary is an
integral part is fundamental to a free, safe, and secure United
States. The Hungarian people overwhelmingly view themselves as
we do, as an integral part of the transatlantic community, and
that shared conviction is something we have a vital interest in
preserving.
No matter how difficult the issues we face, we will not
lose sight of our common interest in restoring peace and
security in Europe or of Hungary's role in that, and we will
not equivocate in advancing the cause of liberty and human
dignity.
If confirmed, I will do my utmost to bring us closer to
each other and closer to democracy's promise.
Thank you for your time and consideration. I would be
honored to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pressman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. David Pressman
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to return to this committee as the
President's nominee to represent the United States in Hungary. I am
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the opportunity,
if confirmed, to join the exceptional team of public servants at
Embassy Budapest at a time of enormous complexity and urgency.
As you know, we meet against a backdrop of rising authoritarianism
and democratic backsliding around the world. Vladimir Putin has--once
again--attacked a sovereign, democratic neighbor, flouting the rules-
based international order and challenging the institutions that America
and its partners stood up to protect it, including the United Nations
Security Council, where I previously served as United States
Ambassador. Even for someone who has spent much of my career focused on
the worst humanity has to offer--national security threats, human
rights abuses, and war crimes--the carnage Putin continues to wreak in
Ukraine is staggering.
But where Putin expected weakness, he has found strength. The
Ukrainian people's courage and determination has, to borrow the words
of a former President, ``lit a candle of hope and inspiration . . .
[reminding] the world that brave hearts still exist to challenge
injustice.''
When President Reagan spoke those words, he was speaking of Hungary
and Hungarians, who, like their Ukrainian neighbors today, inspired
people everywhere with their bravery, their thirst for democracy, their
zeal for freedom. In October 1956, Hungarian men and women took to the
streets to stand up to Soviet oppression, and demanded the right to
control their destinies. They did so knowing they could be imprisoned,
tortured, or killed.
Their courage changed the course of Hungary and Europe, and
inspired successive generations who chose to dedicate their lives to
advancing dignity, freedom, and liberty--including me.
Whether serving in government to advance our Nation's interests in
the Security Council, or working outside of government to uphold human
rights, I have always strived to dedicate myself to advancing the
fundamental values that make our Nation exceptional. If confirmed, I
will bring that same passion for our interests and values to my work as
Ambassador to Hungary.
Hungary is a long-time friend, ally, and partner that makes
significant contributions to common security objectives such as
combating terrorism, transnational crime, and weapons proliferation. As
a NATO Ally, Hungary supports efforts to defend NATO's eastern flank at
this critical moment, and has been our partner in addressing challenges
around the world, including in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Balkans.
Hungary is also home to hundreds of U.S. companies, and the citizens of
our nations take part in rich and growing cultural, educational, and
scientific exchanges.
As both a NATO Ally and member of the European Union, Hungary
joined the world in condemning Putin's unprovoked and brutal war in
Ukraine, and ultimately supported European Union efforts to impose
severe costs on Putin.
However, Hungary's reticence in that process, and the obvious
influence of Russia and China in Hungary--and on its Government--are
causes for serious concern. Not just for the United States' interests,
or Europe's, but for the people of Hungary. If confirmed, combatting
the malign influence of Moscow and Beijing, and preserving--and indeed,
strengthening--our collective response to Putin's war of choice will be
a top priority.
The threats to democracy in Hungary are real and merit our
determined attention. Human rights, media freedom, and the rule of law,
are not nice-to-haves in Hungary--or anywhere else. They are
fundamental foundations for sustaining democracy and liberty--and for
meeting people's most basic needs. Today in Hungary, we see deeply
troubling trends in each of these areas. If confirmed, I will support
efforts to advance and protect these fundamental rights and
transatlantic values.
The opportunity to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Hungary is an
opportunity to bring our countries closer together, and to deepen the
ties between our economies and our people. And that is essential,
because the fates of our nations are already very much linked. A free,
safe, and secure Europe, of which Hungary is an integral part, is
fundamental to a free, safe, and secure United States. The Hungarian
people overwhelmingly view themselves as we do--as an integral part of
the transatlantic community. That shared conviction is something we
have a vital stake in preserving.
No matter how difficult the issues we face, we will not lose sight
of our common interest in restoring peace and security to Europe, or of
Hungary's role in that. And we will not equivocate in advancing the
cause of liberty and human dignity.
If confirmed, I will do my utmost to bring us closer to each other,
and closer to the ideals of democracy's promise.
Thank you for your consideration. I would be honored to answer any
questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Pressman, very much.
Now we will recognize Mr. Pyatt for your opening statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. GEOFFREY R. PYATT OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE [ENERGY
RESOURCES]
Mr. Pyatt. Thank you very much, Chairman Markey, Ranking
Member Portman, members of the committee, for the honor of
appearing again before you as President Biden's nominee for
Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources.
This is a pivotal time for the ENR Bureau, with headlines
highlighting the importance of energy issues to our economy,
daily lives of Americans, and to our national security, and I
am grateful for the confidence that President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me with this nomination.
I would also like to introduce my wife, Mary, who has been
my indispensable partner through a 33-year Foreign Service
career and is joining me today.
I am grateful for the support that members of this
committee and its staff have offered through my nine years as
an American ambassador in Europe and, if confirmed, I am
committed to continuing that collaboration.
Energy issues have been a major focus through the past two
decades of my career. As U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, I saw
every day how Russia weaponized energy to undermine European
sovereignty and facilitate corruption.
Putin's brutal invasion has caused a global spike in energy
prices and Americans are suffering at the pump as a result. Our
government is working tirelessly to minimize this pain,
including by leading historic coordinated releases from the
Strategic Petroleum Reserve alongside our partners and allies,
and if confirmed, I will continue ENR's efforts to bolster fuel
supplies on the global market and thwart Russia's use of energy
as a weapon of war.
Energy diversification is crucial to this effort. Over six
years in Athens I was proud to partner with the Greek
government to help that country become a leading ally promoting
diversity of energy sources and routes in Europe.
Importantly, our embassy team also supported Greece to
adopt one of the EU's most ambitious energy transition agendas,
often partnering with American companies that are creating jobs
here at home.
This committee has shown welcome interest in China's
efforts to dominate the supply chain for inputs like critical
minerals essential to the deployment of clean energy
technologies.
If confirmed, I commit to collaborating with you and your
colleagues to secure critical mineral supply chains. I would
also seek to sustain momentum for the Department of State's
recently announced Mineral Security Partnership to ensure U.S.
access to minerals that go into clean tech like batteries. I
would work with the ENR team to build robust responsible supply
chains to support economic prosperity in the United States.
Putin's brutal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has
rewritten the global energy map, and the United States has
worked with our allies and partners to address the severe
impacts, especially on Europe's energy security.
Among Putin's many miscalculations in launching this war
was his failure to anticipate how his actions would make our
alliances stronger and accelerate energy transition.
Together, with the EU, member states, global allies and
partners, and the private sector, we are redirecting energy
supplies to Europe, increasing efficiency measures to reduce
overall energy demand, and accelerating the deployment of
renewable technologies.
My aim, if confirmed, will be to work with our allies and
partners diplomatically and programmatically to free them from
dependence on malign actors like Russia, to ensure that the
United States and our partners benefit from the economic
opportunities of the clean energy revolution and expedite a
low-carbon future that provides reliable and affordable energy
to all segments of society.
Earlier in my State Department career I was honored to
serve at the U.S. mission to the International Atomic Energy
Agency in Vienna, where we worked intensively to advance clean
nuclear power.
I was also part of the negotiating team for the U.S.-India
Civil Nuclear Agreement, which played a critical role in
unlocking the relationship between our two democracies.
If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues from the
State Department's ISN Bureau and the Department of Energy to
support American leadership in civil nuclear technology,
including the new generation of small modular reactors that
promise a reliable source of base load power while advancing
urgent climate goals.
As a career economic officer, I take seriously the
imperative to defend American commercial and technology
leadership.
If confirmed, I will work with business leaders and
entrepreneurs to promote investment in U.S.-led energy
technologies across all sectors, especially those needed to
realize a low-carbon future. I would look forward to working
with ENR's energy transformation and programs offices to
amplify this effort.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, energy security is
front page news right now. But as Senator Lugar recognized in
calling attention to these issues some two decades ago, our
success requires persistent and strategically focused diplomacy
to bolster our international energy partnerships. If confirmed,
I would be honored to contribute to that task.
Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to
answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pyatt follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Mr. Ranking Member, for the honor of
appearing again before this committee as President Biden's nominee for
Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources. This is a pivotal
time for the ENR bureau, with headlines highlighting the importance of
energy issues to our economy, the daily lives of Americans, and our
national security, and I am grateful for the confidence that President
Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me with this nomination.
I would also like to introduce my wife Mary, who has been my
indispensable partner through a 33-year Foreign Service career and is
joining me today. I am grateful for the support that members of this
committee and its staff have offered through my nine years as an
Ambassador in Europe. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing that
collaboration.
Energy issues have been a major focus through the past two decades
of my career. As U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, I saw every day how Russia
weaponized energy to undermine European sovereignty and facilitate
corruption. Putin's brutal invasion has caused a global spike in energy
prices and Americans are suffering at the pump as a result. Our
Government is working tirelessly to minimize this pain, including by
leading historic coordinated releases from the Strategic Petroleum
Reserve alongside our partners and allies. If confirmed, I will
continue ENR's efforts to bolster fuel supplies on the global market
and thwart Russia's use of energy as a weapon of war.
Energy diversification is crucial to this effort. Over six years in
Athens, I was proud to partner with the Greek Government to help that
country become a leading ally promoting diversity of energy sources and
routes in Europe. Importantly, our Embassy team also supported Greece
to adopt one of the EU's most ambitious energy transition agendas,
often partnering with American companies that are creating jobs here at
home.
This committee has shown welcome interest in China's efforts to
dominate the supply chain for inputs like critical minerals essential
to the deployment of clean energy technologies. If confirmed, I commit
to collaborating with you and your colleagues to secure critical
mineral supply chains. I would also seek to sustain momentum for the
Department of State's recently-announced Minerals Security Partnership
to ensure U.S. access to minerals that go into cleantech like
batteries. I would work with the ENR team to build robust, responsible
supply chains to support economic prosperity in the United States.
Putin's brutal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has rewritten the
global energy map and the United States has worked with our allies and
partners to address the severe impacts, especially on Europe's energy
security. Among Putin's many miscalculations in launching this war was
his failure to anticipate how his actions would make our alliances
stronger and accelerate energy transition. Together with the EU, member
states, global allies and partners, and the private sector, we are re-
directing energy supplies to Europe, increasing efficiency measures to
reduce overall energy demand, and accelerating the deployment of
renewable technologies.
My aim, if confirmed, will be to work with our allies and partners
diplomatically and programmatically to free them from dependence on
malign actors like Russia, to ensure that the United States and our
partners benefit from the economic opportunities of the clean energy
revolution, and expedite a low-carbon future that provides reliable and
affordable energy to all segments of society.
Earlier in my State Department career, I was honored to serve at
the U.S. Mission to the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna,
where we worked intensively to advance clean nuclear power. I was also
a part of the negotiating team for the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear
Agreement, which played a critical role in unlocking the relationship
between our two democracies. If confirmed, I will work closely with
colleagues from the State Department's ISN bureau and the Department of
Energy to support American leadership in civil nuclear technology,
including the new generation of small modular reactors that promise a
reliable source of baseload power while advancing our urgent climate
goals.
As a career economic officer, I take seriously the imperative to
defend American commercial and technology leadership. If confirmed, I
will work with business leaders and entrepreneurs to promote investment
in U.S.-led energy technologies across all sectors--especially those
needed to realize a low carbon future. I would look forward to working
with ENR's energy transformation and programs offices to amplify this
effort.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, energy security is front
page news right now, but as Senator Lugar recognized in calling
attention to these issues some two decades ago, our success requires
persistent and strategically focused diplomacy to bolster our
international energy partnerships. If confirmed, I would be honored to
contribute to that task.
Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to answering
your questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ambassador Pyatt, and I would
also like to enter into the record this letter of support for
Ambassador Pyatt's nomination from the American Jewish
Committee and from the Hellenic American Leadership Council,
without objection, be entered into the record.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
Senator Markey. And finally, Ambassador Wood, your opening
statement, please?
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT A. WOOD OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
ALTERNATE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FOR
SPECIAL POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK
OF AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE AN ALTERNATE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS
ALTERNATE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FOR
SPECIAL POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN THE UNITED NATIONS
Mr. Wood. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Portman,
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to come before you today as you take up my
nomination to serve as United States Alternate Representative
for Special Political Affairs at the United Nations in New
York.
I am greatly honored by the confidence and trust President
Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me through this
nomination, and if confirmed by the Senate I will defend to the
utmost of my ability the fundamental values and interests of
the American people.
I also wish to thank my lovely wife, Gita, and son,
Jonathan, for their love and support throughout our
extraordinary Foreign Service journey. Without them, I would
simply not be where I am today.
As you know from reviewing my body of work over 34 years of
government service, I have a great deal of experience working
on multilateral issues that spans leadership roles in our
missions to the European Union, the U.N. in Vienna, and the
Conference on Disarmament.
Multilateral diplomacy can be extremely challenging and
frustrating, yet it is so vitally important to the defense and
promotion of American values and national security interests.
During a previous assignment at the U.S. mission to the
U.N. in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, I witnessed the great
work the U.N. can do, for example, the passage of U.N. Security
Council Resolution 1267, which mandated sanctions on the
Taliban and al-Qaeda, and of U.N. Security Council Resolution
1373, establishing the U.N. Security Council Counterterrorism
Committee.
The passage of these two critical measures exemplified what
the founders of the U.N. had envisioned--a body whose members
would take prompt and effective action against those forces
that represent serious threats to international peace and
security.
What also stood out for me at that time was just how
essential U.S. leadership was to the passage of those two
resolutions. U.S. leadership is especially crucial today as the
international community confronts Russia's unprovoked and
brutal war of aggression against the people and territory of
Ukraine.
Because of Russia's war in Ukraine its international
isolation is now profound. If confirmed, I will work with other
nations at the U.N. to widen and deepen that isolation.
Russia must understand that its military and political
leadership will be held accountable for the death and
destruction it has perpetrated upon Ukraine. Let there be no
mistake about that.
Mr. Chairman, there are, of course, other immense
challenges around the globe that call out for urgent
international action, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the
climate crisis, the proliferation and use of weapons of mass
destruction, growing anti-Semitism, and a rise in the number of
autocratic regimes and the inherent threats they pose to
freedom of expression.
No single state can or should be expected to tackle any of
these issues by itself. It is only through collective action
that we can hope to successfully address major threats.
In the Security Council and beyond, the relentless efforts
of our adversaries to undermine the broader rules-based
international order should be a call to action for all who
believe in a transparent, open, and human rights-centric United
Nations.
If confirmed, I will work vigorously to push back on
Russian and Chinese efforts to reshape and undermine
international law, institutions, and standards.
The U.N. needs reform. If confirmed, one of my priorities
will be to pursue President Biden's reform agenda for the
United Nations. I will work tirelessly to ensure that American
taxpayers' money is being well spent at the U.N., that sexual
exploitation and abuse are rooted out of U.N. peace operations,
that the U.N. Secretary General is given the tools to better
fight malign influence, that human rights remain at the core of
the U.N.'s work, and that everything possible is done to put an
end to anti-Israel bias throughout the entire U.N. system.
If confirmed, I would be honored to join Ambassador Thomas-
Greenfield and her team at the U.S. mission in New York in
pushing forward the President's robust agenda at the United
Nations, which includes increasing the number of qualified
Americans employed at the world body, something, Mr. Chairman,
I know you and your colleagues on this distinguished committee
want to see as well.
Again, thank you for giving me the opportunity to come
before you. I look forward to answering any questions you may
have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Wood follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Robert A. Wood
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
Committee, thank you for the opportunity to come before you today as
you take up my nomination to serve as the United States' Alternate
Representative for Special Political Affairs at the United Nations in
New York. I am greatly honored by the confidence and trust President
Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me through this nomination;
and if confirmed by the Senate, I will defend to the utmost of my
ability the fundamental values and interests of the American people.
I also wish to thank my lovely wife, Gita, and son, Jonathan, for
their love and support throughout our extraordinary Foreign Service
journey. Without them, I would simply not be where I am today.
As you know from reviewing my body of work over 34 years of
government service, I have a great deal of experience working on
multilateral issues that spans leadership roles in our Missions to the
European Union, the U.N. in Vienna, and the Conference on Disarmament.
Multilateral diplomacy can be extremely challenging and frustrating,
yet it is so vitally important to the defense and promotion of American
values and national security interests.
During a previous assignment at the U.S. Mission to the U.N. in the
immediate aftermath of 9/11, I witnessed the great work the U.N. can
do--for example, the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1267,
which mandated sanctions on the Taliban and Al-Qaida; and of U.N.
Security Council Resolution 1373, establishing the U.N. Security
Council Counter Terrorism Committee.
The passage of these two critical measures exemplified what the
founders of the U.N. had envisioned: a body whose members would take
prompt and effective action against those forces that represent serious
threats to international peace and security.
What also stood out for me at that time was just how essential U.S.
leadership was to the passage of those two resolutions. U.S leadership
is especially crucial today as the international community confronts
Russia's unprovoked and brutal war of aggression against the people and
territory of Ukraine. Because of Russia's war on Ukraine, its
international isolation is now profound. If confirmed, I will work with
other nations at the U.N. to widen and deepen that isolation. Russia
must understand that its military and political leadership will be held
accountable for the death and destruction it has perpetrated upon
Ukraine. Let there be no mistake about that.
Mr. Chairman, there are of course other immense challenges around
the globe that call out for urgent international action, such as the
COVID-19 pandemic, the climate crisis, the proliferation and use of
weapons of mass destruction, growing anti-Semitism, and a rise in the
number of autocratic regimes and the inherent threats they pose to
freedom of expression. No single state can or should be expected to
tackle any of these issues by itself; it is only through collective
action that we can hope to successfully address major threats.
In the Security Council and beyond, the relentless efforts of our
adversaries to undermine the broader rules-based international order
should be a call to action for all who believe in a transparent, open,
and human rights-centric United Nations. If confirmed, I will work
vigorously to push back on Russian and Chinese efforts to reshape and
undermine international law, institutions, and standards.
The U.N. needs reform. If confirmed, one of my priorities will be
to pursue President Biden's reform agenda for the U.N. I will work
tirelessly to ensure that American taxpayers' money is being well spent
at the U.N.; that sexual exploitation and abuse are rooted out of U.N.
peace operations; that the U.N. Secretary-General is given the tools to
better fight malign influence; that human rights remain at the core of
the U.N.'s work; and that everything possible is done to put an end to
anti-Israel bias throughout the entire U.N. system.
If confirmed, I would be honored to join Ambassador Thomas-
Greenfield and her team at the U.S. Mission in New York in pushing
forward the President's robust agenda at the United Nations, which
includes increasing the number of qualified Americans employed at the
world body--something, Mr. Chairman, I know you and your colleagues on
this distinguished committee want to see as well.
Again, thank you for giving me the opportunity to come before you.
I look forward to answering any questions you may have.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ambassador, very much and we
thank each of the witnesses.
Before we go to questions and answers from the members of
the committee, I have a few questions that speak to the
importance that this committee places on responsiveness of all
officials in the executive branch and that we expect and will
be seeking from you. I would ask each of you to provide just a
yes or no answer.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
I ask each of you to say yes.
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. Thank you. Do you agree--do you commit to
keep this committee fully and currently informed about the
activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. We thank you for that. Now we will turn to
a question and answer period from the members.
Ms. Shortino, from your perspective, what role should the
United States play in the conversations to ensure that the IMF
and other international institutions guarantee that Ukraine
gets the help that they need? Their economy is collapsing by 40
percent. What would you consider to be the correct plan for us
to implement in the months and years ahead?
Ms. Shortino. Absolutely. Thank you for that very important
question, Senator.
I think there is quite a lot that the Fund can do in terms
of helping stabilize Ukraine's economy and help rebuild it. I
do want to just say at the outset, like others here, I strongly
condemn Russia's illegal war against Ukraine. This is a clear
violation of rules and principles.
The IMF can really step forward. It already has stepped
forward with $1.4 billion in emergency financing to help
stabilize and provide urgent needs to the Ukraine foreign
exchange reserves.
The IMF can provide policy advice, going forward, in terms
of what the Ukrainians can do to stabilize their economy and
also help identify financing needs and gaps that need to be
filled.
And as Ukraine moves into the reconstruction phase, we
hope, at some point, IMF--the IMF will be a key player in terms
of laying out the foundation for what a stable macro economy
looks like and helping lay that foundation for other
institutions, bilateral and multilateral, to step in.
If confirmed, I would be working very hard to make sure
that the IMF is very forward leaning in terms of its engagement
with Ukraine.
I would be working with other shareholders at the IMF and
with management and staff to advance all of these issues.
Senator Markey. Thank you.
Ambassador Pressman, according to Freedom House, Hungary
stands out in Europe for its unparalleled democratic erosion
over the last decade, undergoing the largest decline over--ever
measured in Freedom House's Report on Democracy in Europe or
Eurasia.
As ambassador, how would you engage with government
officials, like-minded partners, and members of civil society
to support independent media, advance the rights of the LGBTQI
community, and support democratic institutions?
Mr. Pressman. Chairman Markey, thank you for the question.
You are absolutely correct with respect to the Freedom
House ranking. In addition, I would say that, really,
regardless of what political perspective you look at the
indicators in Hungary, the American Enterprise Institute, the
Cato Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the World Bank, and
Freedom House have all looked at indicators in terms of
democratic processes and institutions and have seen decline in
Hungary, and that should be a cause of enormous concern.
Hungary is our partner and our ally. But what we are
seeing--we use the term democratic backsliding and that is a
little bit of a euphemism. I mean, I use the term as well, but
it is--it belies the fact that--it suggests that as we are
climbing up Mount Olympus, so to speak, we are slipping back
unintentionally, and in fact, what we see in Hungary are
affirmative choices by our partner that are having the
predictable consequence of limiting media freedom, of
undermining the independence of the judiciary, of targeting
vulnerable populations.
And so it is incumbent upon us, if I am confirmed, to
engage unequivocally at the senior most political levels of the
government to express our concerns but also to be engaging with
civil society and the rich civil society that does exist in
Hungary and that the space for which to operate has been
limited to ensure that we are providing them with the most
support we can to engage in the democratic process.
Senator Markey. Thank you.
And to you, Ambassador Pyatt, according to the Biden
administration's review, the United States is 100 percent
dependent on imports of 17 critical minerals and relies on
China for refining and reprocessing.
For instance, China processes 90 percent of the world's
rare earth elements, 55 percent of the world's lithium, 65
percent of the world's cobalt.
What is your plan for the United States to be able to
respond to this challenge that our country has now been posed
with?
Mr. Pyatt. Thank you, Chairman Markey.
And let me start by saying that I think all of us as
Americans should be concerned about the kind of monopoly that
China has been able to achieve on these critical elements of
the solar supply chain.
Similarly, it is extremely important that the United States
works with our partners and allies in order to ensure
transparency and reliability of critical mineral supply chains
around the world and to develop diversity of sources.
In that regard, I am proud to say that the ENR Bureau has
really been ahead of the curve in developing policy mechanisms
and multilateral structures to work with like-minded countries
on these issues through initiatives like the EITI--the
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative--through the
Mineral Security Partnership.
These are the industries of the future and, Mr. Chairman,
if you will allow me a short comment about Massachusetts. A
great example is an American company that I was able to work
with as ambassador in Greece called Advent Technologies.
Advent is a path breaker on hydrogen fuel cell technology.
It has an operation in Greece, and I was very proud to support
Advent in their advocacy before the Greek government and they,
just last week, received a positive signal.
They will be getting about a billion dollars of EU funding
to deploy hydrogen fuel cell technologies in Western Macedonia,
a region of Greece formerly dominated by coal mining.
It is a great example of the work our embassies can do but
it is also a great example of how we need to build these
international partnerships on these cutting-edge clean
technologies. This is an area where we can prevail.
Thank you very much.
Senator Markey. Excellent. No, thank you, and thank you for
singling out a Massachusetts company. Much appreciated.
Secretary--Senator Portman?
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will take that
promotion.
So I mentioned earlier that I have had the opportunity to
work with you, Ambassador Pyatt, in your role in Ukraine. I
thought you did a very good job there and, particularly,
advocating a stronger position vis-a-vis Russia, and I am glad
you are stepping up to do this.
I am going to put you on the spot here, though, a little
bit. You said, ``I have seen how Russia weaponized energy. We
need to free Europeans of malign actors like Russia.''
That is good. I just wonder if we are doing that, and I
think about Nord Stream 2, what we did there. I mean, what this
administration thought, as I understand it, is that if they
approved Nord Stream 2, which the previous administration had
disapproved, that somehow that would make Russia a better
partner.
What do you think about that? Do you think it made Russia a
better partner?
Mr. Pyatt. Senator, let me start by saying thank you to you
and all the members of the committee for the tremendous support
that I enjoyed as U.S. Ambassador in Ukraine. It made an
extraordinary difference in the effectiveness of our diplomacy
and our effort to support the choices of the Ukrainian people.
On the question of energy, I will say a couple of quick
things. First, Nord Stream 2 was a bad deal. I wish it did not
take this brutal war to make the rest of the world understand
that so clearly.
Senator Portman. Let me just--I have only got a few minutes
here, but not just the rest of world. What I am asking you,
really, is what lessons did you learn from that and what did
the United States learn from it? Because I think we made a
mistake.
I mean, some people say it gave Putin a green light. I do
not go that far. I think he was seeing a green light everywhere
he looked.
But that was one of the reasons, I think, he decided, well,
this is an indication that Europe and the United States are not
going to stand up to me because I have weaponized energy
effectively. They have even now approved Nord Stream 2 to make
them more dependent on Russian oil.
Is that the lesson you get from it?
Mr. Pyatt. Senator, I would say Russia's manipulation
continues today. You see it in the reduction of energy
supplies----
Senator Portman. Forty percent reduction on Nord Stream 1.
Mr. Pyatt [continuing]. Even now.
Senator Portman. And let me ask you that because I--again,
I do not see you are going to answer my first question
directly. But do you think we should do something about Nord
Stream 1?
Mr. Pyatt. I think we need to make sure that we do
everything possible to ensure that people in Europe and
everywhere else remember the way they felt on the 25th of
February; that is, to make sure that we make sure that nobody
ever again says that Russia can be a reliable energy supplier,
that we do everything possible to reduce Russian revenues from
oil and gas while also avoiding further disruption of a highly
disrupted global energy marketplace.
Senator Portman. Let me just suggest that we are doing the
opposite in some regards, not with regard to Nord Stream 2
anymore, although we did, thanks to the Germans finally
deciding rightly so. That is not the issue.
But last week, the Biden administration Treasury Department
announced an extension of HC licenses through December 5th.
This is allowing energy transactions to continue to be exempted
from sanctions.
It otherwise would have ended tomorrow, June 24th. We have
extended that license. So these Russian banks are now able to
transact energy deals and support the--again, the continued
reliance on Russian energy.
I pushed Treasury on this and was told the decision was
made based on Europe's phased in of the energy embargo--the oil
embargo, in particular--and, again, $870 million a day. That is
what I am told is the average daily receipts that Russia is
receiving with a nice margin and that is one reason you see the
ruble gaining strength.
That is why you see the Russian economy not being nearly as
debilitated as the Ukrainian economy and, frankly, they are not
feeling the pressure.
What do you think about that? Should that license have been
renewed that was set to expire tomorrow?
Mr. Pyatt. Senator, I was not part of those policy
deliberations. I do not have the benefit of all the
perspectives so I cannot address that.
What I will say is that it is very clear to me that we are
in the early stages of this campaign and that if you look at
what is happening in the Russian oil and gas industry--the
gradual European phase out, the European decision on insurance
for seaborne Russian oil, the disengagement of international
companies from the Russian oil and gas industry, which is
taking away technology and will inevitably damage Russia's
ability to produce oil and gas--all of these things will raise
the cost for Vladimir Putin of the outrageous events that have
unfolded since the 24th of February.
Senator Portman. As you know, I think we should be more
aggressive and I hope you will be, and despite all the things
you are saying they are doing just fine. And it is not just
China and India that is providing all these resources to fund
the war machine. It is our allies in Europe and elsewhere.
I have lots more questions about Hungary and about the IMF.
Hopefully, we will have a second round and, again, I am glad
you are stepping up. I hope you will be as aggressive as I saw
you in Ukraine where you actually helped push the
Administration policy toward a more realistic view of Russia. I
want to see the same thing with regard to your new role with
regard to our energy crisis we face.
Thank you.
Mr. Pyatt. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Markey. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you to my colleagues, and
congratulations to the nominees. What a qualified panel.
I have questions for you, Ambassador Pyatt and Ms.
Shortino.
Ambassador Pyatt, not a question, just an observation. Your
position is really important and I think it is really important
the coordination that you will do with other parts of the
Government, the Department of Energy and others.
I am not an energy expert but I have been confused by the
Administration's kind of messaging around energy policy. I give
the Biden administration very high praise for the degree to
which they have snapped together a set of democratic allies,
not just NATO members but others as well, to deal with the
illegal invasion of Ukraine.
I think that a lot is going to be written about the
prenegotiation of consequences if there should be an invasion--
we agree that this has to be done.
The one piece, though, that I am confused about in the
whole sort of comprehensive effort is the energy policy piece,
and I get it that it is complicated because there are a number
of goals we are trying to achieve at the same time.
We want to transition the United States and the world to a
lower and no-carbon energy future to save the planet. We are
worried about pricing effects on Americans who are paying too
much for gas at the pump.
We want to help nations break free of reliance on petro
dictators, both for the good of the planet but also because we
do not want to have resources flowing to petro dictators that
will embolden them.
These are difficult goals to accomplish at the same time
and, occasionally, there is timing that makes me confused. We
had a hearing a couple of weeks ago. It was an energy-related
hearing in this committee where sort of on the same day news
was breaking that the President was going to be going to Saudi
Arabia to try to get them to produce more energy.
I have got major problems with any meeting with MBS because
he is complicit in the murder of a Virginia journalist, Jamal
Khashoggi, who was a Washington Post journalist whose family
still lives in Virginia.
But at the same time as the news was coming out about the
potential for this meeting there was also an announcement out
of a different part of the U.S. Government that oil leases that
some oil companies had in Alaska were being canceled.
Those leases, if they had not been canceled, they were not
going to produce oil like this. But there was something odd
about we are going to go to a dictator with blood on his hands
and ask him to produce more energy and cancel leases at the
same time.
But, again, there is multiple goals that we are trying to
accomplish and it is hard. But what I really have not yet seen
from the Administration is sort of here is the near-term
strategy that we are going to pursue to help backstop European
allies and help wean them away from reliance on Russian energy.
Here is what U.S. productive capacity can help them do in
the short term. But here is the long-term strategy where we are
going to help our allies move toward the lower and no-carbon
energy future.
That, obviously, is a tall order to have a strategy that
has got this near-term and medium-term and long-term approach
to it. But I think you are going to be in a unique position
because of the work that you have already done and the
credibility you have to in the kind of interagency dialogue,
whether it is at the White House or DOE or State, to kind of
balance these domestic policy imperatives with foreign policy
imperatives.
I think you are just perfectly suited for this role. But I
am just putting that marker down to say I would like to see a
lot more clarity from the Administration about how we are going
to try to accomplish these goals. We cannot accomplish them all
at once but we can have a phased effort to do so.
Ms. Shortino, I want to talk to you. I am very--I am
focused on the Americas a lot. I am the chairman of the
Subcommittee over the Americas, and a nation that we have some
opportunities with but I am really worried about now is
Argentina.
The IMF--I think the largest loan that the IMF ever did was
a 2018 loan to Argentina that, frankly, was to stabilize their
economy and it did not really work, and the IMF has studied,
okay, why did we do it that way and why did it not work.
Argentina is, in some instances now, getting closer to
China, invited to be part of the BRICS meetings. They are the
latest addition to the Belt and Road Initiative with China.
They are, I think, participating in the Shanghai--the alternate
development bank that China is setting up as kind of a
competitor to the IMF.
I would like you--now I have really filibustered. I have
asked my question and I only have a few seconds left. Talk a
little bit about what we might do with Argentina through the
IMF to, hopefully, improve the relationships we have with them.
And I apologize, Mr. Chair, for taking five minutes to ask
a question. But if you will let her answer I would really
appreciate it.
Senator Markey. Absolutely.
Please, Ambassador.
Ms. Shortino. Absolutely.
And, Senator Kaine, I could not share your concerns any
more. I mean, Argentina--it is a complicated case. This is a
country that has seen economic issues for decades now. There
are no easy answers, to be sure.
Can the IMF come in and bring this economy back to a place
where it can be stable and it can eventually grow and reaccess
markets? I, certainly, hope so. It is not going to be an easy
task.
That said, this new IMF program that is in place it does
have the ability, if executed, to lay the foundation by
bringing inflation down, bringing down the fiscal deficit,
restoring confidence in markets, that will actually move
Argentina on the right path.
Is that path going to be quick? Absolutely not. But can we
start nudging them in that direction? Yes, I think we can.
If confirmed, I would, really, be working to see is
Argentina--are we holding Argentina's feet to the fire? Are
they executing on what they committed to do with the IMF? And
if they are not we need to have the courage to stand up and say
we do not support this.
If they are, I think we can work with other key members at
the IMF to really push them in the right direction. It is going
to take a lot of work but I think the IMF is uniquely placed in
its role to actually get them headed in that direction.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. I appreciate my
colleagues' patience.
Senator Markey. And I thank the Senator.
I know Senator Johnson had signed on to ask questions
remotely.
Are you there, Senator Johnson?
[No response.]
Senator Markey. If not, the Senator from New Hampshire,
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And congratulations to each of you on your nominations and
thank you for your willingness to continue to serve the
country.
Ambassador Pyatt, I would like to begin with you because so
much of our focus has been on how do we produce more energy--
how do we replace what Russia is doing.
But there has not been much on the demand side on energy,
and at some point before the Russian invasion a couple of years
ago I remember seeing a report that showed that Ukraine was the
most energy inefficient country in Europe.
I wonder if you could talk about how we can get some of
these countries focused on using less energy. Most of that
technology is off the shelf that can be put in very quickly.
But I think there are a lot of both residential consumers
and businesses that do not understand what a difference it
would make if they swap out all their light bulbs and light
fixtures and do other measures that would ensure that they are
more efficient.
Mr. Pyatt. Thank you, Senator, and you are exactly right,
and Mary will tell you that when we were living in Kyiv,
because you had centralized heating every October the
centralized heating system would turn on and then we would open
all the windows because that is how you kept the temperature
manageable before it got really cold outside.
Senator Shaheen. It is kind of like the Capitol here, that
it is--the warmer it gets outside the colder it gets in here.
Mr. Pyatt. And, Senator, the challenge is that in so much
of Europe a major demand driver for natural gas is, in fact,
home heating. And so while Europe is not having the debate we
are having here in the United States over $6 a gallon gasoline,
what it is having is an enormous debate over home utility
bills, which are going through the roof as gas prices have
quadrupled, gone up over seven times since the start of the
COVID pandemic.
Making these changes is critically important. Rewiring
European energy infrastructure to electrify home heating, to
introduce efficiency measures like smart thermostats, this is
all going to take time, especially in developing countries, in
the western Balkans, in places like Ukraine. There is an
important role to be played by USAID, by the Department of
Energy, by ENR.
And I will say, Senator, during my time in Kyiv I was
really grateful for the interagency partnership that we had,
largely, led by ENR, by the way, but bringing together all
these instruments of the U.S. Government to help the Ukrainians
reduce their dependence on Russia.
It was a major accomplishment that almost simultaneous with
the invasion Ukraine switched its electricity grids over to the
European grid.
Senator Shaheen. Thank goodness.
Mr. Pyatt. That was the fruit of resources that this
committee helped to provide but work that started way back in
2014 in terms of modernizing the infrastructure.
You are exactly right and, certainly, if confirmed, this
will be part of the agenda that I will bring to the office.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I appreciate that. I know it is
longer term but I think it is very important to have that on
the agenda.
Ms. Shortino, it is clear that part of what is happening in
Ukraine with Russia is their effort to control the Black Sea to
keep Ukraine from getting its grain out and the impact that
that is having not just on Ukraine but on the rest of the
world.
Can you talk about whether IMF has a role in trying to help
put pressure on Russia?
Ms. Shortino. Absolutely, and I think you raise a very
valid concern.
I mean, the IMF has quite a few roles to play in this whole
broader crisis. The first is to assess and provide countries
with policy advice around these spillover impacts. It will be
bringing forward a program soon for Egypt. This is one of the
countries that is significantly impacted by higher food prices.
It is also engaging in other countries as well. It is
looking, more broadly, at the food crisis impact for all of
these countries. Its surveillance and its lending, its capacity
development, are very key in terms of supporting the policy
response.
With regards to Russia, I think in this instance, really,
if confirmed, my role would be to sort of minimize Russia's
impact, Russia's voice at the Fund.
The Fund--they have a responsibility to do surveillance on
the Russian economy. The Russians should allow them to do that
because then we can see just how badly the economy is doing.
Right now, Russia is not publishing a lot of that data.
If confirmed, I would really push for the IMF to be doing
that sort of analysis so that we can have an accurate picture
of this--what the effect has been on the Russian economy.
Senator Shaheen. I, certainly, hope that you and our other
international institutions will voice the concern about what
Russia is doing with respect to food stocks and the impact that
that is having around the world, and take the position that
that is not acceptable and that we need to stand up to Putin on
that.
And my view is we should work through the U.N. and escort
ships into the Black Sea and get that grain out because we
should not let Vladimir Putin starve millions of people in
Africa and Latin America.
I know that my time is up but I would just like to add,
Ambassador Wood, the news reports yesterday and today have been
about the devastating earthquake in Afghanistan and, obviously,
given the role of the Taliban it is--the kind of international
aid that might be coming is more difficult under the current
circumstances.
I hope you, at the U.N., will lobby the U.N. agencies that
have continued to work in Afghanistan to ensure that we are
doing everything possible to respond and also to address what
is happening with women and girls in the country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. Excuse me. I have been told that Senator
Booker has been waiting in line--I apologize to you--on video.
If you do not mind, Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Not a problem.
Senator Markey. Senator Booker, if you are there you are
recognized.
Senator Booker. I am here. I just want to mark for history
that this may be the only time in my life that I get to cut
ahead of a man with such seniority and stature as Senator
Cardin. Thank you for your graciousness.
Senator Cardin. As long as Senator Booker does not use
physical force to get in between me, as he did with Senator
Tester.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. I appreciate that.
I am really excited that this is, really, in my opinion, a
very important Pride Month here in the United States of America
with a lot of the challenges we are seeing that the LGBTQ
community persists to face.
But I want to talk, Mr. Pressman, if I can, about LGBTQ
issues on an international stage but more specifically in
Hungary.
Since Viktor Orban's rise to power over a decade ago, the
Hungarian Government has rolled back a lot of democratic norms,
as the chairman mentioned in his comments earlier.
It has diminished the independence of governing
institutions meant to provide the necessary checks and
balances, limiting space for civil society and has been openly
hostile towards vulnerable populations and, specifically, the
LGBTQ+ population.
Orban's government has rescinded legal recognition of
transgender people and passed a law banning the use of
materials seen as, ``promoting homosexuality and gender
fluidity at schools.''
If confirmed, how will you press the Hungarian Government
to respect the rights of all of her citizens, especially
vulnerable, discriminated against groups like the LGBTQ+
population?
And then I just want to add to that, how can the U.S. work
with the EU to ensure that the Hungarian Government is held
accountable for any violations of human rights in its crackdown
on civil society in general and LGBTQ groups specifically?
Mr. Pressman. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
And I cannot emphasize enough how important the issues you
raise are and they would be the crackdown on civil society,
generally, but the use of anti-LGBT rhetoric and policies in a
way that is about, fundamentally, trying to exclude a
population from the democratic process.
And so whether the rhetoric is anti-LGBT, antisemitic,
anti-Roma, to the extent that it has the impact of trying to
remove a population from its ability to engage in democracy it
is a corrosive. It is dangerous and merits a unequivocal and
immediate response from people across society, including at the
senior most levels of government.
And so, Senator, if confirmed, you have my commitment that
I would engage directly at all levels with the Hungarian
government--thank you--at all levels with the Hungarian
Government but, in addition, would work very much with civil
society, who is operating in a limited space, to try to make
progress on this important set of issues.
Senator Booker. And while I have you--and by the way, that
assurance gives me great confidence in my support for you on
the floor in the United States Senate as well as in committee.
But you know the challenges we are facing, obviously, in
Ukraine. I was in Poland and just recently in Germany, but
Hungary has taken 700,000 Ukrainian refugees, which is a good
thing.
But I am worried about Hungary's increasing nationalism and
the backsliding and, frankly, their cozy relationship with
Russia and their dependence on Russia for natural gas and oil.
I am skeptical, really, of Hungary's continued actions
regarding the war in Ukraine and so, just really quickly,
because I still want to get one more question in, if confirmed,
how will you work with the Orban government regarding Hungary's
approach and response to the war in Ukraine?
And if you can do that in 20 seconds I would appreciate it.
Mr. Pressman. I will try my best, Senator.
Let me just say I share your concern. I think that in terms
of engaging on this issue we have to tackle the problem of
Russian influence on the government of Hungary and to do that
it requires being direct with our concerns.
It requires investing in civil society's capacity to render
more transparent what those relationships are, including
independent media, and it requires supporting the European
Union in tackling some of the corruption challenges as well.
Senator Booker. That was an impressive 20 seconds, sir. You
have a----
Mr. Pressman. I tried.
Senator Booker [continuing]. You have a talent and a gift
in diplomacy that many Senators do not share.
Really quick, Ms. Shortino, can you just talk to me? One of
my biggest concerns in the Senate right now is the global food
crisis and we have been working very hard, my office along with
others on this committee, to try to get that addressed.
And so what role can the IMF play in helping countries hit
by high food prices and what kind of financial assistance can
the IMF provide to the worst affected nations? If you could
just give me that answer.
And, Mr. Chairman, thank you for your indulgence.
Ms. Shortino. Absolutely, and that is a huge concern right
now. I mean, this is a crisis that is really facing a lot of
countries and low income countries in particular, who already
have very high debt levels and very limited fiscal space.
It is really incumbent upon the IMF to come in and provide
support. Briefly, they can provide policy advice to these
countries in terms of how to address their fiscal structure,
how to strengthen their external position so that they are able
to import higher priced goods.
They can also provide lending, and as I had mentioned
earlier, there is going to be a large program coming up for
Egypt. There are several other lending programs in the works
that will address--in a good way will provide near-term
financing but will also include conditions that address some of
the underlying vulnerabilities that have gotten these countries
into this position in the context of the higher food prices.
And, of course, capacity development. The IMF has very
strong capacity development, particularly in the area of fiscal
and monetary policy, and can help build up these countries'
ability to manage higher debt, to manage, fiscal transparency.
All of these things, in the end, will help make these
economies more stable and able to respond to crises such as
these.
Senator Booker. Thank you. I look forward to working with
you on this issue. I look forward to supporting you on the
floor and in committee.
And, Senator Cardin and Chairman, thank you for the
indulgence of the extra one minute and 45 seconds.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Booker.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
What I think I will do--we have a business meeting of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee that will take place at
11:00. I know we have a limited amount of time.
I am going to ask most of my questions for the record in
respect for the time that we have available. I just want to
thank all of our nominees for their willingness to serve.
Mr. Pressman, I enjoyed our conversation, and just to
further enlighten our members, I think your background in
regards to war crimes is something that could be extremely
helpful to us as we look at the challenges that we have in
regards to holding Russia accountable for its activities in
Ukraine.
I do want to just underscore also the point of your
background as co-chair of the International Bar Association's
Human Rights Law Committee. It will serve you well as our
representative in Hungary.
I just really want to underscore the importance for the
U.S. Embassy to be a refuge for the human rights defenders
within Hungary.
Hungary presents challenges for us as a NATO ally and as a
member of the European Union. The Orban government has not only
violated the commitments of the Helsinki Final Act--I chair the
U.S. Helsinki Commission--but also represents a challenge for
Europe in violating its commitments in regards to the rights in
the law that they pass affecting the LGBTQ community.
You are going to have your hands full in Hungary. But I
think you are the right person to do that and I thank you for
your willingness to serve.
Mr. Chairman, I will ask my questions for the record.
Thank you.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator.
And we thank all of our witnesses for your answering of our
questions today. We are looking forward to seeing all of the
good work which you are going to be doing in your new post.
Members of the committee will have until the close of
business tomorrow, Friday, June 24th, to revise and extend
their remarks and submit questions for the record with a prompt
response from witnesses to those questions.
We thank everyone for their participation today.
With that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 10:28 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Communication Urging the Confirmation of Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt
to be an Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Shortino by Senator Robert Menendez
Fiscal Consolidation Measures
Question. The compounding crises of the COVID-19 pandemic and war
in Ukraine have exacerbated significant challenges faced by many
countries that were already facing rising debt distress prior to the
pandemic, as well as a widening financing gap to achieve their
development goals. The IMF provided critical emergency support for many
countries during the pandemic, which came with few strings attached.
However, it has recently returned to including fiscal consolidation
measures as conditions to its programs, such as cuts to social spending
and regressive tax measures, that can exacerbate both economic and
gender inequality. These measures threaten to undermine efforts to
achieve an equitable and sustainable recovery. A report released in
2021 by the Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) of the IMF has called
on the institution to strengthen its monitoring and reporting of the
social and distributional impacts of its programs and policies to
protect vulnerable groups.
Would you support a policy at the IMF that would require measures
such as the systematic use of robust poverty and distributional
impact assessments, that evaluate the possible and actual
effects of programs on wages, health and social protection
programs, vulnerable populations, and inequality?
Answer. Since the onset of the COVID crisis, the IMF has provided
over $200 billion in financing to countries in need, more than $33
billion of this total as fast-disbursing emergency financing. More
recently, as countries have begun to transition toward establishing
longer-term recovery plans, the IMF has supported this shift through
traditional financing programs grounded in an agreed framework of
critical macroeconomic and structural reforms. These frameworks are
essential to help cement sustainable recoveries and build the
confidence of citizens and external lenders in the credibility of the
borrower's policy framework. Policy conditionality is also essential to
ensure that IMF resources are appropriately safeguarded.
In this context, IMF staff have increasingly incorporated
assessments of the poverty and distributional impacts of any proposed
policy changes, and have worked to design conditionality such that it
supports the most vulnerable while addressing macroeconomic imbalances.
For instance, many IMF programs include minimum targets that countries
must maintain on social safety net spending, or couple reforms to ill-
targeted or regressive price controls with enhancement of programs that
provide support to the poorest households. If confirmed, I will
continue to press the need to incorporate this type of analysis into
the IMF's policy engagement with countries, especially those in IMF
financing programs, and to work to ensure that policy conditionality
takes into account the impacts on the most vulnerable.
Special Drawing Rights
Question. As the largest shareholder at the IMF, the U.S. is in a
unique position to advance or block progress on key issues, as we saw
with the Special Drawing Rights issuance that was finally approved more
than a year into the pandemic because the former Administration held up
the release of these critical resources. Many countries have now used
the majority or even all of the SDRs they received in the recent
issuance, in large part because the distribution of SDRs was incredibly
uneven. The vast majority went to countries like the U.S. that don't
need them because the issuance has not been based on need but on quota.
What is your position on the U.S. reallocating some of its SDRs and
would you support alternative channeling vehicles outside of
the IMF?
Answer. Domestic legal requirements limit the ability of the United
States to ``reallocate'' SDRs. Treasury is seeking, and requires,
Congressional authorization to lend up to $21 billion to the IMF for
the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust and the Resilience and
Sustainability Trust. The G20 is exploring viable alternative vehicles
for channeling SDRs at the multilateral development banks, but many
central banks face constraints on the use of their reserves, which
include SDRs, outside of the IMF.
Question. Secondly, do you think that the problem of uneven
distribution of SDRs and that they have now been used in 2 recent
crisis contexts (including in 2009 during the Global Financial Crisis)
means that the IMF should reform the rules around SDR issuances?
Answer. The IMF issues SDRs to meet the long-term global demand for
reserves. Under a general allocation of new SDRs, the IMF allocates
SDRs in proportion to members' quota shares, which are broadly linked
to their share of the global economy. Changing the rules regarding SDR
issuance would require an amendment to the IMF's Articles of Agreement.
While an SDR allocation does result in advanced economies receiving
SDRs, the most recent allocation was part of a broader strategy to help
hard-hit countries respond to the economic impacts of the COVID crisis
and has allowed some major economies to lend their new SDRs in support
of low-income countries through the IMF's Poverty Reduction and Growth
Trust and the Resilience and Sustainability Trust. Low-income countries
received about $21 billion in SDRs through the allocation, which
represents approximately 2.8 percent of their GDP.
Quota Reform Agenda
Question. Next year the IMF will be undergoing its 16th General
Review of Quotas. The Board has requested that this Quota Reform
revisit the adequacy of quotas, and continue the process of IMF
governance reform-including a proposed new quota formula as a guide.
Any adjustment in quota shares would likely result in an increase in
the share of emerging market and developing countries as a whole, while
protecting the voice and representation of the poorest members.
Under the Resolution, the 16th Review should be completed no later
than December 15, 2023.
What will you prioritize in this reform agenda?
Answer. Treasury has not yet begun detailed discussions around the
16th General Review of Quotas. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging
as appropriate with Congress to help ensure this review advances key
U.S. interests at the IMF.
Question. Do you think the U.S. should maintain its veto power or
is it time to move on, and if so, why or why not?
Answer. U.S. leadership at the international financial institutions
remains indispensable, including at the IMF. The United States remains
the world's largest economy accounting for nearly 25 percent of global
GDP. The United States should maintain its veto power over major policy
decisions at the IMF. If confirmed, I will strongly oppose any change
in IMF governance that would remove or threaten the U.S. veto.
Question. How would you balance the clear need for more democratic
decision making at the IMF with the leadership role of the U.S.?
Answer. The IMF has strong governance structures underpinned by
U.S. leadership, and governance systems that reflects the need for
members to take on appropriate roles and responsibilities in the global
economy. The IMF should remain a quota-based institution with votes
linked to quota shares, and the United States should retain its
leadership role, including its veto over major policy decisions.
At the same time, most decisions taken by the Executive Board are
based on majority decisions and reflect the broad views of the IMF's
membership. Countries whose economic weight has expanded rapidly have a
growing expectation that their influence over these decisions should
increase as well. For this to happen, I believe it is important that
these countries demonstrate their willingness and ability to act in
ways that support and strengthen the global institutional framework
that the IMF and other organizations comprise. If confirmed, I will
press for beneficiaries of governance reform to act as responsible
stewards of the IMF and the global economy.
Question. As part of governance reform, a strong case could be made
that it is important to have more space for civil society to inform IMF
programs in their countries and to have opportunities to hold the IMF
more accountable when harm occurs. The MDBs have such policies but the
IMF does not.
Would you support a policy to mandate CSO consultation in IMF
operations and a system of accountability?
Answer. I support IMF country teams engaging robustly with groups
that represent key economic stakeholders in respective countries, which
is important to enhance IMF staff's understanding of the political and
economic realities in each country and to underpin the credibility of
IMF policy engagement. Discussions with CSOs already form a regular
component of many country teams' economic surveillance and program
development processes. Additionally, the IMF Executive Board generally
meets with CSOs from around the world to discuss broad global issues
and IMF policies twice a year
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Shortino by Senator James E. Risch
Manangement
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout your post?
Answer. Morale is generally high within the Office of the U.S.
Executive Director at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as the post
is staffed with experienced Treasury personnel who are rotating into
these positions through a competitive process. That said, due to the
COVID-19 crisis, the workload at the office has never been higher, and
opportunities for in-person interaction remain limited by COVID
policies and restrictions, both of which have created new stress for
staff.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at your post?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with staff within
Office of the U.S. Executive Director to ensure the office is meeting
their personal and professional needs. This includes providing flexible
work schedules where feasible; regularly adjusting workload across the
office; providing opportunities for training, staff development, and
leadership; and regularly seeking out and incorporating feedback from
staff on the operations of the office. I also intend to work closely
with the Senior Advisor to the U.S. Executive Director, a seasoned
Treasury civil servant, to provide day-to-day guidance and support to
staff.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at your post?
Answer. The mission of the U.S. Executive Director and its office
is to advance U.S. priorities and interests at the International
Monetary Fund. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Treasury
Department and staff within the U.S. Executive Director's office to
confirm we have a shared understanding of this mission and develop a
vision for how the office can effectively execute this mission. This
includes identifying key policy priorities and issue areas, developing
strategies for engagement, and monitoring progress. I would hold
regular, quarterly sessions with Treasury and office staff to discuss
these topics, in addition to ad hoc engagement on specific issues as
they arise. I would also hold regular strategy sessions with staff in
the office to discuss how the office can operate most effectively in
executing this mission.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for senior officials.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe myself as a manager who likes to empower
and develop staff. I delegate many tasks to staff and provide
oversight, guidance, and direction. I support staff efforts to seek out
training or take on new challenges. I also hire people with a diverse
set of skills and backgrounds so that the office has a range of views
and perspectives. I believe a more diverse team is critical to
enhancing the effectiveness of the office. Finally, I try accommodating
staff personal and professional needs in my management approach,
allowing for flexibility wherever feasible.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not, and I have never done so. It is important
for a manager to create an environment of trust, including by
supporting staff and developing strong working relationships.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I envision relying upon my deputy for day-to-
day management responsibilities of the office so that I can take a more
strategic approach to executing the mission of the office. I also plan
to seek regular advice from my deputy on a range of issues and to
delegate topics that do not require my direct engagement. I plan to
discuss the division of labor with my deputy to ensure we are both in
agreement on how to run the office most effectively.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I would entrust the day-to-day management of
staff and workload within the Office of the U.S. Executive Director to
my deputy. I would also rely upon my deputy to form relationships with
other offices within the IMF, as well as to represent the United States
in certain Executive Board meetings of the IMF.
Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with interlocutors and
policy-makers at the IMF to encourage the inclusion of a counter-
trafficking strategy, including risk assessment and mitigation efforts
as need, in proposed IMF projects in countries listed on Tier 2 Watch
List and Tier 3 of the State Department's most recent Trafficking in
Persons report?
Answer. I share your deep concern over the terrible human toll of
Trafficking in Persons (TIP), and if confirmed I will work to
incorporate consideration of TIP into the IMF's activities at every
opportunity, consistent with the scope of the IMF's mandate. I will
continue to implement our mandate from Congress to vote against funding
for any countries listed on Tier 3 of the TIP Report, absent relevant
waivers or legislative exceptions. More broadly, improving economic
governance and reducing channels for corruption is a key tool for
fighting human trafficking, and to that end I will work with other
Board members and with IMF staff and management to incorporate
consideration of TIP issues into the IMF's framework for addressing
governance and corruption, which is set for Executive Board review
later this year.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Elizabeth Shortino by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Ukraine and Russia
Question. If confirmed, what direction would you provide for the
IMF related to support for Ukraine and restrictions on Russia?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine is horrific and
unjustifiable. I am committed to continuing to work with Treasury, IMF
management, and U.S. partners at the IMF to prevent Russia from
obtaining financing, loans, or other benefits from its membership at
the IMF. Likewise, if confirmed, I will press for the IMF to use every
available tool to support Ukraine as it contends with the economic
fallout of Russia's brutal invasion. This includes engagement by the
IMF country team to help Ukraine's authorities understand and evaluate
policy options, and financial support consistent with IMF policies.
China
Question. In your view, how should the United States seek to
influence the IMF's engagement with China as China's role in the global
economy continues to widen?
Answer. It is essential that the IMF engages with China across a
broad scope of issues as its global role widens. On debt issues, China
is the world's largest bilateral official creditor, and the IMF must be
willing to press PRC authorities, including publicly if necessary, to
take appropriate actions to deal with growing debt risks, including by
fulfilling China's commitments under the Common Framework. In country
surveillance, the IMF must credibly address the policies that sustain
China's chronic external imbalances and identify and assess the risks
to its economic and financial sustainability, as the potential for
spillovers from these channels to the global economy increases. If
confirmed, I will work closely with IMF management and like-minded
Board members to press for these steps.
Question. How do U.S. actions at the IMF and other international
institutions affect China's interest in establishing Chinese-led
institutions, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)?
Answer. The United States plays an indispensable role in helping to
ensure that international institutions in which we participate uphold
the highest standards of integrity and credibility and work to achieve
the broad goals of the international community. In some cases, our
insistence on high levels of transparency and accountability, and the
implementation of policy reforms as a condition for financing, has led
some countries to seek alternative lending options that do not uphold
these high standards. Although I cannot speak for China's motives in
establishing the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, I believe it is
in the interest of the United States to support the international
institutions that we helped to establish, and we should work to
maintain their effectiveness and ability to respond to members' needs.
As part of this effort, the United States should work with emerging
market economies to ensure their responsible engagement in these
important institutions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Shortino by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Last year, the IMF agreed to distribute more than $650
billion worth of ``special drawing rights'' or ``SDRs'' to all of its
member states. Countries can exchange SDRs for cash in the event they
need money, or to supplement their foreign currency reserves. Through
the distribution, the People's Republic of China received more than $30
billion in free cash from the IMF. More than that, since 2016,
countries can exchange SDRs for the PRC's currency, the yuan. Countries
indebted to the CCP can exchange these SDRs for yuan to pay off their
Belt and Road Initiative debts, which funnels even more money to a
genocidal regime.
Which countries have exchanged their SDRs for yuan since 2021?
Answer. As of end-May 2022, China's SDR holdings have increased by
about $2.3 billion, meaning China has purchased additional SDRs, though
it may not have provided RMB in all of these exchanges. The IMF does
not publish information on specific transaction parties or the
currencies for which SDRs are exchanged.
Question. How does the IMF monitor the use of funds provided by
SDRs to the CCP?
Answer. China's SDRs are held by its central bank as reserve
assets. Broadly, China has no need to ``use'' its SDRs--i.e., exchange
its SDRs for hard currency or use them to service IMF obligations--as
its central bank already holds very ample foreign exchange reserves.
Since the 2021 SDR allocation, China has purchased additional SDRs,
which continue to be held by its central bank. Additionally, in 2021,
China agreed to loan 1 billion SDRs to the IMF's Poverty Reduction and
Growth Trust, and has pledged to lend additional SDRs to the IMF's
newly approved Resilience and Sustainability Trust. If confirmed, I
will continue to push for the IMF to enhance transparency around
members' use of SDRs.
Question. How much of it is being utilized, or in contribution, to
commit genocide, steal American technology, or fund the modernization
of China's military?
Answer. SDRs are not currency; rather they are a reserve asset that
can only be exchanged by a holder for useable currency in transactions
recorded by the IMF's SDR Department. Accordingly, China holds its SDRs
as a reserve asset at its central bank. China's central bank has not
used its SDRs, but rather has purchased additional SDRs (i.e., provided
hard currency to other IMF members in exchange for SDRs).
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to opposing future SDR
allocations until the CCP agrees to an audit of its use of SDR funds,
or the IMF implements restrictions on the CCP's use of those funds?
Answer. China has not used its SDRs; it holds more SDRs than its
allocation and has not gained additional usable currency as a result of
any SDR exchanges.
Question. The IMF plays a critical role in the global economy by
providing sovereign lending to countries experiencing fiscal problems
and improving these countries' financial practices. Most prominently,
it has provided sorely needed loans to Ukraine, which is defending
itself against Putin's unprovoked and unjustified invasion. The IMF can
and should play a role in helping countries resist the less dramatic,
but no less dangerous, influence of the Chinese Communist Party, which
has ensnared countries like Sri Lanka, Uganda, and Ecuador in hundreds
of millions of dollars' worth of predatory loans. In return for debt
relief, the CCP extracts enormous concessions out of these countries
that reduces their independence and expands the military presence of
the People's Liberation Army. In Cambodia, the Hun Sen regime's
external debt is estimated to be $9 billion, with China accounting for
40 percent. As was reported a few weeks ago, the PLA Navy opened a
naval base in Ream, and some believe the PLA Air Force is setting up a
facility at Dara Sakor. These installations would significantly improve
the PLA's power projection abilities in the region.
Should the IMF support countries suffering from the Chinese
Communist Party's predatory lending practices?
Answer. Yes. The IMF must continue to engage robustly with
countries for whom debt vulnerabilities--including from unfair and
opaque PRC official lending--is an increasing problem. The IMF can
provide technical assistance and policy engagement to help countries
better understand the scope of their debt issues and to identify policy
options for addressing them. It can also provide critical visibility
into the impact of PRC debt on its members' macroeconomic
vulnerabilities, to enable more effective bilateral and multilateral
engagement by other countries. Finally, where appropriate, IMF lending
can help support countries' economic reform efforts when they are
underpinned by a credible macroeconomic framework, which may include
debt restructuring or forgiveness where debt has become unsustainable.
If confirmed, I commit to working to ensure that the IMF's engagement
in these areas strengthens the ability of borrowing countries to resist
and respond to the negative effects of predatory lending practices,
including by the PRC.
Question. How would this priority fit with President Biden's
January 2021 Executive Order that U.S. representatives to international
financial institutions only support lending and investment to projects
``in alignment with the Paris Climate Accords''?
Answer. I agree that the IMF plays a critical role in the global
economy by supporting countries experiencing economic and financial
crises. Regarding aligning the IMF's operations with the goals of the
Paris Agreement, the IMF provides financing to support members'
balance-of-payments needs; it does not provide project-based lending.
Under the IMF's climate strategy, country engagements, including for
lending, will incorporate assessment of the climate impacts of key
policies to help ensure consistency with countries' targets pursuant to
the Paris Agreement.
Question. To your knowledge, has the IMF offered loans to countries
currently indebted to CCP, such as Sri Lanka, Uganda, and Ecuador?
Answer. The IMF currently has ongoing financing programs with
Ecuador and Uganda. In IMF programs where debt is deemed unsustainable,
the IMF works with countries to incorporate appropriate debt
restructuring to regain sustainability, and to ensure that all
creditors, including China, are treated on comparable terms that
achieve fair burden sharing. IMF country staff remain deeply engaged
with the Sri Lankan authorities. Due to the country's current debt
situation, we expect that a significant debt restructuring will be an
important part of any IMF-backed program of reforms and adjustment.
Question. If confirmed, will you support lending to these
countries?
Answer. I support the IMF's continued robust engagement with member
countries experiencing balance of payments needs. Any full-fledged IMF
financing program must incorporate a credible macroeconomic framework
that could include, where necessary, debt restructuring. In such cases,
if confirmed, I will continue to press for IMF engagement that
prioritizes the participation of all parties, including bilateral
creditors, on an equal basis to ensure that the burden of debt
restructuring is borne fairly, and I will press the IMF to play its
critical role in ensuring that members, both debtors and creditors,
engage appropriately to achieve effective and timely debt restructuring
outcomes.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure these countries are
properly supported by the international community in confronting the
CCP?
Answer. I am deeply committed to ensuring that the IMF plays its
appropriate role in helping member countries respond to their economic
stability risks, including those stemming from China's irresponsible
lending practices. If confirmed, I will work closely with Treasury, IMF
leadership, and like-minded members of the Executive Board to press for
robust IMF engagement and support to help enable these countries'
effective recoveries. This will require IMF teams working closely with
governments to identify and address vulnerabilities. I will also seek
to require the IMF to hold China to account for past and present
behavior that undercuts the ability of these countries to establish and
maintain sustainable economic recoveries.
Question. At the beginning of this year, the IMF proposed the
creation of a Resilience and Sustainability Fund, which would grant
loans to countries contingent on them agreeing to reduce emissions.
This is just the latest step in a single-minded focus at the IMF and
other international financial institutions, like the World Bank, to
prioritize emissions reductions in the face of other, more urgent,
priorities. Many of the countries most in need of lending to bring
electricity to their populations, distribute lifesaving medicine, and
build critical infrastructure to lift their people out of poverty are
also the lowest emitters. Requiring these countries to cut their
already low emissions risks needlessly keeping their people poor and
their governments eager to turn to China for the investment they seek.
Should the U.S., though the IMF, support making loans to developing
countries contingent on their promises to cut current and
future emissions? Is this a priority of yours, if confirmed?
Answer. The Resilience and Sustainability Trust (RST) will provide
transparent, affordable, longer-term loans to poor and developing
countries alongside policy reforms to reduce the macroeconomic risks
posed by pandemics and climate change. Crucially, loans from the RST
will not be contingent on promises to cut current and future emissions.
Such loans will be used to help countries strengthen pandemic
preparedness and support their efforts to respond to a range of
macroeconomic issues posed by climate change, including reducing their
vulnerabilities to shocks from dependence on energy supplied by malign
actors.
Question. Would the Administration prefer crippling a country's
economic development and keeping its people poor if it meant keeping
future emissions in check?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the IMF retains
its core focus on helping members build stable and robust frameworks
for economic growth and stability, which includes incorporating the
economically critical impacts of climate and climate-related policies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Elizabeth Shortino by Senator John Barrasso
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) provides lending for traditional
energy projects across the globe, including oil, gas, nuclear and coal?
Answer. The IMF is not a development bank and does not provide
project-based lending. The IMF provides financing to countries to
address their balance of payments problems, and IMF loans are typically
used to address reserve needs of the central bank or, in limited cases,
budgetary support. If confirmed, I will support IMF lending that is
underpinned by credible, country-specific macroeconomic frameworks that
address its members' energy needs, reflect their economic priorities,
and incorporate pandemic, climate and other risks where they are macro-
critical and important for the program's success.
Question. In August 2021, the IMF with the approval of the Biden
administration issued $650 billion in Special Drawing Rights (SDRs)--
the largest in history. The majority of the allocations ended up going
to those countries that need it the least.
What was your involvement in the design of the Special Drawing
Rights?
Answer. Secretary Yellen supported the 2021 SDR allocation to help
address the long-term global need for reserves. In considering the 2021
allocation, I provided technical-level input to Secretary Yellen in my
role as Acting Executive Director.
Question. How much did the United States receive from the $650
billion in SDR? How did the United States use our SDR?
Answer. The United States received about $113 billion worth of SDRs
from the 2021 allocation. Those SDRs, along with all of our previously
held SDRs and those exchanged with other IMF members, are held in the
Exchange Stabilization Fund as reserve assets. Since the dollar is the
world's leading reserve currency, we do not need to ``use'' our SDRs.
Question. How much did Russia receive from the SDR?
Answer. In accordance with the IMF's Articles of Agreement, the SDR
allocation was distributed to all IMF members in proportion to their
respective IMF quota shares. As such, Russia received approximately
$17.5 billion in SDRs. Russia has not exchanged any of these SDRs for
usable currency.
Question. How much did China receive from the SDR?
Answer. The SDR allocation was distributed to all IMF members in
proportion to their respective IMF quota shares. China received
approximately $42 billion worth of SDRs. China has not exchanged any of
these SDRs for usable currency.
Question. How much total funding did developing countries receive
from the SDR?
Answer. The SDR allocation was distributed to all IMF members in
proportion to their respective IMF quota shares. Developing and
emerging market countries, excluding China, received about $232 billion
worth of SDRs from the 2021 SDR allocation.
Question. Why were you unable to get enhanced transparency and
accountability measures attached to any reallocation effort?
Answer. As part of the SDR allocation, Treasury successfully
pressed IMF staff to enhance the details it reports on members' SDR
holdings and transactions by breaking out transactions into the
aggregate categories of IMF operations and SDR trading. IMF staff also
agreed to publish a note on best practices for SDR use to guide their
country teams and authorities--this note was published in August 2021
on the IMF's website.\1\ The IMF publishes members' SDR holdings on a
monthly \2\ and quarterly \3\ basis. In addition, at Treasury's
request, the IMF started publishing an annual summary update on SDR
transactions \4\ and has committed to undertaking an ex-post report on
members' use of SDRs, which it will publish two years after the
allocation.
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\1\ https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/Policy-Papers/Issues/2021/
08/19/Guidance-Note-for-Fund-Staff-on-the-Treatment-and-Use-of-SDR-
Allocations-464319
\2\ Guidance Note for Fund Staff on the Treatment and Use of SDR
Allocations (imf.org)
\3\ International Monetary Fund's Financial Statements and the
Quarterly Reports on IMF Finances
\4\ First year of publication: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/
Policy-Papers/Issues/2021/10/26/Annual-Update-on-SDR-Trading-
Operations-498096
Question. The Biden administration is attempting to turn the IMF
into a climate change bank. The original intended purpose of the $650
billion SDR was to help support economic stability. Now, it appears it
is using those funds to support climate change. On April 13, 2022, the
Executive Board of the IMF approved the establishment of the Resilience
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and Sustainability Trust (RST).
Do you support the establishment of the RST?
Answer. Treasury has engaged extensively with partners in the G7
and G20 around the need to increase IMF support for countries to
address certain longer-term economic risks that can affect global
economic and financial stability. The Resiliency and Sustainability
Trust (RST) represents the product of that intensive engagement, and
will help middle- and lower-income countries address the macroeconomic
risks of pandemics and climate change, including from energy
insecurity. If confirmed, I will work with IMF management and like-
minded partners to ensure that the RST remains tied to the IMF's core
mandate of economic and financial stability.
Question. Why should we allow these funds, originally meant to help
support economic stability due to the global pandemic, to be used for
climate change?
Answer. As research from the IMF and many other institutions has
conclusively demonstrated, pandemics, and climate change pose
substantial and increasing risks to many countries' macroeconomic and
financial stability. The RST is designed to help countries address
these risks by including policy conditionality that increases
resilience to the macroeconomic impacts of pandemics, and climate
shocks, including from energy insecurity. The RST will be subject to
the same strong safeguards as traditional IMF lending with IMF
Executive Board oversight for every RST disbursement.
Question. Would China be eligible to receive funds under the RST?
Answer. China has no need for IMF financing; but it has committed
to lend its SDRs to support the RST. Moreover, even if China did want
to borrow from the RST it would be unlikely to agree to a regular IMF
program engagement, which is a precondition for RST eligibility.
Question. What climate changes policies have you supported while
serving at the International Monetary Fund?
Answer. While serving as Acting U.S. Executive Director to the IMF,
I voted to support the IMF's Strategy to Help Members Address Climate
Change, which became effective in July 2021. The strategy directs the
IMF to support members in assessing the macroeconomic impacts of
climate and climate-related policies, including their impacts on
financial markets, through its surveillance and technical assistance.
Question. In a report released in April 2021, the IMF stated ``At
$1.9 trillion, the Biden administration's new fiscal package is
expected to deliver a strong boost to growth in the United States in
2021 and provide sizable positive spillovers to trading partners.''
Managing Director of the IMF, Kristalina Georgieva, explained that
since the IMF's most recent forecast the ``horizon has darkened.''
Why did the IMF get it so wrong?
Answer. The United States experienced the fastest GDP growth in 40
years in 2021 and the fastest calendar year decline in the unemployment
rate on record, consistent with the IMF's forecast. U.S. growth would
inevitably slow once the economy was back to full employment, but
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine has added
further headwinds that are slowing growth. The most recent IMF forecast
has lowered estimates of U.S. and global growth based on those
headwinds.
Question. Is the U.S. in a recession?
Answer. U.S. recessions are determined by National Bureau of
Economic Research's Business Cycle Dating Committee, so I would defer
to that committee for a full assessment.
Question. What is the main reason for the decrease in U.S. growth?
Answer. U.S. growth has slowed in 2021 as the United States
returned to full employment, and Russia's unprovoked and unjustified
war against Ukraine has generated a large negative supply shock,
raising food and energy prices, which has reduced household income and
may limit households' ability to spend on other goods and services,
slowing the economy.
Question. Do you believe the $1.9 trillion Biden spending package
contributed to inflation?
Answer. Inflation has risen to high levels in both the United
States and across nearly all advanced economies. More than half of
inflation experienced in the United States in 2022 is the result of
high energy and food prices, exacerbated by Russia's war against
Ukraine. The United States had high inflation in 2021 due in large
measure to global supply chain disruptions generated by the ongoing
pandemic.
Question. The IMF suspended engagement with Afghanistan until there
is clarity within the international community of the recognition of the
Government.
Under what conditions, if any, would you recommend the United
States support the IMF providing special drawing rights or
access to resources by the Taliban?
Answer. The IMF has stated publicly that Afghanistan's access to
IMF resources and SDRs remains on hold as a consequence of a lack of
clarity among IMF members regarding recognition of the Government of
Afghanistan. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with
Treasury and the State Department to convey our policy stance with
respect to Afghanistan, and will engage robustly with IMF management
and staff to help safeguard Afghanistan's resources for its people.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. David Pressman by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How will you balance encouraging unprecedented behavior
by the Hungarian Government in allowing so many refugees to enter
Hungary, while also pushing the government to live up to its
international obligations in supporting them once there?
Answer. The Government and the people of Hungary have responded in
an unprecedented way to the Ukrainian refugee crisis. Over 800,000
people have crossed the border directly from Ukraine to Hungary and
many thousands more by way of Romania as well. The country mobilized to
set up receptions centers and shelters to meet basic needs of refugee
families and to provide health care and integration services. Hungary's
capacity to accommodate a surge of refugees of this magnitude during
the current crisis was surely tested. Hungary and its generous people
should be recognized for that effort.
Hungary, of course, has been controversial in recent years due to
its refugee policies, including the criminalization of NGOs for
providing aid to refugees and limiting access to asylum procedures.
These policies have likely affected Hungary's ability to respond to the
current Ukrainian refugee crisis. The slower processing time of
requests for temporary protective status in Hungary may have
contributed to lower numbers of Ukrainians receiving that status in
Hungary than in neighboring countries.
If confirmed, I would seek to cooperate with the Hungarian
Government as well as local NGOs and international organizations to
help build capacity. I would also advocate for the fair and equitable
treatment of all refugees and asylum seekers and encourage the
Hungarian Government to meet its international obligations with respect
to refugees, both from Ukraine or otherwise.
Question. How will you use your position to advocate for
independent media in Hungary, and ensure that Hungarians have access to
accurate and unbiased journalism?
Answer. I am concerned about declining media pluralism in Hungary,
as are the leading international press freedom advocates and many
Hungarians. A diversity of independent voices and opinions is essential
to democracy, and if I am confirmed I will urge the Government of
Hungary to promote an open media environment, an environment that is in
line with EU law. In addition, I would support regional programs to
build the capacity of independent media. Finally, I would call
attention to actions that further erode the space for an independent
media or that fuel disinformation, which threaten the availability of
accurate information in the public square. Freedom of expression and a
thriving independent press are vital for the functioning of a
pluralistic democracy, and the U.S. Government will continue to
emphasize the importance of media freedom.
Question. What would be your approach to supporting the LGBT, Roma,
and other vulnerable communities that face discrimination and abuse in
Hungarian society?
Answer. The United States has made advocacy for human rights an
important element of its foreign policy. If confirmed, I would engage
vulnerable communities in Hungary directly to learn about their
experiences first-hand.
The United States provides support to human rights defenders and
non-governmental organizations around the world, including in Hungary.
If confirmed, I would work to strengthen these partnerships in Hungary
and determine how the United States can optimally support vulnerable
groups. It is critical that we partner with the Government of Hungary
on areas of common values to ensure that all people are treated with
dignity and that their basic human rights are respected.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. The issue of Anomalous Health Incidents--including the
interagency effort to protect and care for our personnel and uncover
the cause of these incidents--is an absolute priority for the
Department, and it would be an absolute priority for me if I am
confirmed.
As the President has said, the health and well-being of American
public servants is of paramount importance to the Administration. On a
personal level, I have no higher priority than the safety of the
members of the Embassy team and their family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. Protecting Americans and all those who serve our
country is our first duty, and I will do everything I can to care for
our personnel and their families in Hungary.
The Administration has developed and deployed a standardized
medical evaluation process for U.S. medical staff who respond to AHI
reports.
Embassies around the world have trained their medical staff on how
to respond to an incident, evaluate affected individuals, and report
evaluation results to the appropriate medical and security elements
across the U.S. Government to initiate a holistic response to the
incident.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. This issue is a top priority, and I would consult with
the RSO and the Embassy's Health Unit, as well as relevant offices in
Washington as soon as possible after I arrive to make sure we provide
maximum support to our personnel and their families in Hungary.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. David Pressman by Senator James E. Risch
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Budapest?
Answer. My understanding from the State Department is that morale
is strong, and the Mission is well-run. The one area in this regard
that has been flagged as needing attention is the salaries of the
Locally Employed Staff, which have not kept up with the local cost of
labor.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Budapest?
Answer. High morale in a workforce is of the utmost importance,
both because I am committed to staff being satisfied and fulfilled, and
because it leads to better performance. If confirmed, I will seek to
foster a culture of empowerment and open, transparent communication,
and I will work to create an environment in which all members of the
team understand the importance of their contribution to advancing U.S.
foreign policy goals.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Budapest?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure all team members at all levels
of the Mission understand the strategic priorities of the Mission,
understand their role in advancing those priorities, and receive
sufficient support in carrying out those responsibilities.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is collaborative, inclusive and
empowering. I believe in creating a work environment in which all
members of the team are encouraged to think rigorously and creatively
about challenges we are confronting. I am also a strong proponent of
open communication and ensuring that people are recognized for the
important work they do. This includes ensuring that members of the team
have opportunities to grow and further develop skills in order to
advance their careers.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Berating subordinates is counterproductive and is never
acceptable. If confirmed, I will treat employees with the utmost
respect and expect all within the Embassy's leadership to do the same.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to build a relationship of deep
trust and mutual respect with the Deputy Chief of Mission, delegating
when appropriate and empowering him or her to ensure he or she can step
in for me if I am not available. At the same time, I will remain
personally accountable for our Mission's success.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. While the exact division of labor will be determined based
on the interests and skills of the incoming Deputy Chief of Mission, I
see the role of the Deputy Chief of Mission as both a chief operating
officer and the right hand and alter ego of the ambassador.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Absolutely. Candid and comprehensive performance reviews
are essential for employees to know where they stand and for them to
understand where they need to improve. Beyond the annual reviews, it is
also important for supervisors to make clear what the expectations are
and to give continuous constructive feedback.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. This kind of communication and feedback is fundamental
to a high functioning and healthy work environment.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Hungary.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I strongly believe that diplomats need to get outside of
the embassy in order to effectively advance our interests. It is
important that our diplomats are doing all that we can to safely engage
with the broadest cross-section of the countries in which we are
deployed. Hungary is an environment where this kind of engagement is
possible and, if confirmed, I would view broad and frequent engagement
throughout the country as an essential component of our Embassy's work.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that this kind of outreach
is a core component of our responsibilities. I will encourage our
diplomats to engage with and reach into the broadest cross-section of
communities across Hungary, and will ensure that U.S. diplomats under
my authority can do so safely.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Hungary?
Answer. The majority of Hungarians have a favorable opinion toward
the United States and support a stronger relationship with the United
States. In addition, the Hungarian public generally has a positive
opinion of the United States and NATO in terms of Hungary's national
security.
Consolidation of media under government-aligned or state-funded
control has created a difficult environment, both for the Hungarian
public to get reliable, unbiased information, and for the U.S. embassy
to reach all audiences.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Prevalent disinformation and a shrinking space for
independent media in Hungary is a challenge to our public diplomacy
efforts. COVID-19 has also been a significant challenge and had a
negative impact on in-person public diplomacy and exchange programming
in Hungary, as it has everywhere.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Public diplomacy is most effective if it is tailored and
crafted by those present in a particular country. If confirmed, I will
work with the Embassy's Public Diplomacy Section to closely coordinate
the efforts of public diplomacy professionals in both Washington and
Budapest to ensure that there is a unified, informed, and effective
approach to advancing our interests through public diplomacy in
Hungary. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety of different
social media platforms in both English and Hungarian to deliver
tailored messages on U.S. foreign policy priorities; promote Embassy
activities and events; provide information on security, voting, and
other topics of interest to U.S. citizens; and communicate with the
Hungarian public.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. The issue of Anomalous Health Incidents--including the
interagency effort to protect and care for our personnel and uncover
the cause of these incidents--is an absolute priority for the
Department, and it would be an absolute priority for me if I am
confirmed.
As the President has said, the health and well-being of American
public servants is of paramount importance to the Administration. On a
personal level, if confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
safety of the members of the Embassy team and their family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Budapest personnel?
Answer. Absolutely. I believe open and transparent communication is
critical for a workplace to function well, and leadership should set
the example for that. This is particularly true in the context of
anomalous health incidents
Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Hungary remained on Tier 2 for its ongoing efforts to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking but did not adequately do so
in a few key areas, including failing to appropriately screen third
country nationals for trafficking indicators, and a failure to
implement a specialized framework for child victims services. How will
you work with the Hungarian Government to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Hungarian interlocutors
understand the United States is committed to combating trafficking in
persons in Hungary and beyond. While the Hungarian Government is making
efforts to address this issue, more needs to be done. If confirmed, I
will encourage the Hungarian Government to increase proactive
identification and assistance for victims, particularly among
vulnerable groups to include third-country nationals, and encourage
consistent and sufficient funding for victim services, including for
child victims. If confirmed, I will lead Mission Budapest to develop
and implement both short- and long-term strategies of engagement with
government officials, business leaders, and civil society in Hungary.
Question. The office to monitor and combat trafficking in persons
plays a key role in assisting Ambassadors in promoting anti-trafficking
work.
Please describe how you can work with the Ambassador-at-Large to
improve Hungary's anti-trafficking work in country.
Answer. Fighting human trafficking is a priority and, if confirmed,
I will work closely with the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking
in Persons and its Ambassador-at-Large to draw on their expertise in
order to develop plans and programs to work with the Hungarian
Government to make improvements. I understand that the Office sometimes
sends its experts to the field for fact-finding and consulting with
embassies and host governments, which, if confirmed, I would welcome.
Question. What concrete steps can you, if confirmed, take with your
mission to help Hungary improve its anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. As an initial matter, if confirmed, I will make clear this
is a priority and ensure Hungarian interlocutors understand the United
States is committed to combating trafficking in persons in Hungary and
beyond. If confirmed, I will lead Mission Budapest to develop and
implement strategies of consistent engagement with government
officials, private sector leaders, civil society, and the faith-based
community in order to combat trafficking in Hungary.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, societal respect for religious freedom in Hungary was
generally lacking, including noted antisemitic incidents and casual
verbal insults directed at Muslim minorities. What is your assessment
of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Increasing societal respect for religious freedom and
religious minorities in Hungary is deeply important. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the faith-based community, civil society
organizations, religious minorities, and government entities to
facilitate dialogue on this issue and identify ways to address it.
Hungary has a rich faith-based community, and I will strongly promote
inter-faith dialogue among religious groups in Hungary about this
challenge. If confirmed, I will work with both the Office of
International Religious Freedom and the Office of the Special Envoy to
Monitor and Combat Antisemitism to ensure Mission Hungary identifies
creative and effective strategies to combat discrimination and promote
tolerance.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Hungary was noted as having several significant human rights abuses,
including infringement on independence of the judiciary, restrictions
on free speech and media, refoulement of refugees, and more. It was
noted the Government did take some steps to address these issues.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. The United States consistently encourages our Allies and
partners to continually strengthen democratic processes and
institutions, including safeguarding the rule of law, judicial
independence, media freedom, and transparent and accountable
governance. We hold ourselves to these same standards.
If confirmed, I will unequivocally engage the Government of Hungary
about our concerns on these issues. As a member of NATO, the European
Union, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
Hungary has made commitments and undertaken obligations to democratic
processes, human rights, and fundamental freedoms. The United States
and other members of the transatlantic family of nations have called on
Hungary to uphold those obligations and commitments. If confirmed, I
will do so as well.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure we strengthen our engagement
with civil society organizations across Hungary. Civil society has a
special role to play in holding democracies accountable. If confirmed,
I will work closely with civil society organizations, as well as
government entities, to bolster respect for human rights. I will also
encourage the Government to pursue greater consultation with civil
society actors and to broaden the space for their activities. We will
leverage the strength of our civil society partnerships and the depth
of our public diplomacy tools to engage with Hungarians to defend and
promote human rights in Hungary and the region.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Hungarian Government?
Answer. Yes. Human rights are a core element of U.S. foreign
policy, and if confirmed, I will directly and unequivocally engage the
Government of Hungary on these issues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. David Pressman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Do you agree with the assessment of many analysts that
Hungary has devolved to be an authoritarian country or an ``illiberal
democracy?''
Answer. Several independent organizations that assess and rank
countries' democratic standing have downgraded Hungary in recent years,
including Freedom House. Hungary is a long-time friend, ally, and
partner of the United States. The United States remains committed to
strengthening our partnership with Hungary, where we believe the
threats to democracy are real and merit our determined attention.
The United States consistently encourages our Allies and partners
to promote democratic values, including safeguarding the rule of law,
judicial independence, media freedom, human rights, and transparency.
We hold ourselves to these same standards.
Hungary has undertaken commitments to democratic values and
governance as a member of NATO, the European Union, and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The United States
and other members of the transatlantic family of nations have called on
Hungary to uphold those obligations and commitments. If confirmed, I
will do so as well.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, how would you encourage
Hungary to play a more constructive role as a member of NATO and the
EU, particularly where the Russian invasion of Ukraine is concerned?
Answer. Hungary is a valued NATO partner making critical
contributions to our shared defense. As a NATO Ally, Hungary has
publicly condemned Russia's aggression against Ukraine, including
supporting the March 2022 Extraordinary Leaders' Statement calling
Russia's aggression against Ukraine the gravest threat to Euro-Atlantic
security in decades and condemning the full-scale invasion. Hungary
hosts and commands a NATO Enhanced Vigilance Activities Battle Group,
and it has regularly participated in other NATO activities to deter
Russia, including the NATO Baltic Air Policing Mission. Our joint
training and exercises are a visible example of our cooperation and
part of a longstanding partnership between our armed forces. We were
pleased to see U.S. and Hungarian soldiers conducting joint training
near the Hungary-Ukraine border earlier this month.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with Hungary to maintain a
unified response to Putin's aggression. However, there are valid
concerns among Allies that Hungary hopes to maintain strong ties to
Russia, primarily due to its dependence on Russian energy. Hungary also
seeks to maintain connections in other ways as well, including through
the Budapest-based International Investment Bank. Furthermore,
Hungary's recent reticence in adopting additional EU sanctions on
Russia suggests a high degree of influence by Russia on the Hungarian
government. If confirmed, I would work to tackle Russia's malign
influence in Hungary and, in addition, encourage Hungary to stop
impeding high-level meetings of the NATO-Ukraine Commission, to allow
closer consultation between NATO and Ukrainian leaders at this critical
moment.
Question. How would you describe the condition of Hungary's media
sector?
Answer. I share the concerns of the leading global press freedom
advocates, multilateral organizations, and Hungarian citizens, over the
steady decline of media freedom in Hungary. A diversity of independent
voices and opinions is essential to democracy. The diversity of the
media landscape in Hungary has been negatively affected by an
advertising market highly dependent on government-sponsored advertising
that has facilitated the concentration of media ownership in the hands
of a few government-aligned businesspersons, resulting in a lack of
editorial independence for some outlets.
Independent media outlets continue to function in Budapest and
online, and maintain some presence on television, but their reach has
shrunk considerably. The largest independent radio station was forced
off the airwaves in 2021, the largest independent daily newspaper shut
down in 2016, and a government-aligned media group took over the
largest online news outlet in 2020.
In March 2020, the government permanently amended the criminal code
to increase the penalty for spreading a ``falsehood'' or ``distorted
truth'' (``scaremongering'') that could obstruct ``successful
protection'' of the public under a declared state of emergency related
to the COVID-19 pandemic to imprisonment of up to five years. Watchdog
groups have also expressed concern about less access to government by
independent media and delays in responding to freedom of information
requests.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, how would you work to support
independent media and strengthen freedom of the press?
Answer. I am concerned about declining media pluralism in Hungary,
as are the leading international press freedom organizations and many
Hungarians. A diversity of independent voices and opinions is essential
to democracy, and if I am confirmed I will urge the Government of
Hungary to promote an open media environment, an environment that is in
line with EU law. In addition, I would support regional programs to
build the capacity of independent media. Finally, I would call
attention to actions that further erode the space for an independent
media or that fuel disinformation, which threatens the space for
accurate information in the public square. Freedom of expression and a
thriving independent press are vital for the functioning of a
pluralistic democracy, and the U.S. Government will continue to
emphasize the importance of media freedom.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. David Pressman by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. How do you characterize Hungary's relations with the U.S.
today?
Answer. Hungary is a long-time friend, ally, and partner. Last year
marked 100 years of bilateral relations between the United States and
Hungary. We greatly value our partnership with Hungary and all we have
undertaken together to strengthen global security and grow our trade
and investment relationship.
While we have concerns about the malign influence of Russia and
China in Hungary, Hungary continues to make significant contributions
to common security objectives such as combating terrorism,
transnational crime, and weapons proliferation. As a NATO Ally, Hungary
supports efforts to defend NATO's Eastern Flank at this critical moment
and has been our partner in addressing challenges around the world,
including in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Balkans. Hungary is home to
hundreds of U.S. companies and the citizens of our nations take part in
rich and growing cultural, education, and scientific exchanges.
Question. Do you think lecturing Hungary on divisive progressive
priorities serves U.S. interests or does it push them closer to Russia
and China?
Answer. We need to pull Hungary closer to us, not push it away. As
NATO Allies, the United States and Hungary are connected through our
commitments to democracy, and we continue to support the Hungarian
people's pursuit of a democratic future based on respect for human
rights. There are threats to democracy in Hungary that merit our
attention. These threats are to democratic institutions and transcend
political ideology; as allies we should be candid about our concerns
and collaborate to address them.
Russia and China's influence has had a corrosive effect on
democratic institutions in Hungary--and around the world. Moscow and
Beijing seek to reshape the international order in ways that fortify
their authoritarian regimes and divide the rest of us. The United
States, Europe, and democracies everywhere are stronger when we work
together to advance our shared values. Efforts to advance fair
competition and transparency, and to protect fundamental rights and
transatlantic values such as media freedom, rule of law, and human
rights in Hungary strengthen its government and people to resist the
corrosive influence of authoritarian regimes like Russia and China.
Question. How do you describe the Orban Government's view of
Putin's Russia?
Answer. Prime Minister Orban has long said he pursues ``pragmatic''
cooperation with Russia and has held more bilateral meetings with
Russian President Vladimir Putin since Russia's 2014 invasion of
Ukraine than any EU leader, including a February meeting with Putin in
Moscow just three weeks before Putin launched his full-scale invasion
of Ukraine. Hungarian leaders have stated they still consider Russia a
reliable economic partner providing cheap energy, investment
opportunities, and an export market. I have a different view.
Hungary's leaders and some media outlets have also provided a
platform for repeating the Kremlin's narratives on international issues
while ignoring or downplaying Russia's destabilizing actions in
Europe--views, I might add, at odds with the majority of Hungarians,
who continue to view the United States and Europe as Hungary's most
important partners.
At the same time, since February 24, Prime Minister Orban and
Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto have emphasized Hungary's commitments
to NATO and the EU, going along with six successive EU sanctions
packages; agreeing to the establishment of a NATO Enhanced Vigilance
Activities Battle Group in Hungary; and publicly condemning Russia's
aggression against Ukraine.
Question. What is your assessment of Hungary's views of the EU's
sanctions against Russia?
Answer. Despite Hungary's close relationship with Russia, Hungary
ultimately supported the EU's anti-Russia sanctions packages (six to
date) introduced after Russia's most recent invasion of Ukraine.
Hungary also agreed to and enforced earlier sanctions that followed
Russia's 2014 invasion. The Government has publicly said that sanctions
on Russian energy would severely harm Hungary's economy, given its
dependence on Russian gas and oil, and the EU's sixth sanctions package
includes significant exemptions for oil imports to landlocked countries
like Hungary. The Government's public messaging on sanctions often
seeks to blame sanctions, rather than Russia, for the negative economic
consequences of Russia's war.
Question. To what extent does the Hungarian Government view Russia
as a security threat?
Answer. As a NATO member, Hungary has supported the Alliance view
on Russia, including the March 2022 Extraordinary Leaders' Statement
calling Russia's aggression the gravest threat to Euro-Atlantic
security in decades and condemning the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Hungary hosts and commands a NATO Enhanced Vigilance Activities Battle
Group, and it has regularly participated in other NATO activities to
deter Russia, including the NATO Baltic Air Policing Mission. Our close
intelligence sharing ahead of Russia's full-scale invasion has helped
reveal the true nature of the Kremlin's threat to European security to
Allies and the world.
However, there are valid concerns among Allies that Hungary hopes
to maintain strong ties to Russia, primarily due to its dependence on
Russian energy. It seeks to maintain connections in other ways as well.
For example, the Budapest-based International Investment Bank (IIB) may
provide the Kremlin with opportunities to evade the crippling sanctions
it must now deal with as the result of its unprovoked and brutal
invasion of Ukraine. We think the bank is a vulnerability for Hungary
and the Alliance. I should also note that every other EU member state
that had participated as a shareholder in the IIB has announced its
intention to withdraw from it.
Question. How do you assess Hungary's relationship with China?
Answer. Hungary's efforts to forge closer ties with the People's
Republic of China is a key element of the Orban administration's
``Eastern opening'' strategy that it has pursued since returning to
power in 2010. Hungary was one of the first European Union countries to
join China's Belt and Road Initiative, and the only European Union
country to not participate in the Trump administration's ``clean
network'' initiative. As an ally and friend, it is important that we
work with Hungary to highlight the risks posed by Beijing's influence
and investments.
Additionally, Hungary has taken steps to block or weaken
multilateral statements about the People's Republic of China's conduct
in Hong Kong and its treatment of the Uyghurs, among other issues. If
confirmed, I would continue to engage with our Hungarian partners to
join us in holding Beijing accountable for its actions.
Question. How does the Hungarian Government view the conflict in
Ukraine?
Answer. Hungary has generally supported the Alliance view on
Russia, including the March 2022 Extraordinary Leaders' Statement
calling Russia's aggression the gravest threat to Euro-Atlantic
security in decades and condemning the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
The Government recognizes that Russia's aggression has destabilized
European security, caused enormous human suffering, and prompted the
flight of hundreds of thousands of people across Hungarian territory.
Question. How do you assess Hungary's response to the war in
Ukraine?
Answer. Hungary has agreed to six successive EU sanctions packages,
the establishment of a NATO Enhanced Vigilance Activities Battle Group
in Hungary, and EU funding for weapons for Ukraine. Hungary has
provided humanitarian assistance to hundreds of thousands of refugees
entering Hungary and to displaced persons in Ukraine and publicly
condemned Russia's aggression against Ukraine. At the same time, Prime
Minister Orban has prohibited the delivery of lethal weapons to Ukraine
through Hungary; resisted stronger EU sanctions against Russia; and
publicly criticized President Zelenskyy as a political adversary.
Hungary cannot be neutral in this larger struggle--Hungary is a NATO
Ally and EU member state. If confirmed, I will continue to work with
Hungary to maintain a unified response to Putin's aggression.
Question. How do you assess Hungary's contributions to NATO and
its role as a U.S. security partner?
Answer. In the security sphere, Hungary is a NATO partner making
significant contributions to our shared defense. After Russia's full-
scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, Hungary was one of the first
countries to become a framework nation for a NATO Enhanced Vigilance
Activities battlegroup. The Government has reaffirmed its intention to
spend at least two percent of GDP on defense by 2024. Hungary has
roughly 900 troops deployed in support of NATO, EU, UN, and U.S.-led
missions, including about 160 troops in Iraq. In October 2021, Hungary
took command of NATO's Kosovo Force (KFOR), the country's (and NATO's)
largest foreign troop deployment and a reflection of Hungary's
willingness to assume responsibility in a region of critical importance
to Hungary and to European security. Hungary will take over the NATO
Baltic Air Policing Mission in August. Hungary also hosts the NATO
Multinational Division-Center in Szekesfehervar, a Hungarian initiative
led by framework nations Hungary, Croatia, and Slovakia that eventually
will fit into the NATO Force. We also thank Hungary for its assistance
to 540 Afghans and 61 U.S. citizens and legal residents during the
August 2021 evacuation effort, in which Hungary used its own military
aircraft.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt by Senator Robert Menendez
Timely Briefings
Question. It is my expectations that the State Department provides
briefings to me and my staff in an expeditious manner.
Do you commit to being responsive and expeditious in responding to
requests for information from the committee and Congress as a
whole?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being responsive and expeditious
in responding to requests for information from the committee and
Congress as a whole.
All-of-the-Above Energy Strategy
Question. This seemingly innocuous term that is casually spoken by
both Democrats and Republicans may sound simple and common sense, but
in reality is highly problematic, especially with respect to foreign
energy development. ``All-of-the-Above'' literally suggests the U.S.
should continue to support (i.e. provide foreign assistance or
development finance for) things like: unmitigated coal, waste
incineration for energy (also without mitigating emissions), and heavy
fuel oil for electricity generation. This cannot be U.S. foreign
policy. In fact, I'm pretty sure it isn't, and as such I think we need
to stop saying it. I have to imagine many, if not most, of my
Republican colleagues if asked ``do you believe the U.S. should support
building highly polluting energy projects in developing countries?''
would answer ``NO!''
Do you believe an ``All-of-the-Above'' energy strategy should
include ALL sources of power production, including highly
polluting and highly inefficient sources of power?
Answer. On day one President Biden took executive actions to ensure
we tackle the climate crisis at home and abroad through a whole-of-
government approach. I believe that an ``All-of-the-Above'' energy
strategy takes heed of underlying climate concerns, and therefore does
not include highly polluting and highly inefficient sources of power.
U.S. energy security and geostrategic concerns necessitate considering
all energy options, but environmental concerns should be factored in
throughout. If confirmed, I will work with my ENR team and other
members of the interagency to implement an energy strategy in line with
Administration priorities.
Question. If ``we''--members of Congress, Administration officials,
talking heads in the media--are going to continue to use this term,
will you commit to working with Congress to transparently clarify the
term to have a socially and environmentally responsible meaning?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I commit to ensuring the term ``all of
the above'' continues to have a socially and environmentally
responsible meaning.
The Global Nature of the Energy Crisis
Question. The impact of Putin's war on Ukraine is reverberating
throughout the world and is affecting global energy supplies. Yes, our
allies in Europe are hurting, but the energy crisis is also impacting
vulnerable populations everywhere in Haiti, The Pacific Islands, the
Horn of Africa, Central America.
What are we doing to help other countries, more vulnerable
countries, weather the effects of this energy crisis?
Answer. The Department of State is committed to working with allies
and partners, including the most vulnerable countries, to weather the
energy crisis and meet their energy security needs. The Bureau of
Energy Resources' technical assistance programs promote energy
diversification and decarbonization, including adoption of clean energy
sources. This work enables vulnerable countries to better mitigate the
effects of this energy crisis and help meet their energy security
needs. If I am confirmed, I will continue to support efforts that help
countries increase their access to affordable, clean, sustainable,
secure, and reliable energy, recognizing that renewable energy options
will often be the surest route to address these multiple goals.
Question. Are the optics of the U.S. focus on helping Europe
through the energy crisis, and its majority White populations and High-
Income Countries, concerning to the Administration?
Answer. The Administration is working tirelessly with partners and
allies around the world to mitigate the consequences of Russia's war of
aggression against Ukraine. The Department of State and its partners
coordinate efforts to promote energy diversification and
decarbonization globally, including accelerating the adoption of clean
energy sources in vulnerable countries outside of Europe to better
mitigate the impacts future energy crises. If confirmed, I will support
expanding the visibility of U.S.-led global energy initiatives,
including ENR's work around the world to build reliable, sustainable,
and transparent supply chains for the critical minerals essential to
the clean energy transition.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Many U.S. offices have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout the Bureau of Energy Resources?
Answer. I worked closely with Bureau of Energy Resources team
members during my previous assignments and during this confirmation
process. I am extremely impressed by their dedication to service, their
incredible level of regional and technical expertise, and their ability
to perform under the adverse conditions of COVID-19. If confirmed, it
will be an honor to lead such a tremendous team.
Bureau team members are working to address the difficult challenges
of energy security, energy access, and decarbonization. Energy market
imbalances, Putin's unjustified war in Ukraine, and his weaponization
of energy, have combined to make this an unprecedented and stressful
time to work in the energy space. The staff have worked tirelessly with
their State Department, interagency, and international counterparts on
these front-page issues, at some personal risk of illness.
While I am inspired by ENR's adaptability and ability to perform
under competing pressures, I am cognizant of the morale challenges the
current situation places upon staff. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure they have all the resources they need to do their jobs, and to
do them safely.
Question. Many U.S. offices have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to
improve morale at the Bureau of Energy Resources?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to lead the Bureau of Energy
Resources (ENR) team through example, to recognize their outstanding
work, and to provide these dedicated public servants the support,
guidance, and resources they need so that our shared diplomatic mission
succeeds. Given the depth of Civil Service expertise in the Bureau, it
will be particularly important to ensure that these talented officers
have opportunities for long-term career growth and advancement. If
confirmed, I will prioritize communicating with all Bureau team members
and strive to achieve the highest possible team spirit and morale.
The State Department is now administering the 2022 Office of
Personnel Management Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey. I will work
closely with team members to address any opportunities for improvement
that ENR survey results identify, as well as work to further amplify
ENR's strengths.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that ENR team members have the
resources to do their jobs, to ensure their viewpoints are heard and
included in the policy process, and to make them full partners in the
work of energy diplomacy.
Question. Many U.S. offices have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to
create a unified mission and vision at the Bureau of Energy Resources?
Answer. A unified vision and clear communication are vital to
successful diplomatic outcomes. The Administration has laid out the
important policy goals of energy security, energy access, and
decarbonization, and I agree that these goals are both overlapping and
reinforcing. Advancing these objectives by leveraging the expertise of
the staff remains the core guiding focus of the Bureau, and I would
work to put specific goals into concrete lines of effort. If confirmed,
I will work with State Department and international counterparts to
advance these goals, and to ensure we do so in a coordinated,
deliberate manner that takes into consideration all relevant
information, including any underlying stressors. The cooperation of
allies and partners is critical, as is fostering partnerships with
international institutions.
As I said in my prepared statement, energy is front page news right
now. Senator Lugar recognized, in calling attention to these issues
some two decades ago, that our success requires persistent and
strategically focused diplomacy to bolster our international energy
partnerships. If confirmed, I would be honored to contribute to that
task, in partnership with the Congress.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for senior officials.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I think those who have worked with me would describe my
leadership and management style as visionary. In my roles as Ambassador
and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, I have aimed to empower my
teams and help them advance the most ambitious possible future for
themselves and for U.S. interests. In my experience, a key element of
organizational leadership is translating big strategic objectives into
concrete lines of effort. If confirmed, I would seek to draw on the
best of ENR's exceptional team of Civil Service and Foreign Service
experts to provide the strongest possible policy inputs on
international energy security, strategic resource, and energy
transition issues.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for senior officials.
Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I believe it is always more productive and effective to
deliver praise in public, and to provide constructive feedback in
private, in a respectful and helpful manner so that core competencies
can improve.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for senior officials.
How do you envision your leadership relationship with your deputy
assistant secretary?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working collaboratively in
full partnership with the Bureau principal deputy assistant secretary
and deputy assistant secretaries (DASes). I think it is important to
give specific lines of effort to the DASes, and to inspire them to
achieve those goals as one team. It will be vital that we work closely
together and coordinate as we represent the United States in
international organizations, like the International Energy Agency, and
the International Renewable Energy Agency, as well as at bilateral and
strategic dialogues and partnerships, such as the
Minerals Security Partnership
Question. Management is a key responsibility for senior officials.
If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you intend to entrust
to your deputy assistant secretary?
Answer. I have had the opportunity to serve as a principal deputy
assistant secretary (PDAS) in a regional Bureau. In that role, I was
able to handle specific issues for the Bureau and am grateful I was
empowered to do so. If confirmed, I will seek to empower the ENR PDAS
and DASes with clear functional and regional specific responsibilities
and initiatives, so that they can collectively advance overall Bureau
goals as part of a team. ENR advances clean energy and climate goals
while representing the United States at important international
organizations, in regional and bilateral dialogues, and State-led
initiatives like the Minerals Security Partnership. I will work with
the ENR DASes to further U.S. goals in all these endeavors.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I view the EER process not as something to address on
April 15, but every day. It is important to maintain a candid dialogue
with rated and reviewed colleagues throughout the rating period, to
have honest counseling sessions, to document them, and to inspire staff
and provide them opportunities to grow their core competencies. I
believe it is important to encourage staff not to be afraid of making
mistakes, but to face them, correct them, and learn from them.
I believe that both the Bureau and the Department awards processes
play important roles in recognizing the work of our best officers. I am
a strong advocate of constructive risk taking in our diplomacy and if
confirmed will seek to create a bureau culture that encourages
diversity of perspectives and innovative thinking. Aside from producing
better ideas, this approach is a priority for our successful economic
statecraft. If confirmed, I will strive to assure that good work gets
noticed, that career advancing opportunities are open to all staff, and
that teammates are motivated to reach their full potential.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. If
confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, accurate, and direct
feedback to employees in order to improve performance and reward high
achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage clear, accurate, respectful,
and direct feedback. All officers can grow in their careers, and it is
my responsibility as a manager to give them the tools to do so. Clear
and accurate employee evaluations are also mission critical, as they
enable the Department to identify and advance its most capable leaders.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Economic Support Funds
Question. In both FY 2022 and FY 2023, the Biden administration
requested $30.50 million in ESF funding for the Bureau of Energy
Resources (ENR), intended for investment in projects or assistance
efforts to bolster energy security. This amount is nearly $25 million
more than the State Department allocated in FY 2021.
In your view, will the ENR bureau be able to absorb increased
foreign assistance resources and spend them effectively?
Answer. The Department's Bureau of Energy Resources can absorb the
requested funds. ENR foreign assistance helps allies and partners
oversee their energy and mineral sectors to strengthen energy security,
transition to a net-zero emissions future, and increase energy
diversification and access. This funding request is critical to
achieving the Administration's climate goals and reaching the $11.4
billion annual climate finance goal laid out by the President. Ensuring
energy security and combating the climate crisis necessitate increased
U.S leadership and diplomacy; they also require increased assistance
resources to drive critical and timely energy sector reforms, and
develop international partner capacity to accelerate the global energy
transition. ENR will leverage its experience managing assistance to
more than 50 countries over the past decade to advance U.S. energy and
climate policy, including in-depth work in countries and regions such
as Ukraine, Central America, and across the Indo-Pacific.
Question. In your view, what are the principal benefits and
drawbacks to the United States of increasing its exports of LNG to
Europe?
Answer. One of the consequences of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on
February 24, 2022, is a fundamental realignment of the geopolitics of
energy and global energy trade. As Europe's energy security is
threatened by Russia's drastic reduction in natural gas deliveries,
assisting our allies and partners with additional LNG exports is in the
U.S. national interest. Global geopolitical structures are changing and
new threats are emerging that require a strong and adaptable Europe.
Efforts to diversify and increase LNG supplies to Europe are being
executed in alignment with climate objectives and in parallel with
equally important efforts to reduce overall energy demand and
accelerate deployment of clean and renewable energy.
Question. How might LNG exports enhance our national security and
what are the key geopolitical considerations?
Answer. As a net exporter of natural gas since 2017, the United
States has greatly enhanced the flexibility of the global LNG market by
reaching over 40 countries due to its contracts without destination
clauses and indexing to Henry Hub instead of oil prices. Although
Europe's long-term goal is to decarbonize its economy, it is facing an
energy security problem that U.S. LNG can help address in the short-
and medium-term. In 2021, U.S. exports to Asia increased by 51 percent
driven by surging demand from top importers Republic of Korea, PRC,
Japan, and India. As the third largest supplier to Asia after Australia
and Qatar, the United States plays a critical role in supplying Asia's
largest economies and trading partners.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Both the Trump and Biden administrations identified
critical minerals as a key component of several supply chains,
including semiconductors and military hardware. However, our
adversaries such as Beijing and Moscow are making strides to dominate
the critical mineral market. For example, China processes approximately
90 percent of the world's rare earth elements, 55 percent of the
world's lithium, and 65 percent of the world's cobalt.
What steps could the U.S. Government take to diversify critical
mineral supply chains and expand the role of U.S. firms in
extraction and processing sectors outside of the United States?
Answer. Building diverse, secure critical mineral supply chains is
a key focus of the Administration and a top priority of the State
Department Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR). In 2019, ENR launched the
Energy Resource Governance Initiative (ERGI) to improve governance in
key mining countries through diplomatic engagement and technical
assistance, thereby leveling the playing field for companies from the
United States and likeminded countries. The Minerals Security
Partnership (MSP), established on June 14, is designed to further
advance global critical minerals supply chain security. Developed by
the State Department in close coordination with partner countries, the
MSP aims to catalyze investment from governments and the private sector
for strategic critical minerals mining, processing, and recycling
projects that adhere to high environmental, social, and governance
standards.
Question. What additional avenues, if any, is the Biden
administration exploring for multilateral cooperation on critical
mineral supply chains beyond existing fora such as the EU-U.S.-Japan
Trilateral Conference on Critical Minerals?
Answer. The State Department has intensified critical minerals
engagement in multilateral fora and bilaterally with key countries. The
Minerals Security Partnership (MSP), established on June 14, aims to
bolster critical mineral supply chains. Developed by the State
Department in close coordination with MSP partner countries, the MSP
will help catalyze investment from governments and the private sector
for strategic critical minerals mining, processing, and recycling
projects that adhere to high environmental, social, and governance
standards. In addition to the United States, current MSP partners
include Australia, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Japan, the
Republic of Korea, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the European
Commission.
In response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the U.S., UK, Canada,
and Australia have announced bans on Russian oil imports. This is a
positive development, but it defies logic that the Biden administration
is not unleashing our own supply of energy to help assist our allies as
they reorient away from Russia. Instead, this administration has sought
assistance from the Maduro regime in Venezuela.
Question. What is Venezuela's excess oil production today?
Answer. Venezuela's oil production has fallen from approximately
2.8 million bpd in 2013 to an estimated 636,000 bpd in 2021, following
U.S. sanctions and years of corruption and mismanagement of the oil
sector.
Question. Hypothetically, what would Maduro use this new influx of
U.S. dollars for?
Answer. Our overall sanctions policy on Venezuela remains
unchanged, and we will continue to implement and enforce our Venezuela
sanctions in support of a return to democracy in Venezuela. Sanctions
targeting actors in the Venezuelan oil sector, including state-owned
oil company PDVSA, have deprived Maduro of revenue that would otherwise
be generated by oil trade. The U.S. Government continues to prioritize
limiting revenue flows to the Maduro regime that may result from its
oil related activities.
Question. What, in your view, is the Administration's objection to
supporting and expanding our own domestic energy, which has been proven
to be cleaner and safer than other countries?
Answer. I do not believe the Administration objects to supporting
and expanding our own domestic energy, but I would defer on domestic
energy policy formulation and implementation to domestic agencies. In
both of my Ambassadorial postings, I have actively supported U.S.
energy companies overseas, including in both the fossil fuel and
renewable sectors. American companies have tripled LNG exports to
Europe this year and are working towards supplying 50 billion cubic
meters per year of additional LNG from the United States between now
and 2030. I also welcome the steps American industry has taken to
reduce its carbon footprint, through reducing flaring, carbon and
methane abatement, and exploration of additional clean and renewable
energy sources and decarbonizing technologies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Geoffry R. Pyatt by Senator John Barrasso
Question. If confirmed, what would be your top three energy
priorities while serving in this position?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I would deepen ENR's approach to
advancing U.S. interests in three main areas: energy security,
decarbonization in support of the clean energy transition, and energy
access. I will continue to prioritize working closely with our allies
and partners to ensure our energy security with a coordinated response
to Putin's unjustified war. I will advocate for energy diversification,
increased efficiencies, and accelerating the deployment of clean and
renewable technologies, because the clean energy transition is key to
our long-term energy security. I recognize that demand for access to
energy continues to grow, particularly in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.
I believe this growth in demand presents an economic opportunity, and I
commit to continuing ENR's diplomatic and programmatic support for U.S.
energy companies, particularly clean energy companies, that want to
invest globally and create jobs and prosperity in the United States and
overseas. Finally, if I am confirmed, I will further support ENR's work
to help build secure, reliable, and transparent mineral supply chains
so that no one country dominates the materials that are critical inputs
to the clean energy transition.
Question. If confirmed, would you ensure that the State Department
is promoting all forms of energy projects across the globe, including
oil, gas, and coal?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support energy projects across the
globe that are consistent with U.S. national security goals. The
Administration has clearly stated that the clean energy transition will
be the best solution for addressing the long-term climate crisis. In
certain cases, however, and depending on the scope of the engagement
and geostrategic objectives, support for fossil fuel projects may be
justified, including for national security reasons.
Question. With billions of people without power, do you believe the
U.S. should be promoting fossil fuels that are affordable and reliable,
such as coal and natural gas, while supporting new technologies that
reduce their carbon output?
Answer. If confirmed by the Senate, I would promote a range of
energy options consistent with the Administration's policy and each
country's unique circumstances to help our global allies and partners
meet their energy security needs, and ensure affordable and reliable
access to energy. In certain cases, and depending on the scope of the
engagement and geostrategic objectives, support for fossil fuel
projects may be justified, including for national security reasons. In
certain instances, increasing access to power by leapfrogging outdated
infrastructure and technology may be a more optimal solution than
fossil fuels that contribute to environmental damage and health impacts
due to air pollution. In some instances, renewable sources of energy
like wind and solar, supported by grid-scale battery storage, could
provide reliable and more affordable power to many people who struggle
to access and pay for energy from fossil fuels.
Question. How should the State Department evaluate and consider
ongoing sanction programs that prohibit or discourage energy exports?
Answer. If confirmed, I would recommend that the State Department
evaluate and consider ongoing energy sanctions programs that advance
American interests and are consistent with broader U.S. foreign policy
goals and U.S. legislation.
Question. Do you support the lifting of U.S. energy sanctions on
Iran and Venezuela?
Answer. Any potential changes in our sanctions posture with respect
to Iran's and Venezuela's oil sectors would be based on a consideration
of the entire range of relevant foreign policy considerations.
A mutual return to full implementation of the Joint Comprehensive
Plan of Action (JCPOA) is the best available option to constrain Iran's
nuclear program and provide a platform to address Iran's other
destabilizing conduct. If Iran were prepared to return to full
implementation of the JCPOA's limits on its nuclear program, the United
States would be prepared to lift sanctions necessary to return to full
implementation of the JCPOA, including certain sanctions related to
Iran's petroleum sector. However, we do not support lifting energy
sanctions on Iran absent a mutual return to full implementation of the
JCPOA.
While the Administration does not preview sanctions actions, we
have made clear that we would review our sanctions policies in response
to constructive steps by the Maduro regime and if the Venezuelan
parties made meaningful progress in the Venezuelan-led negotiations in
Mexico. Venezuelan-led negotiations between the Maduro regime and the
Unitary Platform represent the best path to restore to Venezuelans the
democracy that they deserve and to alleviate their suffering.
Question. Do you support a prohibition on uranium imports and
enrichment services from Russia?
Answer. As a result of Russia's unprovoked and unjustified invasion
of Ukraine, the United States has intensified its efforts to work
closely with allies and partners to identify ways to reduce and
ultimately eliminate energy dependence on Russia, including in nuclear
energy. Several countries already have taken important steps in this
direction.
At home, the State Department is working with other Departments and
Agencies, including the Department of Energy, to identify domestic
solutions that support our foreign policy goals.
We remain committed to working with Congress to reduce our reliance
on all Russian energy sources, including those related to civil nuclear
energy.
Question. The Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline can help enhance
European energy security. As the U.S. Ambassador to Greece, you tweeted
about the Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline deal. You stated, ``Assistant
Secretary @frank--fannon puts it just right--``Pleased to see Greece,
Cyprus, and Israel advance #energycooperation in the region--continuing
our work from the 3+1 in August--by signing the Tripartite Agreement
for the East Med Energy Corridor.'' In January, the Biden
Administration announced their opposition to the Eastern Mediterranean
Pipeline. What is your position on the Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline?
Answer. My tenure as Ambassador to Greece saw important progress in
U.S. engagement with the Eastern Mediterranean, including the launch of
the 3+1 process now led by Secretary Blinken, securing of U.S. observer
status in the East Mediterranean Gas Forum, and Congressional passage
of the Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act of
2019. Against this background, the United States remains strongly
committed to physically interconnecting East Mediterranean and Middle
East energy to Europe. Putin's aggression in Ukraine and subsequent
actions to disrupt gas supplies to European consumers only underscores
the U.S. Government's longstanding position that energy cooperation in
the East Mediterranean provides a foundation for durable energy
security and economic prosperity in the East Mediterranean region and
the rest of Europe. Bearing in mind our climate priorities, the
Administration intends to continue to focus our efforts on electricity
interconnectors that can support both natural gas and renewable energy
sources. A hypothetical new pipeline such as the Eastern Mediterranean
Gas Pipeline (EMGP), for which no financing or business case has been
identified, would not contribute to European energy security in the
short or even medium term. Questions for the Record Submitted to
Question. The Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline can help enhance
European energy security. As the U.S. Ambassador to Greece, you tweeted
about the Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline deal. You stated, ``Assistant
Secretary @frank--fannon puts it just right--``Pleased to see Greece,
Cyprus, and Israel advance #energycooperation in the region--continuing
our work from the 3+1 in August--by signing the Tripartite Agreement
for the East Med Energy Corridor.'' In January, the Biden
Administration announced their opposition to the Eastern Mediterranean
Pipeline. Given the need to help Europe diversify their routes and
supplies away from Russian energy resources, what should be the
Administration's stance on the Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline?
Answer. Putin's aggression in Ukraine and subsequent actions to
disrupt gas supplies to European consumers only underscores our
longstanding position that energy cooperation in the East Mediterranean
provides a foundation for durable energy security and economic
prosperity in the East Mediterranean region and the rest of Europe. We
remain committed to physically interconnecting East Mediterranean and
Middle East energy to Europe. The Administration's stance on the
Eastern Mediterranean Gas Pipeline (EMGP) has not changed. We are
continuing to shift our focus to electricity interconnectors that can
support both natural gas and renewable energy sources. A new pipeline
such as the EMGP, which is not even under construction, would not
contribute to European energy security in the immediate or even medium
term. We welcome the agreement reached June 15th among Israel, Egypt,
and the EU to provide additional gas from the East Mediterranean to
Europe via LNG. This agreement takes advantage of existing
infrastructure and will directly improve Europe's energy security over
the short term by reducing dependence on Russian energy sources.
Question. The Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline can help enhance
European energy security. As the U.S. Ambassador to Greece, you tweeted
about the Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline deal. You stated, ``Assistant
Secretary @frank--fannon puts it just right--``Pleased to see Greece,
Cyprus, and Israel advance #energycooperation in the region--continuing
our work from the 3+1 in August--by signing the Tripartite Agreement
for the East Med Energy Corridor.'' In January, the Biden
Administration announced their opposition to the Eastern Mediterranean
Pipeline. What is the status of the Eastern Mediterranean pipeline?
Answer. The East Mediterranean Gas Pipeline (EMGP) is not under
construction and no financing or business case has been identified.
This is an EU project and financing this pipeline is a decision for the
EU and any potential investors to make.
Question. The Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline can help enhance
European energy security. As the U.S. Ambassador to Greece, you tweeted
about the Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline deal. You stated, ``Assistant
Secretary @frank--fannon puts it just right--``Pleased to see Greece,
Cyprus, and Israel advance #energycooperation in the region--continuing
our work from the 3+1 in August--by signing the Tripartite Agreement
for the East Med Energy Corridor.'' In January, the Biden
Administration announced their opposition to the Eastern Mediterranean
Pipeline. How would development of new natural gas discoveries in the
Eastern Mediterranean or elsewhere support U.S. objectives of promoting
energy security and lowering energy prices for U.S. consumers? ?
Answer. The U.S. Government has supported efforts, including by
U.S. companies, to develop natural gas resources in the Eastern
Mediterranean as part of our policy to support diversification of
energy sources and routes in Europe and to encourage cooperation among
regional friends and allies. Any new natural gas discoveries in the
East Mediterranean or elsewhere will not address near-term global
energy security issues nor lower current energy prices for U.S.
consumers.
Question. Gazprom has been halting gas deliveries to a number of
European countries. What would you suggest the US and our European
allies do in response to Gazprom's actions?
Answer. The United States and the European Union are working in
concert to reduce Europe's dependence on Russian fossil fuels. Through
the U.S.-European Commission Joint Task Force on Energy Security,
announced on March 25 by President Biden and European Commission
President von der Leyen, the United States is working with the EU to
diversify liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies to Europe in alignment
with climate objectives, reducing demand for natural gas, and
accelerating deployment of clean and renewable energy sources. The EU
is taking concrete steps separate from the task force, including
through its REPowerEU plan, announced on March 8, which aims to reduce
and ultimately eliminate dependence on Russian natural gas, goals the
U.S. supports.
Question. Gazprom has been halting gas deliveries to a number of
European countries. What countries has Russia stopped delivering
natural gas to? What actions are those countries taking to mitigate the
impact of being cut off from Russian natural gas?
Answer. As of June 23, 2022, Russia has halted natural gas supplies
to Bulgaria, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, and Poland. The
EU is taking concrete steps to reduce dependence on Russian natural
gas, including through its REPowerEU plan, which aims to reduce
dependence on Russian natural gas by two-thirds by the end of 2022 and
to eliminate dependence on Russian fossil fuels before 2030. To
mitigate the impact of Russian cutoffs, the EU is seeking additional
natural gas supply globally, including from Egypt, Israel, Algeria,
Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Senegal, and Angola, in addition to increased LNG
imports from the United States. The EU is also setting out contingency
measures in case of severe supply disruption.
Question. Gazprom has been halting gas deliveries to a number of
European countries. Are European Union member states prepared and able
to meet their energy needs without Russian imports?
Answer. EU Member States are working to reduce their dependence on
Russian fossil fuels, but this will take time. The EU imported from
Russia more than 40 percent of its total gas consumption, 27 percent of
oil imports, and 46 percent of coal in 2021. The EU is taking steps to
reduce this dependency and establish contingency measures in case of
severe supply disruption, including phased bans on imports of Russian
coal and seaborne oil, and its REPowerEU plan to make Europe
independent from Russian fossil fuels by 2030. We support these efforts
through regular coordination and joint initiatives, such as the U.S.-
European Commission Joint Task Force to Reduce Europe's Dependence on
Russian Fossil Fuels.
Question. Gazprom has been halting gas deliveries to a number of
European countries. Under what circumstances and conditions could
European Union member states stop receiving Russian natural gas imports
from Nord Stream 1?
Answer. Gazprom has announced reduced natural gas flows through
Nord Stream 1 to Germany by up to 60 percent and Russia could institute
further natural gas flow decreases and cutoffs. Individual EU member
states have different levels of dependencies on Russian fossil fuels
and options and abilities to reduce them. These efforts involve
numerous steps, including increasing LNG imports from non-Russian
sources, reducing overall energy demand, and accelerating deployment of
renewables and clean energy solutions. These efforts are difficult and
will take time.
Question. The United States has the energy resources needed to help
our allies reduce their dependence on Russian energy. Our nation should
be a strategic energy supplier to Europe. American natural gas is
reliable, affordable, and abundant. It is an important energy solution
for those who want to keep their lights on without empowering Russia.
Do you support increasing exports of U.S. liquefied natural gas (LNG)
to help our allies and partners escape their dependence on Russia?
Answer. I fully support the President's commitment to helping our
European allies and partners reduce their dependence on Russian gas,
including through the provision of American LNG, reducing their overall
demand for energy, and accelerating the clean energy transition.
Question. The United States has the energy resources needed to help
our allies reduce their dependence on Russian energy. Our nation should
be a strategic energy supplier to Europe. American natural gas is
reliable, affordable, and abundant. It is an important energy solution
for those who want to keep their lights on without empowering Russia.
What are the current barriers to increasing exports of American energy
resources to our allies in Europe?
Answer. Energy exports to our European allies have increased
significantly since January 2021. One current logistical barrier
overseas is Europe's lack of sufficient compatible import
infrastructure such as LNG import terminals or Floating Storage
Regasification Units (FSRUs). We are working tirelessly with the
private sector, and our partners and allies to address these capacity
issues. Our European allies and partners already have taken steps to
address existing infrastructure constraints to increase imports of non-
Russian gas.
Question. The United States has the energy resources needed to help
our allies reduce their dependence on Russian energy. Our nation should
be a strategic energy supplier to Europe. American natural gas is
reliable, affordable, and abundant. It is an important energy solution
for those who want to keep their lights on without empowering Russia.
What steps is the Administration currently taking to support U.S.
energy companies in increasing domestic export capacity and building
the infrastructure needed to increase exports to Europe?
Answer. The Administration has already taken steps to increase U.S.
LNG export capacity, including authorizing additional exports of LNG to
non-free trade agreement countries from two existing facilities, one
under construction and one additional approved LNG project. If
confirmed, I commit to working with EU member states toward ensuring
demand for approximately 50 billion cubic meters per year of additional
U.S. supplies, until at least 2030, as part of the President's
commitment to the U.S.-EU Task Force for Energy Security. In addition,
I would ensure that ENR continues to support the work of the U.S. and
the European Commission to expedite planning and approval for renewable
energy projects that will facilitate exports of U.S. energy technology.
Question. I believe improvements are needed to ensure the U.S.
Government is pursuing a consistent and effective energy strategy
around the world. For many years, there has been no clear delineation
of responsibilities and authorities on international energy policy
within the Executive branch. Duplication, redundancies, and conflicting
lines of authorities have created serious problems in delivering a
consistent message from the United States on international energy
across the globe. Numerous government agencies remain tasked with
pursing U.S. energy policies across the globe, including the U.S.
Department of Energy, Department of Commerce, Department of Interior,
Department of Treasury, the Energy Information Administration, and the
National Security Council. As a result, areas of responsibility remain
confusing. This in turn allows agencies to shift decision-making
responsibility and divert accountability. How are the lines of
authority and responsibilities delineated between the U.S. Department
of State's Bureau of Energy Resources and the U.S. Department of
Energy's Office of Policy and International Affairs?
Answer. By statute, the Department of State exercises primary
authority for the conduct of foreign policy relating to energy.
According to the DOE Organization Act, the Department of Energy
implements policies regarding international energy issues that have a
direct impact on research, development, and conservation of energy in
the United States. State and DOE coordinate and cooperate on
implementing U.S. foreign energy policy to avoid duplication and ensure
that efforts are in line with broader U.S. foreign policy goals. For
example, within the U.S.-EU Energy Council, ENR leads on the energy
security working group, while DOE leads on the energy policy and energy
technology working groups. Similarly, DOE and State participate
together at international organizations, such as the International
Energy Agency.
Question. I believe improvements are needed to ensure the U.S.
Government is pursuing a consistent and effective energy strategy
around the world. For many years, there has been no clear delineation
of responsibilities and authorities on international energy policy
within the Executive branch. Duplication, redundancies, and conflicting
lines of authorities have created serious problems in delivering a
consistent message from the United States on international energy
across the globe. Numerous government agencies remain tasked with
pursing U.S. energy policies across the globe, including the U.S.
Department of Energy, Department of Commerce, Department of Interior,
Department of Treasury, the Energy Information Administration, and the
National Security Council. As a result, areas of responsibility remain
confusing. This in turn allows agencies to shift decision-making
responsibility and divert accountability. Please describe your current
understanding of the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Energy
Resources' role in interagency collaboration on international energy
issue.
Answer. My understanding is that the U.S. Department of State's
Bureau of Energy Resources collaborates closely with other bureaus and
offices within the Department of State, and with other U.S. Government
agencies, in advancing American energy-related goals and interests. The
Department of State exercises primary authority for the conduct of
foreign policy relating to energy. The Bureau of Energy Resources uses
diplomacy, advocacy, and technical assistance to contribute to the
advancement of American energy-related foreign policy goals, leaning
heavily on the unique access and impact of our Embassies overseas.
Question. I believe improvements are needed to ensure the U.S.
Government is pursuing a consistent and effective energy strategy
around the world. For many years, there has been no clear delineation
of responsibilities and authorities on international energy policy
within the Executive branch. Duplication, redundancies, and conflicting
lines of authorities have created serious problems in delivering a
consistent message from the United States on international energy
across the globe. Numerous government agencies remain tasked with
pursing U.S. energy policies across the globe, including the U.S.
Department of Energy, Department of Commerce, Department of Interior,
Department of Treasury, the Energy Information Administration, and the
National Security Council. As a result, areas of responsibility remain
confusing. This in turn allows agencies to shift decision-making
responsibility and divert accountability. What steps do you propose to
eliminate overlapping and conflicting roles?
Answer. If confirmed, I would propose continuing the Bureau's
commitment to close cooperation and collaboration with other U.S.
Government agencies to ensure our respective efforts are complementary
and collectively advance American interests.
Question. I believe improvements are needed to ensure the U.S.
Government is pursuing a consistent and effective energy strategy
around the world. For many years, there has been no clear delineation
of responsibilities and authorities on international energy policy
within the Executive branch. Duplication, redundancies, and conflicting
lines of authorities have created serious problems in delivering a
consistent message from the United States on international energy
across the globe. Numerous government agencies remain tasked with
pursing U.S. energy policies across the globe, including the U.S.
Department of Energy, Department of Commerce, Department of Interior,
Department of Treasury, the Energy Information Administration, and the
National Security Council. As a result, areas of responsibility remain
confusing. This in turn allows agencies to shift decision-making
responsibility and divert accountability. In what ways does interagency
collaboration on international energy policy need to be improved?
Answer. I believe that interagency collaboration on international
energy policy benefits from regular discussions and interactions among
the different U.S. Government agencies involved. If confirmed, I commit
to actively and constructively contribute to the interagency policy
deliberation and formulation process.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert A. Wood by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout your
post?
Answer. It is my understanding that morale at the Mission is high
in light of the Administration's robust recommitment to multilateral
engagement and in spite of the corresponding workload, which at times
can prove challenging.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Geneva?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting Ambassador Linda
Thomas-Greenfield and her team in efforts to guide, encourage, and
recognize the exceptional community of professionals working for the
U.S. Mission to the U.N. That includes a focus on team building,
treating every team member with respect, and ensuring appropriate work-
life balance.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at your post?
Answer. It is my distinct impression that Ambassador Linda Thomas-
Greenfield has created just such a vision for the Mission, and if
confirmed I will invest in that vision to continue the remarkable
pattern of accomplishment she has established since assuming that role.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I consider myself an inclusive and collaborative colleague,
mentor, and team leader. If confirmed, I will strive to create an
environment where all members of my team feel valued for their
contributions and supported in their personal goals. I believe my
record at various management levels speaks to someone who values
collaboration, diversity, and shared success.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Under no circumstances is this acceptable.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed as Alternate Representative, I will have the
honor of supervising an exceptional team of Foreign and Civil Service
employees, and intend to operate with transparency, trust, and respect.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will invest in the broad expertise of my
team, entrusting them with the necessary autonomy to continue working
with the success and confidence they demonstrate every day.
Question. If confirmed, do you support U.N. Security Council reform
including any potential efforts to expand the non-permanent or
permanent members of the Council?
Answer. The United States supports a U.N. Security Council that is
effective and fit for the challenges of the 21st century. If confirmed,
I would remain open to a modest expansion of both permanent and non-
permanent Security Council members in a way that does not diminish the
Security Council's effectiveness or efficiency and does not alter or
expand the veto.
Question. Do you support the expansion of veto power?
Answer. If confirmed, I would remain open to a modest expansion of
both permanent and non-permanent Security Council members in a way that
does not alter or expand the veto.
Question. Do you believe Security Council reform is necessary? Why
or why not?
Answer. A well-executed expansion of the Security Council could
help modernize the body to better reflect 21st century global realities
and increase its effectiveness. If confirmed, I would work with our
allies to support the evolution of this institution in a manner that
promotes efficiency and effectiveness, without compromising United
States interests.
Question. What other efforts would you support?
Answer. If confirmed, I am open to exploring other efforts that do
not diminish the Security Council's effectiveness or efficiency and do
not alter or expand the veto. In April, the United States cosponsored,
along with 82 other countries, a U.N. General Assembly resolution that
improves Security Council transparency--a sought-after reform--by
automatically convening a debate in the General Assembly in response to
the use of the veto in the Security Council.
Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.'s role on the
Security Council? Are we effectively using our voice and vote to
influence positive change towards peace and security?
Answer. The United States is committed to using the unique
authority of the U.N. Security Council, as well as the U.N. system more
broadly, to advance U.S. interests and respond to threats to
international peace and security. If confirmed, I will be both a
defender of and advocate for U.S. standards, values, and interests at
the U.N. Security Council.
Question. What is your assessment of Russia on the Security Council
in light of their war on Ukraine?
Answer. Russia's egregious actions are an affront to the core
mandate of the Security Council and are especially outrageous given
that it is a permanent member. If confirmed and if there were a path to
suspend Russia from the U.N. Security Council, I would seek to pursue
it immediately, particularly in light of its violations of the U.N.
principles Russia has committed to defend. Russia's status as a
permanent member of the Security Council, however, is enshrined in the
U.N. Charter. To change this would require renegotiating and amending
the Charter, which is a treaty among all the U.N.'s 193 Member States,
including Russia. All amendments to the Charter require ratification of
all five Permanent Members, including Russia, in order to enter into
force.
Question. The recent effort in the General Assembly to force a GA
meeting upon the use of a veto was supported by the U.S. In your view,
was this key to strengthening the council?
Answer. This U.N. General Assembly resolution is a significant step
toward the accountability, transparency, and responsibility of all
Permanent Members of the Security Council who wield the veto. We see
virtue in automatically convening a General Assembly meeting when a
veto is cast, to give the Permanent Member of the U.N. Security Council
the opportunity to explain its veto to the full General Assembly
membership, and for the Members of the General Assembly to express
their views.
Question. What can be done to strengthen the U.S. position on the
Security Council?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to driving our multilateral
engagement to deliver concrete outcomes to advance our values around
the world. Within the Security Council, if confirmed, I will work
closely with our P3 allies, France and the UK, as well as elected UNSC
members to push back on China and Russia's obstructionism and
alternative authoritarian agenda.
Question. What is your view of the current state of U.N.
peacekeeping?
Answer. U.N. peacekeeping operations are among the most effective
mechanisms of burden-sharing to address the global challenges to
international peace and security. The United States continues to
evaluate peacekeeping missions with a view to making them as efficient
and effective as possible, while also providing missions with the
necessary resources to fully implement their mandates. If confirmed, I
will commit to working with the Administration in prioritizing reforms
in annual budget negotiations, increasing the efficiency of missions
and minimizing the cost to U.S. taxpayers, including reducing or
closing missions where appropriate and when conditions allow.
Question. Are there missions that are more challenging politically
than others? If so, which ones?
Answer. Peacekeeping missions facilitate post-conflict recovery by
protecting civilians, preserving security, and creating the space for
political solutions. While the U.N. Secretary-General and many Member
States stress the importance of peacekeeping missions supporting
political solutions, these are long-term endeavors that require
persistence, political will, and significant resources. The most
challenging missions are those where tremendous effort and many
political processes over the years have not yielded a durable,
sustainable peace. If confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. engagement
continues to press for both short- and long-term solutions.
Question. Do you believe any missions are no longer meeting their
mandate? If so, what do you believe would be appropriate action by the
Security Council?
Answer. The administration continually reviews and assesses all
existing peacekeeping missions to ensure they are making a meaningful
and substantive contribution to international peace and security. If
confirmed, for missions where that work remains imperative, I will
focus on making them as effective and efficient as possible and
providing them with the resources necessary to fully implement their
mandates, including well-trained and well-equipped troops and police.
If confirmed, for missions in countries where conditions allow, I will
work with the U.N. Secretariat and U.N. Security Council to press for
early strategic planning and sustainable transitions that preserve the
advances in host nation peace and security.
Question. Ongoing allegations and incidents of sexual exploitation
and abuse by peacekeepers and U.N. personnel (and most recently an
American) continue to draw international attention. What can the U.S.,
and the U.N., do to prevent more incidents of sexual abuse and assault?
Answer. The Secretary-General has taken important steps to address
SEA, many of which the United States has directly supported, but there
is still work to be done. If confirmed, I am committed to working with
the Secretary-General to hold peacekeepers accountable.
In September 2021, the Secretary-General repatriated the entire
Gabonese contingent deployed to the U.N. Multidimensional Integrated
Stabilization Force in the CAR (MINUSCA) following repeated, credible
allegations of SEA by Gabon's troops. This marked an important step
forward in the implementation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2272
(2016), drafted and championed by the United States, to provide the
Secretary-General enhanced measures to deter future acts of SEA in
peacekeeping and hold offenders accountable.
The United States has also discontinued peacekeeping security
assistance in the form of PKO-funded Global Peace Operations Initiative
(GPOI) programming to three countries--Mauritania in 2019 and Cameroon
and Gabon in 2020--when they failed to prevent and/or hold their
peacekeepers accountable for persistent SEA and broader conduct and
discipline issues.
Question. Most recently, the Council has experienced internal
conflict about holding meetings on particular humanitarian crises like
Syria, Ukraine, Ethiopia, and more. What is your assessment of this
issue? Should the Security Council hold more regular meetings on these
topics? If no, please explain.
Answer. The monthly program of work for the Security Council is
negotiated among the members, with a significant number of the meetings
fixed by directives in Security Council resolutions, including
discussions on humanitarian situations. The Security Council has a
monthly meeting on the humanitarian situation in Syria, and the Council
has met 16 times on Ukraine since February 21, 2022, though some of
these meetings on Ukraine were called by Russia on farcical pretenses.
If confirmed, I commit to using these engagements as opportunities to
work with like-minded partners to highlight humanitarian crises,
including ones caused or exacerbated by Russia's further invasion of
Ukraine.
Question. Additionally, the Council has issues passing resolutions
or making statements on these topics. Do you believe the U.N. Security
council is broken? Why or why not?
Answer. The Security Council reflects global political dynamics
and, as such, is often a challenging venue. If confirmed, I commit to
working with our partners to address international crises through
political missions, sanctions and embargos, and peacekeeping
operations, notwithstanding Russian and PRC obstructionism. The
requirement, adopted in April 2022, that the General Assembly
automatically convenes a meeting following a veto in the Security
Council is a significant step toward ensuring the accountability,
transparency, and responsibility of all Permanent Members of the
Security Council in the appropriate use of the veto.
Question. Russia and China have used their position on the Council
to block formal meetings on topics they did not like, including human
rights abuses in Xinjiang, Syria, and more. What is your assessment of
this issue? How can the U.S. use its influence to highlight these
important issues regardless of other P5 members?
Answer. Under the Security Council's rules, one Council member
cannot block formal meetings of the Council. If confirmed, I will
commit to working closely with our partners to ensure the Security
Council discusses all threats to international peace and security.
Beyond the Security Council, the United States leads efforts to ensure
critical issues are addressed in the U.N. system and in other fora,
including the General Assembly, Human Rights Council, OPCW, and IAEA.
In those settings, the United States highlights issues like Russia's
and China's oppression of their own citizens, Syria's chemical weapons
use, and Iran's nuclear program.
Question. The most recent Security Council elections replaced 5 of
the elected 10 members with each candidate running unopposed. Do you
believe clean slates for U.N. bodies are beneficial? Why or why not?
Answer. Being elected to the U.N. Security Council is arguably the
most prestigious assignment for a country in the U.N. system. It is
also a major commitment of resources and requires significant
preparation. Countries typically announce their candidacy years, if not
decades, in advance to adequately plan. Once a country announces its
candidacy, regional blocs often discourage competition to ensure
diversity of representation and to avoid wasted efforts. In the wider
U.N. setting, clean slate elections can be detrimental to U.N. bodies,
often allowing candidates who are unqualified for, or worse, hostile
to, the work of those bodies. If confirmed, I will work to actively
encourage qualified candidates to participate in U.N. elections.
Question. There have been proposals put forward for U.N.
peacekeeping budget to fund missions that have not been approved by the
U.N. Security Council. Do you believe that the U.N. peacekeeping budget
should only be put towards mission approved by the U.N. Security
Council?
Answer. The Biden administration would not support the use of U.N.-
assessed contributions to fund peacekeeping missions that have not been
authorized by the U.N. Security Council (UNSC). U.N. Security Council
oversight is one of the key preconditions of any agreement on the use
of U.N.-assessed funds for non-U.N. peace support operations. If
confirmed, I will work with the appropriate U.N. oversight bodies,
including the UNSC through resolutions authorizing mission mandates, to
oversee U.N. funds.
Question. The United States is the single largest financial
contributor to U.N. peacekeeping activities. Congress authorizes and
appropriates U.S. contributions, and it has an ongoing interest in
ensuring such funding is used as efficiently and effectively as
possible. Do you believe that any nation, including the United States,
should pay more than 25 percent of the U.N. peacekeeping budget?
Answer. My firm belief is that the United States should pay its
assessed contributions in full and on time, while concurrently working
to reduce those contributions by maximizing efficiencies and
encouraging other member states to assume more of the financial burden.
In December 2021, the U.S. Mission to the United Nations achieved a
reduction in the U.S. peacekeeping assessment rate from 27.9 to 26.9
percent and preserved the 22 percent ceiling for the U.N. regular
budget assessment. If confirmed, I will work with counterparts to
ensure that peacekeeping missions are fit for purpose, focused on
results, and accountable for their resources.
Question. What is your position on U.S. repayment of U.N.
peacekeeping arrears? As memorialized in the 1999 Helms-Biden
agreement, the Late Ambassador Holbrooke, then-President Clinton, then-
Secretary General Kofi Anan, and then-Senator Biden all believed that
the United States has no obligation to pay, and thus should not pay,
the roughly $500 million in ``contested arrears'' that were explicitly
excluded from the $1.6 billion Helms-Biden agreement. However, since
then, the U.N. has insisted upon keeping on its books, and the Obama
administration sought to pay over Congressional objections. Do you
commit not to pay these ``contested arrears'' per Congressional intent
as outlined in the Helms-Biden agreement?
Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with
Congress to determine how best to meet our financial obligations,
including addressing the substantial level of arrears that have
accumulated over the past five years and the 25-percent cap on
peacekeeping funding.
Question. Are there any specific steps you believe the U.N. should
take to reduce the overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget? If so,
what are they?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing and assessing all
existing peacekeeping missions to ensure they are still necessary for
the promotion of international peace and security. For missions that
remain necessary, I will work to ensure they are as effective and
efficient as possible, while also ensuring they have the necessary
resources to fully implement their mandates, including well-trained and
well-equipped troops and police.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert A. Wood by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What, in your opinion, are the prospects for effective
Security Council action on the situation in Ukraine?
Answer. The prospects for effective action within the Security
Council itself on the situation in Ukraine are limited by Russia's veto
power. However, we have seen effective action taken within other U.N.
bodies, including the U.N. General Assembly, which overwhelmingly
adopted three resolutions condemning Russia's full-scale invasion of
Ukraine.
In one of these votes in the General Assembly, member states
suspended Russia from the U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC). The HRC also
adopted a resolution establishing a Commission of Inquiry into
violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international
humanitarian law. Secretary-General Guterres condemned Russia's
violation of the U.N. Charter and offered his good offices to negotiate
an end to the war, to facilitate humanitarian corridors, and to find a
solution to Ukraine's inability to transport its agricultural
commodities due to Russia's aggression.
The U.N. provides significant lifesaving assistance to the people
of Ukraine and refugees from Ukraine through U.N. agencies, and if
confirmed, I will commit to working with these partners, such as
UNICEF, UNHCR, IOM, the U.N. World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO), and the WHO, to ensure these lines of
effort remain a priority. The United States has provided $688 million
dollars this year to fund this work.
Question. In the absence of possibilities in the Security Council,
what are other opportunities to utilize the U.N. system to assist the
people and government of Ukraine?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting Ukraine and
holding Russian President Vladimir Putin and his government to account
across international fora--including the United Nations--in
coordination with Ukraine, allies and partners, humanitarian
organizations, and other international organizations. I will support
steps the United Nations has already taken to hold Russia to account
such as the U.N. Human Rights Council's Commission of Inquiry (UNHRC
CoI) and the U.N. Human Rights Monitoring Mechanism in Ukraine
(UNHRMMU). I will continue to encourage other governments to support
and increase their support to Ukraine's Humanitarian Response Plan,
which is coordinated by the U.N. Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) and covers critical needs for the
millions of people displaced within, or outside of, Ukraine by Russia's
aggression.
Question. If confirmed, how would you utilize your position to
improve the effectiveness of economic sanctions?
Answer. The key to making U.N. economic sanctions effective is in
promoting their full implementation by all U.N. Member States. When the
U.N. Security Council adopts economic sanctions measures under Chapter
VII of the U.N. Charter, all U.N. Member States are required under
international law to implement them. If confirmed, I will work
diligently to ensure effective implementation of these measures,
including by publicly calling out any U.N. Member State that knowingly
violates them. We will continue working to strengthen implementation,
helping bolster countries' capacity to implement and enforce sanctions
and work with the U.N. system, including the U.N. sanctions expert
panels and Security Council sanctions committees, to call attention to
potential sanctions violations, remind U.N. Member States of their
obligations under U.N. Security Council sanctions resolutions, and
reiterate the importance to international peace and security of full
compliance with the U.N. Security Council's decisions. We share
information with those same U.N. sanctions expert panels to enhance
their investigations and offer robust capacity-building assistance to
U.N. Member States on a wide range of relevant issues, including
banking, maritime trade, and others. Where appropriate, we work with
our partners on the U.N. Security Council to nominate individuals and
entities for designation in relevant U.N. sanctions committees and may
consider implementing sanctions under domestic authorities on such
individuals and entities when not designated by the U.N.
Question. In your view, how effective have U.N Security Council
economic sanctions been to date?
Answer. U.N. Security Council-imposed economic sanctions have a
mixed record in achieving their goals. Effectiveness has depended on
many factors, including the degree to which U.N. Member States have
faced consequences for failing to fully implement legally binding
sanctions measures, as is required under the U.N. Charter. The most
expansive U.N. Security Council economic sanctions now in existence are
those imposed on the DPRK for the development of its nuclear and
ballistic missile programs. These measures have severely impeded the
Kim regime's ability to import foreign technologies, equipment, and
other materials for its unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs. If
confirmed, I will continue to prioritize strengthening sanctions on the
DPRK and working towards their full implementation. In response to
concerns about Iran's nuclear program, the Security Council adopted
multiple rounds of sanctions from 2006-2010 that helped get Iran to
consent to limits in the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
(JCPOA). Targeted U.N. counterterrorism sanctions have made it much
harder for groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda to raise, transfer or conceal
funds. The United States is working hard to make sure that U.N.
Security Council-imposed sanctions have clear objectives, are well
integrated with broader diplomatic strategies, and are dynamic and
flexible in response to relevant events. If confirmed, I will look to
ensure U.N. Security Council sanctions continue to be used as a strong
tool to counter threats to U.S. national security and global stability.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert A. Wood by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Although the U.N. is often thought of as the guardian of
world peace, it is in reality a dysfunctional, bureaucratic institution
that gives our adversaries, such as the Chinese Communist Party, a
forum to further their malign influence. How would you counter
Beijing's efforts to abuse the U.N. Security Council to further its
agenda?
Answer. As I have in other multilateral fora, if confirmed I will
continue to call out the PRC for its malign behavior and actions. I
will also work with likeminded partners to promote the integrity of the
U.N. system based on the principles and values of the U.N. Charter. If
confirmed, I will work in the U.N. Security Council to present a united
front against those who seek to advance authoritarian and destabilizing
agendas. This type of outreach and coordination sends a powerful
message throughout the multilateral system--as it did during the
several historic votes in the U.N. General Assembly condemning Russia's
unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. The U.N. General
Assembly held a debate on June 8 and 10 following vetoes by China and
Russia of a U.S.-drafted Security Council resolution that would have
imposed further sanctions on the DPRK for its unlawful ballistic
missile launches. The many U.N. member states that spoke during this
debate calling for U.N. Security Council action underscored the
isolation of China and Russia on this issue. If confirmed, I will work
to widen and deepen that isolation.
Question. What steps can the U.S. take to further its influence in
the U.N. and minimize that of the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. The United States is implementing a comprehensive
multilateral strategy, alongside other regional plans, to counter the
harmful influence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and
strengthen the U.N. and rules-based international order. This strategy
includes advancing an affirmative agenda that highlights the role and
contributions of the United States in addressing global challenges;
advocating against any kind of U.N. endorsement of any country's
signature foreign policy platforms, such as the Belt and Road
Initiative; supporting qualified candidates for elected and appointed
positions in the U.N. and other international organizations who will
act independently; and developing flexible coalitions with a diverse
array of countries to strengthen the rules-based international system.
If confirmed, I would champion our efforts aimed to create an
environment resistant to the PRC's efforts to bend international
organizations to their worldview.
Question. China has roughly 1,072 peacekeeping personnel deployed
in South Sudan and the China National Petroleum Corporation controls a
40 percent stake--the largest of any stakeholder--in a consortium that
extracts South Sudan's oil. In 2012, the Chinese Government dispatched
its first combat unit to the continent to support the U.N. Mission in
South Sudan (UNMISS). After civil war broke out in the country in 2013,
Beijing played a significant role in increasing the UNMISS authorized
troop strength and modifying UNMISS's mandate to include a broader
interpretation of the U.N.'s nonintervention policy. In this expanded
mandate, Beijing successfully lobbied for a provision to include the
protection of workers on oil installations.
Although the provision initially encountered resistance from
officials in the U.N. Department of Peacekeeping Operations, who argued
the change would undermine the U.N.'s neutrality and place peacekeepers
on the side of the South Sudanese Government and the oil industry, the
mandate expansion was ultimately adopted unanimously by the U.N.
Security Council in 2014. The new mandate aligned peacekeepers with the
South Sudanese Government and the country's oil sector, and by
extension, Beijing's economic interests.
What is your assessment of this case?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure constant vigilance in our
review of UNSC products to guard against PRC and other states
exploiting multilateral fora to pursue parochial interests or national
agendas.
Question. Clearly this was done against U.S. interests. How will
you prevent Beijing from coopting the U.N. Security Council and U.N.
Peacekeeping system to further its own interests and diminish our own
in the future?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with State
Department colleagues, other members of the Security Council, and U.N.
partners in New York and in the field to ensure that we advance U.S.
priorities across U.N. peacekeeping, including, for instance, by
preventing changes to Security Council mandates that seek to undermine
those priorities. More broadly, I will seek common ground at the
Security Council with those who take their responsibilities seriously
among the permanent and elected members to highlight our shared values
and present a united front against those who seek to advance
authoritarian and destabilizing agendas.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert A. Wood by Senator Rob Portman
Question. The United Nation's bias against Israel is long-standing
and well-known.
If confirmed, what will you do to fight back against the U.N.'s
bias against Israel?
Answer. I agree completely that U.N. bias against Israel is long-
standing and well-known. In previous leadership positions at the U.S.
Mission to the U.N. in Vienna and at the Conference on Disarmament, I
worked closely with Israeli officials in lobbying member states to
oppose regular Arab League resolutions at the International Atomic
Energy Agency condemning Israel for not joining the Nuclear Non-
proliferation Treaty. If confirmed, I will continue the United States'
work in opposing efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel
through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other actions across the
United Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly,
the Human Rights Council, and other bodies. If confirmed, I will also
work with our Israeli diplomatic colleagues to promote the election of
Israeli citizens to U.N. leadership posts and Israel's inclusion in
U.N. working groups, as well as support qualified Israeli candidates
for appointments within the U.N. system.
Question. On February 24th, the day of Russia's invasion of
Ukraine, I said that the U.S. should work with our allies and partners
to remove Russia from the Security Council. Their flagrant disregard
for the principles of the U.N. Charter, their abuse of their veto power
to worsen Syria's humanitarian situation, and other their unprovoked
violence against U.N. member states make them unfit to serve on the
Security Council.
What are your thoughts on this?
Do you believe that Russia deserves a seat on the U.N. Security
Council?
If yes, why do they deserve that honor?
Are there any issues that you believe we can work with the Russians
on in good faith?
Answer. Russia's egregious violations are an affront to the core
mandate of the U.N. Security Council, and it is outrageous that a
permanent member has acted in this manner, particularly in light of its
violations of the U.N. principles it had committed to defend. A change
in Russia's status as a permanent member of the UNSC, however, would
require renegotiating and amending the U.N. Charter, which is a treaty
among all 193 member states of the U.N., including Russia. All
amendments to the Charter require ratification by all five Permanent
Members, including Russia, in order to enter into force. Given these
realities, if confirmed, my focus will be to continue working with
likeminded partners across the U.N. system to further isolate Russia
and impose additional consequences for its egregious violations of
international law.
The nature of the U.N. Security Council working procedures requires
we engage with Russia, as all other members of the Security Council, if
it is in the United States' interest to do so. If confirmed, I pledge
to be realistic and clear-eyed about the limits of our engagement with
Russia given its violations of the U.N. Charter.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Brian Schatz
presiding.
Present: Senators Schatz [presiding], Cardin, Coons,
Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Romney, Young, and
Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN SCHATZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM HAWAII
Senator Schatz. Good morning. The Senator Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order. We are here today to consider
several important nominations: Mr. Dean Thompson to be
Ambassador to Nepal, Mr. Robert Godec to be the Ambassador to
Thailand, Mr. Yohannes Abraham to be the Ambassador to the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Mr. Richard Buangan to
be the Ambassador to Mongolia, and Marie C. Damour, to be the
Ambassador to the Republics of Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, the
Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu.
Senator Van Hollen is here to introduce Mr. Thompson, so I
will now turn it over to him to make his introduction.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. Well thank you, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member Romney. Let me start by congratulating all of
the nominees here today and thank you for your service.
I have the special privilege, Mr. Chairman, of introducing
President Biden's nominee to serve as our next United States
Ambassador to Nepal, Mr. Dean R. Thompson. President Biden
selected a nominee with impeccable credentials, sterling
character, and a deep knowledge of U.S. diplomacy, and he has
also wisely selected a Marylander who holds a master's degree
from the University of Maryland and represents the very best of
our state.
As a career member of the Foreign Service, Dean Thompson
has served overseas in Malaysia, Romania, India, Paraguay,
Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. Here at home he served in several
leadership roles within the State Department, including poses
as the Director of the State Department's Executive Secretariat
staff, Deputy Director of the State Department Operations
Center, and Director of the Operations Center Crisis Management
staff. He currently serves as the Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs and stepped up to
serve as Acting Assistant Secretary from 2020 to 2021.
I believe each of these experiences, which span over 25
years of service to our nation, have provided Mr. Thompson with
a deep knowledge of U.S. foreign policy and how to connect
effectively with local communities in Nepal, should this
committee confirm his nomination.
Beyond this extraordinary resume, Dean Thompson is a man of
exemplary character. He is regarded within the State Department
as someone who not only possesses the strength to lead but also
has the heart to fully invest in the well-being and success of
those who work for him. He is composed and kind and equal
measure, always committed to getting the job done with
efficiency, respect, and decency.
He is supported in all these things by his family, and I
want to salute his wife, Jane, and his mother, Linda, who are
with us in the hearing room today. Thank you very much for
being here. And I want to give a shout-out to his father, his
children, and his new grandson, all of whom are watching
online.
I grew up in a Foreign Service family. I lived in some of
the countries where Dean Thompson has served, and I know the
challenges and the opportunities of having a parent represent
our nation overseas. I want to commend Dean Thompson, the
Thompson family, and the Foreign Service Officers and families,
families of Foreign Service Officers in this room, and all
around the world. They are on the front lines of advancing
America's priorities abroad, and those of us in the United
States Congress must commit ourselves every day to honor their
service and their sacrifice through our work here in the
Capitol.
Also growing up in a Foreign Service family taught me how
to spot a good diplomat. I know a good one when I see one, and
Dean Thompson is truly a diplomat in every sense of the world.
He will be ready to go on day one, and colleagues, I urge this
committee to support his nomination. Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
Congratulations to all of you. You are all qualified for these
positions, and we thank you for being willing to serve at this
challenging time. We also especially thank your families, and
when you have an opportunity to address the committee we would
welcome your introduction of your family.
If confirmed, Mr. Thompson would serve during an important
time in U.S.-Nepalese relations. Nepal is one of the few
countries in the region to condemn Russia's invasion of
Ukraine. Earlier this year, the Nepalese Parliament approved a
$500 million in infrastructure grant from the Millennium
Challenge Corporation, a decision met with protests from
citizens who were concerned about American influence in their
country, and just last month the Nepalese government cancelled
its participation in the U.S. State Partnership Program. These
actions followed a concerted Chinese government disinformation
campaign. It is vital that the U.S. Ambassador to Nepal be able
to navigate this landscape and reassure the people of Nepal
that America is their ally. Mr. Thompson's depth of experience
in this region makes him well-qualified to take on this
important post.
Robert Godec is a career diplomat who most recently served
as Acting Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs
at the Department of State. He served as U.S. Ambassador to
Kenya from 2013 to 2019, and U.S. Ambassador to Tunisia from
2006 to 2009. During his long career he has also held positions
as the Assistant Office Director for Thailand and Burma in the
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs and Director for
Southeast Asian Affairs at the Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative.
Thailand is a major non-NATO ally with the largest economy
in mainland Southeast Asia. Secretary Blinken was in Bangkok
this past week and signed two cooperation agreements with his
Thai counterpart to deepen ties between our two nations,
saying, ``We are taking the partnership between us fully into
the 21st century.''
Thailand is also a member of the Indo-Pacific Economic
Forum and a key partner in a free and open Indo-Pacific. Mr.
Godec's wide breadth of experience, which includes previous
work on Thailand and regional trade issues make him an
excellent nominee for this position at this critical time.
Yohannes Abraham currently serves as Deputy Assistant to
the President, Chief of Staff, and Executive Secretary of the
National Security Council. He has worked in the Executive
branch in various capacities, including as a Senior Advisor to
the National Economic Council and a Deputy Assistant to the
President for Intergovernmental Affairs and Public Engagement
during the Obama administration.
In his current position, Mr. Abraham has cultivated
valuable experience helping plan and execute the 2021 and 2022
U.S.-ASEAN Summits, the President's first trip to Asia, and the
Vice President's trip to Vietnam and Singapore. The United
States must continue to engage with ASEAN on issues of
international significance, including climate change and
infrastructure development, and Mr. Abraham is well-suited to
take on this task.
Richard Buangan is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service, Class of Minister-Counselor. He most recently served
as Acting Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Global Public
Affairs at the State Department and prior to that he served as
Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of East Asia and
Pacific Affairs. Mr. Buangan also lived in my home state of
Hawaii for part of his childhood, when his dad was in the Navy,
and I understand that his dad is here today. Congratulations. I
am sure you are very proud.
Mongolia is a vast nation surrounded by Russia and China
and a young democracy. It is more important than ever that the
United States continue its friendship with the Mongolian people
and find opportunities to collaborate on issues, including
energy independence and economic development, and Mr. Buangan
is well-qualified to do so.
Marie Damour is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service who has served as Council General in Ho Chi Minh City,
Vietnam, since 2019. She previously served as Director in the
Office of Maritime Southeast Asia in the Bureau of East Asian
and Pacific Affairs as well as in the Office of Policy
Coordination and Public Affairs in the Bureau of Consular
Affairs. She was also the Deputy Chief of Mission as well as
the Charge d'Affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Wellington, New
Zealand.
Ms. Damour has been nominated to represent our nation in
five Pacific Island countries: Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Tonga,
and Tuvalu, that cover thousands of square miles of ocean.
These nations are important partners, and the United States
must genuinely engage with them on issues that are of concern
to the region, from IUU fishing to sea level rise threatening
their very existence.
I have spoken with ambassadors from many of the countries
that Ms. Damour will be working with, if confirmed, and there
are urgent needs in these communities that the United States
has unfortunately neglected for too long. I am encouraged by
the commitments Vice President Harris made at the Pacific
Island Forum leaders' meeting yesterday, including plans to
establish U.S. embassies in Kiribati and Tonga, appoint an
envoy to the Pacific Island Forums, bring the Peace Corps back
to the Pacific, and make progress towards re-establishing a
USAID regional mission for the Pacific in Suva. I am sure you
will be directly involved in many of these efforts, and if
confirmed, I look forward to speaking with you more about how
the United States can expand its engagement in the region.
There are few jobs as important as confirming nominees to
be U.S. Ambassador. It is my honor to chair this hearing,
especially given that all five of these nominees, if confirmed,
will represent the United States in the Indo-Pacific, a region
critical to our foreign policy and national security. These
positions require vast skills and experience, and you all have
it.
I now yield to the Ranking Member, Senator Romney.
STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your comments,
and thank you to each of the nominees for your willingness to
again take on the mantle of service for our nation in a region
of the world which is critical for the citizens there but also
critical for the interest of the United States, given the
dynamic of authoritarian promotion by the Communist Chinese
Party as well as a recognition that this is a critical time in
history as it relates to major global issues.
I appreciate your willingness to serve our country and to
represent our interests. Our friends and allies are important
in Asia, one because we value friendship and we value the
relations we have with these nations, but also because of our
strategic objectives in the region, and that is only going to
become more necessary as China continues down its path of
malign behavior.
Mr. Chairman, rather than reading through my opening
comments I would ask that they be included in the record so
that we can hear from the nominees and move directly to
questions.
Senator Schatz. Without objection. Thank you, Senator
Romney.
[The prepared statement of Senator Romney follows:]
Prepared Statement of Senator Mitt Romney
Thank you to our nominees for being here today and for your
commitment to serve our country and represent our nation's interest
abroad as ambassadors. Our friends and allies in Asia are not just
important, but necessary for meeting U.S. strategic objectives around
the world, and will only become more necessary if China continues down
its path of malign behavior.
China's quest to become the world's leading power-economically,
militarily, and geopolitically-is the central challenge of the 21st
Century. We must link arms with our friends and allies to confront
China, to push the Chinese Communist Party to abandon its predatory
policies, and demand that China abide by international norms and rules.
We must also the cause of freedom around the world-including holding
the CCP accountable for the atrocities they commit against the Uyghur
people and other ethnic minorities.
Southeast Asia is a vibrant region of growing strategic important
to the future of a free and open Indo-Pacific. ASEAN nations are
feeling pressure from China given its close proximity and influence-
especially as China continues to make investments in energy, critical
minerals, and other areas. Expanding concrete economic engagement in
the region is what our partners most want to see, and it's crucial for
the U.S. economy as well. Mr. Abraham, I look forward to hearing from
you how, if confirmed, you will work to find ways to leverage that
existing strength and partnership in the region so that we can grow
them further. A persistent advocate for tangible ways to expand this
economic engagement is critical in this role.
Thailand is a significant treaty ally within ASEAN-and a critical
partner in the areas of energy and infrastructure. Mr. Godec, I hope to
hear from you how, if confirmed as Ambassador to Thailand, you will
work to not only support our close military relationship with the
Thais, but prioritize ensuring the country remains a willing partner on
providing opportunities for cross-border humanitarian assistance into
Burma.
I'm proud that the Utah Guard was able to deliver life-saving COVID
supplies and equipment to Nepal last summer. I also applaud the
decision by the Federal Parliament of Nepal to ratify its Millennium
Challenge Corporation compact. Mr. Thompson, if confirmed, one of your
crucial tasks as our next Ambassador will be overseeing its
implementation, and we have to get this right.
Mr. Buangan, as you are aware, Mongolia, a growing democracy and
great partner to the U.S., is unfortunately wedged between two
increasingly aggressive authoritarian powers: Russia and China. We must
ensure that the U.S. remains active in the country and consider ways to
expand our economic, development, and defense relationship. I'd like to
hear from you on how, if confirmed as Ambassador to Mongolia, you will
work to increase U.S.-Mongolia trade, and its trade with other
countries, to reduce economic dependence on China and Russia.
The United States is a longstanding partner of the Pacific Islands,
and given China's encroachment, it is imperative that we solidify and
amplify U.S. presence in the region. Notably, Fiji recently helped the
U.S. seize the yacht of a Russian oligarch. The next U.S. Ambassador to
Fiji needs to come to the table with concrete ideas for strengthening
our ties in area such as health, education, investment, defense, and
the environment. Ms. Damour, I would like to hear from you how, if
confirmed, you would work to build collaboration with allies and
partners, including Taiwan.
I look forward to hearing from you all on the issues I outlined,
and should you be confirmed, I urge you all to use your roles to
promote the values of freedom and democracy abroad and work to dissuade
China from pursuing its predatory path.
Thank you, and I will now turn it back to Senator Schatz.
Senator Schatz. We will now proceed to testimony and we
will start with Mr. Godec.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT F. GODEC, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF THAILAND
Mr. Godec. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Thailand. I want to thank President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with Congress to advance U.S. interests
in Thailand and the Indo-Pacific region.
I would like to introduce to you my wife, Lori Magnusson,
who is here today. Lori has been a source of inspiration,
strength, and wisdom through our years together. Lori's
constant love, support, and partnership have been
extraordinary, and I owe much to her. Next to Lori is Brittany
Jones, who is an exceptional caregiver and provides much
support to Lori. I would also like to express my profound
thanks to my mother, Nancy Dietrich, for all she has done for
me. She is watching online this morning.
Thailand has a rich history, remarkable culture,
extraordinary beauty, and exceptional people. It has been a
partner for the United States since 1833. Together, we have
woven a rich tapestry of ties that are government-to-
government, business-to-business, university-to-university,
NGO-to-NGO, and people-to-people. We have improved security in
the region, faced global public health challenges, deepened
mutual prosperity, and advanced the fight against human,
wildlife, and drug trafficking. Building on our shared values
and our just-signed United States-Thailand Communique on
Strategic Alliance and Partnership, we have opportunities in
the days ahead to strengthen further our partnership, to renew
it, and take it to a new level.
The United States and Thailand have a longstanding
commitment to mutual security. Our militaries fought side by
side in Korea and Vietnam. Today, Thailand is a treaty and
major non-NATO ally, and we have many military engagements and
training exercises, including COBRA Gold, the largest in Asia.
Our alliance helps to ensure security for Thailand, the United
States, and the region. If confirmed, I will seek to deepen it.
Our economic partnership is another vital part of our
tapestry of ties. Our total trade is over $60 billion a year
and growing. U.S. businesses are a major investor in Thailand,
and Thai companies are increasingly active in the United
States. If confirmed, I will work to expand further our
commercial ties.
Strengthening democracy and promoting respect for human
rights and the rule of law are fundamental to U.S. relations
with Thailand. We have long supported multi-party democracy,
freedom of expression, good governance, and respect for human
rights across the world and in Thailand. We recognized that a
democratically elected government took office in 2019 after the
2014 coup, but work remains to be done by Thailand. If
confirmed, I will vigorously continue our efforts to advance
democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and will support
civil society, independent media, and human rights defenders
who play a critical role in this effort.
The United States and Thailand also enjoy robust people-to-
people ties. Our connections are enriched by the presence in
the United States of almost 350,000 Thais and U.S. citizens of
Thai heritage, and by the more than 100,000 U.S. citizens in
Thailand. We are strengthened by the close ties our
universities and colleges enjoy as well as the cultural
exchange programs we support in Thailand. If confirmed, I will
work to increase opportunities for Thais and Americans to learn
together and from each other.
Thailand plays a vital role in the region. Today we work
closely with Thailand in ASEAN, and in other regional
mechanisms including the Mekong-U.S. Partnership. As a key
ally, we welcome Thailand's decision to join the discussions on
the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which will help build an
economic partnership for the future. If confirmed, I will
engage robustly with Thailand, the host of the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation Forum this year, to facilitate the
transition into our own 2023 host year.
Across the years, we have cooperated with Thailand on
regional challenges, including law enforcement, the response to
natural disasters, and humanitarian relief. We welcome
Thailand's commitment to address the threat of climate change;
this will be a critical area for further collaboration. We
appreciate Thailand's willingness to host refugees and, if
confirmed, I would seek to ensure refugees and asylum seekers
have all the support they need. And I would engage in Thailand
to underscore our call to all countries to condemn the military
coup in Burma and end the Burmese military's horrific violence,
which has led to worsening human rights and humanitarian
crises.
Finally, our Embassy in Bangkok and Consulate General in
Chiang Mai have exceptional teams that are doing extraordinary
work to advance our partnership. Ensuring they are safe and
secure, and have the resources they need, will be a top
priority for me, if confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
if confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to serve as the
next U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand and to lead our
team of capable and committed public servants to advance the
U.S.-Thai partnership.
I look forward to answering your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Godec follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Robert F. Godec
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Romney, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand. I
want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress
to advance U.S. interests in Thailand and the Indo-Pacific region.
I would like to introduce to you my wife, Lori Magnusson, who is
here today. Lori has been a source of inspiration, strength, and wisdom
through our years together. Lori's constant love, support, and
partnership have been extraordinary, and I owe much to her. I would
also like to express my profound thanks to my mother, Nancy Dietrich,
for all she has done for me.
Thailand has a rich history, remarkable culture, extraordinary
beauty, and exceptional people. It has been a partner for the United
States since 1833. Together, we have woven a rich tapestry of ties that
are government-to-government, business-to-business, university-to-
university, NGO-to-NGO, and people-to-people. We have improved security
in the region, faced global public health challenges, deepened mutual
prosperity, and advanced the fight against human, wildlife, and drug
trafficking. Building on our shared values and our just signed United
States-Thailand Communique on Strategic Alliance and Partnership, we
have opportunities in the days ahead to strengthen further our
partnership, to renew it, and take it to a new level.
The United States and Thailand have a long-standing commitment to
mutual security. Our militaries fought side by side in Korea and
Vietnam. Today, Thailand is a treaty and major non-NATO ally, and we
have many military engagements and training exercises, including COBRA
Gold, the largest in Asia. Our alliance helps to ensure security for
Thailand, the United States, and the region. If confirmed, I will seek
to deepen it.
Our economic partnership is another vital part of our tapestry of
ties. Our total bilateral trade is over $60 billion a year and growing.
U.S. businesses are a major investor in Thailand and Thai companies are
increasingly active in the United States. If confirmed, I will work to
expand further our commercial ties.
Strengthening democracy and promoting respect for human rights and
the rule of law are fundamental to U.S. relations with Thailand. We
have long supported multi-party democracy, freedom of expression, good
governance, and respect for human rights across the world and in
Thailand. We recognized that a democratically elected government took
office in 2019 after the 2014 coup, but work remains to be done by
Thailand. If confirmed, I will vigorously continue our efforts to
advance democracy, human rights, and the rule of law and will support
civil society, independent media, and human rights defenders who play a
critical role in this effort.
We also enjoy robust people-to-people ties. Our connections are
enriched by the presence in the United States of almost 350,000 Thais
and U.S. citizens of Thai heritage, and by the more than100,000 U.S.
citizens in Thailand. We are strengthened by the close ties our
universities and colleges enjoy as well as the cultural exchange
programs we support in Thailand. If confirmed, I will work to increase
opportunities for Thais and Americans to learn together and from each
other.
Thailand plays a vital role in the region. Today, we work closely
with Thailand in ASEAN, and in other regional mechanisms including the
Mekong-U.S. Partnership. As a key ally, we welcome Thailand's decision
to join the discussions on the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which
will help build an economic partnership for the future. If confirmed, I
will engage robustly with Thailand, the host of the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum this year, to facilitate the transition into
our own 2023 host year.
Across the years, we have cooperated with Thailand on regional
challenges, including law enforcement, the response to natural
disasters, and humanitarian relief. We welcome Thailand's commitment to
address the threat of climate change; this will be a critical area for
further collaboration. We appreciate Thailand's willingness to host
refugees and, if confirmed, I would seek to ensure refugees and asylum
seekers have all the support they need. And I would engage in Thailand
to underscore our call to all countries to condemn the military coup in
Burma and end the Burmese military's horrific violence, which has led
to worsening human rights and humanitarian crises.
Finally, our Embassy in Bangkok and Consulate General in Chiang Mai
have exceptional teams that are doing extraordinary work to advance our
partnership. Ensuring they are safe and secure, and have the resources
they need, will be a top priority for me if confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if
confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to serve as the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand and to lead our team of capable
and committed public servants to advance the U.S.-Thai partnership.
I look forward to answering your questions. Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. Mr. Thompson, please
proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF DEAN R. THOMPSON, OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO NEPAL
Mr. Thompson. Thank you, Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member
Romney, and honorable members of this committee. I appreciate
very much you considering my nomination to serve as the next
U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. I want to thank Senator Van Hollen
for his far-too-generous remarks. My mother and my wife have
joined me today. He introduced them. With my mother here,
someone maybe believed part of his remarks even. We will see.
I want to start by thanking my family, my wife, Jane, and
my three children Marshall, Kendall, and Grace. They served
with me for more than 26 years in the Foreign Service. They
have endured frequent moves, emergency evacuations, and periods
of separation. But they have also shared with me the privilege
of serving the American people overseas, a privilege for which
we are deeply grateful.
I would also like to thank my parents--my mother is here--
for instilling in me a strong sense and interest in service and
international relations. My father was the Director of
International Programs at the National 4-H Council in
Washington for 20 years, and prior to that Director for West
Africa at the outset of Peace Corps.
From my time as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the
South and Central Asian Affairs Bureau, as a diplomat in
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and India, and a leader in the
Department's crisis management apparatus, I do feel well-
prepared to serve in this capacity, if confirmed.
It has been a privilege to serve the American people and,
if confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to take on this
important responsibility. If confirmed, I will embrace the
opportunity to lead a topflight group of American and local
staff and strive to create an environment that emphasizes the
American values of diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility.
We are at an important juncture in our relationship with
Nepal. Nepal has been referred to as a ``yam between two
stones,'' those stones, of course, being India and China. While
those countries do have important relationships with Nepal, we
also share Nepal's interest in strengthening its sovereignty
and partnership with the United States.
If confirmed, facilitating Nepal's economic growth and
strengthening the trade ties between our countries will be key
priorities. The United States' relationship with Nepal has seen
recent gains that cement our 75-year partnership. Mr. Chairman,
you mentioned Nepal's parliament ratified the $500 million
Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact in the face of a
torrid PRC disinformation campaign. This project will build
electricity transmission lines to connect to Nepal's clean
energy, abundant hydropower with South Asia's energy grid. It
will also build high-quality roads in Nepal. These projects
will increase the prosperity of both of our countries.
USAID just signed a $659 million agreement with Nepal to
contribute to Nepal's development over the next 5 years. This
is a new chapter in the United States government's longstanding
development relationship and reflects the evolution of our
partnership. Post-earthquake reconstruction is winding down,
the transition to federalism is well underway, and through
successful programming the United States has helped lay the
foundations to support Nepal's goal of graduating to middle-
income country status.
If confirmed, I will also push for the rights of all Nepali
citizens and residents. This includes the Dalits, marginalized
communities, and refugee communities, including Tibetan
refugees. I will encourage the government of Nepal to implement
policies that promote meaningful inclusion, economic
opportunity, and humanitarian support.
Nepal's progress on the commitments it made during
President Biden's Summit for Democracy demonstrates how
important Nepal's young democracy is to its people and the
importance it places on its relationship to the United States.
Nepal's support for Ukraine resolutions at the U.N. General
Assembly and the U.N. Human Rights Council demonstrates its
dedication to the international rules-based order and the
premise of territorial integrity. Nepal is a committed
bilateral partner and a committed partner on the world stage.
Finally, if confirmed, I will also work to help Nepal
strengthen its democratic institutions. Nepal has come a long
way since its civil war only 16 years ago. Like other
democracies, Nepal's politics can be contentious and messy at
times, but supporting Nepal's democracy is in our interest and
will remain a priority of mine if confirmed as Ambassador.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to close by saying that we have
an important opportunity to strengthen the U.S. relationship
with Nepal. I look forward to working with Congress to build
this relationship.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Thompson follows:]
Prepared Statement for Dean R. Thompson
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members
of this committee; thank you for considering my nomination to serve as
the next U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. It is an honor to be nominated for
this position.
I would like to start by thanking my family, my wife, Jane, and my
three children Marshall, Kendall, and Grace. For more than 26 years in
the Foreign Service they have served with me, enduring frequent moves,
emergency evacuations, and periods of separation. They have also shared
with me the privilege of serving our country, a privilege for which we
are deeply grateful. I would also like to thank my parents, my mother
is here with us today, for instilling in me a strong interest in
service and international relations. My father was the Director of
International Programs at the National 4-H Council in Washington for 20
years, and prior to that a member of Peace Corps staff, including
director for West Africa at the outset of Peace Corps' mission.
From my time as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the South
and Central Asian Affairs Bureau, as a U.S. diplomat in Bangladesh, Sri
Lanka, and India, and a leader in the Department's crisis management
apparatus, I feel well prepared to serve in this capacity if confirmed.
Serving the American people has been a privilege and, if confirmed,
I welcome the opportunity to take on this important responsibility. If
confirmed, I will embrace the opportunity to lead a topflight group of
American and locally employed staff and I will strive to create an
environment that emphasizes the American values of diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility.
We are at an important juncture in our relationship with Nepal.
Nepal has been referred to as a ``yam between two stones,'' those
stones being China and India. While those countries do have important
relationships with Nepal, we also share Nepal's interest in
strengthening its sovereignty and its partnership with the United
States.
If confirmed, facilitating Nepal's economic growth and
strengthening the trade ties between our countries will be key
priorities. The United States' relationship with Nepal has seen recent
gains that cement our 75-year partnership. In February Nepal's
parliament ratified the $500 million Millennium Challenge Corporation
Compact in the face of a torrid PRC disinformation campaign. This
project will build electricity transmission lines to connect Nepal's
clean, abundant hydropower with South Asia's energy grid. It will also
build high-quality roads in Nepal. These projects will increase the
prosperity of both of our countries.
USAID just signed a $659 million agreement with Nepal to contribute
to Nepal's development over the next five years. This is a new chapter
in the United States Government's long-standing development
relationship with Nepal and reflects the evolution of our partnership.
Post-earthquake reconstruction is winding down, the transition to
federalism is well underway, and through successful programming the
United States has helped lay the foundations to support Nepal's goal of
graduating to middle-income country status.
If, confirmed, I will also push for the rights of all Nepali
citizens and residents. This includes the Dalits, marginalized
communities, and refugee communities, including Tibetan refugees. I
will encourage the Government of Nepal to implement policies that
promote meaningful inclusion, economic opportunity, and humanitarian
support.
Nepal's progress on the commitments it made during President
Biden's Summit for Democracy demonstrates how important Nepal's young
democracy is to its people, and the importance it places on its
relationship to the United States. Nepal's support for Ukraine
resolutions at the U.N. General Assembly and the U.N. Human Rights
Council demonstrates its dedication to the international rules-based
order and the premise of territorial integrity. Nepal is a committed
bilateral partner and a committed partner on the world stage.
Finally, if confirmed, I will also work to help Nepal strengthen
its democratic institutions. Nepal has come a long way since its civil
war only sixteen years ago. Like other democracies, Nepal's politics
can be contentious and messy at times, but supporting Nepal's democracy
is in our interest and will remain a priority of mine if confirmed as
Ambassador.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to close by saying that we have an
important opportunity to strengthen the U.S. relationship with Nepal. I
look forward to working with Congress to build this relationship. Thank
you for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. Mr. Abraham, please
proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF YOHANNES ABRAHAM, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS, WITH THE RANK AND
STATUS OF AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
Mr. Abraham. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to be here
today. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for placing their confidence in me to serve as the U.S.
Representative to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,
and I want to thank the members of this committee for your
consideration of my nomination.
I also want to thank the most important people in my life,
my family. Our story is a familiar one, and it is one that is
only possible in this greatest of nations. This country
welcomed my parents with open arms when the country of their
birth was being torn apart by the cruel ravages of a dictator.
With no money and no connections, but with faith and
determination, they worked all manner of jobs to put themselves
through college and graduate school. They went on to become
successful professionals and small-business owners, as well as
active members of our community of Springfield, Virginia. They
raised my sister and me to love this country that had given
them so much. They are the two most incredible people I have
ever known, and they are the reason I am sitting here today,
and I want to thank you for giving me the opportunity to thank
my parents.
The United States is a great nation. We are also a Pacific
power, with deep roots and critical interests in the region. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress to
realize our shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, one
where countries and individuals are able to make independent
decisions free from coercion.
Southeast Asia's economically vibrant, youthful, and
growing populations are at the heart of realizing that vision,
which is why the Administration has made clear our commitment
to ASEAN and its centrality. Our relationship is about
collaboration to meet shared challenges and opportunities,
including health security, energy and climate issues, and the
economic prosperity of our combined one billion people. If
confirmed, I would look to build on the recent U.S.-ASEAN
Special Summit, including by continuing a whole-of-government
effort to build ASEAN's own capacity to act on its interests.
Our vision for the U.S.-ASEAN relationship is a positive
one; it is defined by what we are for. At the same time, I am
clear-eyed about the challenge that coercive activity by the
People's Republic of China poses to that vision. It is in the
national security interests of the United States for ASEAN to
be strong, prosperous, united, and well-equipped to set the
terms of its relationship with the PRC. Nowhere is that truer
than when it comes to the PRC's increasing maritime
assertiveness in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will work
with ASEAN to pursue our shared interests in maintaining peace
and stability, respect of international law, and freedoms of
navigation and overflight in the South China Sea.
A critical component of advancing our interests is standing
up for our values. As President Biden has said, human rights
are a vital interest of this administration's foreign policy.
If confirmed, I will not hesitate to raise issues of human
rights, democracy, and rule of law with interlocutors across
the region. I have been moved by the tragic and disturbing
crisis in Burma, including the horrific and widespread violence
perpetrated by the Burmese regime against the people of Burma.
If confirmed, I will support efforts to change the regime's
calculus so that we can resolve the worsening humanitarian and
political crisis and return Burma to a path toward inclusive,
multiparty democracy.
Above all, if the U.S.-ASEAN relationship is to continue to
deliver for our peoples in the 21st century, it must be
durable. The return of a Senate-confirmed Ambassador to this
seat in Jakarta, which has been filled on an acting basis for
more than 5 years, would be a step in that direction, sending a
powerful message to ASEAN and the world of American commitment
to Southeast Asia and its premier institution.
If I am confirmed to this post, I would take as my
responsibility to ensure the long-term success of this vital
relationship. To do so, I would draw on the most important
sources of stable, long-term U.S. engagement with the region:
bipartisan cooperation and people-to-people ties. If confirmed,
I would look to build on already strong Congressional support
for U.S. engagement with ASEAN. I would also support our
thriving people-to-people programs, including the Young
Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, that strengthen our
already-strong bonds of friendship.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the
committee, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before
you today and your consideration of my nomination.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Abraham follows:]
Prepared Statement of Yohannes Abraham
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee:
I am honored to be here today. I am grateful to President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for placing their confidence in me to serve as the
U.S. Representative to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and
I want to thank the members of this committee for your consideration of
my nomination.
I also want to thank the most important people in my life: my
family. Our story is a familiar one, and it is one that is only
possible in this greatest of nations. This country welcomed my parents
with open arms when the country of their birth was being torn apart by
the cruel ravages of a dictator. With no money and no connections, but
with faith and determination, they worked all manner of jobs to put
themselves through college and graduate school. They went on to become
successful professionals and small-business owners, as well as active
members of our community of Springfield, Virginia. They raised my
sister and me to love this country that had given them so much. They
are the two most incredible people I have ever known, and they are the
reason I am sitting here today.
The United States is a great nation. We are also a Pacific power,
with deep roots and critical interests in the region. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely with Congress to realize our shared
vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, one where countries and
individuals are able to make independent decisions free from coercion.
Southeast Asia's economically vibrant, youthful, and growing
populations are at the heart of realizing that vision, which is why the
Administration has made clear our commitment to ASEAN and its
centrality. Our relationship is about collaboration to meet shared
challenges and opportunities, including health security, energy and
climate issues, and the economic prosperity of our combined one billion
people. If confirmed, I would look to build on the recent U.S.-ASEAN
Special Summit, including by continuing a whole-of-government effort to
build ASEAN's own capacity to act on its interests.
Our vision for the U.S.-ASEAN relationship is a positive one; it is
defined by what we are for. At the same time, I am clear-eyed about the
challenge that coercive activity by the People's Republic of China
(PRC) poses to that vision. It is in the national security interests of
the United States for ASEAN to be strong, prosperous, united, and well-
equipped to set the terms of its relationship with the PRC. Nowhere is
that truer than when it comes to the PRC's increasing maritime
assertiveness in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will work with
ASEAN to pursue our shared interests in maintaining peace and
stability, respect of international law, and freedoms of navigation and
overflight in the South China Sea.
A critical component of advancing our interests is standing up for
our values. As President Biden has said, human rights are a vital
interest of this administration's foreign policy. If confirmed, I will
not hesitate to raise issues of human rights, democracy, and rule of
law with interlocutors across the region. I have been moved by the
tragic and disturbing crisis in Burma, including the horrific and
widespread violence perpetrated by the Burmese regime against the
people of Burma. If confirmed, I will support efforts to change the
regime's calculus so that we can resolve the worsening humanitarian and
political crisis and return Burma to a path toward inclusive,
multiparty democracy.
Above all, if the U.S.-ASEAN relationship is to continue to deliver
for our peoples in the 21st century, it must be durable. The return of
a Senate-confirmed Ambassador to this seat in Jakarta--which has been
filled on an acting basis for more than five years--would be an
important step in the right direction, sending a powerful message to
ASEAN and the world of American commitment to Southeast Asia and its
premier institution.
If I am confirmed to this post, I would take as my responsibility
to ensure the long-term success of the vital U.S.-ASEAN relationship.
To do so, I would draw on the most important sources of stable, long-
term U.S. engagement with the region: bipartisan cooperation and
people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I would look to build on already
strong Congressional support for U.S. engagement with ASEAN. I would
also support our thriving people-to-people programs, including the
Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, that strengthen our already-
strong bonds of friendship.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you again for the opportunity to appear before you today and your
consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Mr. Abraham.
Mr. Buangan, please proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD LEE BUANGAN, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO MONGOLIA
Mr. Buangan. Thank you very much. Chairman Schatz, Ranking
Member Romney, and distinguished members of the committee, I am
deeply honored to be here today as the President's nominee to
serve as the United States Ambassador to Mongolia. I am
grateful for the confidence of President Biden and Secretary
Blinken in entrusting me with this important responsibility. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee to advance U.S. priorities in Mongolia and further
strengthening our bilateral partnership. I deeply appreciate
the crucial role Congress plays in the foreign policy process.
I want to take a moment to acknowledge my parents, Art and
Evelyn, who are joining me all the way from San Diego,
California, my brother, Jay, his wife, Joyce, my nieces Arya,
Emma, and Caras, as well as my friends, family, and colleagues
who are watching from around the world. They have been a source
of inspiration and strength for me throughout my 23-year
journey as a Foreign Service Officer. If confirmed, I look
forward to working alongside our Embassy Ulaanbaatar team, my
American colleagues as well as our locally engaged Mongolian
staff, who have been the linchpin of our deep and abiding
relationship with the Mongolian people for decades.
This year marks the 35th anniversary of the establishment
of diplomatic relations with Mongolia and 30 years since its
peaceful transition to democracy. During this time, the United
States has worked closely with Mongolia to strengthen its
commitment to human rights and the rule of law, to promote
democratic values, and to expand defense cooperation.
Mongolia continually seeks increased U.S. engagement,
trade, and investment. We are proud to call Mongolia a
strategic partner.
The U.S.-Mongolia relationship is built on a foundation of
shared values and common interests. If confirmed, I will focus
on efforts to bolster Mongolia's democratic and economic
institutions. Our goal is to support the Mongolian people in
building a strong, resilient, democratic system and a
prosperous, private sector-driven economy that can play a
constructive role in the international community.
I would like to comment on a few specific issues.
First, Mongolia is at a critical juncture in its energy
transition. With abundant reserves of coal and other minerals,
Mongolia is dependent on extractive industries both to meet its
own energy needs and to generate foreign exchange. At the same
time, Mongolia has huge potential for clean energy, ranging
from hydropower to solar and wind. If confirmed, I will strive
to help Mongolia begin the transition to a clean energy future.
Second, given Mongolia's ongoing economic and geostrategic
challenges, U.S. development support remains critical to
helping this country move forward. For example, the U.S.
Government's largest investment in Mongolia is the Millennium
Challenge Corporation's $350 million Water Compact, which will
redevelop Ulaanbaatar's water and wastewater system and
increase the city's supply of water by 80 percent when
completed in 2026. Separately, the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation manages a $38 million portfolio
while USAID projects support small and medium-sized
enterprises, empower women and youth, and improve energy
governance.
Third, the United States and Mongolia view military-to-
military cooperation as a cornerstone of our relationship. The
United States is grateful for the service of Mongolian soldiers
who have served alongside U.S. and NATO coalition partners in
Afghanistan. Furthermore, the U.S. military provides extensive
assistance and training to improve the Mongolian Armed Forces'
information infrastructure, engineering capabilities, and
readiness for peacekeeping operations. If confirmed, I will
support efforts to continue expanding Mongolia's already
impressive U.N. peacekeeping operations capability.
Finally, turning to public diplomacy, I believe it is
critical to strengthen our people-to-people exchanges with
Mongolians, particularly with youth, who are increasingly eager
to seek opportunities to study abroad and develop closer ties
with the United States and other free-market open societies.
Over the years our exchange programs have reaped dividends,
fostering relations with Mongolians from all walks of life.
Numerous senior military leaders, prominent persons in business
and finance, and influential members of civil society and
academia, as well as one-third of current parliamentarians, are
alumni of U.S. exchange or training programs.
One important key to improving our people-to-people ties is
supporting English language education in Mongolia.
Approximately 100 Peace Corps volunteers each year taught
English across the country until COVID-19 forced volunteers to
return to the United States in 2020. As Ambassador, I would
commit to seeing this vital program return to, and even exceed,
prior levels as quickly as possible.
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Romney, committee members,
it would be the honor of a lifetime to represent my country as
a U.S. Ambassador and lead the outstanding staff of the U.S.
mission to Mongolia. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with Congress to continue deepening ties with our strategic
partner Mongolia, while also paying tribute to the rich culture
and history of the Mongolian people and helping their
government meet the challenges of the 21st century.
Thank you for your time, and I look forward to answering
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Buangan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Richard Lee Buangan
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today as the
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to
Mongolia. I am grateful for the confidence of President Biden and
Secretary Blinken in entrusting me with this important responsibility.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee to
advance U.S. priorities in Mongolia and further strengthen our
bilateral partnership. I deeply appreciate the crucial role Congress
plays in the foreign policy process.
I want to take a moment to acknowledge my parents who are joining
me today all the way from San Diego, California, as well as my family,
friends, and colleagues who are watching from around the world. They
have been a source of inspiration and strength for me throughout my 23-
year journey as a Foreign Service Officer. If confirmed, I look forward
to working alongside our Embassy Ulaanbaatar team, my American
colleagues as well as our locally engaged Mongolian staff, who have
been the linchpin of our deep and abiding relationship with the
Mongolian people for decades.
This year marks the 35th anniversary of the establishment of
diplomatic relations with Mongolia, and 30 years since its peaceful
transition to democracy. During this time, the United States has worked
closely with Mongolia to strengthen its commitment to human rights and
the rule of law, to promote democratic values, and to expand defense
cooperation. Mongolia continually seeks increased U.S. engagement,
trade, and investment. We are proud to call Mongolia a strategic
partner.
The U.S.-Mongolia relationship is built on a foundation of shared
values and common interests. If confirmed, I will focus on efforts to
bolster Mongolia's democratic and economic institutions. Our goal is to
support the Mongolian people in building a strong, resilient democratic
system and a prosperous, private sector-driven economy that can play a
constructive role in the international community.
I would like to comment on a few specific issues:
First, Mongolia is at a critical juncture in its energy transition.
With abundant reserves of coal and other minerals, Mongolia is
dependent on extractive industries both to meet its own energy needs
and to generate foreign exchange. At the same time, Mongolia has huge
potential for clean energy, ranging from hydropower to solar and wind.
If confirmed, I will strive to help Mongolia begin the transition to a
clean energy future.
Second, given Mongolia's ongoing economic and geostrategic
challenges, U.S. development support remains critical to helping the
country move forward. For example, the U.S. Government's largest
investment in Mongolia is the Millennium Challenge Corporation's $350
million Water Compact, which will re-develop Ulaanbaatar's water and
wastewater system and increase the city's supply of water by 80 percent
when completed in 2026. Separately, the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation manages a $38 million portfolio, while USAID
projects support small and medium-sized enterprises, empower women and
youth, and improve energy governance.
Third, the United States and Mongolia view military-to-military
cooperation as a cornerstone of our relationship. The United States is
grateful for the service of Mongolian soldiers who served alongside
U.S. and NATO coalition partners in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the U.S.
military provides extensive assistance and training to improve the
Mongolian Armed Forces' information infrastructure, engineering
capabilities, and readiness for peacekeeping operations. If confirmed,
I will support efforts to continue expanding Mongolia's already
impressive U.N. peacekeeping operations capability.
Finally, turning to public diplomacy, I believe it is critical to
strengthen our people-to-people exchanges with Mongolians, particularly
with youth, who are increasingly eager to seek opportunities to study
abroad and develop closer ties with the United States and other free-
market open societies.
Over the years we have received an excellent return on our
investments in exchanges in general. Numerous senior military leaders,
prominent persons in business and finance, and influential members of
civil society and academia, as well as one-third of current
parliamentarians, are alumni of U.S. exchange or training programs.
One important key to improving our people-to-people ties is
supporting English language education in Mongolia. Approximately 100
Peace Corps volunteers each year taught English across the country
until COVID-19 forced volunteers to return to the United States in
2020. As Ambassador, I would commit to seeing this vital program return
to, and even exceed, prior levels as quickly as possible.
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Romney, committee members, it would
be the honor of a lifetime to represent my country as a U.S. Ambassador
and lead the outstanding staff of the U.S. Mission to Mongolia. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to continue
deepening ties with our strategic partner Mongolia, while also paying
tribute to the rich culture and history of the Mongolian people and
helping their government meet the challenges of the 21st century.
Thank you for your time and I look forward to answering your
questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Ms. Damour, please proceed with your testimony.
STATEMENT OF MARIE C. DAMOUR, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR,NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF FIJI, AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL
COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF KIRIBATI, THE
REPUBLIC OF NAURU, THE KINGDOM OF TONGA, AND TUVALU
Ms. Damour. Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Romney, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to be here
today as the President's nominee to serve as the United States
Ambassador to the Republics of Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, the
Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu. I am grateful for the confidence
shown by President Biden and Secretary Blinken in entrusting me
with this important responsibility and, if confirmed, I look
forward to working with Congress to advance the interests of
the United States by reinvigorating our ties with our Pacific
neighbors.
I would like to take a few minutes to acknowledge my
family, without whose support and guidance I would not be here.
My father, Alfred Damour, established a model of public service
for my three brothers and me throughout his career as an
officer in the U.S. Army, including active duty during the war
in Vietnam. My mother provided for me the best example of how a
woman can and should pursue individual goals in a professional
career while simultaneously caring for her family and
community. Their values and the example they set guide me each
and every day. While my brothers and their families could not
be here today, I know they are here in spirit. I also want to
thank the many Foreign Service, Civil Service, and local
employee colleagues with whom I have had the honor to serve
over the course of my 29-year career in the Department.
My experiences have taught me the power of our country's
values-based diplomacy. If confirmed, I will draw on these
lessons and my regional policy experience to advance the United
States' strategic interests in the South Pacific, because the
United States is a Pacific power. We share an important history
with our Pacific Island neighbors. It was in the islands that
Americans braved some of the hardest-fought battles of the
Second World War, forging connections that are not easily
forgotten. Our peoples are knit through a large Pacific
Islander diaspora in the United States. If confirmed, I will
work in collaboration with the five nations to which I would be
accredited to ensure that our common future is one of
prosperity, peace, and stability.
President Biden has made addressing the climate crisis one
of his administration's top priorities for good reason: our
Pacific neighbors are experiencing the most devastating impacts
of climate change, particularly Kiribati and Tuvalu, two of the
lowest-lying atoll nations for which this is an existential
issue. As Secretary Blinken stated during his trip to Fiji this
year, every defining issue of the 21st century runs through
this region: the climate crisis, global health, the future of
technology, whether nations will be free to chart their own
path or be subject to coercion by more powerful nations.
If confirmed, I will listen and work with our Pacific
partners to advance solutions that will support Pacific
communities and help them adapt to the impacts of climate
change, address public health issues, support better
communication, and preserve international rules and standards.
The Pacific Islands are global players. Both Fiji and Tonga
have been important contributors to international Peacekeeping
Operations. Fijian forces are currently participating in
various United Nations missions, where they are responsible for
providing security for mission personnel and facilities. Tonga
was an early member of the Coalition to liberate Iraq.
Kiribati, Nauru, and Tuvalu are committed to their
responsibilities as U.N. members, and the United States
cooperates closely with them on a wide range of issues in that
forum. All five nations boldly supported Ukraine in the United
Nations. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to build
this regional and global cooperation.
Success in tackling our common challenges will depend on
fostering the internal strength of our Pacific Island partners
that comes from strong democratic institutions, rule of law,
and respect for human rights. The Pacific Islanders share our
respect for democratic values but realizing those values can be
challenging in practice. If confirmed, I will strive to build
civil society, democracy, and good governance through all means
available to us.
Embassy Suva is responsible for the United States' largest
geographic consular district in the world, over two million
square miles. It is challenged by almost yearly cyclones,
floods, and tsunami warnings. If confirmed, I will make
disaster preparedness and support for U.S. citizens a priority
focus.
My career at the State Department has taught me that our
people are our most precious resource. If confirmed, it will be
my privilege to lead Embassy Suva's diverse and dedicated team
of American and local staff and welcome the return of Peace
Corps volunteers.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee, thank you very much for your consideration
and the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward
to your comments and questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Damour follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marie C. Damour
Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am honored to be here today as the President's
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to the Republics of
Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu. I am grateful
for the confidence shown by President Biden and Secretary Blinken in
entrusting me with this important responsibility and, if confirmed, I
look forward to working with Congress to advance the interests of the
United States by reinvigorating our ties with our Pacific neighbors.
I would like to take a few minutes to acknowledge my family,
without whose support and guidance, I would not be here. My father,
Alfred Damour, established a model of public service for my three
brothers and I throughout his career as an officer in the U.S. Army,
including active duty in the war in Vietnam. My mother provided for me
the best example of how a woman can and should pursue individual goals
in a professional career while simultaneously caring for her family and
community. Their values and the example they set guide me each and
every day. While my brothers and their families could not be here
today, I know they are here in spirit. I also want to thank the many
Foreign and Civil Service colleagues with whom I have had the honor to
serve over the course of my 29-year career in the Department of State.
My experiences have taught me the power of our country's values-
based diplomacy. If confirmed, I will draw on these lessons and my
regional policy experience to advance the United States' strategic
interests in the South Pacific.
The United States is a Pacific nation. We share an important
history with our Pacific Island neighbors. It was in the Pacific
Islands that Americans braved some of the hardest-fought battles of the
Second World War, forging connections that are not easily forgotten.
Our peoples are knit through a large Pacific Islander diaspora in the
United States. If confirmed, I will work in collaboration with the five
nations to which I would be accredited to ensure that our common future
is one of prosperity, peace, and stability.
President Biden has made addressing the climate crisis one of his
administration's top priorities for good reason: our Pacific neighbors
are experiencing the most devastating impacts of climate change,
particularly Kiribati and Tuvalu, two of the lowest lying atoll nations
for which this is an existential issue. As Secretary Blinken stated
during his trip to Fiji this year, every defining issue of the 21st
century runs through this region: the climate crisis, global health,
the future of technology, whether nations will be free to chart their
own path or be subject to coercion by more powerful nations.
If confirmed, I will listen and work with our Pacific partners to
advance solutions that will support Pacific communities and help them
adapt to the impacts of climate change, address public health issues,
support better communication, and preserve international rules and
standards.
The Pacific Island nations are global players. Both Fiji and Tonga
have been important contributors to regional and international
Peacekeeping Operations. Fijian forces are currently participating in
various U.N. missions, where they are responsible for providing
security for mission personnel and facilities. Tonga was an early
member of the Coalition to liberate Iraq. Kiribati, Nauru, and Tuvalu
are committed to their responsibilities as U.N. members, and the United
States cooperates closely with them on a wide range of issues in that
forum. All five nations boldly supported Ukraine in the U.N. If
confirmed, I look forward to continuing to build this regional and
global cooperation.
Success in tackling our common regional and global challenges will
depend on fostering the internal strength of our Pacific Island
partners that comes from strong democratic institutions, rule of law,
and respect for human rights. The Pacific Islanders share our respect
for democratic values but realizing those values can be challenging in
practice. If confirmed, I will strive to build civil society,
democracy, and good governance through all means available to us.
Embassy Suva is responsible for the United States' largest
geographic consular district in the world--over two million square
miles. It is challenged by almost yearly cyclones, floods, and tsunami
warnings. If confirmed, I will make disaster preparedness and support
for U.S. citizens a priority focus.
My career at the State Department has taught me that our people are
our most precious resource. If confirmed, it will be my privilege to
lead Embassy Suva's diverse and dedicated team of American and local
staff and welcome the return of Peace Corps Volunteers.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for your consideration and the opportunity to
appear before you today. I look forward to your comments and questions.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. Before we get into
members' questions I have a few questions that speak to the
importance that this committee places on responsiveness by all
officials in the Executive branch and that we expect and will
be seeking from you. I would ask each of you to provide just a
yes or a no answer, and we will start with Ms. Damour and go
down the line.
If you are confirmed, do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
Ms. Damour. Yes.
Mr. Buangan. Yes.
Mr. Abraham. Yes.
Mr. Godec. Yes.
Mr. Thompson. Yes.
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to keeping this committee
fully and currently informed about the activities under your
purview?
Ms. Damour. Yes.
Mr. Buangan. Yes.
Mr. Abraham. Yes.
Mr. Godec. Yes.
Mr. Thompson. Yes.
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ms. Damour. Yes.
Mr. Buangan. Yes.
Mr. Abraham. Yes.
Mr. Godec. Yes.
Mr. Thompson. Yes.
Senator Schatz. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Ms. Damour. Yes.
Mr. Buangan. Yes.
Mr. Abraham. Yes.
Mr. Godec. Yes.
Mr. Thompson. Yes.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. I will now turn to
Ranking Member Romney for his questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Some years ago I
was at the home of a man who would become president of
Afghanistan, and people there were explaining to me their view
as to why the Taliban had been so successful up until that
point, and they said they had such a powerful message. I said,
``What is that message?'' and they said, ``Well, infidels are
on Islamic land, and the infidels must be expelled.'' And I
said, ``What is our message?'' And there was a long silence,
and finally one of the individuals said, ``Well, our message is
that before the Americans came it used to take 4 hours to get
to the nearest city out of Kabul and now it only takes an
hour.'' And I thought to myself, that is not a message to die
for, and fighting for freedom is a fight that typically
involves potential loss of life.
I would like to ask each of you, in turn, what you have
already testified, what are messages to the people of the
nation or nations that you will represent us in, what are the
messages as to why America, as opposed to the alternative,
which I presume in each case would be China. There is a global
competition between nations that are interested in freedom and
democracy and those that want to become authoritarian regimes.
Why America? Why associate with us as opposed to, if you will,
joining the Chinese?
Please, Mr. Thompson.
Mr. Thompson. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Romney. Yeah, your microphone. Sorry.
Mr. Thompson. Is it on? Okay. Sorry about that. Yes, I
would look forward to delivering a message that tells the
people of Nepal that America is standing with them is about
their sovereignty, about their territorial integrity, and about
their ability to make decisions for themselves about their
future and the prosperity of their nation. And so I think that
will stand in very sharp contrast to a lot of the messaging
they hear in the region.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Very helpful.
Mr. Godec. Senator, if confirmed, I would very much bring
to Thailand a message about all the values that America stands
for--freedom, democracy, human rights, and so many other
things. I would also listen to what the Thai want and
understand where Thailand is coming from, and work to make
certain that our message about the United States is both clear
and offers opportunities to Thailand that the Thai people
themselves are looking for.
One of the things that I believe is a great advantage of
the United States is the tapestry that we have, as I mentioned.
This is not just government-to-government, business-to-
business, NGO-to-NGO. It is so many other things. So I think
that ensuring that we are working with all of the diverse
things that America brings when it forms a relationship with
another country, with another people and its citizens, the
citizens of that country, that there are real opportunities
here, opportunities that the country, I believe, will have an
interest in.
So I would very strongly seek both to bring a message
about, again, our values, listen to the Thai, understand where
they are coming from, and then at the same time support and
bring assistance to all of the other parts of what we, as
Americans bring. And I think it stands, frankly, in contrast,
to what is offered by the PRC, which is a much more centrally
directed, much more directive situation, and I do not think it
would be nearly as attractive to the Thai. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Mr. Abraham?
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you for the question. If
confirmed, I would bring to the nations of ASEAN a message that
is really centered in our shared commitment to a free and open
Indo-Pacific, one where countries and individuals are free to
pursue their interests without fear of, or impacts of,
coercion. I would bring a message of solidarity with their
aspirations for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and
importantly in support of those aspirations I would bring a
message of durable, longstanding, and sustaining U.S.
commitment to our relationship with both ASEAN and the nations
of ASEAN.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Mr. Buangan?
Mr. Buangan. Thank you very much, Senator, for that. If I
am confirmed, I would tell the Mongolian people very simply
that as a fellow democracy we have to stand shoulder-to-
shoulder with you. Democracies work. Your democratic system
works. We have a vested interest in ensuring that your
democracy is strong and resilient. We want to see you prosper
and secure in your own right and make sovereign decisions
without fear of coercion from your neighbors. We want to help
you build strong economic, open-market systems that allow you
to make independent, sovereign decisions about your investment,
about your prosperity, about the lives you want to lead.
And I would simply tell them that we are your friend and
partner. We are far away from each other and we Mongolia and
the United States could not be farther apart, but we are a lot
closer than you think in terms of our shared values and our
commitment to democratic institutions. Thank you.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Ms. Damour.
Ms. Damour. Think you, Senator. Our message to our Pacific
Island neighbors is simple. As we were standing shoulder-to-
shoulder 80 years ago, the United States remains committed to
helping them sustain their sovereignty, maintain their
territorial integrity, achieve sustainable economic
development, and help them preserve their ability to make
choices in the best interests of their people. We are their
neighbor. We are their partner. That is our commitment. Thank
you.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Ranking Member Romney. Senator
Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. First let me thank
all five of our nominees for their public service and their
willingness to continue to serve during extremely challenging
times, and we thank your families because we know it is a
family sacrifice. So thank you for being willing to do this.
I want to focus on some of the human rights issues and the
influence of China in the region. So first, Mr. Godec, let me
talk a little bit about Thailand. Obviously, they play a key
role in regard to the crisis in Burma, and you mentioned that
during your testimony. I want to bring up an issue in
trafficking in persons. The most recent report, they went
backwards from being on Tier 2 to Tier 2 watchlist. The report
spells out the challenges they have with forced labor as well
as sex trafficking.
So tell me your commitment, if confirmed, as to how you
will promote Thailand taking the necessary steps to end this
form of modern-day slavery.
Mr. Godec. Thank you for the question, Senator. You raised
a very important issue. Thailand has had a significant problem
with trafficking in persons. That was reflected in the change
in its ranking, its downgrade, and its ranking.
This is a subject that we talk to the Thai about regularly,
at the highest levels. It is a subject where the United States,
through a number of agencies, has provided some support and
assistance to try to get some improvement. We have seen some
progress, but there is a lot more that remains to be done. And
I would commit, if confirmed, to doing everything possible to
make progress.
I would note that the Prime Minister recently did a public
event, for example, where he gave recognition to a number of
agencies and people who were doing some things in this area.
And it is good to see high-level engagement but there is a lot
that needs to be done in this area.
Senator Cardin. We have a lot of issues with Thailand. We
recognize that. We are trying to make advancements,
particularly as it relates to humanitarian issues in Burma. Do
we have your assurances that you will give objective
observations as to the progress they are making on trafficking?
We have seen, in the past, sometimes other politics enter into
this. This is too fundamental of a human rights commitment,
that you will give us objective accounts as to the progress or
lack of progress in that country?
Mr. Godec. Absolutely, Senator, I will do that. I have done
it in my previous positions and I would commit to doing it
again.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you very much.
Mr. Buangan, in regard to Mongolia, Mongolia is an
interesting country. It is now a member of the OSCE so we deal
with them in the Helsinki Commission. They believe they have
two geographical neighbors in China and Russia but they
consider their third neighbor to be the United States. So we
have seen a significant strategic partnership with the United
States that can clearly be improved.
I just really want to make the observation there is strong
support here in the Senate to expand trade opportunities and
other opportunities with Mongolia, because we see this as a
real opportunity for America to have a strong strategic partner
in the region.
Mr. Buangan. Thank you very much for that comment, Senator.
I could not agree more. We are their third neighbor. In fact,
we are their preferred third neighbor. They are also seeking to
expand relationships with other open-market economies and
democracies like Japan and South Korea.
But you are exactly right. We need to be able to do more to
help them build strong, resilient democratic systems, open-
market economies, given the challenge that they are neighbors
with China and Russia and the overwhelming influence and
coercion that those two countries are bearing right now on
Mongolia.
Senator Cardin. Ms. Damour, I just really want to tell you
how excited we are about having a confirmed ambassador for the
five countries that you refer to. I dare say that many
Americans do not even know the names of some of these Pacific
Island states. When we look at their influence in the United
Nations and other entities it can play an important role for
U.S. strategic diplomacy. The same thing is true with the
Caribbean island states that are very small, and we generally
do not pay much attention to.
China is paying attention to the five countries that you
would be represent us at. So we do look forward to you giving
us some concrete recommendations as to how we can strengthen
our ties in these countries. It does not take very much. Paying
a little bit of attention to them is what they really want. But
we are going to need a game plan on how we can strengthen our
ties with these countries and use that as a model in other
areas where the United States has really been missing in action
and China has been moving very aggressively.
Ms. Damour. Senator, thank you very much for those
comments, and I think you are right. I think a lot of Americans
could not find Kiribati on a map. But everybody knows about the
Battle of Tarawa. We understand our historic role in that
region. And I was very pleased to see the announcement
yesterday of the intent of the Biden-Harris administration,
subject to notification and consultation with Congress, to open
two new embassies, in Tonga and in Kiribati. If confirmed, I
very much look forward to being part of the process to
developing the first U.S. national strategy for the Pacific
Islands.
You are absolutely right. We need to show up. We need to up
our game. We need to be there in person. And I would certainly
hope, if confirmed, I would be able to consult with you, the
members of the committee and your staffs, on how we can ensure
consistent, sustained, high-level visits to the region to
demonstrate in person that we are there and we are part of
their future. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Just following
up on that line of questioning, Ms. Damour, the announcement
yesterday was a really good start. I had a constructive
conversation with several Pacific Island nation ambassadors
about a month ago here in the Senate, and there were two issues
that were flagged for me where they thought our presence could
be very useful and it probably would not cost that much money
or be an expenditure of an unusual amount of political capital.
That is obviously IUU and telehealth. We have seen such an
extraordinary expansion of telehealth in the United States over
the last 8 or so years, particularly during the pandemic but
even preceding that. They are very, very interested in what we
can do in that space.
I do not need you to be an expert right now on telehealth
but I would love your commitment to flesh out these two issues.
IUU is pretty well articulated. We know what we need to do. We
just need to be present there. I think there are opportunities
in terms of utilizing technology, drones in particular, to be
more present in the region, to stop pirate fishing.
But on the telehealth side, people's eyes lit up when we
started to talk about the opportunities there. I would like you
to comment on that.
Ms. Damour. thank you very much, Senator. I agree, two of
the issues that we need to be dealing with our global health
issues in the region and maritime security, and if confirmed, I
very much look forward to working with colleagues in the Indo-
Pacific Command, with the U.S. Coast Guard. We already have
shiprider agreements with all five of these nations that help
them police and sustain their own resources. I would love to
see if there is more we can do in that area.
And I certainly think during the COVID pandemic we have all
seen an increase of telemedicine so that people, even in remote
areas, could access health care. So thank you very much for
raising that, sir. Our health cooperation is a very important
part of our cooperation in these nations, and I would be very
interested to continue that discussion, if confirmed. Thank
you, sir.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. Just two comments. One
on IUU. There is a tendency to think that the only way to be
present is to be underway. I just really us to use technology
to be present and not have to sort of multiply the number of
Coast Guard vessels and Navy vessels, because at some point
that becomes impractical from a financial standpoint.
The other thing is yes, everybody needs broadband and we
should try to be of assistance there, but not all telehealth
requires a high-speed internet connection, and we need to
explore those opportunities, even as we try to help people get
better broadband connection.
Mr. Abraham, what opportunities do you see for the United
States to engage ASEAN on environmental issues, including
combatting deforestation and managing water systems such as the
Mekong?
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you for the question. As you
know, the nations of Southeast Asia are on the front lines of
the impacts of climate change and issues surrounding
sustainability. I mentioned the Young Southeast Asian Leaders
Program in my opening testimony. One of the things that I know
we hear from young leaders in the region is their deep-seated
conviction that we need to act on issues of climate change
together. if confirmed,, that would certainly be an area of
focus in my engagement with ASEAN. It has been a part of this
administration's engagement of ASEAN, including through the
special ASEAN Summits. And I would look to work closely with
you and with partners in the region and with Congress on where
further opportunities lie.
Senator Schatz. Thank you. And before moving on to Senator
Van Hollen for his questions I just want to point out on the
deforestation side, you know, we have the Lacey Act, and we all
know that illegally deforested products are impermissible from
an import standpoint in the United States. But the truth is
that most of the illegal deforestation is commodity driven, and
so we are going to need to deal with that question, which is to
say a lot of clear-cutting happens for the purpose of growing
commodities that we then import, and that is not covered by the
Lacey Act. So we need to do something on the statutory side,
but there is also a fair amount of room to maneuver at ASEAN
and through USTR.
So thank you all for your testimony and your willingness to
serve. Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good to
see you all again. Congratulations again on your nominations.
Ambassador Godec, let me start with you. As has been
mentioned, the United States and Thailand recently released a
communique on our strategic alliance and partnership. That
communique reads, in part, that it is grounded in, quote, ``our
collective commitment to build resilient, inclusive democracies
and advance human rights,'' end quote.
At the same time, the U.N. Office of High Commissioner for
Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International
have all criticized Thailand's laws that essentially prohibit
criticism of the monarchy. And, in fact, in February 2021, a
U.N. Office of Human Rights panel of experts said, quote, ``We
have repeatedly emphasized that these laws have no place in a
democratic country. Their increasingly harsh application has
had the effect of chilling freedom of expression and further
restricting civic space and enjoyment of fundamental freedoms
in Thailand,'' end quote.
As you know, there are many people in prison right now in
Thailand for simply criticizing the king and monarchy. Can you
just talk about how you will address those issues, if confirmed
as Ambassador to Thailand?
Mr. Godec. Thank you, Senator, for the important question.
The United States certainly respects the institution of the
Thai monarchy. We understand the esteem with which the Thai
people hold the royal family. That said, freedom of expression
is critical, and I would emphasize, both publicly and
privately, the importance of allowing people to freely express
their ideas without threat of arrest. I would certainly, as I
have done in my previous postings, both Kenya and Tunisia, make
every effort again to protect the freedom of expression.
I would also emphasize the importance that anyone who has
been arrested be treated appropriately, with full respect for
their fundamental rights and that they receive due process. And
I would make certain to put an emphasis on that as well.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and look, I support our
partnership with Thailand, but when I see statements stating
that we have sort of this collective commitment to human rights
I think it is important that we make clear our differences on
those issues with Thailand.
Mr. Godec. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Mr. Buangan, with respect to Mongolia, we know that
Mongolia relies on about 90 percent of their oil imports from
Russia. Any thoughts on what we can do to address that issue
and reduce that reliance?
Mr. Buangan. Thank you for that question, Senator. Mongolia
does find itself in a very complex geopolitical environment
given their dependency on not just Russia but also the PRC, and
in addition to relying on Russian oil imports and other energy
imports they are completely also dependent on coal. So I think
there are two opportunities here. I see one an environmental
challenge, with their commitment to climate change, to help
them facilitate and expedite their transition to clean and
renewable energy that can be done in Mongolia. But also I think
it is incumbent on the U.S. to ensure that they have strong
economic systems that would allow them to find ways to further
investment outside of China and the PRC.
We have to accept the reality that they have close ties
with Russia. I think that is something that many Mongolians
want. But at the same time we should be able to allow them to
do it in a way that respects their ability to do it, that does
not threaten their sovereignty, and does not coerce them or
force them to make decisions that they do not want to make.
So I think with respect to energy there is a lot of
opportunity there where we can help them transition to that.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. As you indicate,
they are sort of in a very tough spot geographically, with both
Russia and the PRC. And just with respect to climate change--
and I do not have time to get into it, but Mr. Thompson, as you
know, Nepal is especially vulnerable to the impact of climate
change, given the Himalayan glaciers, and I look forward to
continuing the conversation with you on that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Senator Booker.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
First of all I just want to take a step back and say thank
you to all of you for being here. I am one of these folks that
walks around this place and every once in a while has to stop
and just take stock of the reality that we are sitting here in
the Capitol of the greatest country on earth, all of us
stepping forward to serve, make sacrifices to do so. But the
work we all do is incredibly important and it can make a
difference for millions and millions of people. So I celebrate
you all. I thank you all for, many of you, very long careers of
service and putting yourself forth again to step into often
difficult situations and try, amidst the chaos of humanity, to
find good, to do good, and to make for a better future. So
thank you all for that.
Mr. Thompson, I really want to focus on you because I just
recently came back from Nepal, as I think you know, and it was
an extraordinary, eye-opening trip. It was sort of one of the
last countries we tagged onto a longer codel, but when I got
there I found myself thanking God that I was able to visit the
country because I learned so much. And this small nation, set
between two titans, India and China, has had this difficult
balancing act for a very, very long time.
And maybe I want to start with China and their
extraordinary influence in the nation. You have a country that
in the last year or so accounts for about 78 percent of all the
investment in Nepal, but at the same time, as we talk with
government officials, they really want to deepen their
relationship with us. You know the economic agreement that we
just got signed literally with China trying to put
disinformation and trying to undermine our ability to deepen
these economic ties. The new prime minister there seems to be
really committed to an independent relationship with America
but not seem like we are just trying to exploit that
relationship to counter China. They want to be understood as
someone that has to stand on their own.
And I am wondering if you can give me just a brief view of
how you take your mission and how to strengthen our
relationship as China continues to try to expand its influence
and, frankly, undermine the autonomy of the country.
Mr. Thompson. Thank you, Senator. It was a great privilege
to brief you and the other members of the codel that traveled.
We really appreciate the fact that you were able to tag Nepal
on and have such a good experience. I know the Embassy there
reported back very favorably about all the discussions that you
had.
You are absolutely right. This is a critical issue for
Nepal as they balance their interests. I had mentioned in my
opening statement, you talked about two titans. They often are
referred to as a yam between two boulders. And as Prime
Minister Deuba seeks to develop the economy, to find a path
forward for Nepal that represents the real interests of the
Nepal people, this can be a challenging neighborhood in which
to do it.
You are absolutely right. The Millennium Challenge
Corporation Compact provides a huge game-changing opportunity
for them to have greater connectivity with the electricity grid
in South Asia, to build better transportation networks, to
allow them to expand their trade opportunities as a nation. We
are also looking at other opportunities, Senator, such as
through the Development Finance Corporation and our USAID
mission to help develop market-oriented opportunities with
entrepreneurs, with greater business and investment climate.
And so if confirmed, I would look forward to really
engaging very deeply on these fronts, because we are at a
critical juncture for this type of opportunity.
Senator Booker. Well, I hope you see me and I imagine a lot
of other members of that codel as allies in this. I am not
overstating this. I think we all fell in love with Nepal and
its people, and it was an extraordinary experience. And on that
note let me make the last point to you. I had never seen the
Himalayas before, and as we flew by them I saw people on the
plane with me looking out at this incredible mountain range
with tears in their eyes, getting very emotional at the majesty
of the mountains. But we also were coming off of understanding
that Nepal is one of the top five countries on the planet right
now that are suffering the effects of climate change. And I was
stunned at how devastating the growing warmth is doing to that
country and really threatening--I mean, 20 percent of the water
that humanity gets is coming from the Himalayas, and right now
climate change is causing havoc and threatens extraordinary
destruction, not to mention deprivation.
So this, I see, as an urgency. I knew it intellectually but
to experience it on the ground, to talk to people who are
trying to think of creative ways to deal with this. So I am
hoping you see that as part of your mission as well and to help
us, as policymakers and lawmakers, try to find ways to help
especially these very vulnerable nations who are feeling, from
island nations to many in the mountains who are going to feel
the devastating effects of this, which will not only cause
economic damage but it will cause political instability as
well.
Mr. Thompson. We look forward to working with the
committee, with our colleagues at the Department on this front.
You are absolutely right. It is critically important. Nepal
made some very ambitious pledges at the Cop26. We will continue
through our assistance programs to seek ways to help them adapt
and mitigate climate change. It is a high priority for us,
absolutely, if confirmed.
Senator Booker. And again, thank you for your kindness to
me before that incredible trip.
Mr. Thompson. Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Schatz and Senator
Romney, for holding this hearing, and to all of the nominees
here today I want to congratulate you. Should you be confirmed
you are going to have the unique opportunity and responsibility
to represent the most exceptional nation in the world, and you
are going to a region that is very critical right now, critical
to our nation's security but critical to the world's security.
And ASEAN, I think, is going to continue to play a very,
very critical role to advance the vision that my good friend,
former Prime Minister Abe articulated in terms of a free and
open Indo-Pacific. And it was a great honor for me to work with
him to deepen our alliance in that region and to expand that
vision. It is a vision that I think has tremendous amount of
opportunity for us and it is one that I think we should explore
every opportunity to deepen.
Mr. Abraham, I would like to turn to you and talk about
your view with respect to the Quad's relationship to ASEAN, and
to get your perspective in terms of how we can provide key
resources. I think there is a tremendous opportunity here,
whether it be infrastructure resources through the Blue Dot
Network, facilitating vaccines or new technologies. But I would
like to get your perspective on how we can deepen our
relationship in the Quad framework in ASEAN.
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you for the question and thank
you for your leadership in the region. If confirmed, one of the
things that I would be most enthusiastic about doing is trying
to find ways, consistent with our views around ASEAN
centrality, to create greater connectivity within the region,
within the various institutional pieces of the regional
framework, one of them being the Quad.
I think we have seen some progress to that end and there
are some interesting areas of both common interest and
potential collaboration. The one I would point to, which
certainly speaks to a broader priority I would bring, if
confirmed, surrounds our commitment to freedom of navigation
and overflight into the maritime security of the region. During
the Biden-Harris administration, the quad has announced and
taken steps towards providing, as a public good, some data
transparency tools around maritime domain awareness. That is a
public good that would absolutely be impactful to our work with
ASEAN and with ASEAN member nations, and I think it is
illustrative of areas of common interest that I would hope to
build upon.
You touched on health security. I also think there are
great opportunities for collaboration there, as was noted at
the tail end of the U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit recently.
Senator Hagerty. Again, I encourage you to take every
opportunity you can to find ways to not only deepen our
relationships with ASEAN but to bring that into the framework
in a constructive manner with the Quad.
Mr. Abraham. Yes, sir.
Senator Hagerty. Mr. Buangan, I would like to turn to you
to talk about Mongolia. Mongolia has been regarded as an oasis
of democracy within the authoritarian desert of Eurasia.
Mongolia also has a rich history dating back to the times of
Genghis Khan. We are also aware of the fact that the Chinese
Communist Party makes very human efforts to dilute the cultures
of ethnic groups such as the Uighurs in Xinjiang.
The Chinese Communist Party is attempting to do the same
thing with Mongolian heritage and culture, as you know, I am
certain. In 2020, the Chinese Communist Party demanded the
removal of the words ``Genghis Khan,'' the word ``empire,'' and
``Mongol'' from a museum exhibition in France. The Chinese
Communist Party wants to airbrush its history to minimize the
important role of ethnic minorities such as the Mongols. And,
in addition, the Chinese Communist Party is intensifying its
pressure on ethnic Mongolians that are living in China, to
suppress their local language, to suppress their culture.
Mr. Buangan, in your view what are the objectives of the
Chinese Communist Party in seeking to dilute the Mongolian
heritage and culture and what are your plans to help Mongolia
diversify away from China and those pressures that it is
feeling?
Mr. Buangan. Thank you so much for that question, Senator,
and I appreciate your concern to that. I think the vast
majority of Mongolians will agree and be pleased to hear your
concern for that and particularly as it relates to the PRC's
attempts to dilute the culture and religious traditions of
ethnic minorities in China. It is something that we have seen.
Mongolia, both its people and its Government, have been
following the developments, in Inner Mongolia in particular.
They are concerned about it. They are tracking it. But because
of China's enormous economic leverage that they have with
Mongolia it is very difficult for them to speak out.
But in that vein, what I would say is that we, at the U.S.
Embassy--and this is something that I would certainly
prioritize if I am confirmed--is that we have a lot of programs
with Mongolians where we celebrate their culture, where we help
them preserve a lot of their rich, diverse culture. I would
point to a couple of examples that we do. Our Ambassador's Fund
for Cultural Preservation, for example, just awarded a grant to
the National Library of Mongolia to help them preserve Tibetan
ancient manuscripts and woodblock prints.
We also speak out very vocally, as you know, when we see
the Chinese attempt to distort the history of the Uighurs and
Tibetans, including ethnic Mongolians in Inner Mongolia. And I
think the Mongolians see that, and I think they appreciate
that. So I would hope to continue that conversation with my
Mongolian counterparts, if confirmed, to help them, one,
celebrate their rich history but, two, figure out ways where we
can figure out how we can speak openly and candidly about what
is going on in the PRC.
Senator Hagerty. Excellent. Thank you. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Senator Coons.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Schatz. Thank you to all
of our nominees today for your long service to our nation and
your dedication to foreign service. And thank you to your
families for supporting you in this service and being such
great partners with you.
I have a broad number of questions and very little time, so
I am going to focus, if I might, on a few areas of principal
concern, just for me. Ambassador Godec, it is wonderful to see
you again. Across a number of trips and engagements in Kenya
and Ethiopia and elsewhere I am so impressed with your skills
and your engagement and your capability. Thailand is a new
region for you, a new engagement, and one where your deep
experience, I think, will be critical and relevant.
One of our core challenges, both in ASEAN and in Thailand
and around the world in lots of different countries and
contexts is balancing our interest in free expression,
democracy, robust human rights in civil society, and security.
How do you think we will balance our critical security
relationship with Thailand with continuing to press for
improvements in civil society and opening space for human
rights advocates?
Mr. Godec. Thank you, Senator Coons, and it is terrific to
see you again as well.
Senator, we do have obviously a number of interests with
Thailand. We have a relationship that goes back almost two
centuries, and across that time we have done a lot together, as
I said in my opening statement. I do think we can do these
things simultaneously. We can continue the security partnership
which is so critical and at the same time be plain, privately,
certainly, but public also when appropriate about things like
the importance of continued progress on democracy, protection
of human rights, fundamental freedoms.
We can do these things, and I would certainly be deeply
committed to doing that, in a wide range of ways. It starts by
showing up. It was great to see the Secretary in Thailand just
on Sunday. It was great to see the recent U.S.-ASEAN Special
Summit the President hosted. It was great to see the other
visitors, Secretary of Defense, out there just recently. But
then it goes to, again, looking at really all of the different
areas of the partnership, continuing the dialogue, and
continuing to really emphasize where we can move forward
together and where we have differences, making plain what those
differences are and explaining why what we have to offer, I
think, in terms of values is a good way to go.
Senator Coons. Well, and I think sending a seasoned senior
ambassador like yourself to help balance that tricky and
challenging balance is exactly the right choice.
Mr. Abraham, Yohannes, if I could, great to see you here. I
am excited about your nomination to ASEAN. The Indo-Pacific
Economic Framework, how do you plan to engage ASEAN on this
opening towards trade integration that is not overturned in TPP
but is an opportunity? How would you make progress on the IPEF?
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you, and it is great to see you
as well. I think first and foremost, as you do, the
Administration believes that deepening our economic ties with
the region, Indo-Pacific writ large and certainly within ASEAN,
is critical to not only our economic prosperity but also our
national security.
If confirmed, I would look to work in close partnership
with my colleagues in capitals around region to build on what
we found to be a very encouraging initial set of countries who
signed up to be a part of the launch of IPEF, seven members of
ASEAN being amongst them.
And so right now we are in a scoping stage of the exercise.
As we continue to progress to build out IPEF I would look to be
a partner with my colleagues in capitals around the region as
well as in Washington, D.C.
Senator Coons. Ms. Damour, I was pleased to see the
initiative about new embassies in Kiribati and Tonga, the
return of the Peace Corps to the region, establishment of a new
USAID office in the region. If I might, with the forbearance of
the Chairman, I would just like to ask each of the three
remaining nominees if you might. I have particularly been
interested in and supportive of the Development Finance
Corporation and the Millennium Challenge Corporation. I am the
Chair of the appropriating subcommittee that funds both of
these.
Could you just briefly explain how they will play a key
role in the Pacific Islands, in our relationships in Mongolia,
and in our relationships in Nepal, and how we might strengthen
and deepen our partnerships in regions and countries where they
have an alternative and we are trying to show up, as it were,
and provide a meaningful partnership?
Ms. Damour. Thank you for that, Senator, and thank you for
your interest in the region. We do have one country amongst the
five to which I have been nominated that has started a
conversation with the MCC, as well as two countries that have
signed an agreement with the Development Finance Corporation.
And these are going to be critical because it will allow us to
establish assistance to them that can help them with their
sustainable economic development needs, which are vast,
particularly in the area of infrastructure.
One of the things, if confirmed, that I would look forward
to doing is exploring how we can leverage those capabilities in
order to demonstrate why the United States should be the
preferred partner in assisting with their economic development.
Senator Coons. Thank you. Mr. Buangan, in Mongolia?
Mr. Buangan. Thank you, Senator, for that question. There
are a couple of areas where I see the DFC and MCC helping with
Mongolia, particularly through their infrastructure
development. As I stated in my opening remarks, our largest
investment right now is in the $350 million Millennium
Challenge Corporation's grand to help Ulaanbaatar increase its
water capacity. I think there is also a lot of opportunity that
both of those programs are doing with respect to trade and
investment, particularly improving Mongolia's investment
climate, as we are seeing with DFC.
And I think given the realities that Mongolia has,
particularly with rooting out corruption, with strengthening
its rule of law, I think those programs are also doing a lot to
help strengthen capacity-building in those areas, where I think
it would help, particularly as we are focusing on Mongolia's
economic infrastructure and their economic development and
their energy diversification, which I mentioned earlier, I
think the whole-of-government approach here, DFC, MCC,
including our public diplomacy and USAID programs will help
strengthen those areas. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Mr. Chairman, your call. Do we have a moment
for Nepal or should we move on?
Senator Schatz. Sure.
Senator Coons. Mr. Thompson.
Mr. Thompson. Thank you, Senator. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
We have talked a bit about the MCC already. It is a game-
changer, I believe, for Nepal. Five hundred million dollars
will lead to thousands of jobs, tremendous infrastructure,
connectivity for Nepal and India and the rest of the region.
Tremendous transportation infrastructure upgrades for Nepal
which can have great benefit on the trade front.
DFC, a bit smaller still. It is more of a nascent stage
there but a fantastic tool, we believe, to help provide the
financing that is going to be necessary in so many areas, such
as renewable energy, health care sector, and the growing
technology sector there as well. So we look forward to seeing
how we can better use that, and if confirmed, I would certainly
be interested in doing that.
Senator Coons. Thank you all very much. Thank you for your
forbearance, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Senator Markey.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
Mr. Abraham, in your testimony you spoke about the
importance of human rights and standing up to universal values.
My colleagues and I, we sent a letter to President Biden before
the U.S.-ASEAN summit in May, urging the President to place
democracy, good governance, and human rights as key items on
the summit's agenda. I was disappointed that despite the
importance the President said he will place on human rights and
democracy in U.S. foreign policy these issues were marginalized
during the summit.
So if confirmed, what would you do to elevate the
importance of human rights and concerns about democratic
backsliding amongst ASEAN member countries?
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you for the question, and I
share your concerns around human rights and democratic
backsliding in the region. If confirmed, first and foremost I
will not hesitate to speak with interlocuters around the region
about our human rights and/or governance concerns, in public
and private fora. I would also work with the mission staff to
ensure that U.S.-ASEAN missions tracking and monitoring
capabilities as it relates to human rights concerns remain
robust, and I would hope to work in close partnership with my
colleagues, my bilateral colleagues in missions around the
region on individual countries' concerns.
Senator Markey. I am deeply concerned about the lack of
progress in implementing the five-point consensus developed by
ASEAN member countries, particularly with regard to engagement
with all parties in Burma, including the National Unity
Government. If confirmed, how would you engage with ASEAN to
make progress in addressing the deteriorating human rights
situation in Burma?
Mr. Abraham. Senator, first and foremost, if confirmed,
addressing really the horrifying and deteriorating situation in
Burma would be a top priority of mine, and I would robustly
push for the implementation of the five-points agenda and I
would also look to work with colleagues around the government
on what other tools we can bring to bear to change the regime's
calculus and begin to move the country back towards a
multiparty democracy. That would certainly be, and a way that
has built on the Administration's use of the tools that
Congress has granted them so far.
Senator Markey. Okay. I want to stay with Burma and go to
you, Ambassador Godec. Revenue from dirty fossil fuels
continues to line the Burmese military's coffers. According to
Human Rights Watch, Thailand's state-owned energy company, PTT,
purchased about 80 percent of Burma's exported gas, repeatedly
called for the United States to take a page out of the EU's
playbook, and sanctioned the Myanmar oil and gas enterprise.
Ambassador Godec, do you agree that we need to work with
Thailand to reduce its reliance on natural gas from Burma and
to reduce the Thai government's continued financial support of
the Burmese military?
Mr. Godec. Thank you for the question, Senator. I just want
to emphasis as I did in my opening statement that the Burmese
regime continues to carry out horrifying atrocities and it is
critically important that this stop. We have supported ASEAN
and the five-point consensus but there is not enough progress,
clearly. In fact, there is no progress at all, and it needs to
happen.
We have worked with Thailand. Burma and the Burmese
regime's horrifying actions have been a top issue in
discussions with Thailand. Certainly the Secretary and many
other officials have raised this. We are seeking ways with the
Thai to increase the pressure on the Burmese regime. All
options are on the table. That includes further action in the
oil and gas sector. And, Senator, I would commit to working
very hard on this matter, if confirmed. We appreciate some of
the things that Thailand has done on the humanitarian side but
clearly more pressure needs to be brought to bear and new
ways----
Senator Markey. It is all about oil and gas, everywhere on
the planet. It is about the dough----
Mr. Godec. It is a critical issue, Senator. I agree.
Senator Markey.--with these authoritarian regimes, that
they are able to extract from oil and gas, and then they do
their evil deeds with that dough. So every time we see it we
know what the answer should be, and if we take strong action
then we will probably extract the results that we are looking
for.
And with that I will just ask my final question, over to
Ms. Damour, and Fiji and the impact climate change is having
upon Fiji and what actions we should be taking to assure them
that we are on their side and will be there to help them.
Ms. Damour. Thank you very much for the question, Senator,
and thank you for focus on that region. The question of climate
change, mitigating climate change is an existential issue for
these nations. They are the most vulnerable around the world
given their low-lying areas. The Biden-Harris administration
has made it a top priority for addressing the region,
mitigating the effects of climate change, assisting them with a
clean energy transition. All of those, if confirmed, would be
focus for me in terms of helping them.
Senator Markey. Well, nothing more important because they
are right in the crosshairs and we have to demonstrate that we
understand their vulnerability and that we are going to take
action. But we are going to show it to them specifically as
well in terms of the help which we give them.
So we thank you and we thank all of you. Mr. Chairman, I
yield back.
Senator Schatz. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and congratulations
to the nominees. I note that three of you are Virginians and
Virginia is proud of each of you.
Mr. Godec, in particular, I want to commend you in your
current role, the work that you have done with Afghan refugee
resettlement at the State Department. I do not think we give it
enough attention here that in 90 days the United States helped
126,000 people come out of Afghanistan, about 50,000 to other
nations, 76,000 to the United States. Virtually all of them
came into Virginia at Dulles Airport. They were then assigned
to one of eight military bases for processing, three of which
were in Virginia. As of February, all of those bases were
closed and the 76,000 in the United States were now in
communities, supported by families, supported by churches and
other nonprofit groups all over the United States.
I do not think that story has been told enough. I have
suggested before that I think it would be a good idea for this
committee to talk about the--you know, get an update on the
status of these 76,000 as well as the 50,000 who we helped
evacuate to third countries. We do know there are others in
Afghanistan who continue to want to come to the United States,
and I think that would also be an appropriate topic to delve
into, what more we can do about that.
But just that number, 126,000 in 90 days, by order of
comparison in the aftermath of the Vietnam War it took months
and years to bring 120,000 Vietnamese to the United States. In
the aftermath of World War II we brought about 65,000 displaced
people from Europe, primarily Jewish Europeans, to the United
States. That took 5 years to bring 75,000 European Jews to the
United States in the aftermath of World War II. The fact that
you and your colleagues and this administration was able to
help 76,000 Afghans begin a new chapter of life here, and
another 50,000 in other countries where they would be safer
than Afghanistan is worthy of some attention, and I hope we
might do that.
Mr. Abraham, I want to ask you a question. It is good to
see you again. I want to ask you a question about ASEAN. Four
of the 10 ASEAN nations have border disputes with China. So as
somebody who does not consider myself an expert in the region I
look at that as, that is interesting. So what does that fact
say about prospects for deeper and deeper U.S. engagement with
the ASEAN nations?
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you for the question. I think
my reflection on that fact is that it is a national security
interest of ours to build the capacity of ASEAN as an
institution to allow the nations of ASEAN to speak
collectively, in a unified way, and importantly have the tools
at their disposal to act on their self-interests. There are any
number of those interests. You touch on territorial integrity
and the issues of sovereignty. We are certainly committed to,
and if confirmed, I would be committed to ensuring that ASEAN
has the institutional capacity and that we are encouraging of
their ability to collectively, and collectivize some of their
concerns in a way that would put them in the driver's seat in
dealing with bigger countries in the region like the PRC.
Senator Kaine. The border disputes are largely in the South
China Sea, and the U.S. is sort of committing a self-inflicted
wound by not eventually ratifying the U.N. Convention on the
law of the sea. If the U.S. ratified that treaty, as every
Secretary of Defense and every Secretary of State for the last
decade has suggested we do, then we would have standing to help
in pressing claims about border disputes in that area. We now
do not have standing because of our refusal, which is amazing
to me, our refusal to ratify that treaty. It is my hope that
colleagues would eventually wake up to the need to do that.
Let me ask you this. Senator Markey asked you about Burma
and what you might do, obviously, to deal with the very, very
difficult situation there. Secretary Blinken recently had some
tough words for ASEAN, feeling like ASEAN had not really done
enough. They have done some. Individual leaders have done some
things. They have blocked Burmese leadership from attending
ASEAN meetings on occasion.
But as you look at what ASEAN could do to be more effective
in Burma, talk about that a little bit.
Mr. Abraham. Senator, thank you for the question. I would
view our engagement with ASEAN as part of a larger whole of
trying to effect change on the situation in Burma. I think our
work with ASEAN would be an important part of that. I think
building on the floor that was set, to your point about the
precedent that was set about nonpolitical representation of
Burma at key ASEAN meetings is an important floor that we need
to build on and build from.
I would view myself as part of a broader team, a
multilateral component of a broader team that is really aimed
at changing the regime's calculus. Some of that work will be
done in bilateral context, and if I was confirmed, I would
happily and enthusiastically work bilaterally or in small
groupings in Jakarta with representatives from other ASEAN
nations on which in which we can continue to change the
regime's calculus and continue to build an echo chamber around
the costs that we have exacted on the regime.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. I yield back, Mr. Chair.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Kaine. If there are no
more questions for the witnesses the record will remain open
until close of business Thursday, July 14, for questions for
the record. We urge our nominees to complete those answers as
rapidly and as thoroughly as possible so that we can clear for
committee action your nominations. Each of you will have
critical positions that we need confirmed, so we would urge you
to try to complete this work as quickly as possible.
If there is no further business the committee stands
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:34 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert F. Godec by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How should the US balance our concerns about Thailand's
democratic backsliding with our security commitments and cooperation to
the country? Given the Government crackdown on protesters, do you think
all military exercises, including the large-scale Cobra Gold exercises,
should continue as usual?
Answer. The United States and Thailand are longstanding allies. We
have extensive cooperation on security, which has been important for
both our countries and the region. Promoting respect for human rights
and democracy are also indispensable elements of our foreign policy
that advance our strategic interests. Our security assistance programs
include human rights training and associated institutional capacity
building and, I believe, the more we engage with Thailand on security
issues, the more we are promoting respect for human rights in the
military and police.
If confirmed, I would engage with the Thai Government, civil
society, and other parts of Thai society on how we can best achieve our
human rights and democracy objectives and our security assistance
objectives to promote the broader interests of the United States. I
believe we can successfully pursue all our goals.
Question. How, if confirmed, do you plan on raising the issues of
the arrested pro-democracy protest leaders with the Thai Government?
What leverage does the United States have to encourage greater respect
for human rights in Thailand?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize with the Thai Government
the importance of further progress on democracy and respect for human
rights, including the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of
peaceful assembly.
In the recently signed United States-Thailand Communique on
Strategic Alliance and Partnership, the Thai Government affirmed strong
democratic institutions, independent civil society, and free and fair
elections are central to our shared vision. As I have done in my other
assignments, I would engage both privately and, when appropriate,
publicly on these issues. I would also encourage senior U.S. Government
leaders, congressional visitors, and others to do so, as well. I
believe our continued engagement with Thailand across the broad range
of our shared interests will help influence and encourage further
progress in Thailand.
Question. If you are confirmed, what role will Thailand's relations
with Burma play in your engagement with their leadership?
Answer. The escalating crisis in Burma is horrifying, and the
United States has continued to urge others to take strong actions in
response to the military coup and the regime's abhorrent crackdown on
the people of Burma. If confirmed, I would continue to prioritize
engagement with the Thai Government on Burma. I would further press
Thailand to hold the military regime accountable to the full and swift
implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point consensus.
If confirmed, I would also prioritize increasing humanitarian
assistance to the people of Burma. I want to work with Thailand to
expand existing assistance efforts to better address the ongoing the
crisis in Burma and the delivery of unhindered humanitarian aid,
including through cross-border mechanisms.
Question. What are the key challenges Thailand faces in addressing
trafficking in persons, including in the fishing industry and sex
trafficking of women and children? How, if at all, has the COVID-19
pandemic affected the Government's anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. The downgrade in 2021 of Thailand's Trafficking in Persons
Report ranking reflected the challenges Thailand has faced in
adequately addressing this serious problem. The Thai Government has
prioritized making improvements in its anti-trafficking efforts and, if
confirmed, I will work to find avenues of cooperation to support these
efforts.
Thailand's key challenges have been in investigating and
prosecuting offenders, particularly for labor trafficking. Although
Thailand has made efforts to improve labor inspections, the Government
still faces challenges identifying traffickers--particularly in the
fishing industry. During the pandemic, the Government and NGOs saw an
increase in online sexual exploitation, especially of children.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert F. Godec by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Thailand was downgraded to the Tier 2 Watch List for not fully
meeting the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking including by
initiating fewer investigations, and prosecuting and convicting fewer
traffickers. How will you work with the Thai Government to address
these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Thailand's downgraded ranking in the 2021 Trafficking in
Persons Report reflected the challenges the country has encountered in
adequately addressing this serious problem. The Thai Government has
reported it continues to prioritize making improvements in its anti-
trafficking efforts and, if confirmed, I will work to find avenues of
cooperation to support these efforts.
Working with our interagency team at Embassy Bangkok, I will seek
specific ways to support anti-trafficking goals. For example, both
publicly and privately, I will promote the improvement of the capacity
of local law enforcement to investigate and prosecute offenders--
especially labor traffickers. The Thai Government has publicly stated
its desire to improve its anti-trafficking efforts and, if confirmed, I
plan to leverage this political will and work closely with the Thai
Government to achieve our shared goals of protecting victims and
bringing traffickers to justice.
Question. The Office of to Monitor and Combat trafficking in
persons plays a key role in assisting Ambassadors in promoting anti-
trafficking work. Please describe how you can work with the office to
improve Thailand's anti-trafficking work in country.
Answer. I deeply value the work done by the Office to Monitor and
Combat Trafficking in Persons and plan to coordinate closely with them
to improve anti-trafficking efforts in Thailand. Specifically, if
confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to host officials from the
TIP Office in Bangkok, in order to facilitate candid engagements with
the Thai Government and civil society on ways to combat trafficking.
Throughout my career, I have found that such visits foster
relationships across governments and people and help build common
understanding of the causes and potential solutions for issues such as
trafficking in persons.
Question. What concrete steps can you, if confirmed, take with your
mission to help Thailand improve its anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. Some of Thailand's key challenges have centered around its
efforts to provide adequate services to victims and to address labor
trafficking. Although Thailand has made efforts to improve labor
inspections, the Government still faces challenges identifying labor
trafficking victims and their traffickers--including in the fishing
industry. If confirmed, I will lead the mission's efforts to work with
the Thai Government, civil society, and other partners to focus on
areas where Thailand must improve.
I also hope to build on existing programming such as USAID's
Counter Trafficking in Persons Program in Thailand to address the
demands and incentives for using forced labor, among other goals.
Mission Thailand includes dozens of U.S. agencies and offices and I
plan to leverage that talent and expertise to bring a whole-of-mission
approach to combat trafficking in Thailand.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, tensions between religious groups remains in Thailand,
particularly in the Deep South, which has resulted in at least 86
deaths of both Muslims and Buddhists. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States
maintains its unwavering support to promote respect for and protect
freedom of religion or belief for all. I understand that Mission
Thailand regularly engages with the Thai Government, civil society, and
Thais of all religious backgrounds to promote respect for the freedom
of religion or belief. Mission Thailand has made outreach to the Deep
South a priority, supporting projects on digital literacy, diversity
and inclusion, youth engagement, and community building. If confirmed,
I commit to continuing these important engagements, and I would work
with the Ambassador-at-Large to explore new ways to further support
religious freedom in Thailand.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Thailand was noted as having several significant human rights abuses,
including credible reports of torture, cruel and inhuman treatment by
government officials and arbitrary arrests. Additionally, there are
reports of serious restrictions on freedom of expression, association,
and movement. If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to
address these instances with the host government?
Answer. Promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms and
advancing democratic values are among my highest priorities, including
as part of advancing our vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific. If
confirmed, I will ensure these priorities continue to be elevated in
meetings and engagements with the Thai Government at all levels and
remain a central focus of the bilateral relationship. I will encourage
the Thai Government to respect freedoms of expression, association, and
movement and encourage Thailand to review and revise or repeal laws
used to unduly restrict any of these freedoms. Thailand's continued
progress to uphold democratic institutions, and human rights, including
freedom of expression, is essential to our partnership as was reflected
in the recently signed United States-Thailand Communique on Strategic
Alliance and Partnership.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have prioritized engagement with
and support for civil society. The United States places great
importance on civil society and NGOs and, if confirmed, I will continue
our strong advocacy both publicly and privately in support of the
critical role played by civil society in Thailand's democratic
development and promotion of human rights. If confirmed, I would work
to advance American values and respect for human rights in my
engagements at all levels of the Thai Government and with all parts of
Thai society and would ask all members of Mission Thailand to take the
same approach.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Thai Government?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will not hesitate to raise human
rights issues with all levels of the Thai Government. As allies and
partners, the United States and Thailand have a productive platform
with which to engage candidly. I firmly believe that the promotion of
human rights is in the interest of all people in the United States and
Thailand, and I will work tirelessly in support of that goal. If
confirmed, in addition to raising human rights issues with the Thai
Government, I look forward to meeting regularly with human rights
advocates, civil society, and other non-governmental organizations in
Thailand to affirm U.S. support for human rights.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Bangkok?
Answer. Mission Thailand is one of the largest in the world and
high morale is essential to its success. Like many other missions
around the world, the COVID-19 pandemic created challenges for the
staff and for families. I understand the current mission leadership has
worked hard and effectively to address these concerns and the recent
lifting of some restrictions by the Thai Government and improvement in
the overall public health situation has helped. If confirmed, I would
work with the DCM and others in the mission to bolster morale further
and ensure all staff and families have sense of safety and security.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bangkok?
Answer. If confirmed, I would place a high priority on mission
morale and actively seek opportunities to improve it. As I indicated in
my statement at my hearing, I would prioritize the safety and security
of mission staff and families and work to ensure the team has the
resources needed to succeed in advancing our goals. I would draw from
my experiences at Embassy Nairobi and Embassy Tunis to improve morale
and foster a strong community life, always seeking to innovate. I would
work with the DCM and use an inclusive style, consulting and speaking
frequently with staff to solicit ideas and share views on how to build
morale. I would support staff development with an interagency
mentorship program and seek staff input through regular anonymous
morale surveys (to include on the performance of the Ambassador and
DCM).
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bangkok?
Answer. As I have done in my previous service as Ambassador, if
confirmed, I would start by listening to our country team and other
personnel in Thailand to ensure I fully understand our current
objectives and programs. I would consult with them to establish a clear
vision and set of goals and objectives. I would work to communicate
those goals throughout the Mission and more widely in the U.S.
Government. I would also create a strong interagency working group
system to monitor and facilitate implementation.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in an inclusive, open, and collaborative
leadership and management style. I seek the views of the widest
possible range of staff and to build a team. I work with the entire
team to create a vision, set goals, and implement them. I communicate
clearly and candidly and ask that everyone else do so as well. I seek
to decentralize decision-making and empower employees to own and direct
their work and activities consistent with U.S. law and administration
policy.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ask my Deputy Chief of Mission to
serve as the Embassy's chief operating officer. I would regularly seek
the DCM's views on the full range of leadership, management, and policy
issues the mission faces and keep the DCM informed of my actions,
activities, and decisions.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a former ambassador, I understand that the ambassador-
Deputy Chief of Mission relationship is critical to a well-functioning
mission. In my previous assignments, I have empowered my DCM to serve
as the Embassy's chief operating officer and would do so as well in
Thailand, if confirmed. I would regularly seek the DCM's counsel to
ensure effective Embassy operations to enable the team to meet our
strategic objectives and implement our policies and programs. I would
also ensure the DCM is fully informed of and consulted on all mission
policies and activities and is prepared to become Charge d'Affaires
when necessary.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes, it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances to encourage improvement
and reward those who succeed in their work. If confirmed, I commit to
doing both.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, I would support and encourage clear, accurate, and
direct feedback to employees in order to improve performance and reward
high achievers. If confirmed, I commit to doing so.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Thailand. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. In recent years, security concerns and now the COVID-19
pandemic have limited the engagement of U.S. diplomats in Thailand and
other countries. As Secretary Blinken has emphasized, however,
``diplomacy is a contact sport.'' I believe it is essential that we
actively reach out to speak and engage with the Thai people in all
walks of life. We must get out of the Embassy and into the communities
if we are to be effective diplomats.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Embassy Bangkok and
Consulate General Chiang Mai Public Affairs Sections and with the full
country team to find ways to engage with people across Thailand. We
would do so through many channels (e.g., events, digital and
traditional media, and other available mechanisms) to advance U.S.
goals. I would work to ensure that all members of the Mission Thailand
team are involved in this outreach and make it a priority.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Thailand?
Answer. With its rich culture and traditions and 200 years of
friendship with the United States, I understand Thailand is a vibrant
environment for public diplomacy. Additionally, the United States and
Thailand enjoy robust people-to-people connections creating the
foundation for expansive public diplomacy and outreach. For many years,
the United States has supported cultural exchange with Thailand through
highly successful programs like the Fulbright program, Young Southeast
Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI), and the United States' International
Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP). If confirmed, I hope to build on
these programs to create lasting connections between the next
generations of our countries.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Disinformation, competition in the information and
programming space, and personnel constraints present public diplomacy
challenges in Thailand. If confirmed, I commit to working to increase
public diplomacy resources to expand our messaging and programmatic
efforts. I will use my platform as Ambassador to accurately inform
target Thai audiences about our policy priorities and range of
bilateral cooperation to build support for our shared goals. I also
believe in supporting local efforts to counter disinformation,
including by building journalistic capacity, increasing fact-checking
and providing training to combat mis- and disinformation.
Although the COVID-19 pandemic limited in-person public diplomacy
programming in Thailand during the past two years, if confirmed, I hope
to return to and even exceed pre-pandemic levels of in-person public
diplomacy engagement across Thailand and to continue using new virtual
tools to expand our reach and strengthen people-to-people ties.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the talented team of
diplomats and local staff at Mission Thailand to understand and support
the mission's unique role in formulating public diplomacy programs and
responses, especially those tailored to local audiences. I would draw
on local expertise and insights, gleaned from organizations like the
new Thailand-U.S. Alumni Association and the Embassy Youth Council, to
ensure our public diplomacy messages are appropriately calibrated for
the local audience and that they explain and advance our key foreign
policy priorities. I would do this while consistently promoting the
American values that underscore our public diplomacy around the world.
I would also coordinate with and keep Main State informed of our
messages and draw on their capabilities as appropriate.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected Embassy personnel and their family
members. I agree we must take these reported incidents seriously and,
if confirmed, I would absolutely do so in my role as leader of Mission
Thailand. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy
staff, their family members, and all those supporting Mission Thailand
will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Bangkok personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to sharing information on this
issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of ongoing investigations.
If confirmed, I will do everything in my power to protect the health
and safety of our mission team members and their families.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. If confirmed, it will be my highest priority to protect the
health and safety of our mission staff and their families. I will
commit to receive any available briefings, unclassified and classified,
and will seek further information in meetings with the Coordinator of
the State Department's Health Incident Response Task Force as well as
relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and
Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to supporting investigations
into circumstances surrounding the anomalous health incidents and to
maintaining records and sharing information.
I commit to working with the State Department to ensure the safety
and security of Mission Thailand staff and their families and all U.S.
citizens.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, in the event of any health emergency, I would
prioritize the health and safety of our diplomats and their family
members and ensure that those impacted receive the proper treatment. To
help preserve and restore morale, I would communicate clearly,
transparently, and honestly with my staff about this issue and more
generally in my work every day.
I also commit to an open-door policy and would welcome my staff
speaking with me about any issue, including those potentially affecting
the health of mission members. I also commit to speaking with my staff
regularly about the mission's goals to ensure they understand the role
of their individual work in achieving our overall objectives on behalf
of the U.S. Government and the American people.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert F. Godec by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Thailand is the oldest of the United States' five treaty
allies in the Indo-Pacific, with our cooperation going back to World
War II and the Korean War. Despite our robust security relationship,
Thailand has become closer to the CCP. The PRC is increasingly becoming
Thailand's largest trading partner, and Thailand declined to join
regional trade agreements sponsored by our allies, like the Trans-
Pacific Partnership, that exclude the PRC. The current Thai Government,
led by the same leader that overthrew a democratically elected
government in 2014, also finds the CCP a more convenient partner that
will not criticize its human rights abuses against protesters. This
seems to indicate that Thailand will only become closer to the CCP.
In your view, what are the prospects for reversing this apparent
pro-CCP trend in Thailand's foreign policy?
Answer. The U.S.-Thailand alliance is critical for both the United
States and Thailand. It is central to the security and prosperity of
the region, and it is widely welcomed in Thailand. If confirmed, I
would engage with the Thai Government and all parts of Thai society to
build understanding of the PRC's actions to ensure that China plays by
the same rules as everyone else. If confirmed, I look forward to
supporting and growing this relationship.
For example, for more than two hundred years, the United States and
Thailand have enjoyed a close trade relationship, and Thailand has
joined the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). The United States is
also Thailand's largest export market. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Thailand to ensure the IPEF deepens our economic relations
in the region and coordinates approaches to global economic challenges.
I believe Thailand's engagement in the IPEF process is indicative of
the deep economic ties between our nations, and its importance as a
friend and ally. The depth and importance of our ties in many areas
including economic, will, I believe, create opportunities for progress
on the challenge posed by the PRC.
Question. Is a pro-CCP Thailand a threat to U.S. interests? Please
explain.
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Thailand to continue to
proactively raise concerns over PRC actions that undermine the rules-
based international order. I will also encourage regular communication
and coordination with Thailand to address common security, economic,
and environmental concerns, such as the PRC's increasingly provocative
activities in the South China Sea and at Ream Naval Base in Cambodia
and transboundary water management along the Mekong River.
The United States and Thailand maintain strong economic relations.
The United States is Thailand's largest export market and has more than
double the investment in Thailand as that of the PRC.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party pose a threat to the
United States? Please explain.
Answer. As Secretary Blinken said in May, we believe the PRC is the
one country that increasingly has the economic, technological,
military, and diplomatic means to advance a different vision of
international order. Beijing's actions suggest PRC officials intend to
do so.
Question. We are prepared to work together with Beijing where our
interests intersect, where it is essential for global peace and
prosperity and to keep lines of communication open. There is no reason
why our great nations cannot coexist peacefully. As Secretary Blinken
said, we will compete with confidence; we will cooperate wherever we
can; we will contest where we must.
If confirmed, how will you accomplish this?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to strengthen ties between
the United States and Thailand by building on the existing links that
bridge our countries across society. We have close security, economic,
people-to-people, business-to-business, and many other cultural ties
that have developed during the past two centuries. The recently signed
United States-Thailand Communique on Strategic Alliance and Partnership
reaffirms the breadth and depth of U.S.-Thai bilateral relations and,
if confirmed, I plan to work to continue to strengthen those ties.
Question. Do wedges exist between the CCP and the current Thai
Government?
Answer. Thailand maintains robust relationships with both the
United States and PRC. Thailand shares our concerns about the PRC's
behavior in the region, yet, like the United States, also has economic
ties to Beijing and areas where Thailand and PRC cooperate.
Thailand has raised concerns when PRC activities affect the well-
being of Thai citizens. For example, Thailand pushed back when PRC
activities on upper parts of the Mekong River--such as damming and
blasting the river--threatened the livelihoods of Thai communities
downstream. If confirmed, I will support Thailand when faced by
provocative PRC behavior that undermines Thai and U.S. interests alike.
Question. Are there pro-American factions in the Thai Government?
If so, how can we best empower them?
Answer. The United States and Thailand enjoy almost two hundred
years of close ties. Over that time, we have built a rich web of
relationships running through all aspects of society. In addition to
our security alliance, Thailand relies on the United States
economically as its top export destination. Furthermore, our
connections are enriched by the presence in the United States of almost
350,000 Thais and U.S. citizens of Thai heritage, and by the more than
100,000 U.S. citizens in Thailand.
U.S. cultural exchange programs further foster good relationships
between our countries and many Thai leaders have participated in those
programs. If confirmed, I will continue these people-to-people
exchanges and fund more programs to create these lasting connections
between our two countries.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support Thailand in
maintaining its positive relations with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the existing strong ties
between the United States and Thailand and identify new areas to grow
our relationship. I will foster new areas of cooperation like space,
climate, and cyber security. At its foundation, the United States-
Thailand relationship is built on strong people-to-people ties, and I
will seek ways to further expand these ties to reach younger
generations of Thai and American people.
Question. The Trump and Biden Administrations have worked towards
forming new, pro-U.S. groupings in the Indo-Pacific, including the Quad
and the Australia-United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS) agreement. These
groupings exclude Thailand and other treaty allies, like the
Philippines and Korea.
Is there an avenue for Thailand and other treaty allies to engage
with the Quad or AUKUS?
Answer. Thailand has deep and strong relationships with each of the
countries in the Quad and AUKUS. These relationships span a wide range,
including economic and security dimensions. I believe Thailand would be
open to considering engagements with the Quad and AUKUS in areas of
mutual interest. As one example, the Quad countries' Chiefs of Mission
in Bangkok jointly handed over to the Thai Ministry of Health Indian
produced COVID-19 vaccines as part of the Quad's Vaccine Partnership.
If confirmed, I will engage regularly with the Chiefs of Mission of
these allies and partners and find ways to advance our mutual interests
to the benefit of Thailand, other allies, and the Indo-Pacific as a
whole.
Question. What is your view of Thailand's attitude to these new
groupings? Do they see it as an opportunity to enhance relations with
the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with the countries of
the Quad and AUKUS and with Thailand to effectively convey the goals of
these groupings. I believe the United States would benefit from
promoting the new groupings with key allies and partners in the Indo-
Pacific region like Thailand.
Thailand has deep and strong relationships with each of the
countries in the Quad and AUKUS. These relationships span a wide range,
including economic and security dimensions. I believe Thailand would be
open to considering engagements with the Quad and AUKUS in areas of
mutual interest. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to build such
engagements.
Question. If confirmed, what activities would you recommend to
encourage Thai engagement with the Quad or AUKUS?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have engaged with Chiefs of Mission
of like-minded countries to promote U.S. interests abroad. If
confirmed, I will use my position as U.S. Ambassador to convene
diplomatic gatherings to explain our Indo-Pacific strategy and how
groupings like the Quad or AUKUS--as well as ASEAN--share U.S. goals
for prosperity, stability, and security in the region.
Question. Thailand has struggled to maintain its historical respect
for universal human rights in recent years. From often violent
suppressions of opposition protests to widespread allegations of forced
labor in its fishing industry, the Thai Government is increasingly
adopting positions that have led Congress to impose sanctions on other
countries. Left unaddressed, these issues can lead the Thai population
to question the legitimacy of Thai democracy--which would be a boon to
the CCP, which is eager to promote its authoritarian system.
What levers does the United States have to encourage the Thai
Government to be more responsive to allegations of human rights
abuses?
Answer. Strengthening democracy and promoting respect for human
rights and the rule of law is fundamental to U.S. relations with
Thailand. Our alliance and partnership with Thailand is foundational to
the U.S. role in the Indo Pacific, and the relationship is built on
shared values and principles founded upon mutual democratic
aspirations. The recently signed United States-Thailand Communique on
Strategic Alliance and Partnership reaffirms a mutual respect for
strong democratic institutions, independent civil society, and free and
fair elections as central to our shared vision. If confirmed, I will
prioritize these themes in my engagement with the Thai Government and
wider Thai society.
Question. In your opinion, do you see evidence that the CCP
encourages or enhances these abuses?
Answer. The United States welcomes contributions by the People's
Republic of China to regional development, so long as it adheres to
high standards, including in areas such as transparency, the rule of
law, absence of corruption, environmental protection, human rights and
labor rights, sustainable financing, and respect for the autonomy of
development aid recipients.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Thailand to
maintain its historic commitment to human rights and democracy?
Answer. The United States and Thailand expressed our shared respect
for human rights and democracy through the United States-Thailand
Communique on Strategic Alliance and Partnership. If confirmed, I will
work with Thailand to uphold its commitment to human rights and
democracy, the foundation of our alliance and partnership. Furthermore,
I will reiterate how critical human rights and democracy are to
ensuring security and prosperity for all people. To do so, I will
engage with the Thai Government and with the wider Thai society,
including civil society groups, independent media, and human rights
activists.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert F. Godec by Senator John Barrasso
Question. Humanitarian assistance has been deteriorating in Burma
since the February 2021 coup d'etat. The delivery of humanitarian
assistance, COVID-19 vaccines, and other aid has continued to be
limited. What percentage of the population in Burma and Thailand have
been vaccinated for COVID-19?
Answer. The crisis in Burma continues to worsen. While Thailand has
provided humanitarian assistance to people fleeing Burma since the 2021
military coup, far more work needs to be done to meet the growing needs
of the people of Burma. If confirmed, I will work closely with Thailand
and other countries in the region to advocate for humanitarian access
and expand humanitarian assistance and access to meet the needs of all
people displaced in and from Burma, including via cross-border
mechanisms.
As of July 12, more than 80 percent of Thais had received one
vaccine dose and more than 76 percent of Thais had received two doses.
Question. What is the status of the effort to establish a Thai-
Burma cross border program on getting coronavirus vaccines into Burma?
Answer. We continue to work with Thailand and other neighboring
countries to seek additional ways to deliver critical assistance to the
people of Burma, including through facilitating cross-border vaccines
and other humanitarian assistance. Secretary Blinken, Deputy Secretary
Sherman, U.S.-U.N. Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield, and Counselor Chollet
have pressed the importance of providing assistance to the people of
Burma during visits to Thailand and other parts of the region.
Thailand has also joined the COVID-19 Global Action Plan, under
which countries are working together to accelerate access to vaccines
in all settings, including humanitarian. In March, Thailand donated
500,000 doses of Astra-Zeneca vaccine to Burma, along with 3 million
doses to other countries in the region.
Sadly, the greatest obstacle to providing life-saving vaccines to
the people of Burma is the Burmese military regime. If confirmed, I
will work with Thailand and other ASEAN countries to press the regime
to allow for greater access to vaccines and humanitarian assistance.
Question. What are the political and diplomatic challenges in
getting coronavirus vaccinations into Burma?
Answer. Since the February 2021 coup d'etat, the Burmese military
regime has continued to impede the delivery of humanitarian assistance,
including medical aid, to the people of Burma. The United States has
continued to urge ASEAN as a collective, ASEAN member states, and other
partners to press the regime to allow unhindered humanitarian access
and the delivery of aid, including COVID-19 vaccinations, to all those
in need, including in remote areas of the country. If confirmed, I will
continue to work closely with the Thai Government to in support of the
equitable delivery of COVID-19 vaccine doses and other assistance to
the people of Burma.
Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to aid in
getting vaccines and other humanitarian assistance into Burma?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to working with the Thai
Government, like-minded countries, regional partners, civil society
organizations, NGOs, and international organizations to provide COVID-
19 vaccines and other humanitarian assistance to the people of Burma. I
will encourage Thailand to increase pressure on the regime to swiftly
and fully implement ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus, cease the violence,
release all those unjustly detained, allow unhindered humanitarian
access to those affected in Burma, and restore Burma's path to
inclusive democracy.
Recognizing Thailand's long tradition of supporting Burmese
refugees, if confirmed, I will seek ways to expand assistance to people
from Burma in need, including those suffering as a result of the
military coup and subsequent regime violence and repression. I will
regularly meet with like-minded partners and ASEAN member states to
advocate they speak with one voice and coordinate resources to help end
the violence in Burma and return the country to the path toward
democracy.
Question. During a briefing on April 26, 2021, you said, ``We are
very much committed to working together with Africans to overcome the
COVID-19 pandemic, to promote trade and investment, to strengthen
security, to tackle the climate crisis, to advance democracy, human
rights, the rule of law, and to work again together on a whole range of
issues that matter to both Africans and Americans.''
Again, in your testimony you said, ``We welcome Thailand's
commitment to address the threat of climate change; this will be a
critical area for further collaboration.''
As Ambassador, do you plan to focus on and promote climate change?
If so, what would be your priorities?
Answer. Climate change is a major concern for both the United
States and Thailand. If confirmed, it would be a top priority for me. I
would continue our engagement with the Royal Thai Government on clean
energy and climate, including through the Agriculture Innovation
Mission for Climate, the Sustainable Partnerships for Growth, the
Global Methane Pledge, the Glasgow Leaders' Declaration on Forests and
Land Use, USAID's Corporate Clean Energy Alliance, and the Greening
Government Initiative. We will also work with Thailand to enhance their
resilience to the impacts of climate change through the President's
Emergency Plan for Adaptation and Resilience.
The United States is supporting Thailand's climate ambitions
through a range of engagements, including USAID's SERVIR-Mekong
program, USTDA's Global Partnership for Climate Smart Infrastructure
Initiative, and a number of State Department programs including the
Mekong Water Data Initiative, the Water Smart Engagements program, and
the Japan-U.S. Mekong Power Partnership. Thailand was also the first
country in the world to sign the U.S.-led Clean Energy Demand
Initiative.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert F. Godec by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to making Thailand's response
to the coup in Burma a priority of your diplomacy?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would engage Thailand to underscore
the importance that all countries, including Thailand, strongly condemn
the military coup and violence in Burma and press the Burmese military
to end its horrific violence, which has led to worsening political,
human rights, and humanitarian crises. I would work closely with
Thailand and other countries in the region to advocate for unhindered
humanitarian access and expand humanitarian assistance to meet the
needs of all people displaced in and from Burma, including via cross-
border mechanisms.
Question. What steps can the United States take in our diplomacy
with Thailand that would incentivize them to take a more active role in
mediating a return to democracy in Burma?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with Thailand, and other
allies and regional partners, to strengthen diplomatic engagement,
intensify the broad international response to the Burma military coup
and escalating military crackdown on the people, and urge the military
to cease the violence, release all those unjustly detained, allow
unhindered humanitarian access, and restore Burma's path to inclusive
democracy. The coup and subsequent violence perpetrated by the Burmese
military regime has increased instability along Thailand's borders, as
it has across the region.
I would encourage Thailand, as the leading economy and our only
treaty ally in mainland Southeast Asia, to step up pressure on the
regime to promote a peaceful resolution to the crisis and to hold the
regime fully accountable its commitments under the ASEAN Five-Point
Consensus.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Robert F. Godec by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. Do you agree that a top priority of the U.S. Department
of State is to ensure the health, safety, and security of U.S.
diplomats living and working abroad?
Answer. Yes, I agree that it is a top priority of the Department of
State to protect the health, safety, and security of all U.S.
diplomats, mission staff, and their families living and working abroad.
I made this a top priority as Ambassador to Kenya and to Tunisia, as
well as in the leadership positions I have held in the Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs and the Bureau of African Affairs. Doing so was of
particular and personal importance to me having been assigned to
Embassy Nairobi when it was bombed in 1998. If confirmed, I commit to
upholding this responsibility in support of all members of Mission
Thailand. I also commit to keeping an open line of communication with
our staff to hear about any and all concerns they may have in these
areas, and to work with the Deputy Chief of Mission and all relevant
offices to ensure all staff and families have a sense of safety and
security.
Question. Do you agree that this is a top priority, especially when
a U.S. diplomat abroad is under direct threat?
Answer. Yes. The safety, health, and security of our diplomats,
mission staff, and families abroad under direct threat is a top
priority and, if confirmed, I would work to ensure that it is so for
Mission Thailand just as I have in all my previous assignments. If
confirmed, I commit to working with all relevant security agencies and
officials from the United States and Thailand to ensure protection for
all mission personnel, staff, and families from any threat. In doing
so, I would draw on my experience in leadership positions in which I
have responded to a wide range of threats, including terrorist attacks,
and kept our diplomats, staff, and families safe.
On the Departure of the Outgoing U.S. Ambassador to South Africa in
January 2021-February 2021
Question. The following questions revolve around your time as
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State (2020-2021) and later Acting
Assistant Secretary of State/Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State (2021) in the Bureau of African Affairs.
In September 2020, Politico reported that ``[t]he Iranian
government is weighing an assassination attempt against the
American Ambassador to South Africa, U.S. intelligence reports
say, according to a U.S. Government official familiar with the
issue and another official who has seen the intelligence,''
adding: ``U.S. officials have been aware of a general threat
against the Ambassador, Lana Marks, since the spring, the
officials said. But the intelligence about the threat to the
Ambassador has become more specific in recent weeks. The
Iranian Embassy in Pretoria is involved in the plot, the U.S.
Government official said.''
Between September 2020 and February 2021, did you at any point
become aware that then-U.S. Ambassador to South Africa Lana J.
Marks faced a specific assassination threat from the Iranian
Government--the world's biggest state sponsor of terrorism? If
so, when?
Answer. I became a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of
African Affairs in August 2020 but had no responsibility for Mission
South Africa or its staff or operations. I became the Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs on January 13,
2021, and on January 20, 2021, acting Assistant Secretary. Around that
time, I was apprised of the threat to Ambassador Marks and that the
Bureau of Diplomatic Security and Regional Security Officer in Pretoria
were fully informed and engaged in ensuring Ambassador Marks' safety
and security.
Question. On January 11, 2021, then-U.S. Ambassador to South Africa
Lana J. Marks posted on the website of the U.S. Embassy to South Africa
a statement on her ongoing recovery from a recent COVID-19 infection.
She wrote:
I started to experience shortness of breath and extreme
weakness, and as my symptoms worsened, upon the advice of our
medical team at the U.S. Embassy, I was admitted to the
hospital to seek supplemental oxygen and therapeutic treatment.
Shortly after admission on December 28, I was moved to the ICU
where I remained for ten days before spending three more days
in the COVID-19 unit. Late last week, I was discharged and
continue to receive care at home.
She added:
This is a tremendously serious and unpredictable illness, and
it has been the most physically debilitating thing that I have
ever experienced in my entire life.
Between December 2020 and January 2021, did you at any point become
aware that then-U.S. Ambassador to South Africa Lana J. Marks
was recovering from a COVID-19 infection in Pretoria, South
Africa? If so, when?
Answer. I became aware that Ambassador Marks was recovering from a
COVID-19 infection just before I became Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs. I was deeply concerned
about her condition, and I was following her health closely through the
Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for Southern Africa and other
officials. I was assured by the Office of Medical Services that
Ambassador Marks was receiving the care she needed and that they would
continue to engage beyond January 20. I was aware of (and agreed with)
other exceptional steps taken by the Department to protect Ambassador
Marks' health, including providing a special exception to allow her to
remain in the Chief of Mission residence while she recovered fully. On
January 11, 2021, I was grateful to see that Ambassador Marks had
posted a statement on Embassy Pretoria media platforms stating, ``My
condition is improving and the doctors are confident that I will
eventually make a full recovery.''
Question. When outgoing U.S. Ambassador to South Africa Lana J.
Marks--who was not only recovering from what she had publicly described
as a ``tremendously serious and unpredictable illness'' and a
``physically debilitating'' case of COVID-19 infection, but also the
subject of an assassination threat from the Iranian regime--beseeched
you in a phone call on January 19, 2021, to assist her in remaining a
U.S. Government employee until she returned to the United States, did
you--in written communication--nevertheless decline to contact the
transition team or take any action on her behalf? If so, when?
Answer. In January 2021, I was closely following Ambassador Marks'
health condition, security, and employment status. I was in direct
communication with the Office of the Director General of the Foreign
Service and with the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs
and the Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for Southern Africa. On
January 18, 2021, Ambassador Marks also called me directly regarding
her employment status in the State Department. The Bureau of African
Affairs has no authority or responsibility for the employment of non-
career Presidential appointees in the Department of State. These
decisions are the responsibility of the White House and its office in
the State Department that handles Presidential personnel, and the
Director General of the Foreign Service and the Bureau of Global Talent
Management, who work with incoming transition teams on personnel
issues. I was also aware that the Director General and the Global
Talent Management Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary were in direct
communication with Ambassador Marks regarding her employment status. I
also understood that the transition team was fully apprised of the
concerns raised by Ambassador Marks. In light of this, I advised
Ambassador Marks on January 18 that the channel for resolving her
employment concerns was the Director General's office. I note that, on
January 19, Ambassador Marks sent an email to the Global Talent
Management Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary stating, ``I just
wanted to also take the opportunity to thank you and DG Perez--and
everyone CCed on this email--for your very hard work on a fairly
atypical situation, during atypical circumstances.'' I was copied on
this email.
Question. Do you agree that you had the option of contacting the
transition team and the Director General of the Foreign Service and
advocating for Ambassador Marks to be retained as a U.S. Government
employee--for example, through administrative measures such as having
her temporarily appointed as a non-career Senior Executive Service
(SES) appointee or a limited-term Foreign Service Officer (FSO)--until
her safe and secure return to the United States?
Answer. As noted above, I was engaging with the Assistant Secretary
of State for African Affairs and the Director General's office about
Ambassador Marks' employment status, and I understood that all possible
avenues were considered. I was aware of the communication between the
Director General's office and Ambassador Marks, and for employment
options for a political appointee, I believed it was best for her to
communicate directly with them as they were working with the transition
team on personnel issues. I am not aware of any avenue that might have
been available to allow her to remain a U.S. Government employee beyond
January 20, 2021.
Question. What is your understanding of when and precisely how
outgoing U.S. Ambassador to South Africa Lana J. Marks departed South
Africa and returned to the United States?
Answer. I understand that Ambassador Marks departed South Africa on
or about Sunday, February 21, 2021. Embassy Pretoria confirmed in a
message to me on February 23 that she was in the United States. I was
advised that she departed without informing Embassy Pretoria. I do not
have information on how Ambassador Marks returned to the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dean R. Thompson by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. As we aim to strengthen our relationship by supporting
the best interests of the Nepalese people and combatting Chinese
influence, I am curious to hear what you believe our priorities ought
to be in Nepal.
If confirmed, what will your priorities be in Kathmandu? What would
you say are the biggest challenges facing Nepal today? What do
you see as the solutions to those challenges, and what can the
United States do to help?
Answer. If confirmed, facilitating Nepal's economic growth would be
a key priority. In February 2022 Nepal's Parliament ratified the $500
million U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact electricity-and-
roads project in the face of a torrid PRC disinformation campaign. This
project will build electricity transmission lines to connect Nepal's
clean, abundant hydropower with South Asia's energy grid. This project
will increase the prosperity of both of our countries and Nepal's
resilience in the face of Chinese pressure.
If confirmed, I would advocate for the human rights of all Nepali
citizens and residents. This policy priority includes marginalized
communities and refugee communities, such as Tibetan refugees. I would
also work to help Nepal strengthen its democratic institutions, as
Nepal moved to a federal system in 2015. Stronger democratic
institutions will also help Nepal complete is transitional justice
plans, that is, those efforts that brought together various parts of
Nepali society after the end of the 1996-2006 civil war.
Finally, people and preparedness will be critical--taking care of
our country team and their families, building our great people-to-
people relationships in Nepal, and preparing for any eventuality, be it
natural or other types of disasters. Taking care of our people and our
relationships makes it possible to fully pursue and protect U.S.
interests.
Question. Earlier this year, we saw an alarming increase in Chinese
disinformation aimed at undermining the Nepalese parliament's
ratification of the MCC Nepal Compact. The Compact is a $500 million
grant--not loan--that will help Nepal improve its domestic
infrastructure, increase electricity reliability, and facilitate cross-
border energy trade.
What are your priorities as Ambassador for deepening U.S.-Nepalese
bilateral cooperation in the aftermath of the ratification of
the MCC? How do you intend to counter Chinese disinformation in
Nepal going forward when it comes to projects that are in the
best interests of the Nepalese people?
Answer. If confirmed, I would champion the MCC electricity-roads
project through every step of the implementation phase and highlight
the economic benefits that Nepal will receive from the building of
electricity lines and roads to export its energy to other parts of
South Asia. I would also work with my Embassy team to use our foreign
policy tools to show China's propaganda efforts and help Nepalis be
resilient to Chinese mis- and disinformation. Our economic
developmental support for Nepal, which is carried out in a transparent,
collaborative partnership, helps Nepal strengthen its own foundation of
national sovereignty and independent decision-making.
Question. U.S. interests in Nepal include supporting democratic
institutions, promoting regional stability and security, alleviating
poverty, promoting human rights, achieving sustainable economic growth,
protecting the interests of Tibetan refugees, and helping build
resilience to deal with climate change and natural disasters.
How do you, if confirmed, plan on balancing these competing
interests?
Answer. As you note, the United States has a broad range of
interests in Nepal. The essence of an ambassador's job is to advance
those U.S. interests. The MCC electricity-and-roads project will create
thousands of jobs for Nepalis and millions of dollars in revenue for
the country. USAID's recently signed $659 million assistance agreement
will support democratic institutions and alleviate poverty while
helping build resilience to climate change and natural disasters. If
confirmed, I also would work across the interagency to promote the
rights of all citizens and residents of Nepal, including of refugee
communities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dean R. Thompson by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Nepal remained on Tier 2 for its ongoing efforts to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking but did not adequately do so
in a few key areas, including failing to criminalize all forms of labor
and sex trafficking and providing protection for trafficking victims.
Additionally, government complicity in trafficking remains a serious
concern.
How will you work with the Nepalese Government to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Nepal has made some progress on combatting trafficking in
persons in recent years but still has issues to address. If confirmed,
I will engage the Government of Nepal at the highest levels and press
to criminalize all forms of trafficking and to put an end to the
Government's complicity in trafficking. I will employ the resources of
the Department of State's Trafficking in Persons Office to train Nepali
officials to prosecute and convict human traffickers.
Question. The office of to monitor and combat trafficking in
persons plays a key role in assisting Ambassadors in promoting anti-
trafficking work. Please describe how you can work with the office to
improve Nepal's anti-trafficking work in country.
Answer. The office to monitor and combat trafficking in persons (J/
TIP) at the Department of State is already doing great work in Nepal. I
have worked closely with J/TIP in the past and look forward to regular
consultation and continued assistance from them, if confirmed. Just
this past quarter, one of their implementers in Nepal, ECPAT
Luxembourg, held coordination meetings to create awareness and build
pressure to develop child protection mechanisms and to help
stakeholders better understand the status of child rights. They also
trained over 80 media outlets in Nepal to cover children and
trafficking in persons issues. If confirmed, I will work closely with
the J/TIP Office to further this work to help end human trafficking in
Nepal.
Question. What concrete steps can you, if confirmed, take with your
mission to help Nepal improve its anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. If confirmed I will work closely with our Department of
Justice colleagues in Nepal, who run the International Criminal
Investigative Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) and the Overseas
Prosecutorial Development and Assistance Training (OPDAT). These
programs, funded by the Department of State's Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, train local law enforcement and
prosecutors to recognize, arrest, and prosecute transnational crime,
such as human trafficking. If confirmed, I will continue with these
programs to put the criminals guilty of human trafficking behind bars.
Working with our J/TIP Office colleagues and implementers, I will
also focus on helping Nepal to assist the victims. If confirmed, I will
engage directly to encourage and underscore the importance of providing
victim assistance. If confirmed, as Chief of Mission, I will ensure our
Embassy is forward leaning in its engagement with Nepal to meet the
standards of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, highlighted concerns regarding treatment of Christians
and Tibetan communities in Nepal. In particular, concerns regarding
discrimination and prohibiting conversion.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. While Nepal is tolerant in many ways, there have been
concerns in recent years regarding religious freedom. We have seen
media reporting on the Government of Nepal prohibiting Tibetan refugees
from celebrating cultural and religious holidays. If confirmed, I will
work with the International Religious Freedom Office to stand up for
religious rights for people of all faiths. I will engage with Nepali
Government officials and raise concerns regarding religious
intolerance. It is a universal human right for all citizens to practice
one's faith.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Nepal
was noted as having several significant human rights abuses, including
credible reports of torture, cruel and inhumane treatment by government
officials and arbitrary arrests. Additionally, there are reports of
serious restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and
movement.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will stand for human rights in Nepal. I
will work with our Human Rights Officer and with the Department of
State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) to engage
civil society, raise concerns with the Government, and advance human
rights for all citizens and residents of Nepal. DRL has great programs
to bring awareness to human rights, and I will work closely with our
DRL Bureau to use those programs to put a stop to torture and inhumane
treatment. I will work with our Department of Justice officials in
charge of ICITAP to promote humane policing. In cases of gross human
rights violations, I will call out such violations. In doing all these
things, we can help Nepal put a stop to human rights abuses.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Our Embassy in Nepal regularly engages with civil society
and, if confirmed, I would ensure that such engagement continues. Civil
society organizations (CSO) in Nepal work with the Embassy to improve
human rights for Nepali citizens and residents. USAID has an annual
budget of $16 million to work with NGOs and CSOs on a variety of
issues, the advancement of human rights chief among them. If confirmed,
I will work with USAID colleagues to continue to coordinate with CSOs
that stand up for the human rights of all Nepalis.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Nepalese Government?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Government of Nepal.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Kathmandu?
Answer. Under its current outstanding leadership, the morale at
Mission Kathmandu is high. If confirmed, I will work to keep it so.
Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to improve morale at
Mission Kathmandu?
Answer. If confirmed, taking care of the staff and families at the
Mission will be my highest priority. I will endeavor to create a
caring, respectful environment where all feel safe and secure--both
personally and professionally. We have numerous important U.S.
interests to look after in Nepal, and we need our team and their
families well cared for in order to achieve this mission.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Kathmandu?
Answer. If confirmed, I will create a unified mission and vision
through diligent strategic planning, broad engagement across the
mission, and inclusive leadership. I will use my experience and
judgement and that of my team to focus our initiatives to produce
results for the American people. I will be generous in recognizing the
accomplishments of others while also being the first to take
responsibility for any errors. I will create an environment of trust
and respect where all can share their talents toward the goals of the
mission.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Working at an Embassy isn't just a regular job. It's part
of broader family and lifestyle commitment. I care about our people and
their families, and I care about their professional development. If
confirmed, as Chief of Mission, I would engage our community as a whole
and commit to finding ways to help everyone feel included, welcome, and
part of our overall mission community. I would seek to recruit a
diverse team of Americans and local staff. If confirmed, I would work
closely with my DCM to ensure we have effective and proper mentoring
and professional development opportunities across all grades and
agencies, and I would seek feedback to evaluate our success or need for
change. The American people entrust us with a mission and resources
and, if confirmed, I would hold myself and our larger team accountable
for our efforts.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Never. If confirmed, I would ensure everyone working at
the Embassy is treated with dignity and respect. I do not believe it is
acceptable or constructive to berate subordinates ever, either in
public or privately.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect to have close, continuing
communication with my DCM about roles and responsibilities. I expect
she would function as the Chief Operating Officer of the mission and
also be ready to step in should I become incapacitated or am away from
post. I expect to employ a consultative, collaborative leadership
approach, but one in which I accept ultimate responsibility for the
outcomes of our actions and policy implementation.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect that my DCM will take on key
leadership responsibilities including oversight of the Family Advocacy
Committee, all post-level mentoring programs for entry-level and mid-
level officers and local staff, and chair of the Emergency Action
Committee. If confirmed, I would expect the DCM to remain closely
engaged with our Management section to ensure proper oversight and
management controls are in place and that I am fully aware of any
challenges or deficiencies on that front. I would also expect that the
DCM would share with me leadership on matters related to the
implementation of a diverse and inclusive workforce that fosters
respect, productivity and professional engagement across all sections
and agencies.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I do believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate and constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and to reward those who succeed. I meet with direct reports
and reviewed employees to ensure they get feedback on their
performance. If confirmed, I would continue that practice in Kathmandu.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Nepal.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. COVID-19 and other resource constraints have limited our
engagement outside Embassy walls. As we come out of the COVID pandemic
it will be particularly important to ensure U.S. diplomats re-engage
across the whole of society. In my opinion, U.S. diplomats should get
outside of the embassies as much as possible, in consultation with the
Regional Security Office when appropriate, to fully accomplish their
missions. If confirmed, I will always encourage my staff to get outside
of our Embassy walls more, to better understand our host country and to
deliver results for the American people.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the DCM, Regional
Security Officer and individual sections to ensure they compile robust
reporting and travel plans that are geared to the goals of the
integrated country strategy and that provide us good contacts and
insights from across the country. I will work with our management team
and Washington to get the resources we need to engage and deliver our
key messages to the people of Nepal.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Nepal?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Nepal is difficult
because of the mis- and disinformation that pervades social media and
some elements of traditional media. If confirmed, I would work closely
with our country team, likeminded embassies, the Nepali Government and
civil society to broaden access to quality, accurate information and to
speak truth to the people of Nepal about the United States, its
interests and its intentions in its bilateral relationship with Nepal.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The Nepali media and social media landscape, like in so
many countries, contends with mis- and disinformation. In the modern
world, where so many have access to the internet, false stories are
prevalent, as we saw in spades with the Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC) Compact. The public affairs team at the Mission did
great work in contrasting the disinformation surrounding the Compact
with clear explanations about what the Compact was and what it will do
for Nepal and its people. If confirmed, I will work with the public
affairs office in Kathmandu to continue that great work.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I believe that the mission understands the nuances of the
media and the audience in country the best while Main State has a
holistic, global view. Thus, it is imperative that the mission guide
the foreign policy in country while always coordinating closely with
Main State to ensure consistency and accuracy with respect to our
messaging. At the same time, in the information environment, speed is
critical. If confirmed, I would work closely with our professionals at
post and experts in DC to ensure we have sufficient agility to be
proactive in our messaging, but to also respond quickly and accurately
whenever required.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take this threat seriously and
make sure our team members have all the information available to
protect themselves and their families.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Kathmandu personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will regularly talk as openly as
possible to Mission Kathmandu personnel.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I will receive a briefing on anomalous health incident
(AHI) on Monday, July 18. If confirmed, I will consult specifically
with AHI coordinator's office, as appropriate, about Nepal.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I do commit to maintaining detailed records
of the incident and to share information with the State Department and
other embassies to contribute to the investigation of how those attacks
are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the world. I would
ensure that our Regional Security Office and Health Unit follow all
appropriate protocols and engage the appropriate experts in Washington
to ensure full care of our personnel.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. We learned a lot from the COVID experience with respect to
the fear and uncertainty that can come from threats to health. If
confirmed, I will always let my staff and families know that their
health and security come first. When it comes to their well-being, I
will have an open-door policy and foster an environment where the staff
and families can share their concerns in safety.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dean R. Thompson by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. New Hampshire has a strong and active community of
Nepali-Americans. In my years of government service, here in the Senate
and in New Hampshire, I have seen the tremendous benefits of engaging
closely with diaspora communities here at home.
If confirmed, will you commit to close engagement with the Nepali-
American community in New Hampshire and in other states?
Answer. I have also found the benefits in working closely with
diaspora communities during my time with the State Department. The
State Department is engaged with the Nepali-American community in New
Hampshire, and I can confirm that, if nominated, I would commit to
close engagement with the Nepali-American community in New Hampshire
and other states.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dean R. Thompson by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Under current Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, Nepal
has sought to rebalance its foreign policy away from the pro-Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) pursued by his predecessor, KP Sharma Oli of the
Nepali Communist Party. Prime Minister Deuba has stopped progress on
Nepal's Belt and Road Initiative projects and has worked with Indian
Prime Minister Narendra Modi to repair Nepal-India relations.
Is the CCP's engagement with Nepal a threat to U.S. interests?
Please explain
Answer. The Chinese Communist Party's interests and activities in
Nepal are a concern. For example, the PRC has recently used
misinformation in an attempt to derail the U.S. Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC) Compact in Nepal, a project that will bring thousands
of jobs and millions of dollars in revenue to Nepal. If confirmed, I
would build on our long-standing efforts to strengthen Nepal's
sovereignty and its ability to maintain its independence both in
internal and foreign policy decision-making. I would push back on
misinformation and highlight the benefits of the U.S.-Nepali
relationship to the Nepali people and our sincere and transparent
interest in helping Nepal's development.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party pose a threat to the
United States? Please explain.
Answer. As Secretary Blinken said, the PRC is the only country with
both the intent to reshape the international order and the economic,
diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it. Beijing
presents a vision that would move us away from the universal values
that have sustained so much of the world's progress over the past 75
years. Under President Xi, the PRC has become more aggressive abroad,
and the United States must respond with strength, with the
determination to defend territorial integrity, international law, and
institutions that have brought prosperity to so many parts of the
world.
Question. Is it in the U.S. interest to encourage positive ties
between India and Nepal? If yes, how can we best encourage these ties?
Answer. India and Nepal share an important relationship. They are
linked historically and culturally, and India is Nepal's largest trade
partner and investor. The United States supports those strong ties, and
the MCC Compact, which will promote the trade of clean Nepali
hydropower energy throughout South Asia. Our MCC electricity-and-roads
project is a great example of how the United States can build upon and
grow those important ties. If confirmed, I would work to see the MCC
Compact implemented to the benefit of both Nepal and India.
Question. What remaining divisions in the India-Nepal relationship
could the CCP exploit to drive a wedge between the two countries?
Answer. India-Nepali ties run deep. In addition to their important
economic ties, India-Nepali security ties are crucial. The Indo-Nepal
1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship expressly notes neither country
will ``tolerate any threat to the security of the other by a foreign
aggressor.'' In short, the CCP will have a difficult time overcoming
the important historical, economic, and defense relationships that
Nepal and India maintain. If confirmed, I would work to call out any
PRC manipulation or aggression that may seek to do so.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage closer ties
between Nepal and India?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to build on the important
coordination established during the discussions on the MCC Compact
project. One of the conditions for the project was the creation of a
joint-venture company between Nepal and India, so that Nepal could sell
its clean hydropower energy to India. This type of cooperation is
foundational and, if confirmed, I would use it to promote similar
cooperation between our three countries.
Question. Over the many decades, but especially recently under
General Secretary Xi Jinping, the Himalayas have become a source of
conflict between India and the CCP. This has sometimes led to violent
clashes, such as in Doklam in neighboring Bhutan. The CCP, the
aggressor, has deliberately forced Tibetans to move into Nepali,
Bhutanese, and Indian Territory in the high Himalayas in an effort to
move border markers further south.
What is your appraisal of ongoing border tensions between the CCP
and the Himalayan countries, including Nepal?
Answer. The PRC has indeed encroached on its neighbors in the
Himalayas, including in Bhutan as you noted in 2017 on the Doklam
Plateau. Regarding the border with Nepal, although there have been
allegations reported in local media, we have found no evidence of PRC
encroachment. Nevertheless, if confirmed, I would resolutely support
Nepal's territorial integrity and sovereignty.
Question. What role can the U.S. play in supporting Nepal, Bhutan,
and India in resisting CCP encroachment?
Answer. The United States must stand for territorial integrity
throughout the world. Nepal is no exception. If confirmed, I would
determinedly support its territorial integrity and sovereignty.
Question. Nepal lies directly on the border with CCP-occupied
Tibet. Tibetan refugees in Nepal live under movement restrictions while
there are reports of Nepali security officials engaging in sexual
violence against refugees. These conditions are deplorable and support
CCP propaganda.
Are you aware of the changes to U.S. policy toward Tibetan refugees
in Nepal that Congress passed in recent years, including my
Tibetan Policy and Support Act?
Answer. I am aware of the Tibetan Policy and Support Act, and I
thank Congress for its support of the Tibetan people. If confirmed, I
would work to support the rights of Tibetan refugees in Nepal and would
use all the tools at our disposal to do so.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to implement these policies
toward Tibetan refugees?
Answer. If confirmed, consistent with the Tibetan Policy and
Support Act, I would urge the Government of Nepal to provide legal
documentation to long-staying Tibetan residents in Nepal. This
documentation is necessary for Tibetan refugees to more fully
participate in Nepali society and the Nepali economy, and I would
engage the Government of Nepal to fully promote this policy. I would
also make use of the generous assistance that Congress provided in the
Act to promote and preserve Tibetan culture and language and to build
the resilience of Tibetan communities in Nepal.
Question. If confirmed, will you raise the issue of Tibetan
refugees with the Nepali Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I vow to raise the issues affecting Tibetan
refugees with the Government of Nepal.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dean R. Thompson by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how would you work to counter Chinese
misinformation about the MCC and U.S.-Nepalese relations more broadly?
Answer. If confirmed, I would clearly articulate that the U.S.
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact is an electricity and
roads project that will bring revenue to Nepal and help the Nepali
people. More broadly, I would work to counter PRC disinformation and
demonstrate to the Nepali people and government that the United States
is a partner that operates transparently and values Nepal's sovereignty
and independence.
Question. In your view, what does the MCC Compact mean for the
people of Nepal? If confirmed, how would you demonstrate the value and
purpose of the MCC Compact?
Answer. The MCC electricity-and-roads project will strengthen
Nepal's economic and energy independence, providing thousands of jobs
and millions of dollars in revenue annually to the people of Nepal. If
confirmed, I would champion the MCC electricity-roads project through
every step of the implementation phase and highlight the economic
benefits that Nepal will receive from the building of electricity lines
and roads to export its energy to other parts of South Asia.
Question. Are there ways we should respond if China were to
undertake more aggressive attempts at economic coercion against Nepal?
Answer. We see China's attempts to coerce Nepal. If confirmed, I
would work with my Embassy team to use our foreign policy tools to show
China's propaganda efforts and help Nepalis be resilient to Chinese
mis- and disinformation. Our economic developmental support for Nepal,
which is carried out in a transparent, collaborative fashion, helps
Nepal strengthen its own foundation of national sovereignty and
independent decision-making. Our developmental support includes the
$500 million MCC electricity-roads project and $659 million in USAID
development assistance. We also engage the U.S. private sector--
including the newly formed American Chamber of Commerce in Nepal--to
increase trade with Nepal and improve the business environment.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Yohannes Abraham by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What will be your top priorities in Jakarta, should you
be confirmed? What role does ASEAN play in the Biden administration's
Indo-Pacific Strategy and in U.S. policy towards Asia broadly?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to implement the Administration's
Indo-Pacific strategy, with a focus on supporting our commitment to a
free and open Indo-Pacific, one where countries and individuals are
able to make independent decisions free from coercion. With a
commitment to a rules-based order and an economically vibrant,
youthful, and growing population, ASEAN plays a critical role in the
Biden administration's Indo-Pacific Strategy. A strong and independent
ASEAN will be a key partner in addressing shared challenges, seizing
emerging opportunities, and advancing our shared interests. If
confirmed, I will look to build on ongoing, whole-of-government efforts
to support ASEAN centrality and the ASEAN-led regional architecture,
while building ASEAN's capacity to act on its interests and deliver
meaningful solutions to the region's most pressing challenges.
Strengthening ASEAN's own capacity will increase our ability to
work together on a range of critical shared opportunities and
challenges, including the tragic and disturbing crisis in Burma, the
PRC's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea, health security,
energy and climate issues, and the economic prosperity of our combined
one billion people.
If confirmed, I will also prioritize ensuring the durability of our
partnership with ASEAN, specifically by building on already-strong
bipartisan Congressional support for U.S. engagement with ASEAN and
supporting people-to-people programs, including the Young Southeast
Asian Leaders Initiative.
Finally, and importantly, leading the U.S. Mission to ASEAN starts
with taking care of its people. If confirmed, supporting my team and
ensuring their safety and security would be my top management priority.
Indo-Pacific and Asia Strategy through ASEAN Centrality
Question. The Biden administration has repeatedly emphasized the
importance of developing strong relationships in the Indo-Pacific and
Asia, particularly through ASEAN, as key to American international
strategy and a rules-based order.
How do you view ``ASEAN centrality'' in regional diplomacy? How
should the United States support ASEAN centrality and how do
you plan to do that, should you be confirmed?
Answer. Given our shared commitment to the rules-based
international order, I believe that a strong and independent ASEAN is
essential to the regional architecture of the Indo-Pacific, and that
our partnership with ASEAN is essential to maintaining a free and open
Indo-Pacific. It is in the national security interests of the United
States for ASEAN to be strong, prosperous, united, and well-equipped to
withstand coercive activity.
If confirmed, I will work to build on ongoing, whole-of-government
efforts to build ASEAN's own capacity to act on a range of shared
interests. If confirmed, I will also work to ensure the United States
and our interests are robustly represented in ASEAN forums, and I will
ensure that we continue to work bilaterally and multilaterally to
strengthen critical partnerships in the region.
Indo-Pacific Economic Framework
Question. Seven members of ASEAN have joined President Biden's
Indo-Pacific Economic Framework as the U.S. works to counter the malign
influence of China's economic coercion in the region.
How will you, if confirmed, support these negotiations? How does
IPEF fit into our broader economic diplomacy in the region?
Answer. Economic engagement with the Indo-Pacific broadly, and
ASEAN specifically, is critical to advancing our economic prosperity
and national security interests, as well as those of our allies and
partners. This year, President Biden launched the Indo-Pacific Economic
Framework (IPEF), aimed at enabling the U.S. and our allies and
partners to deepen our economic engagement, drive inclusive prosperity
in the United States and throughout the Indo-Pacific, and set the rules
on critical 21st century economic challenges and opportunities. The
framework is the President's signature economic initiative in the
region, and complements ongoing economic engagement with ASEAN, APEC,
the Quad, and bilateral efforts.
If confirmed, I would work closely with Congress, my bilateral
colleagues across the region, and my colleagues in Washington to
achieve high-ambition outcomes in the discussions under each pillar of
IPEF. I would do so by seeking to understand the perspectives of my
counterparts in Jakarta and working with my interagency colleagues on
ways to achieve both American and partner objectives.
Coordination with Allies on Security Initiatives
Question. The QUAD, composed of Japan, Australia, India, and many
of our other allies and partners, including South Korea and European
nations, are heavily focused on security in the region as we counter
Chinese aggression.
What opportunities are there for U.S. coordination with allies and
partners, such as these nations, on ASEAN development and
security initiatives? How, if confirmed, do you plan on working
with your U.S. diplomatic colleagues in the region to pursue
these opportunities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my diplomatic
colleagues in the region to promote regional connectivity amongst our
allies and partners, a tenet of the United States Indo-Pacific
Strategy. I believe that significant opportunities exist to advance our
interests, as well as those of our allies and partners, through greater
regional connectivity and cooperation. The Quad--a partnership based on
values--shares our commitment to democracy, peace, security, and
prosperity in the region. The Quad seeks to support and build on our
longstanding multilateral partnerships and recognizes ASEAN centrality
as a main pillar of regional engagement. In the Joint Vision Statement
that leaders adopted at the U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit in Washington,
D.C., the U.S. and ASEAN welcomed the support extended by ASEAN
Dialogue Partners through various initiatives, including the Quad
Vaccine Partnership. The Quad has also announced a new initiative on
maritime domain awareness that will benefit ASEAN nations. If
confirmed, I will look to foster and facilitate cooperation between
ASEAN and the Quad, and I will also work with others, including
European partners, on other areas of possible collaboration. I will do
so by working closely with my counterparts in Jakarta--both those from
ASEAN nations and those from other partners and allies--to see if
flexible groupings can help accomplish shared objectives.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Yohannes Abraham by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, how will you advocate for the continued
promotion and protection of internationally-recognized human rights in
ASEAN member countries?
Answer. As I said in my opening statement, a critical component of
advancing our interests is standing up for our values. President Biden
has said that human rights are a vital interest of this
administration's foreign policy. If confirmed, I will not hesitate to
raise issues of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law with my
counterparts, including as we work to address the worsening political
and humanitarian crises in Burma. If confirmed, I will support ASEAN in
continuing to restrict Burma's representation at senior-level ASEAN
events, and I will work with colleagues and counterparts around the
region on ways to increase pressure on the regime to change its
calculus.
In addition, the United States has numerous ongoing training and
development programs to advance respect for human rights in Southeast
Asia. For example, the Mission's public diplomacy section designed an
in-person workshop for women human rights defenders from all ASEAN
member states, plus Timor-Leste, that will occur in Thailand in August
2022. If confirmed, I will continue supporting the efforts of regional
human rights defenders, and I will ensure that the team at our Mission
continues to diligently monitor the human rights situation across
Southeast Asia. I appreciate Congressional attention to this issue and
look forward to close consultations.
Question. Within the ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights, there is a
priority area of cooperation that says, ``Take initiative with a
preventive approach in addressing humanitarian issues, including public
health emergencies, with regional and international humanitarian
consequences and impacts on human rights.'' If confirmed, please detail
any possible steps you could take to advance this particular tenet of
the declaration within ASEAN nations.
Answer. I believe that taking a preventative approach to
humanitarian issues and public health emergencies is critical to our
national security and that of the ASEAN member states. If confirmed, I
would ensure that the United States continues to work closely with
ASEAN member states and the Secretariat's disaster response authorities
to plan for, prepare for, and respond to both natural and man-made
disasters. If confirmed, I will also advocate for strong U.S.
humanitarian support for the peoples of ASEAN in times of crisis, and I
would work closely with USAID, the coordinator for international
disaster assistance efforts. If confirmed, I will look to advance
programs that build the capacity of our allies and partners to prepare
for the next disaster, including by strengthening the ASEAN
Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance and supporting disaster
risk reduction programs implemented by our bilateral Missions in ASEAN
member states.
COVID-19 has reminded us all that pandemics know no borders, and we
must work together to prevent and respond to public health emergencies.
If confirmed, I would prioritize building on U.S.-ASEAN Health Futures,
including by supporting the CDC's efforts to enhance pan-respiratory
disease surveillance in the region and USAID's support for the ASEAN
Public Health Emergency Coordination System, which will improve
regional cooperation and information-sharing on public health
emergencies.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout the U.S. mission to ASEAN?
Answer. It is my understanding that the U.S. Mission to ASEAN staff
is a talented, dedicated group. I also understand that, like many
workplaces around the world, pandemic-related restrictions have taken a
toll on the team and their families. Strict lockdowns in Indonesia
prevented in-person schooling for the children of the Mission's
personnel, and other lockdown regulations altered or halted the regular
rhythms of social and professional engagement.
I understand that Indonesia is beginning to lift those lockdowns
and related restrictions and that travel has opened back up again. If
confirmed, ensuring the health and well-being, both physical and
emotional, of the Mission's personnel would be a top priority. If
confirmed, I will look for creative ways to boost morale and will
prioritize supporting the team and their families as they work to
promote our interests.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at the U.S. mission
to ASEAN?
Answer. Morale is a critical driver of both the well-being of the
USASEAN team and their ability to advance America's interests. As such,
if confirmed, I would take as my duty the stewardship of the team's and
their families' morale. Morale can never be too high, and I will
continuously prioritize improving it.
If confirmed, I will listen to the team. I will work with the
Deputy Chief of Mission to understand their perspectives, their
aspirations, their ideas, and their frustrations. I would then work to
build systems, structures, and norms that would help bolster and
maintain the team's sense of community and devotion to our core
mission.
The ASEAN Mission is co-located with Embassy Jakarta, and if
confirmed, I would seek to work with, and learn from, State and USAID
leadership at Embassy Jakarta to help build morale.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at the U.S. mission to ASEAN?
Answer. I believe it is critical for a team to have a clear sense
of what they are working for and what they are working toward, and, if
confirmed, I will prioritize creating a unified mission and vision at
the U.S. Mission to ASEAN. If confirmed, I will start by listening to
those already at the U.S. Mission to ASEAN to understand their current
priorities and perspectives, and I will make sure to clearly
communicate the Administration's strategic priorities and the Mission's
role in furthering them.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe teams operate best when leaders are willing to
listen to, learn from, and empower those they are charged to guide. My
management style is centered on communication, empowerment, and
camaraderie. I believe my job as a manager is to set clear expectations
and priorities; to remove obstacles to success; to procure and provide
the tools and resources necessary for the team to succeed; and to make
sure the team is operating in an environment that breeds trust,
respect, and partnership.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I do not believe it is ever acceptable to berate
subordinates in any setting. If confirmed, I commit to providing a
safe, respectful, and professional working environment for all Mission
personnel.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The relationship between an ambassador and a Deputy Chief
of Mission is critical to the success of the team. If confirmed, I will
prioritize ensuring this relationship is rooted in trust. If confirmed,
I will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to serve as the team's chief
operating officer, and I will regularly seek her counsel and look to
make maximum use of her experience and expertise.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to
serve as the team's chief operating officer, relying on her knowledge
of Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth functioning
of the U.S. Mission to ASEAN. I would also regularly seek her counsel
on the full range of leadership, management, and policy issues the
Mission faces.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I believe it is critical to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
recognize their good work, encourage professional development, and
reward those who most successfully advance the interests of the
country. Meaningful, thoughtful feedback also conveys that a manager
cares for their employees. EERs are particularly important for foreign
service employees, as they directly impact their career trajectory and
promotions. If confirmed, I will ensure that Mission leadership
prioritizes accurate, constructive feedback, including through the EER
process, and I will lead by example.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Feedback is critical. It directly fuels performance and
morale. Managers owe their teams regular, thoughtful feedback. If
confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, accurate, and direct
feedback to employees in order to recognize their good work, encourage
professional development, and reward those who most successfully
advance the interests of the country.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
ASEAN nations. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Diplomacy requires engagement, and in my opinion, there can
never be enough engagement with the communities in which we serve,
within the bounds of prudent health and security measures. If
confirmed, I will encourage the U.S. Mission to ASEAN team to conduct
outreach, make contacts, and spend time outside of the Mission, within
the bounds of my commitment to their health and safety. If confirmed, I
would do so by leading by example, making it a priority to engage
outside of the Mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Regional
Security Officer to maximize the ability of Mission employees to spend
time outside the Mission, directly interacting with local populations,
within the bounds of prudent health and security measures. If
confirmed, I would work closely with Ambassadors and USAID Mission
Directors in our bilateral Missions in ASEAN member states to build on,
and learn from, their experience reaching local populations, including
traveling jointly, when possible. Better accessing local populations
also means employing creative tactics. If confirmed, I would work with
the public affairs team and others across the bilateral missions of
each ASEAN member state to ensure we are reaching key audiences in a
strategic way.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in ASEAN
nations?
Answer. Public diplomacy is of critical importance to our strategic
interests in ASEAN, and I understand the public diplomacy environment
to be well suited for active U.S. engagement. While each nation is
unique, the youth of Southeast Asia are overall eager to engage with
America, as are the businesses of the region. If confirmed, I would
work to expand and strengthen the relationship between our peoples,
businesses, civil society, and governments. If confirmed, I will also
be cognizant, with insight from the public affairs teams, of the
challenges in certain environments. Important voices in some ASEAN
member states are subject to human rights abuses; discrimination; and
limitations on freedom of speech, the press, and assembly. The ease or
difficulty of conducting public affairs programs ranges from country to
country, and even from city to city. If confirmed, I will rely on
public affairs professionals to provide me with the insights I need to
be effective.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. I understand the COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for
public diplomacy programming across ASEAN member states, although many
initiatives have continued by shifting online. As COVID-19 restrictions
continue to ease, I will seek to expand our in-person public diplomacy
efforts, within the bounds of my commitment to the health and safety of
Mission staff.
In addition, as I understand it, U.S. spending on public diplomacy
in ASEAN nations is dwarfed by that of the People's Republic of China
(PRC). If confirmed, I will seek to ensure our public diplomacy
resources are sufficient to successfully combat PRC disinformation, as
well as Russian disinformation, while ensuring high quality programming
that makes good use of those resources.
Some civil society contacts in Southeast Asia, including emerging
voices and established leaders, are at risk of arrest, harassment, or
imprisonment, particularly citizen journalists and human rights
defenders. Each ASEAN member state has a different environment with
varying degrees of challenges that affect outreach initiatives. If
confirmed, I will to rely on Mission staff for the insights I need to
understand the variety of challenges within the region.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to learn and draw from the local
expertise of the U.S. Mission to ASEAN team. The team has a crucial
role in formulating public diplomacy programs and messages. I
understand that the Mission public affairs team has developed relations
with counterpart teams located in all ten ASEAN member states, and that
they are well networked in the Department. If confirmed, I will rely on
their valuable insights, and I will seek their counsel to ensure we are
calibrating our efforts appropriately for regional audiences. I will do
so in a way that is appropriately coordinated with the Department,
under the policy direction of the Secretary, such that we can best
advance our strategic interests.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by anomalous health incidents reported
by U.S. Government personnel, including Embassy personnel and their
family members. I agree we must take these reported incidents seriously
and ensure that our workforce receives the care and support they need
and deserve. If confirmed, I would have no higher priority than the
health, safety, and security of the U.S. Mission to ASEAN staff and
their families.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to the U.S. mission to ASEAN personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as I can to
mission personnel not only about anomalous health incidents, but other
issues as well. If confirmed, I commit to regularly sharing new
information on this issue, consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations. If confirmed, I commit to doing everything in
my power to protect the health and safety of our team members and their
families.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. In my capacity as the Chief of Staff and Executive
Secretary of the National Security Council (NSC) Staff, I have been and
will continue to be briefed on anomalous health incidents. If
confirmed, I commit to receiving additional relevant briefings,
including to learn any best practices in the event Mission staff or
their families report an incident.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintain detailed records of the
incident, and share the information with the State Department and other
embassies to contribute to the investigation of how these attacks are
affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the world.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, my top priority would be ensuring the safety
and security of U.S. Mission to ASEAN personnel. If confirmed, I will
prioritize improving and maintaining the morale of the team, and I
wholeheartedly commit to talking as openly as I can to mission
personnel not only about anomalous health incidents, but other issues
as well. I believe that transparency will have a positive impact on
morale. If confirmed, I commit to doing everything in my power to
protect the health and safety of our team members and their families.
They will know that this is a priority of mine both from my words and
my actions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Yohannes Abraham by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. The CCP is fostering closer economic ties with ASEAN, and
its military is seeking to negotiate access agreements with ASEAN
countries. Last month, we saw an official ceremony giving the People's
Liberation Army control of the Ream Naval facility in Cambodia. The PLA
is continuing to increase its military-to-military relations with
Thailand and Burma.
Is CCP engagement with ASEAN a threat to the United States? Please
explain.
Answer. The next 10 years will be the decisive decade in the
competition between the United States and People's Republic of China
(PRC). The United States has a positive, affirmative vision for ASEAN
and the region, rooted in common interests, opportunities, and
challenges. At the same time, I am clear-eyed that coercive and
nontransparent activity by the PRC, such as its actions in the South
China Sea, pose a challenge to that vision. If confirmed, I will
continue to support our allies and partners in ASEAN in upholding
regional stability and the rules-based international order. I will also
encourage regular communication and coordination with ASEAN on
addressing common security concerns, including the PRC's increasingly
provocative activities in the South China Sea and the Mekong.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party pose a threat to the
United States? Please explain.
Answer. The most serious long-term challenge to the rules-based
international order, which is a source of stability and opportunity for
the United States and for countries around the world, is the People's
Republic of China (PRC). The next ten years will be the decisive decade
in the competition between the United States and the PRC. This
challenge will define the coming decades and will shape the kind of
world we leave behind. If confirmed, I will help advance the Biden-
Harris administration's comprehensive, whole-of-government strategy to
compete responsibly with the PRC while highlighting our shared,
positive, affirmative vision with allies and partners.
Question. If confirmed, how will you encourage greater military
cooperation between the U.S. and ASEAN?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of Defense to
deepen U.S. security engagement with ASEAN, including through the
annual ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM+). If confirmed, I
will also encourage regular communication and coordination with ASEAN
states on upholding freedom of navigation and promoting adherence to
international law in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will also
work with the U.S. Coast Guard to support robust implementation of
their announced plan to expand maritime cooperation, training, and
capacity-building in Southeast Asia, including by prioritizing the
transfer of decommissioned cutters to coastal ASEAN nations to increase
their maritime law enforcement capacity and promote a free and open
Pacific.
If confirmed, I will also support ongoing U.S. cooperation with
ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and member states to enhance
regional and country-level resiliency against terrorist attacks; share
best practices in countering terrorism and violent extremism; develop
national action plans; and build capacity to counter terrorist
activities, networks, and travel.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your participation at
ASEAN fora to raise concerns about the consequences of the PLA
establishing a military presence in the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use my platform to raise concerns
regarding the impact that an expanded PRC military presence in the
region would have on regional security. The PRC has shown a pattern of
offering opaque, nontransparent deals. If confirmed, I would raise
concerns about these sorts of arrangements, including specifically
raising concerns about the Ream Naval Base. I would also raise
concerns, publicly and privately, about the PRC's actions in the South
China Sea and how they threaten ASEAN member states' livelihoods, food
security, biodiversity, and energy security. If confirmed, I will also
support whole-of-government U.S. efforts to bolster effective maritime
governance and security capabilities in the South China Sea, including
through improving the effectiveness of defense and maritime law
enforcement agencies.
Question. For most of its history, ASEAN has followed what it calls
the ``ASEAN way,'' where decisions are made by consensus and individual
members refrain from commenting on the internal affairs of other
members. Last year, we saw nine of ASEAN's ten members break with this
tradition by signing a statement condemning the military coup in Burma.
Is ASEAN's Burma statement a sign of the group's greater willingness to
hold members accountable to minimum basic standards of democracy and
human rights?
Answer. ASEAN continues to call for the regime to swiftly implement
the Five-Point Consensus, cease violence, release all unjustly detained
prisoners, and allow unhindered humanitarian access. If confirmed, I
intend to continue our close consultations with ASEAN, including
efforts to press Burma to implement the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.
Their continued alignment on Burma is important, as are the precedents
they have set in dealing with Burma since last year's coup; if
confirmed, I would look to build on both. More broadly, if confirmed, I
will pursue whole-of-government efforts to build ASEAN's own capacity
to take meaningful action on other human rights and humanitarian
issues.
Question. On what other issues do you believe ASEAN members are
willing to work together to hold individual members accountable?
Answer. ASEAN member states share a mutual interest in maintaining
peace and stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and respect for
international law including freedoms of navigation and overflight, and
other lawful maritime activities, including in the South China Sea. If
confirmed, I will encourage ASEAN members to hold each other
accountable to these and other shared interests.
If confirmed, I will also encourage ASEAN and ASEAN members to lift
their voices on key global issues. In the wake of Russia's unprovoked
further invasion of Ukraine, many ASEAN members supported the immediate
response from the U.N. General Assembly that condemned Russia's
actions. At the U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit, ASEAN leaders endorsed the
principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty as they relate to
Ukraine. If confirmed, I will seek to build on this foundation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Yohannes Abraham by Senator Todd Young
Question. Do you believe that ASEAN has maximized its power with
regards to Burma, both in response to the genocide against the Rohingya
and last year's coup?
Answer. ASEAN has taken a number of steps in the wake of last
year's coup in Burma, including restricting Burma's participation in
high-level meetings to a non-political representative and pressing for
the regime to swiftly implement the Five-Point Consensus, cease
violence, release all unjustly detained prisoners, and allow unhindered
humanitarian access. That said, more can and should be done. If
confirmed, I will work with colleagues and counterparts around the
region on ways to increase pressure on the regime to implement the Five
Point Consensus, change its calculus, and return Burma to a path to
multiparty democracy.
While some ASEAN members have voiced concerns regarding the
military's brutal attacks on Rohingya, it is also clear that more
should be done to hold the military accountable and support Rohingya
refugees in the region. If confirmed, I will encourage ASEAN members to
undertake focused action to address the genocide against the Rohingya.
Question. What steps do you believe ASEAN can take, especially with
Cambodia as the current chair, to exert pressure on the junta, and how
will you seek to clarify U.S. policy on need to restore the duly
elected government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with ASEAN to maintain
their alignment around the need for swift implementation of the Five-
Point Consensus, as well as the precedent they set in not seating a
political representative from the regime in key leader-level meetings.
If confirmed, I will encourage ASEAN members to exert further pressure
on the military regime. If confirmed, I will also encourage ASEAN
members to meet with the NUG and other representatives of the pro-
democracy movement, and I will leverage my platform to promote accurate
information about regime activities in the information space. If
confirmed, I will use public and private forums to make clear that the
United States condemns the military's actions and urges the military
regime to reverse course; release all those unjustly detained,
including democratic political leaders, labor leaders, journalists,
civil society advocates, and foreign citizens; allow unhindered
humanitarian access; and engage in meaningful dialogue that
acknowledges the will of the people of Burma, and not the will of a
handful of military leaders and those that benefit financially from
them.
Question. As we face serious competition with China, our goal in
the Indo-Pacific should be to bolster economic relationships, reduce
the region's dependence on Chinese exports, and provide security-
related commitments. How to you plan to provide the support needed to
help ASEAN leaders maneuver in the face of a rising China?
Answer. We are in the decisive decade as it relates to the
strategic competition with the PRC. The United States has a positive,
affirmative vision for ASEAN and the region, rooted in common
interests, opportunities, and challenges. At the same time, I am clear-
eyed about the challenge that the PRC poses to our vision. If
confirmed, I will work with ASEAN to ensure it is in the driver's seat
in its relationship with the PRC.
If confirmed, I will continue orienting U.S.-ASEAN engagement
around deepening our longstanding cooperation, pursuing new avenues of
dialogue, investing in our countries, driving inclusive prosperity in
this critical region, and upholding the rules-based international
order. As an example, if confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Coast
Guard to support robust implementation of their announced plan to
expand maritime cooperation, training, and capacity-building in
Southeast Asia, including by prioritizing the transfer of
decommissioned cutters to coastal ASEAN nations to increase their
maritime law enforcement capacity and promote a free and open Pacific.
Question. How do you expect to be involved in trade relations to
bolster our economic commitments in the region?
Answer. Economic engagement with the Indo-Pacific broadly, and
ASEAN specifically, is critical to advancing our economic prosperity
and national security interests, as well as those of our allies and
partners. This year, President Biden launched the Indo-Pacific Economic
Framework (IPEF), aimed at enabling the U.S. and our allies and
partners to deepen our economic engagement, drive inclusive prosperity
in the United States and throughout the Indo-Pacific, and set the rules
on critical 21st century economic challenges and opportunities. If
confirmed, I would work closely with Congress, my bilateral colleagues
across the region, and my colleagues in D.C. to achieve high-ambition
outcomes in the discussions under each pillar of IPEF.
In addition to IPEF, the United States has advanced our trade
relationship with the ASEAN economic ministers through the 2006 ASEAN-
United States Trade and Investment Framework Arrangement, a United
States Trade Representative-led forum. Through this forum, the U.S.
Government engages closely with ASEAN to advance cooperation in the
areas of labor, environment, trade facilitation, intellectual property
standards, the digital economy, competition, agriculture,
biotechnology, transparency, and good regulatory practices, among other
issues. If confirmed, I will support this forum and continue to
strengthen our economic relationships with ASEAN by engaging with a
broad array of stakeholders. I look forward to deepening economic
engagement between the U.S. and ASEAN, if confirmed.
Question. Does the Administration envision providing greater market
access to ASEAN countries? If not, what are the meaningful benefits we
hope to provide ASEAN countries to counter what China is proposing, via
initiatives such as RCEP?
Answer. President Biden has been clear about his commitment to
deepen our economic relationships with our partners in the Indo-Pacific
region. For example, through IPEF, the Administration will pursue trade
facilitation and close collaboration on supply chain resilience, as
well as the creation of a common set of rules, including in the digital
economy. Working together to write the rules of the road in a way that
is good for American workers, as well as for the people of the region,
will create opportunities to deepen our economic engagement that is
meaningful and beneficial for all involved. In addition to deepening
our economic engagement, the Administration is partnering with ASEAN
and ASEAN nations on a range of other shared interests and challenges.
These mutually beneficial efforts address meaningful issues and help
strengthen our partnership.
If confirmed, I would work closely with Congress, colleagues around
the Administration, and my counterparts in the region to deepen our
mutually beneficial partnership with ASEAN and ASEAN nations across a
range of issues, including by supporting progress on IPEF negotiations
and other economic initiatives.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Richard Lee Buangan by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. If you are confirmed, what will be your priorities in
Ulaanbaatar? What is the current status of the U.S. bilateral
relationship with Mongolia?
Answer. Our bilateral relationship with Mongolia is strong and
growing stronger. If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. policies and
initiatives that support Mongolia's democratic institutions, civil
society, and open market economy, and which promote our shared values
in areas such as respect for human rights and the rule of law. I will
work to increase economic and trade ties between our two countries,
support efforts to continue expanding Mongolia's already impressive
U.N. peacekeeping operations capability, and I will strive to help
Mongolia rebuild its aging infrastructure and begin the transition to a
clean energy future.
Question. Corruption and human rights remain issues of significance
in Mongolia. How do you plan to approach Mongolia's leadership on these
key problems?
Answer. My understanding is that Mongolia generally respects human
rights, but we do have concerns about criminal libel laws, governmental
corruption, crimes involving violence or threats of violence targeting
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or intersex persons, and
forced child labor. If confirmed, I commit to lead the U.S. Embassy in
Ulaanbaatar to consistently address these issues at all appropriate
levels within Mongolia's government and civil society, and I personally
will ensure frank and candid conversations with Mongolia's senior
decision makers on taking steps to strengthen their commitment to
addressing corruption and human rights issues.
Question. How do you plan to approach the issue of reliance on
their economies and energy security, and what opportunities exist for
the United States to strengthen our bilateral relationship?
Answer. I share your concern, and if confirmed, I will prioritize
programs and assistance designed to help Mongolia diversify its economy
and energy sources and achieve energy independence from Russia and the
PRC. If confirmed, I will strive to help Mongolia strengthen its aging
energy infrastructure and begin the transition to a clean energy
future.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Richard Lee Buangan by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Mongolia remained on Tier 2 for its ongoing efforts to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking but did not adequately do so
in a few key areas, including failing to appropriately identify male
victims and appropriately penalize child sex traffickers. How will you
work with the Mongolian Government to address these issues if you are
confirmed as Ambassador?
The office of the Ambassador-at-Large to monitor and combat
trafficking in persons plays a key role in assisting regional
Ambassadors in promoting anti-trafficking work. Please
describe, in detail and with concrete steps, how you can work
with the Ambassador-at-Large to improve Mongolia's anti-
trafficking work in country.
Answer. If confirmed, as Ambassador, I will be committed to working
closely with the Ambassador-at-Large to improve Mongolia's anti-
trafficking efforts. It is my understanding that, overall, the
Mongolian Government has taken positive steps to combat trafficking. If
confirmed, I will work with Mongolian officials to continue their
efforts to increase investigations, prosecutions, and convictions--
particularly of labor cases; create specialized trafficking prosecutor
positions; and increase victim identification and protection.
Furthermore, I will strive to ensure full implementation of the $5.5
million Child Protection Compact.
Question. In 2019, the U.S. and Mongolian Government entered a
Child Protection Compact Partnership to increase Mongolia's anti-
trafficking work. Can you please provide your assessment of the
progress made thus far in this compact?
Answer. It is my understanding that the Compact has helped Mongolia
improve its anti-trafficking work, including through the recent
establishment of Mongolia's first anti-trafficking Multidisciplinary
Task Force, the creation of child-friendly spaces in police stations,
and by providing significant training to law enforcement officials.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, governmental and societal respect for religious freedom
in Mongolia was generally lacking, including increased registration
difficulties for various faith groups, negative public sentiment about
``foreigners'' and other behaviors. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Governments of the United States and Mongolia share
deeply rooted values, including respect for freedom of religion or
belief. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage religious groups and
government authorities to work together to ensure respect for religious
freedom. I will ensure U.S. Embassy officials continue to discuss
religious freedom concerns with the highest levels of the Mongolian
Government and that we meet regularly with religious leaders.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Mongolia was noted as having several significant human rights abuses,
including serious government corruption and forced child labor. It was
noted the Government did take some steps to address these issues. If
confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. My understanding is that Mongolia generally respects human
rights, but we do have concerns about criminal libel laws, governmental
corruption, crimes involving violence or threats of violence targeting
LGBTQI+ persons, and forced child labor. If confirmed, I commit to lead
the U.S. Embassy in Ulaanbaatar to consistently address these issues at
all appropriate levels within Mongolia's Government and civil society,
and I personally will ensure frank and candid conversations with
Mongolia's senior decision makers on taking steps to address corruption
and human rights issues.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. policies and initiatives
that support Mongolia's democratic institutions, civil society, and
open market economy, and which promote our shared values in areas such
as respect for human rights and rule of law. In particular, I will work
with civil society organizations to develop and foster a culture of
volunteerism and philanthropy in order to encourage civic participation
and strengthen the Mongolian people's faith in their democratic
institutions.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Mongolian Government?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to personally raising
human rights issues with the Mongolian Government.
State Department Manangement And Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Ulaanbaatar?
Answer. I understand that morale has been good despite the
challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and Ulaanbaatar's isolated
location, traffic concerns, and high pollution. The Embassy hosts a
growing number of agencies--including MCC, USAID, DoD, Treasury, and
Peace Corps--and the country team maintains high levels of
collaboration and teamwork.
If confirmed, I will lead Mission Mongolia by example and
prioritize taking care of our people and their families.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Ulaanbaatar?
Answer. Given the overall high morale at Mission Ulaanbaatar,
specific issues remain that could be improved. For example, if
confirmed, I will work with our Embassy management team and Overseas
Building Operations (OBO) to support quick progress on construction of
a new Embassy compound to replace the current outdated and cramped
facility. Additionally, we will work with the Office of Overseas
Schools to seek continuous improvement to the International School of
Ulaanbaatar to ensure a widening of educational opportunities for U.S.
Government dependents based in Mongolia.
If confirmed, I will prioritize taking care of our people and their
families. I will personally take a strong interest in the welfare and
wellbeing of our Mission colleagues and lead with purpose to inspire
pride in our work. I will also ask the Embassy's senior leaders and
section chiefs to prioritize work-life balance and professional
development for both American and Locally Employed staff.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Ulaanbaatar?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with and
empowering the country team to ensure we maintain high levels of
collaboration and teamwork. It will be a priority for me to communicate
frequently and broadly to the Embassy workforce, as well as host
periodic town halls and community-wide events to synchronize our
efforts. I will encourage all employees to familiarize themselves with
key aspects of our vision documents, particularly the Integrated
Country Strategy and Mission Resource Request.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in being an inclusive manager and encouraging
everyone to perform to the best of their abilities. I integrate
coaching and mentoring as part of my leadership ethos. Open
communication and active listening are a central part of my management
style. I encourage information sharing and collaboration, especially
across the USG interagency represented at the Embassy. I also believe
in fostering a diverse and inclusive working environment so everyone
can feel valued as part of the community. As our work normalizes and
adjusts post-pandemic, I believe in ensuring our teams have the right
tools to work collaboratively, in person or virtually. If confirmed, I
look forward to learning from the experiences and perspectives of the
Mission Ulaanbaatar team.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I am strongly opposed to berating mission employees, either
in public or private. If confirmed, I will treat all members of the
Mission Ulaanbaatar community with respect and dignity. When State
Department performance reviews are required, I will conduct these with
the goal of recognizing strong performance and helping every member of
the team realize their potential. Our people are our most important
asset, and if confirmed, I will do everything in my power to support
and encourage our personnel to be the best they can be.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As an inclusive manager, if confirmed, I will strive to
build a close, consultative relationship based on mutual respect that
will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) to ensure the smooth
functioning of Mission Ulaanbaatar. I will hold myself accountable for
ensuring my DCM has the right information and resources to do their job
effectively as a senior member of the Embassy team. I will also provide
appropriate professional development and growth opportunities to
prepare my DCM for higher positions of responsibility in future
assignments.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my DCM's knowledge of
Department policies and procedures to ensure that Mission Ulaanbaatar
is well-run and appropriately resourced to achieve our foreign policy
priorities. I will also appropriately delegate and empower my DCM to
make decisions to ensure efficient Embassy operations that prioritize
results and taking care of our people.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. I believe that accurate, constructive feedback is important
at all levels, and if confirmed, I will be forthright with my staff
because honesty and transparency foster strong relationships and help
to establish clear performance expectations. This means recognizing and
rewarding those who are succeeding in their roles, as well as providing
constructive feedback to help all employees develop the skills needed
to achieve their potential. I will hold myself and my team to the
highest standards and ensure we are accountable at all levels.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I believe that accurate, constructive feedback is
important at all levels. If confirmed, I will provide clear, accurate,
and direct feedback to my staff because honesty and transparency foster
strong relationships and help to establish clear performance
expectations. This means recognizing and rewarding those who are
succeeding in their roles, as well as providing constructive feedback
to help all employees develop the skills needed to achieve their
potential. I will hold myself and my team to the highest standards and
ensure we are accountable at all levels.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Mongolia. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Given the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic around the
world, it has been exceptionally tough for U.S. diplomats to get
outside the Embassy walls and engage with local actors. However, over
the course of my foreign service career, I have continually been
impressed by the way U.S. diplomats strive to develop a deep knowledge
and understanding of the countries in which we serve. The most
successful diplomats engage directly with the community, learn the
local cultures and languages, and get to know a wide range of people.
Such relationships are critical to our work advancing U.S. priorities
overseas and managing bilateral ties.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage members of Mission community
to engage with host country nationals. Mongolia is a vast country with
a rich history that has undergone significant democratic and economic
development over the past 30 years. It is important that we get out and
meet people in all parts of the country, listen to their stories, and
understand the diverse challenges and opportunities they face, from the
rapidly growing capital to the rural countryside.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Mongolia?
Answer. It is my understanding that there is a vibrant and active
public diplomacy environment in Mongolia. If confirmed, I will work to
expand and strengthen our already very strong people-to-people ties,
which are deep and form the basis of our strategic partnership.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. It is my understanding that our public diplomacy efforts in
Mongolia prioritize building media literacy and supporting efforts to
counter disinformation, particularly from Russia and the PRC. The
continuous stream of disinformation is a challenge to our public
diplomacy efforts, but we use our programs and messages to continually
demonstrate the United States' respect for Mongolian culture, identity,
democracy, and independence.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission
Ulaanbaatar to understand and support the Mission's crucial role in
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. Our staff on the
ground in Mongolia bring an incredible range of expertise and local
insight to the Mission. If confirmed, I will ensure that our public
diplomacy professionals in Washington and Ulaanbaatar continue to work
closely together, and that we draw on that local expertise to ensure
our global public diplomacy messages are relevant and effective for our
Mongolian audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents affecting government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, the
health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their family members,
and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Ulaanbaatar personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to ensuring all reported
incidents at Embassy Ulaanbaatar are treated seriously and quickly
reported through the appropriate medical and investigatory channels,
and to sharing information to the extent permitted by applicable law
and investigatory procedures.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members around the world. If confirmed, I commit to seeking additional
briefings at the appropriate classification levels before my departure
to post and learning how I can best protect all Embassy personnel and
their family members and respond to any future incidents.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, I commit to sharing information to the extent
permitted by the Rehabilitation Act and other applicable laws.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. In the event an anomalous health incident (AHI) is
reported, I will do everything possible to ensure that anyone affected
receives immediate and appropriate attention and care and that the
incident is reported through appropriate channels. I would keep the
Mission informed to the extent permitted by law. I understand there is
an extensive, ongoing interagency investigation to identify the
possible causes of AHIs, and I am committed to supporting this
investigation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Richard Lee Buangan by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Since emerging from the shadow of communism more than 30
years ago, Mongolia's young democracy has followed a ``Third Neighbor''
policy, where it seeks close relations with the United States to
counter the influence of its two immediate neighbors: China and Russia.
If Mongolia is dominated by the CCP's influence, is that a threat to
U.S. interests? Please explain.
Answer. If confirmed, my goal as Ambassador will be to strengthen
Mongolia's independence, and to support the Mongolian people in
building a strong, resilient democratic system and a prosperous,
private sector-driven economy that can play a constructive role in the
international community and withstand pressure or coercive actions from
the People's Republic of China. I believe it is not in the interest of
either the Mongolian people or the United States for an outside force
or country to intimidate or threaten Mongolia.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party pose a threat to the
United States? Please explain.
Answer. As Secretary Blinken said in May, the PRC is the only
country with both the intent to reshape the international order and,
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
power to do it.
We are prepared to work together with Beijing where our interests
intersect, where it is essential for global peace and prosperity and to
keep lines of communication open.
Question. Can Mongolia's third neighbor policy serve as a model for
other countries susceptible to foreign influence from Russia and China?
Answer. It is my understanding that through its ``Third Neighbor''
policy, the people and Government of Mongolia seek to develop strong
ties with the United States and the West while maintaining a balanced,
cordial relationship with Russia and the PRC. This pragmatic foreign
policy has served Mongolia for decades, and it may be a model for other
countries susceptible to pressure from Russia and the PRC.
Question. If so, what should the U.S. do to be a good ``third
neighbor'' to these countries?
Answer. Much like what we do in Mongolia, I believe the United
States could pursue policies that support democracies in the Indo-
Pacific by strengthening their democratic institutions, civil society,
and free press as well as promote open market economies. We must also
remain true to promoting fundamental values in areas such as respect
for human rights, religious freedom, and rule of law.
Question. Despite this Third Neighbor Policy, Mongolia remains
economically dependent on Russia and China for most of its imports and
exports. I, along with other Senators on this committee, have
cosponsored the Mongolia Third Neighbor Trade Act to chip away at this
dominance. In your assessment, would the Mongolia Third Neighbor Trade
Act reduce Mongolian dependence on the Russian and Chinese economies?
Answer. I welcome the role the Congress plays in helping to provide
our Indo-Pacific allies and partners, including Mongolia, with
resources and tools to diminish the dependency these countries have on
Russia and the PRC. If confirmed, I would support efforts to help the
Mongolian people build a prosperous economy, capable of withstanding
pressure from its authoritarian neighbors.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support enhancing
economic ties between our two countries?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize enhancing economic ties
between our two countries by seeking opportunities to promote foreign
direct investment in Mongolia, stressing the importance of full
implementation of the U.S.-Mongolia Agreement on Transparency in
Matters Related to International Trade and Investment; supporting the
activities and programs of Millennium Challenge Corporation, the U.S.
International Development Finance Corporation and USAID; and working
closely with AmCham Mongolia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Marie C. Damour by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Fiji was upgraded to Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking but making significant
efforts to do so. Areas where Fiji could improve include increasing
services to sex trafficking victims and increasing convictions. How
will you work with the Fijian Government to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. As I understand, U.S. Embassy Suva did significant outreach
to the Fijian Government to address issues raised the Trafficking in
Persons Report. If confirmed, I will continue with our outreach efforts
to help Fiji improve its anti-trafficking efforts, including by helping
the Government to find methods to improve the effectiveness anti-
trafficking trainings provided to law enforcement, immigration, labor,
and other officials, as well as ensuring effective implementation of
the recently created case management mechanism to improve the provision
of victim services.
Question. The office of to monitor and combat trafficking in
persons plays a key role in assisting Ambassadors in promoting anti-
trafficking work. Please describe how you can work with the office to
improve Fiji's anti-trafficking work in country.
Answer. The Department's Trafficking in Persons Report provides
concrete recommendations for improving Fiji's anti-trafficking work. If
confirmed, I will ensure U.S. Embassy Suva will work with Department
colleagues to find more efficient and effective methods, including
reviewing successful ones used in other countries, that may be imported
and replicated in Fiji.
Question. What concrete steps can you, if confirmed, take with your
mission to help Fiji improve its anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with U.S. Embassy Suva to
actively engage with the Fijian Government, civil society, and the
private sector to address the concrete recommendations made in the
Department's Trafficking in Persons Report and to build a more
effective anti-trafficking strategy.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, highlighted concerns regarding strict COVID-19
restrictions on religious worship in Fiji. What is your assessment of
this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Department of State monitors reports of abuses and
discrimination against all individuals based on religious identity,
practice or believed, worldwide. The United States continues to support
freedom of religion, including bundled rights such as freedom of
expression, assembly, and association, including during the COVID-19
pandemic. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for religious
freedom and encourage government authorities to work closely with civil
society, including members of religious groups, in order to ensure
respect both for freedom of religion or belief as well as for public
health guidelines.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to
address these instances with the host government?
Answer. As a global policy, the U.S. Government advocates for
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
commit to lead the U.S. Embassy Suva to consistently address these
issues at all appropriate levels within Fiji's Government and civil
society, and I personally will ensure frank and candid conversations
with Fiji's senior decision makers on taking steps to strengthen their
commitment to addressing freedom of expression, including for the
media.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct U.S. Embassy Suva employees to
continue to work with civil society partners in Fiji to raise
awareness, highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for
human rights in Fiji.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Fijian Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising human rights issues with
the Fijian Government.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, there were highlighted concerns regarding the lack of
religious tolerance and pluralism in Kiribati. What is your assessment
of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Kiribati constitution provides for freedom of
conscience (including religion), expression, assembly, and association.
If confirmed, I will regularly engage civil society, including members
of religious communities, and, along with the Ambassador-at-Large, will
advocate for religious freedom and respect for the rights of all with
the Kiribati Government.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Kiribati was noted as having several significant human rights abuses,
including credible report of criminalization of consensual sexual
activity between men, although the law was not enforced, and child
labor. If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address
these instances with the host government?
Answer. As a global policy, the U.S. Government advocates for
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
commit to lead U.S. Embassy Suva to consistently address these issues
at all appropriate levels with the Kiribati Government and civil
society.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct U.S. Embassy Suva employees to
continue to work with civil society partners in the Kiribati to raise
awareness, highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for
human rights in Kiribati.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Government of Kiribati?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising human rights issues with
the Kiribati Government.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Nauru had no reports of societal actions affecting
religious freedom but only concerns about lack of registration of some
religions due to COVID-19 restrictions. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Department of State monitors reports of abuses and
discrimination against all individuals based on religious identity,
practice or believed, worldwide. The United States continues to support
freedom of religion, including bundled rights such as freedom of
expression, assembly, and association, including during the COVID-19
pandemic. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for religious
freedom and encourage government authorities to work closely with civil
society, including members of religious groups, in order to ensure
respect both for freedom of religion or belief as well as for public
health guidelines.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Nauru
was noted as having several significant human rights issues included
credible reports of censorship and the existence of criminal libel
laws. If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address
these instances with the host government?
Answer. As a global policy, the U.S. Government advocates for
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
commit to lead U.S. Embassy Suva to consistently address these issues
at all appropriate levels within Nauru's Government and civil society,
and I will ensure frank and candid conversations with Nauru's senior
decision makers on taking steps to strengthen their commitment to
addressing freedom of expression, including for the media.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct U.S. Embassy Suva employees to
continue to work with civil society partners in the Nauru to raise
awareness, highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for
human rights in Nauru.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Government of Nauru?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising human rights issues with
the Nauru Government.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Tonga was downgraded to Tier 2 for not fully meeting the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but is making
significant efforts to do so. Areas where Tonga could improve include
developing victim identification procedures and take steps to
appropriately identify victims. Particularly it is concerning that
Tonga has not prosecuted or convicted any traffickers since 2011. How
will you work with the Tongan Government to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed and once borders are open with Tonga, I plan
to deploy U.S. personnel to engage in outreach efforts to help the
Tongan Government understand the importance of this issue and work with
them to improve gaps in their anti-trafficking efforts as identified in
the Department's Trafficking in Persons Report. I understand U.S.
Embassy Suva deployed a very effective outreach program to the Fijian
Government in 2020 on this issue to explain the importance of this
matter. I plan to replicate this successful outreach program with
Tongan Government officials.
Question. The office of to monitor and combat trafficking in
persons plays a key role in assisting Ambassadors in promoting anti-
trafficking work. Please describe how you can work with the office to
improve Tonga's anti-trafficking work in country.
Answer. The Department's Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report
provides concrete recommendations for improving Tonga's anti-
trafficking work. U.S. Embassy Suva will work with Department
colleagues, especially from the TIP Office, to find more efficient and
effective policies, including by reviewing successful methods used in
other countries that may be imported and replicated in Tonga.
Question. What concrete steps can you, if confirmed, take with your
mission to help Tonga improve its anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with U.S. Embassy Suva to
actively engage with the Tongan Government, civil society, and the
private sector to address the concrete recommendations made in the
Department's Trafficking in Persons Report and to build a more
effective anti-trafficking strategy.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Tonga has a mix of religious groups but the Forum of
Church Leaders only includes Christian leaders. What is your assessment
of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Department of State monitors reports of abuses and
discrimination against all individuals based on religious identity,
practice or believed, worldwide. The United States continues to support
freedom of religion, including bundled rights such as freedom of
expression, assembly, and association, including during the COVID-19
pandemic. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for religious
freedom and encourage government authorities to work closely with civil
society, including members of religious groups, in order to ensure
respect both for freedom of religion or belief as well as for public
health guidelines.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Tonga
was noted as having several significant human rights issues included
credible reports of serious government corruption and the existence of
law criminalizing consensual same-sex sexual conduct between adults. If
confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. As a global policy, the U.S. Government advocates for
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
commit to lead U.S. Embassy Suva to consistently address these issues
at all appropriate levels within Tonga's Government and civil society.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct U.S. Embassy Suva employees to
continue to work with civil society partners in the Tonga to raise
awareness, highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for
human rights in Tonga.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Government of Tonga?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising human rights issues with
the Government of Tonga.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, there were reports of restrictions on non-state
religion and lack of religious pluralism and tolerance in Tuvalu. What
is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will
you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Department of State monitors reports of abuses and
discrimination against all individuals based on religious identity,
practice or believed, worldwide. The United States continues to support
freedom of religion, including bundled rights such as freedom of
expression, assembly, and association, including during the COVID-19
pandemic. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for religious
freedom and encourage government authorities to work closely with civil
society, including members of religious groups, in order to ensure
respect both for freedom of religion or belief as well as for public
health guidelines.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Tuvalu was noted as having several significant human rights issues
including credible reports of existence of laws criminalizing
consensual same-sex sexual activities between men, although the laws
were not enforced. If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue
to address these instances with the host government?
Answer. As a global policy, the U.S. Government advocates for
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
commit to lead the U.S. Embassy Suva to consistently address these
issues at all appropriate levels within Tuvalu's Government and civil
society.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct U.S. Embassy Suva employees to
continue to work with civil society partners in the Tuvalu to raise
awareness, highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for
human rights in Tuvalu.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising human
rights issues with the Government of Tuvalu?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising human rights issues with
the Government of Tuvalu.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Suva?
Answer. My understanding is morale in Fiji has been good under the
leadership of Charge Greubel after U.S. Embassy Suva weathered a
difficult 2020. I don't know any specifics, but like many of our
missions overseas, employees in the Fiji faced the full gamut of COVID-
19 mitigation protocols, quarantine requirements, and travel
disruptions due to COVID-19 restrictions. If confirmed, I would
prioritize the health, safety, security, and morale of all employees in
the Mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Suva?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
senior leadership team to understand and address any issues affecting
morale. I prioritize the care of my team, both American and local
staff, to ensure they have the tools to succeed in the workplace. The
challenges of COVID-19 over the last two years have underscored the
very real need to care for our people. It is a privilege to lead such a
dedicated group of individuals, and I am committed to creating an
inclusive workplace environment that puts the safety and well-being of
our teams first.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Suva?
Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to the experienced
staff and personnel to learn from their experiences and perspectives. I
will work with my senior staff to develop a shared vision of Mission
priorities. I will clearly communicate the foreign policy priorities of
this administration and facilitate regular conversations with both
American and local staff to ensure clear communication and
coordination.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I am an inclusive manager. I find that teams work best when
you take care of them. This means you actively listen to them to
understand their needs and find ways to support them so they can be
successful at their jobs.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates, either
publicly or privately. If confirmed, I will commit to treat all members
of the Mission Suva community with respect and dignity. I believe in
helping my team understand their areas of development and their areas
of strength. Our people are our most important asset, and if confirmed,
I will do everything in my power to support and encourage our personnel
to be the best they can be.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I have an inclusive leadership style, and I expect to have
a collaborative relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission built on
mutual respect. I will look to empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to
ensure Mission Suva functions smoothly.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my Deputy Chief of Mission to
navigate the Department's policies and procedures to ensure we are
properly resourced to achieve our foreign policy objectives.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. It is imperative to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performance in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles. If
confirmed, I will commit to fostering an open and inclusive environment
where employees will receive both the support and candid feedback they
deserve to help them achieve their peak performance capabilities.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. To ensure all employees can achieve their highest level of
performance, they must receive clear, accurate, direct, and regular
feedback. If confirmed, I will strive to build strong relationships
with them, which entails clear and transparent communication about
expectations. High achievers should be recognized and rewarded. All
employees should expect and demand the opportunity to develop the
skills necessary to achieve their potential.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
the Pacific Islands. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of
our Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Suva faces some unique challenges because it
covers five countries from our physical location in Suva. The pandemic
closed international borders and adversely impacted our ability to
visit to each of the countries our mission covers. If confirmed, I will
prioritize getting our people regularly back out in the field to all
five of the countries covered by U.S. Embassy Suva.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Pacific islanders highly value in-person interactions. For
that reason, it is imperative to get our staff out in the field as
often as possible to interact with the local populations. If confirmed,
I will work with mission members to get out into the field, including
all five of our countries, to ensure we are reaching all of the local
populations to the best of our ability.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Pacific Islands?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to expand and strengthen the
people-to-people ties between the United States and the Pacific Island
countries. While our Pacific neighbors gravitate toward us based on
common values and shared history, we cannot take those factors for
granted. Younger age groups on Pacific Islands may not have the same
memory of World War II as older generations do. The People's Republic
of China (PRC) is actively engaging in-person in many of the countries
where we are not physically present, including Kiribati and Tonga. We
need to continue to strengthen our ties to the region, including the
promotion of a broad range of interests based upon our shared values of
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Diaspora ties are also
highly important between the United States and Pacific Island
countries.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Pacific societies place high value on face-to-face
contacts, which has been nearly impossible for many Pacific Island
countries during the pandemic. When diplomats show up in person, it not
only shows U.S. commitment to engaging more with Pacific Island
countries, it also builds up the personal contacts and networks that
are vital for advancing American interests with Pacific partners.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. As I understand it, U.S. Embassy Suva has a crucial role in
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. The Public Affairs
Section (PAS) has a staff of Americans and Pacific Islanders who
provide expertise and local insight. There are many areas where PAS
works directly with different offices and bureaus at Main State. For
example, the PAS Press Section handles all relations between the
Embassy and the local media. It also coordinates with other missions in
the region and Main State on high-level visits or issues which attract
international attention (such as the recent seizure of the Russian
superyacht Amadea). PAS works closely with Main State on such
initiatives as Fulbright, Sports Diplomacy, and the Young Pacific
Leaders Program.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. If
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, the
health, safety, and security of Embassy Suva staff, their family
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Suva personnel?
Answer. The health and safety of my staff is my top priority. If
confirmed, I will commit to ensuring all reported incidents at U.S.
Embassy Suva are treated seriously and quickly reported through the
appropriate medical and investigatory channels. I will ensure that any
affected individuals receive prompt access to treatment and medical
care. Moreover, I will ensure that they receive our support and
empathy. If confirmed, I will also commit to work closely with medical
staff and the Regional Security Office at Embassy Suva to discuss any
past reported incidents (if any), openly communicate with Mission
personnel, and ensure that all protocols are being closely followed.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes. We had an anomalous health incident in Vietnam and
later had a Town Hall meeting with the Department. If confirmed, I
commit to receiving a briefing on the incidents before departing for my
post. Nothing is more important than the health and safety of our
Mission personnel and, if confirmed, I will do my upmost to understand
the conditions under which my Mission operates and to facilitate clear
communication with Mission members.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, in the event of an anomalous health incident among my
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, I would commit to
maintain detailed records of the incident and to the extent permitted
by law share information with other offices and bureaus within the
State Department to contribute to the investigation of how these
attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the world.
Nothing is more important than the health and safety of our Mission
personnel and their families.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. It is incumbent upon leadership to establish and maintain
trust with the Embassy community. We build trust by maintaining the
lines of communication, by listening to the concerns of our community
members, and addressing those concerns as openly and clearly as
possible.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Marie C. Damour by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. This year, we saw the CCP sign a security pact with the
Solomon Islands, which gives it access to deploy its military in a
position that threatens U.S. and allied military facilities. In May,
the PRC tried to negotiate a sweeping trade and security agreement with
ten further nations. Fortunately, this broke down, but the CCP will
undoubtedly try again. The reasons for this are clear--in a future
confrontation with CCP, the U.S. will need facilities in the region to
resupply and re-fit our troops, and Beijing's security pact would
prevent this. Is CCP engagement in the Pacific Islands a threat to U.S.
interests? Please explain.
Answer. Our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific excludes no
nation. We welcome contributions to regional development, so long as
countries adhere to high standards, including in areas such as
transparency, rule of law, sustainable financing, social and economic
safeguards, and respect for the autonomy of development aid recipients.
However, as the PRC's involvement in the region has grown, we have seen
a range of increasingly problematic behaviors, including its assertion
of unlawful maritime claims and the ongoing militarization of disputed
features in the South China Sea, predatory economic activities
including illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, and
investments that undermine good governance and promote corruption.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party pose a threat to the
United States? Please explain.
Answer. We have profound differences with the Chinese Communist
Party and the PRC Government. The PRC is the only country with both the
intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it. The
United States must defend and reform the rules-based international
order--the system of laws, agreements, principles, and institutions
that the world came together to build after two world wars to manage
relations between states, to prevent conflict, to uphold the rights of
all people. We want not just to sustain the international order that
made so much of that progress possible but also to modernize it to make
sure that it represents the interests, the values, the hopes of all
nations, big and small, from every region; and furthermore, that it can
meet the challenges that we face now and will face in the future.
Question. What were the reasons for the breakdown in talks between
the CCP and the ten pacific islands?
Answer. PRC Foreign Minister Wang Yi did not do things the
``Pacific way'' and subsequently failed to secure regional buy-in for
his agenda. For example, he did not consult with the 10 Pacific Island
nations and build consensus for the PRC's China-Pacific Island
Countries Common Development Vision and a related five-year action
plan. This is a lesson we are keeping in mind as we move forward in our
engagement with Pacific Island nations. To ensure we build the best
foundation for a common partnership, we have consulted and will
continue to consult with our Pacific neighbors.
Question. How has the U.S. fallen behind the CCP in engaging the
Pacific Island states?
Answer. For too long, the United States has relied on the goodwill
and common bonds built among our countries though the World War II
experience, but that common memory has waned, and the younger
generation is disconnected from our shared past and too many of the
younger generation have never interacted with an American. To change
this narrative we must show up, listen, provide a positive alternative
to the PRC and be visible in our programs and engagements with Pacific
Island countries.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that the CCP
does not gain a strategic foothold in the Pacific islands?
Answer. If confirmed, I will do my part to significantly deepen our
engagement in the Pacific Islands and embark on a new chapter in our
partnership--a chapter with increased American presence where we will
commit to work with the Pacific Islands in the short and long term to
address the most pressing issues that they face. Following on Vice
President Harris' speech to the Pacific Islands Forum, the United
States will begin discussions with Kiribati and Tonga on our interest
in establishing embassies in in those countries. If confirmed, I will
work with interagency partners to return Peace Corps to the Pacific
Islands and work with USAID to expand its engagement in the region.
Question. Can you give us an update on the status of the Compact
States negotiations?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has prioritized Compact
negotiations with the Freely Associated States (FAS) as a U.S. foreign
policy objective. Recognizing the urgency of completing these
negotiations, the Administration announced the appointment of
Ambassador (retired) Joseph Yun as the Special Presidential Envoy for
Compact Negotiations on March 22, 2022. Special Presidential Envoy for
Compact Negotiations Joseph Yun has held in-person or virtual meetings
with the presidents of all three FAS and has met separately with the
lead negotiators from each nation. Negotiations with the Federated
States of Micronesia continue to move forward and have recently
recommenced with the Republic of Marshall Islands. Formal negotiations
with Palau are scheduled to resume in early August. The Special
Presidential Envoy for Compact Negotiations is leading the negotiations
with the continuing support of the team composed of representatives of
relevant agencies. We look forward to reaching understandings with the
three FAS later this year on a shared vision for our strong and lasting
relationship that benefits the entire Pacific region.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 27, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:39 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
A. Coons presiding.
Present: Senators Coons [presiding], Shaheen, and Young.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider nominees for five important
positions in North Africa and Central Asia: Mr. Puneet Talwar
to be Ambassador to Morocco; Joey Hood to be Ambassador to
Tunisia; Daniel Rosenblum to be Ambassador to Kazakhstan, Dr.
Jonathan Henick to be Ambassador to Uzbekistan; and Lesslie
Viguerie to be Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic.
Thank you, all, for your service, for your willingness to
take on these roles, to your families and friends who are here
supporting you.
We are about to have two votes on the floor of the Senate.
So I apologize in advance that my ranking member today, Senator
Young, and I will each depart in order to keep this
confirmation hearing moving and yet allow us to participate in
voting on a very important piece of legislation of which
Senator Young was the leading Republican.
I understand Senator Shaheen will, first, be introducing
nominee Joey Hood.
Senator Shaheen, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member
Young. I am delighted to be here this morning to introduce Joey
Hood to this committee and want to congratulate all of the
nominees who are here this morning and thank them all for their
service to the country.
But my primary reason for being here this morning is to
introduce Mr. Hood, who is a career member of the Foreign
Service. He joined the State Department in 1998 and for the
last 25 years he has worked diligently to advance U.S.
interests around the world.
Yet, throughout his career, Mr. Hood has not shied away
from hard problems. He has worked to advance human rights in
Eritrea, to support our allies in Afghanistan and Iraq.
He has advocated for the Yazidis and the Iraqi Christians
as they were being persecuted by ISIS. So he has been willing
to take on some difficult challenges.
He has also forged strong ties with other countries and
facilitated many congressional delegations in their work
abroad. In fact, many on this committee, I know, as well as on
the Armed Services Committee may know Mr. Hood from our foreign
travel.
I had the honor of joining him at the embassy when I was in
Iraq in 2019 and he put on a very nice spread for us and really
filled us in on what was happening in Iraq at the time.
But not only is Mr. Hood a distinguished career Foreign
Service Officer, he is a native of the great state of New
Hampshire. Mr. Hood grew up in Hinsdale, New Hampshire, which
is in the western part of our state. His mother drove a school
bus and served as a substitute teacher and his father worked
for the post office in Vermont for 40 years.
He still owns a home in Keene and his children have joined
the storied New Hampshire tradition of going to summer camp at
Stonewall Farm and Camp Dakota, and I am delighted to also this
morning be able to welcome his wife, Anna, and his children,
Fiona and Henry, so who are both staying in New Hampshire.
And as someone who has dedicated his life to serving the
United States abroad, who has made the sacrifices that come
with such service, I am so honored that he still considers New
Hampshire his home and that he has raised a family who
considers themselves Granite Staters.
I urge this committee to swiftly move his nomination
forward as well as the nominations of all of those people we
are hearing from this morning. I look forward to continuing to
work with him in his new role as ambassador to Tunisia once we
do.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
I will make a brief opening statement regarding each of the
five nominees, then turn to my ranking member, Senator Young,
for his opening statement. Then we will turn to each of you in
turn for your opening statements.
Mr. Talwar, it is a pleasure chairing your confirmation
hearing to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Morocco. Our work
together has been a highlight of my public service over many
years.
Your service as Assistant Secretary of State for Political
Military Affairs makes you very well suited for serving in one
of our most important regional security partners, and I look
forward to hearing what your priorities will be for the U.S.-
Morocco relationship, if confirmed.
Mr. Hood, a Granite Stater, you have been nominated at a
critical moment for Tunisia, which is facing systemic attempts
to dismantle its fledgling democracy. The shuttering of the
parliament, the firing of judges, and the series of
constitutional changes of consolidated presidential authority
gravely concern me.
You have, as Senator Shaheen just referenced, an impressive
record of service including as Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs and I look forward to
hearing how you will respond to democratic backsliding in
Tunisia, if confirmed.
We also have three nominees before us for critical Central
Asian countries at the crossroads of influence by China and
Russia.
If I could, Ambassador Rosenblum, I welcome your
nomination, your previous experience as ambassador to
Uzbekistan. I look forward to hearing how you will help
Kazakhstan, the region's largest economy, reduce its reliance
on Russia.
Dr. Henick, I welcome your experience as Deputy Assistant
Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs. Uzbekistan is an
important regional leader and distributor of humanitarian aid,
including to Afghanistan. I look forward to hearing how you
will support Uzbekistan's desired reforms and leadership on
humanitarian aid.
And, finally, Mr. Viguerie, glad to see your nomination for
Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic, which has until recently
been known in Central Asia as one of the most democratic
countries, and I know your experience as Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Central Asia and Pakistan Affairs will be
invaluable.
I look forward to hearing how each of you will address
expanding PRC influence and, in your case, a faltering
commitment to democracy.
I will now turn to my ranking member, Senator Young of
Indiana.
STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I, too, want to thank our five nominees today for their
willingness and, in some cases, their continued willingness to
serve the United States in these important positions.
I look forward to hearing from all our nominees today on
how they will advance American leadership and interests in
these countries.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine and our collective response
have damaged its economy and demonstrated to its neighbors that
it cannot be trusted nor depended upon.
China's domestic COVID-19 response has similarly
demonstrated its unreliability as an economic partner. The
weeks-long lockdown of Shanghai showcases how the Communist
Party would prefer to jeopardize its own growth rather than
admit failure.
Through this we have a unique opportunity to showcase the
value of deepening partnerships with the United States and our
allies in resisting the draw of these authoritarian regimes.
Now is a crucial moment for the United States to embrace
the collective capabilities of our allies and partners as we
turn our attention to strategic great power competition.
If we want to succeed in this competition we must find the
best way forward to balance our interests while remaining the
partner of choice for those around the globe.
Unlike in years past, these countries have options for
economic and security partnerships. In the case of Morocco, we
have a continued partner looking to us as we make good on our
commitments. I also hope to hear how we can build upon the
success of the Abraham Accords and deepen ties between Morocco
and Israel in addition to the United States.
In Tunisia, the world is waiting to see the path it will
take as well as the impact on its people and fledgling
democratic institutions. In the case of our Central Asian
partners, Russia's unprovoked aggression has prompted a
wholesale reassessment of each country's relationships with
their neighbors and beyond.
Our task must be to enforce and uphold our standards while
recognizing unattainable goals may drive our would-be partners
to yield to the siren song of Chinese and Russian influence.
We cannot ignore the need to advance our diplomatic and
humanitarian priorities, and if our policy actions drive our
partners into the arms of Russia and China we will be
undercutting these very priorities.
Our witnesses will be approaching all of these challenges
from different perspectives, and I look forward to hearing
their views on this conversation.
Thank you again to our nominees for their willingness to
serve the United States in their respective roles. I look
forward to our discussion this morning.
Mr. Chairman?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Young.
We will now hear from each of today's nominees in the order
in which they were noticed to this committee.
Please keep your opening remarks to no more than five
minutes. Your written testimonies will be submitted in full to
the record.
First up would be Mr. Puneet Talwar.
Puneet?
STATEMENT OF HON. PUNEET TALWAR OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF MOROCCO
Mr. Talwar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the
kind words in your introduction. It has been a privilege to
know you for so long and I cherish the time that I was able to
spend in your office.
I have to say that your tenure here in the Senate has
really been a model of public service and your cooperation with
the ranking member, I think, has set the gold standard for
bipartisan cooperation.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young, who I know has had to
leave for a vote, it has been an honor. It is an honor to
return to the committee as President Biden's nominee to be the
ambassador--U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco.
I want to thank the President and Secretary Blinken for the
trust and confidence in me.
I have great respect for this committee. I have seen
firsthand your strong commitment to advancing our national
interests.
If confirmed, I look forward to consulting closely with you
and, hopefully, welcoming you when you visit.
I am joined today by my wife, Sarosh, and my sons, Haris
and Ilyas. My parents, brother, and sister are watching from
home.
Mr. Chairman, Morocco is a longstanding and valued partner.
Indeed, it was the first country to recognize American
independence. With a strategic location, Morocco is a bridge
between Europe, the Mediterranean, and Africa, regions that are
critical to American national security.
Morocco is a leader on key regional and global issues. It
is at the forefront of efforts to combat terrorism. It has
taken bold steps on the climate crisis.
Morocco is also dedicated to economic development in Africa
and last week it hosted the U.S.-Africa Business Summit.
I want to highlight Morocco's leadership on peace with
Israel. The relationship between the two countries is
blossoming. It now spans cooperation on investment, energy,
aviation, and many other areas.
Morocco was the first Arab country to sign a defense
cooperation agreement with Israel, and last week the chief of
staff of the Israel Defense Forces made a landmark visit to
Morocco.
In March, Morocco's foreign minister attended the inaugural
meeting of the Negev Forum. The vision of a warm peace that has
eluded the region for so long is finally coming into focus,
thanks to the Abraham Accords and Morocco's growing ties with
Israel.
If confirmed, I will support translating that vision into
tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary people so that
we can expand the circle of peace, something which ultimately
serves American interests.
With respect to the conflict in western Sahara, last fall
the United Nations Secretary General appointed a seasoned
diplomat, Staffan de Mistura, as his personal envoy to work
with the parties in a renewed push for peace.
He is someone I have known for many years and, if
confirmed, I will support his efforts to promote a just and
durable political solution.
Domestically, Morocco has an ambitious reform and
development agenda that emphasizes expanding the private
sector. If confirmed, I will support Morocco's reform program
and I will strongly advocate for American exports. I will also
support the advancement of human rights.
Mr. Chairman, I have been immersed in policy toward this
region for 30 years. My formative years were spent in this very
room on the benches behind you.
I have built on that experience at the National Security
Council and in a senior diplomatic position as Assistant
Secretary of State for Political Military Affairs. These roles
have given me a reservoir of directly relevant experience to
draw upon, should I be confirmed.
I would like to close with a few words about my family. I
could not have made it this far were it not for the
unconditional support and love of my wife, Sarosh, who
steadfastly supported me through the long hours I have logged
in public service. She did that even as she pursued her own
career and raised the two fine gentlemen you see behind me.
This is also an especially meaningful moment for my
parents. It is the culmination of a journey that began 60 years
ago when they took a leap of faith and left India for America
with little more than their dreams.
They sacrificed and endured a great deal so that my
brother, sister, and I would have opportunities they never had.
We are forever grateful to them.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Talwar follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Puneet Talwar
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young--it is an honor to return to the
committee as President Biden's nominee to be the United States
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco.
I want to thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their trust
and confidence in me.
I have great respect for this committee. I have seen first-hand
your strong commitment to advancing our national interests. If
confirmed, I look forward to consulting closely with you and hopefully
welcoming you when you visit.
I am joined today by my wife Sarosh and my sons Haris and Ilyas. My
parents, brother, and sister are watching from home.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young, Morocco is a long-standing and
valued partner. Indeed, it was the first country to recognize American
independence. With its strategic location, Morocco is a bridge between
Europe, the Mediterranean, and Africa--regions that are critical to
American national security.
Morocco is a leader on key regional and global issues. It is at the
forefront of efforts to combat terrorism. It has taken bold steps on
the climate crisis. Morocco is also dedicated to economic development
in Africa, and last week, it hosted the U.S.-Africa Business Summit.
I want to highlight Morocco's leadership on peace with Israel. The
relationship between the two countries is blossoming. It now spans
cooperation on investment, energy, aviation, and other areas. Morocco
was the first Arab country to sign a defense cooperation agreement with
Israel. Last week, the Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Forces made
a landmark visit to Morocco. In March, Morocco's foreign minister
attended the inaugural meeting of the Negev Forum. The vision of a
``warm peace'' that eluded the region for so long is coming into focus
thanks to the Abraham Accords and Morocco's growing ties with Israel.
If confirmed, I will support translating that vision into tangible
improvements in the lives of ordinary people so that we can expand the
circle of peace, something which ultimately serves American interests.
With respect to the conflict in Western Sahara, last fall the
United Nations Secretary-General appointed a seasoned diplomat, Staffan
de Mistura, as his Personal Envoy to work with the parties in a renewed
push for peace. He is someone I have known for many years. If
confirmed, I will support his efforts to promote a just and durable
political solution.
Domestically, Morocco has an ambitious reform and development
agenda that emphasizes expanding the private sector. If confirmed, I
will support Morocco's reform program, and I will strongly advocate for
American exports. I will also support the advancement of human rights.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Young, I have been immersed in policy
toward this region for 30 years. My formative years were spent in this
very room on the benches behind you. I built on that experience at the
National Security Council and in a senior diplomatic position as
Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs. These
roles have given me a reservoir of directly relevant experience to draw
upon should I be confirmed.
I would like to close with a few words about my family. I could not
have made it this far were it not for the unconditional support and
love of my wife Sarosh, who steadfastly supported me through the long
hours I have logged in public service. She did so even as she pursued
her own career and cared for the two fine gentlemen you see behind me.
This is also an especially meaningful moment for my parents. It is
the culmination of a journey they began 60 years ago when they took a
leap of faith and left India to come to America with little more than
their dreams. They sacrificed and endured a great deal so that my
brother, sister, and I would have opportunities they never had. We are
forever grateful to them.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Talwar.
Next, Dr. Henick?
STATEMENT OF DR. JONATHAN HENICK OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY ANDPLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN
Dr. Henick. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of this committee, I, too, am deeply
grateful for the confidence President Biden and Secretary
Blinken have entrusted in me with this nomination.
If confirmed, I will work closely with you to strengthen
bilateral relations with Uzbekistan.
I, too, would like to thank my wife and partner, Dominique
Freire, as well as my son and daughter, Oskar and Carmen.
As you know, Foreign Service families make enormous
sacrifices over the course of our careers, and I simply could
not have served our country without their steadfast support.
I am also forever in debt to my parents, Bette and Steve,
for their support and for sparking my interest in international
affairs and public service.
I regret that my father, a Marine Corps helicopter pilot
and Vietnam veteran before spending a career opening foreign
markets to U.S. commercial products, did not live to see this
day. I know that he would have been proud.
This nomination is the culmination of my lifelong interest
in this region. At university I majored in Soviet area studies
with a focus on Central Asia. I spent a semester abroad and
traveled to Uzbekistan before its independence.
When I joined the Foreign Service, I jumped at the
opportunity to do my very first overseas assignment at our
newly established embassy in Tashkent. I have also spent much
of my career working in and with this region, and I am beyond
excited at the possibility to go back, if confirmed, in this
new capacity.
Located at the heart of Central Asia, Uzbekistan is a
country rich in history with a young and growing population and
significant potential for a prosperous future.
A strong U.S. relationship with Uzbekistan has implications
that extend beyond our bilateral agenda to the other countries
of Central Asia, to Afghanistan, Turkey, and the Indo-Pacific
region.
At the core of this relationship, now just over 30 years
old, is the United States' steadfast support for Uzbekistan's
independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.
Uzbekistan has become an increasingly dynamic player in
Central Asia since adopting a broad-based program of political,
economic, and social reforms in 2016. We welcome these
developments and have partnered with Uzbekistan to implement
reforms that advance respect for human rights, foster
democratic governance, and promote equitable economic growth.
As a career diplomat, I have seen firsthand the power of
building relationships and engaging in public diplomacy, and
how this can benefit individuals and civil society.
If confirmed, I will work to continue and improve upon
already significant initiatives to strengthen Uzbekistan's
educational system and to facilitate exchange opportunities.
These impressive efforts are a testament to the
strengthening bilateral relationship between the United States
and Uzbekistan.
I will also work to expand and deepen our cooperation with
the Government of Uzbekistan to stay the course on reforms. I
will encourage the development of accountable democratic
institutions, a flourishing civil society and independent
media, the strengthening of rule of law, and the protection of
human rights for all, especially those who are most vulnerable
and marginalized, including women, religious minorities, and
LGBTQI+ persons.
Uzbekistan has also made progress modernizing its economy,
aiming to rebuild the international connections that place the
country at the center of historic trade routes. Uzbekistan's
natural resources, as well as its manufacturing and
agricultural capacity, are attracting growing interest from
American companies, including those seeking alternatives to
Xinjiang-sourced cotton.
Uzbekistan has also become a regional leader on green
economic initiatives with its ambitious plans for renewable
energy and as one of only two Central Asian countries to sign
the Global Methane Pledge. A prosperous greener Uzbekistan that
generates jobs for its people and diversifies its international
trade is very much in the interests of the United States.
As the Government continues its preparations for accession
to the World Trade Organization, I will underscore the
importance of improving the investment climate and
institutionalizing international labor standards.
I will also prioritize the expansion of the U.S. security
partnership. Uzbekistan has long been an important partner in
supporting Afghanistan stability and, if confirmed, I look
forward to strengthening bilateral and regional security
cooperation including on law enforcement matters, border
security, and counterterrorism.
Finally, I would endeavor to foster an inclusive work
environment at our embassy consistent with the Administration's
and this committee's vision of a State Department workforce
that values collegiality, teamwork, and respect.
The diversity of the American people is our greatest
strength and it is important that U.S. embassies model that
diversity, especially in places like Uzbekistan where our
values are not widely understood or, worse, are actively
misrepresented by malign actors.
If confirmed, I will seek to advance U.S. interests and
enhance our strategic partnership with Uzbekistan by
strengthening our bilateral security, people-to-people ties,
economic ties, and promoting the democratic values that we
share.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear here today. I
welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Henick follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jonathan Henick
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members of this
committee, I am deeply grateful for the confidence President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have entrusted in me with this nomination. If
confirmed, I will work closely with you to strengthen bilateral
relations with Uzbekistan.
I would like to thank my wife and partner--Dominique Freire--as
well as my son and daughter, Oskar and Carmen. As you know, Foreign
Service families make enormous sacrifices over the course of our
careers. I simply could not have served our country without their
steadfast support. I am also forever in debt to my parents, Bette and
Steve, for their support and for sparking my interest in international
affairs and public service. I regret that my father--a Marine Corps
helicopter pilot and Vietnam veteran before spending a career opening
foreign markets to U.S. commercial products--did not live to see this
day. I know that he would have been proud.
This nomination is the culmination of my lifelong interest in this
region. At university, I majored in Soviet Area Studies with a focus on
Central Asia. I spent a semester abroad and traveled to Uzbekistan
before its independence. When I joined the Foreign Service, I jumped at
the opportunity to do my very first overseas assignment at our newly
established Embassy in Tashkent. I have also spent much of my career
working in and with this region. I am beyond excited at the possibility
to go back, if confirmed, in this new capacity.
Located at the heart of Central Asia, Uzbekistan is a country rich
in history, with a young and growing population, and significant
potential for a prosperous future. A strong U.S. relationship with
Uzbekistan has implications that extend beyond our bilateral agenda to
the other countries of Central Asia, Afghanistan, Turkey, and the Indo-
Pacific region. At the core of this relationship--now just over 30
years old--is the United States' steadfast support for Uzbekistan's
independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.
Uzbekistan has become an increasingly dynamic player in Central
Asia since adopting a broad-based program of political, economic, and
social reforms in 2016. We welcome these developments and have
partnered with Uzbekistan to implement reforms that advance respect for
human rights, foster democratic governance, and promote equitable
economic growth.
As a career diplomat, I have seen firsthand the power of building
relationships and engaging in public diplomacy, and how this can
benefit individuals and civil society. If confirmed, I will work to
continue and improve upon already significant initiatives to strengthen
Uzbekistan's educational system and to facilitate exchange
opportunities. These impressive efforts are a testament to the
strengthening bilateral relationship between the United States and
Uzbekistan.
I will work to expand and deepen our cooperation with the
Government of Uzbekistan to stay the course on reforms. I will
encourage the development of accountable, democratic institutions; a
flourishing civil society and independent media; the strengthening of
rule of law; and the protection of human rights for all, especially
those who are most vulnerable and marginalized, including women,
religious minorities, and LGBTQI+ persons.
Uzbekistan has also made progress modernizing its economy, aiming
to rebuild the international connections that placed the country at the
center of historic trade routes. Uzbekistan's natural resources, as
well as its manufacturing and agricultural capacity, are attracting
growing interest from American companies, including those seeking
alternatives to Xinjiang-sourced cotton. Uzbekistan has also become a
regional leader on green economic initiatives with its ambitious plans
for renewable energy and as one of only two Central Asian countries to
sign the Global Methane Pledge. A prosperous, greener Uzbekistan that
generates jobs for its people and diversifies its international trade
is very much in the interest of the United States. As the Government
continues its preparations for accession to the World Trade
Organization, I will underscore the importance of improving the
investment climate and institutionalizing international labor
standards.
I will also prioritize the expansion of the U.S. security
partnership. Uzbekistan has long been an important partner in
supporting Afghanistan's stability. If confirmed, I look forward to
strengthening bilateral and regional security cooperation, including on
law enforcement matters, border security, and counterterrorism.
Finally, I would endeavor to foster an inclusive work environment
at Embassy Tashkent, consistent with the Administration's and this
committee's vision of a State Department workforce that values
collegiality, teamwork, and respect. The diversity of the American
people is our greatest strength, and it is important that U.S.
embassies model that diversity in places like Uzbekistan, where
American values are not widely understood or worse, are actively
misrepresented by malign actors.
If confirmed, I will seek to advance U.S. interests and enhance our
strategic partnership with Uzbekistan by strengthening our bilateral
security, people to people, and economic ties, and promoting the
democratic values we share.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear here today. I welcome
your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Mr. Viguerie?
STATEMENT OF LESSLIE VIGUERIE OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES TO THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC
Mr. Viguerie. Good morning, Chairman Coons. I am grateful
to have the opportunity to speak with you today, and thank you
for considering my nomination to serve as U.S. Ambassador to
the Kyrgyz Republic.
I would like to start by thanking my family: my wife,
Kathryn, who is here with me today, and my three children,
William, George, and Clara. They have been my support through
hardship posts, lengthy periods of separation, and frequent
moves. They have also shared with me the honor of serving our
country abroad, an honor for which I have always been deeply
grateful.
I would also like to thank all the friends and colleagues
who have supported me over my 30-year career in the Foreign
Service. Their examples showed me the best aspects of
leadership, including the importance of building strong teams
and morale, valuing diversity, and mentoring the next
generation of U.S. diplomats.
These values guide me today and, if confirmed, I will have
no higher priority than the safety and security of the embassy
community.
The United States and the Kyrgyz Republic recently marked
30 years of diplomatic relations. Much has happened in this
time. The United States has been a strong partner to the Kyrgyz
Republic from the beginning, providing generous support,
including more than $10.4 million in COVID-related aid during
the pandemic.
U.S. assistance helped Kyrgyz efforts to develop the
country's democratic institutions, its vibrant civil society,
and its independent media.
Since 1993, we have supported the American University of
Central Asia, where tens of thousands of the region's best and
brightest have received U.S. accredited degrees.
If confirmed, I will work to build on the progress of the
last three decades and ensure that our relationship fulfills
its potential.
The United States and the Kyrgyz Republic share many goals
and a mutual interest in working together to achieve them. The
Kyrgyz Republic has stated its commitment to fighting
corruption and organized crime.
In this effort, it will find no better partner than the
United States. We hope to strengthen security cooperation to
address challenges such as disaster preparedness and countering
transnational threats.
The United States is committed to supporting Kyrgyz
economic resilience, connectivity, and diversification beyond
its traditional partners by developing the country's knowledge
economy in which a thriving IT sector drives job creation and
connection to the global economy.
The Kyrgyz Republic has demonstrated environmental
leadership in Central Asia as the first in the region to join
the Global Methane Pledge.
The United States is also committed to supporting human
rights and democratic institutions in the Kyrgyz Republic.
Kyrgyzstan has a unique record in this region. We are proud of
our long-standing support for the Kyrgyz Republic's energetic
civil society and its efforts to build accountable democratic
institutions and strengthen the rule of law.
It is critical that Kyrgyz leadership safeguards the gains
made over the last 30 years and upholds media freedom, elevates
the role of civil society, protects the human rights of all its
people, including members of all minority groups, and
strengthens judicial independence.
If confirmed, I will advocate for Kyrgyz civil society and
speak out against erosion of democratic governance, corruption,
and threats to freedom of speech and association, in accordance
with the values we share with the Kyrgyz people.
For 30 years the United States has stressed our support for
the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the
Kyrgyz Republic.
If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of holding
Russia to account for its aggression in Ukraine, including the
enforcement of sanctions on Russia.
I will also advocate for Kyrgyz leadership to promote
accountability for the PRC's use of forced labor as well as its
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and
members of other ethnic and religious minority groups,
including ethnic Kyrgyz, in Xinjiang.
Mr. Chairman, there is ample potential in the U.S.-Kyrgyz
bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to
partnering with this committee and Congress to reinvigorate our
ties and achieve mutual objectives that benefit not only our
two countries but the whole of Central Asia.
Thank you again for considering my nomination and I look
forward to answering any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Viguerie follows:]
Prepared Statement of Lesslie Viguerie
Good morning, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Young, and honorable
members of this committee. I am grateful to have the opportunity to
speak with you today and thank you for considering my nomination to
serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic.
I would like to start by thanking my family, my wife Kathryn, who
is here with me today, and my three children, William, George, and
Clara. They have been my support through hardship posts, lengthy
periods of separation, and frequent moves. They have also shared with
me the honor of serving our country abroad, an honor for which I have
always been deeply grateful.
I would also like to thank all the friends and colleagues who have
supported me over my 30-year career in the Foreign Service. Their
examples showed me the best aspects of leadership, including the
importance of building strong teams and morale, valuing diversity, and
mentoring the next generation of U.S. diplomats. These values guide me
today and, if confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the safety
and security of the Embassy community.
The United States and the Kyrgyz Republic recently marked 30 years
of diplomatic relations. Much has happened in this time. The United
States has been a strong partner to the Kyrgyz Republic from the
beginning, providing generous support, including more than $10.4
million in COVID-related aid during the pandemic. U.S. assistance
helped Kyrgyz efforts to develop the country's democratic institutions,
its vibrant civil society, and its independent media. Since 1993 we
have supported the American University of Central Asia, where tens of
thousands of the region's best and brightest have received U.S.-
accredited degrees. If confirmed, I will work to build on the progress
of the last three decades and ensure that our relationship fulfills its
potential.
The United States and Kyrgyz Republic share many goals and a mutual
interest in working together to achieve them. The Kyrgyz Republic has
stated its commitment to fighting corruption and organized crime. In
this effort it will find no better partner than the United States. We
hope to strengthen security cooperation to address challenges such as
disaster preparedness and countering transnational threats. The United
States is committed to supporting Kyrgyz economic resilience,
connectivity, and diversification beyond its traditional partners, by
developing the country's knowledge economy, in which a thriving IT
sector drives job creation and connection to the global economy. The
Kyrgyz Republic has demonstrated environmental leadership in Central
Asia as the first in the region to join the Global Methane pledge. Our
countries share an interest in solving the climate crisis and can do
much together to reduce emissions and build our ability to respond to
the impacts of climate change.
The United States is also committed to supporting human rights and
democratic institutions in the Kyrgyz Republic. The Kyrgyz Republic has
a unique record in the region. We are proud of our longstanding support
for the Kyrgyz Republic's energetic civil society and its efforts to
build accountable, democratic institutions and strengthen the rule of
law. It is critical that Kyrgyz leadership safeguards the gains made
over the last 30 years and upholds media freedom, elevates the role of
civil society, protects the human rights of all its people, including
members of all minority groups, and strengthens judicial independence.
If confirmed, I will advocate for Kyrgyz civil society and speak out
against erosion of democratic governance, corruption, and threats to
freedom of speech and association, in accordance with the values we
share with the Kyrgyz people.
For 30 years the United States has stressed our support for the
sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Kyrgyz
Republic. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of holding
Russia to account for its aggression against Ukraine, including the
enforcement of sanctions on Russia. I will also advocate for Kyrgyz
leadership to promote accountability for the PRC's use of forced labor
as well as its genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and
members of other ethnic and religious minority groups--including ethnic
Kyrgyz--in Xinjiang.
Mr. Chairman, there is ample potential in the U.S.-Kyrgyz bilateral
relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with this
committee and Congress to reinvigorate our ties and achieve mutual
objectives that benefit not only our two countries, but the whole of
Central Asia.
Thank you again for considering my nomination and I look forward to
answering any questions you might have.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Viguerie.
STATEMENT OF HON. DANIEL N. ROSENBLUM OF MARYLAND, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN
Ambassador Rosenblum. Thank you. Good morning, Chairman
Coons.
I am honored to be here today as the President's nominee
for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan, and I am
pleased that my wife, Sharon, and son, Jonah, are with me as
well.
The journey that led me here started in the Cleveland
suburb of Middleburg Heights, Ohio. My mother was a teacher who
modeled the values of respect, empathy, and tolerance. My
father worked for 30 years as a NASA scientist while, in his
spare time, organizing a grassroots movement to advocate for
the rights of Soviet Jews.
My parents' example inspired me to pursue a career in
public service and international affairs. I studied Russian
history, language, and literature as an undergraduate and later
pursued a master's degree in Soviet studies.
In between, I worked for and was inspired by an outstanding
public servant, Senator Carl Levin of Michigan. He took this
chamber's oversight role seriously and in that spirit, if
confirmed, I look forward to collaborating closely with the
U.S. Congress and particularly with the members of this
committee to promote U.S. interests and values in our
relationship with the Republic of Kazakhstan.
In my four years as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Central Asia and currently as Ambassador to Uzbekistan, I have
often been asked why the United States cares about this region.
What U.S. national interests are served by devoting time,
attention, and resources to these faraway countries?
My answer is straightforward. We care because what happens
there directly affects the security of the United States and
its citizens.
We want these countries to develop as stable, prosperous,
and friendly U.S. partners because we know that if they do not
we will pay the price here at home.
At the same time, it is not in our long-term security or
economic interest for a single power to dominate this region.
We are much better off having mutually beneficial relations
with a diverse group of sovereign countries, both big and
small, in Eurasia and Central Asia.
The Government and people of Kazakhstan have appreciated
America's steadfast support for their independent sovereignty
and territorial integrity since 1991.
My goal, if confirmed, will be to partner with the
Government and people of Kazakhstan to ensure that they remain
free to determine their own policies and chart their own
future.
After centuries under the rule of external powers and 30-
plus years now as citizens of an independent nation, the people
of Kazakhstan understand full well why the principles of
sovereignty and territorial integrity are critical to the
maintenance of a stable international order.
If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of holding
Russia accountable for its aggression against Ukraine. I will
also advocate that Kazakhstan promote accountability for the
PRC's atrocities against Uighurs and members of other religious
and ethnic minority groups, including a million and a half
ethnic Kazakhs living in Xinjiang.
Mr. Chairman, the U.S.-Kazakhstan bilateral relationship is
already strong. If confirmed, I hope to deepen and broaden it
even further in ways that not only benefit our two countries
but the whole of Central Asia.
Kazakhstan has long been a leader in efforts to better
integrate the five Central Asian nations. If confirmed, I will
continue to seek new ways to promote such regional cooperation
including through the C5+1 diplomatic platform.
My number-one priority, if confirmed, will be to ensure the
safety and health of my embassy and consulate teams as well as
any and all American citizens in Kazakhstan.
I also intend to make it a priority to, first, deepen our
security and law enforcement partnership to pursue our shared
goals in the region including countering terrorism and other
transnational threats; second, to encourage Kazakhstan to
implement the sweeping reforms it initiated in the wake of
serious civil unrest in January.
It is critical that Kazakhstan's leadership live up to its
pledges to uphold media freedom, elevate the role of civil
society, strengthen judicial independence, and protect the
fundamental rights and freedoms of all its people.
And, third, to increase people-to-people interactions and
expand our economic, educational, scientific, and cultural
ties. Nothing will help solidify the foundations of a U.S.-
Kazakhstani partnership more than creating strong connections
between the people of our two nations.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I pledge to work closely with
you to support America's growing strategic partnership with
Kazakhstan.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Rosenblum follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Daniel N. Rosenblum
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of this committee, I
am honored to be here today as the President's nominee for U.S
Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan.
The journey that led me here started in the Cleveland suburb of
Middleburg Heights, Ohio. My mother was a teacher who modeled the
values of respect, empathy, and tolerance. My father worked for 30
years as a NASA scientist, while, in his spare time, advocating for the
rights of Soviet Jews. My parents' example inspired me to pursue a
career in public service and international affairs, and taught me to
embrace diversity, equity, inclusiveness, and access, because society
is richer, and organizations are more effective when everyone
participates.
I studied Russian history, language, and literature as an
undergraduate, and later pursued a master's degree in Soviet Studies.
In between, I worked for and was inspired by an outstanding public
servant: Senator Carl Levin of Michigan. He took this chamber's
oversight role seriously, and in that spirit, if confirmed, I look
forward to collaborating closely with the U.S. Congress--and
particularly with the members of this committee--to promote U.S.
interests and values in our relationship with the Republic of
Kazakhstan.
In my four years as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Central
Asia, and currently as U.S. Ambassador to Uzbekistan, I have often been
asked why the United States cares about this region. What U.S. national
interests are served by devoting time, attention, and resources to
these faraway countries? My answer is straightforward: we care because
what happens there directly affects the safety and security of the
United States and its citizens. We want these countries to develop as
stable, prosperous, and friendly U.S. partners because we know that, if
they don't, we will pay the price here at home.
At the same time, it is not in our long-term security or economic
interests for a single power to dominate this region. We are much
better off having mutually beneficial relations with a diverse group of
sovereign countries, both big and small, in Europe, Eurasia and Central
Asia. The Government and people of Kazakhstan appreciate America's
steadfast support for their sovereignty since 1991, when we were the
first to recognize their independence. My goal, if confirmed, will be
to partner with the Government and people of Kazakhstan to ensure that
they remain free to determine their own policies and chart their own
future.
After centuries under the rule of external powers, and thirty plus
years as citizens of an independent nation, the people of Kazakhstan
have a deep appreciation for the principles of sovereignty and
territorial integrity; they fully understand why these principles are
critical to the maintenance of a stable international order. If
confirmed, I will emphasize these shared values, and the importance of
holding Russia accountable for its aggression against Ukraine. I will
also advocate that Kazakhstan promote accountability for the PRC's
atrocities against Uyghurs and members of other religious and ethnic
minority groups--including ethnic Kazakhs--in Xinjiang.
The U.S.-Kazakhstan bilateral relationship is already strong. If
confirmed, I hope to deepen and broaden it even further, in ways that
not only benefit our two countries, but the whole of Central Asia.
Kazakhstan has long been a leader in efforts to better integrate the
five Central Asian nations. I will continue looking for new ways to
promote such regional cooperation, including through the C5+1
diplomatic platform.
My number one priority, if confirmed, will be to ensure the safety
and security of my Embassy and Consulate teams, as well as all American
citizens in Kazakhstan. Beyond that, I intend to make it a priority to:
Deepen our security and law enforcement partnership with Kazakhstan
to pursue our shared goals in the region, including countering
terrorism and other transnational threats.
Encourage Kazakhstan to implement the sweeping reforms it initiated
in the wake of serious civil unrest last January, and provide
technical assistance and training as needed and requested. It
is critical that Kazakhstan's leadership live up to its pledges
to uphold media freedom, elevate the role of civil society,
strengthen judicial independence, and protect the fundamental
rights and freedoms of all its people. We stand ready to
continue assisting the Government and people of Kazakhstan to
make these pledges a reality.
Broaden engagement between the citizens of Kazakhstan and the
United States by increasing people-to-people interactions and
expanding our economic and business, educational, scientific,
and cultural ties. Nothing will help solidify the foundation
for long-term U.S.-Kazakhstani partnership more than creating
and maintaining strong connections between the people of our
two nations.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if I am confirmed, I pledge
to work closely with you to support America's growing strategic
partnership with Kazakhstan. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Ambassador Rosenblum.
Mr. Hood?
STATEMENT OF JOEY R. HOOD OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF TUNISIA
Mr. Hood. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today. I want to thank Senator Shaheen for
that wonderful introduction.
I am honored by President Biden's and Secretary Blinken's
trust in me and by the support of my wife, Anne, and children,
Fiona and Henry.
If confirmed, my most important priority as ambassador
would be the safety and security of Americans living in and
visiting Tunisia. My next priority would be to help put Tunisia
on a more stable and prosperous trajectory.
A long-standing U.S. partner and major non-NATO ally,
Tunisia now finds itself suffering the global repercussions of
Putin's brutal aggression in Ukraine, grappling with rising
food prices and spiking energy prices.
Putin's war of choice has exacerbated Tunisia's economic
crisis, and quick action is needed to reverse this trajectory.
If confirmed, I would promote a vision of inclusive and
open economic growth. The Government is negotiating an
agreement with the IMF and this could be a step toward reforms
that would benefit all Tunisians.
Tunisia could also improve its investment in climate by
focusing on infrastructure and secure technology. If confirmed,
I would advocate for U.S. companies to help provide these.
As Tunisians grapple with these economic challenges they
have experienced an alarming erosion of democratic norms and
fundamental freedoms over the past year, reversing many hard-
fought gains since they overthrew a dictator in 2011.
President Kais Saied's actions over the past year to
suspend democratic governance and consolidate executive power
have raised serious questions. The United States, both on our
own and in coordination with our Group of Seven partners, has
advocated for a swift return to democratic governance.
We have urged an inclusive democratic reform process,
emphasized continued protection of fundamental freedoms, and
insisted on respect for judicial independence and rule of law.
I would continue this engagement, if confirmed, and
encourage Tunisia's leaders to rapidly reestablish a democratic
government accountable to their people.
Tunisians have made clear that their demands for greater
economic prosperity must not come at the expense of their hard-
won democracy or human rights.
I agree with that and ascribe to the Administration's view
that the U.S.-Tunisia bilateral relationship is strongest when
there is a shared commitment to democratic values, human
rights, and fundamental freedoms.
We continue to review our assistance programs to assure
that they align with our values and interests. If confirmed, I
would use all tools of U.S. influence to advocate for a return
to democratic governance and mitigate Tunisians suffering from
Putin's devastating war, economic mismanagement, and political
upheaval.
Tunisian leaders' recognition that a vibrant civil society
is a partner, not an adversary, has been a key reason for its
democratic success. Civil society has demonstrated dynamism and
resiliency in representing the aims and demands of the Tunisian
people.
If confirmed, I would continue to support civil society and
engage regularly with the Government to protect fundamental
freedoms.
I would also urge that political reforms and parliamentary
elections announced for later this year are transparent and
inclusive.
Amid this political upheaval, I understand that the
Tunisian military has remained an apolitical and professional
force that reports to civilian leaders.
If confirmed, I would work to ensure this remains the case
and look for new avenues of collaboration on U.S. security
priorities, particularly against global terrorist threats,
while further strengthening human rights protections.
The normalization of relations with Israel, including
through the historic Abraham Accords, has led to greater peace
and security in the region and deepened opportunities for
expanded economic growth and productivity.
If confirmed, I would support further efforts to normalize
diplomatic and economic relations with the State of Israel in
the region.
Thank you, Mr. Ranking Member, members of this committee,
for this opportunity.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading the team of
professionals at our embassy and working with you to advance
U.S. interests and strengthen our shared values in Tunisia.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hood follows:]
Prepared Statement of Joey R. Hood
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, thank
you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored by
President Biden's and Secretary Blinken's trust in me, and by the
support of my wife Anne and children Fiona and Henry.
If confirmed, my most important priority as ambassador would be the
safety and security of Americans living in and visiting Tunisia.
My next priority would be to help put Tunisia on a more stable and
prosperous trajectory. A long-standing U.S. partner and major non-NATO
Ally, Tunisia now finds itself suffering the global repercussions of
Putin's brutal aggression in Ukraine, grappling with rising food
insecurity and spiking energy prices. Putin's war of choice has
exacerbated Tunisia's economic crisis, and quick action is needed to
reverse this trajectory.
If confirmed, I would promote a vision of inclusive and open
economic growth. The Government is negotiating an agreement with the
IMF, and this could be a step toward reforms that would benefit all
Tunisians. Tunisia could also improve its investment in climate by
focusing on infrastructure, and secure technology. If confirmed, I
would advocate for U.S. companies to help provide these.
As Tunisians grapple with these economic challenges, they have
experienced an alarming erosion of democratic norms and fundamental
freedoms over the past year, reversing many hard-fought gains since
they overthrew a dictator in 2011. President Kais Saied's actions over
the past year to suspend democratic governance and consolidate
executive power have raised serious questions. The United States, both
on our own and in coordination with our Group of Seven partners, has
advocated for a swift return to democratic governance. We have urged an
inclusive democratic reform process, emphasized continued protection of
fundamental freedoms, insisted on respect for judicial independence and
rule of law.
I would continue this engagement, if confirmed, and encourage
Tunisia's leaders to rapidly re-establish a democratic government
accountable to their people. Tunisians have made clear that their
demands for greater economic prosperity must not come at the expense of
their hard-won democracy or human rights. I agree with that and ascribe
to the Administration's view that the U.S.-Tunisia bilateral
relationship is strongest when there is a shared commitment to
democratic values, human rights, and fundamental freedoms.
We continue to review our assistance programs to ensure they align
with our policy goals and deliver value to the American taxpayer while
preserving our long-term partnership and progress made through our past
assistance to Tunisia. If confirmed, I would use all tools of U.S.
influence to advocate for a return to democratic governance and
mitigate Tunisians' suffering from Putin's devastating war, economic
mismanagement, and political upheaval.
Tunisian leaders' recognition that a vibrant civil society is a
partner, not an adversary, has been a key reason for its democratic
success. Civil society has demonstrated dynamism and resiliency in
representing the aims and demands of the Tunisian people. If confirmed,
I would continue to support civil society and engage regularly with the
Government to protect fundamental freedoms. I would also urge that
political reforms and parliamentary elections announced for later this
year are transparent and inclusive.
Amid this political upheaval, I understand that the Tunisian
military has remained an apolitical and professional force that reports
to civilian leaders. If confirmed, I would work to ensure this remains
the case, and look for new avenues of collaboration on U.S. security
priorities, particularly against global terrorist threats, while
further strengthening human rights protections.
The normalization of relations with Israel, including through the
historic Abraham Accords, has led to greater peace and security in the
region and deepened opportunities for expanded economic growth and
productivity. If confirmed, I would support further efforts to
normalize diplomatic and economic relations with the State of Israel in
the region.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the
committee for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to leading
the team of professionals at our Embassy and working with you to
advance U.S. interests and strengthen our shared values in Tunisia. I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Young [presiding]. I thank all of our nominees for
their statements.
Mr. Rosenblum, Kazakhstan has been a steadfast partner with
the United States on a number of issues, from our use of its
space port for our astronauts to access the International Space
Station to its commitment to protect our personnel and
consulate during political unrest in Almaty.
However, Kazakhstan has thus far taken a neutral stance on
Ukraine, declining to support either side in this war of
Russian aggression.
Kazakhstan's commitment of humanitarian aid to Ukraine as
well as its additional defense spending indicate anxiety about
Russian geopolitical ambitions. This is despite continuing
military partnership per media reporting on Kazakhstan's
participation in upcoming Russian military exercises.
Sir, what steps would you take to encourage Kazakhstan to
take more decisive steps to counter Russian aggression?
Ambassador Rosenblum. Senator Young, thank you for that
question.
It will definitely be at the center of my attention, as it
is for all of us now, the effects of the war in Ukraine and the
region.
First of all, I want to say that our support, as I
mentioned in my statement, for Kazakhstan's sovereignty,
territorial integrity, and independence has been consistent and
remains strong, and that will be an organizing principle of
everything I do in Kazakhstan, if confirmed.
Secondly, we do recognize the reality of Kazakhstan's
geographical and historical and economic position in the
region. They share a 4,700-mile border with Russia. Russia is
their main trading partner, main source of investment, and that
is a reality that they have to deal with.
As you pointed out, Kazakhstan has remained neutral in the
conflict with respect to Russia's invasion of Ukraine and, at
the same time, have stated publicly and clearly that they will
not recognize the independence of the so-called Luhansk and
Donetsk Republics.
They have also stated publicly that they will do everything
in their power to not undermine the sanctions regime against
Russia and have worked very closely with us to make sure that
they do not cross that line.
And they have also said that they will not support the
deployment of any Kazakhstani troops through the Collective
Security Treaty Organization with Russian-led alliance that
they belong to--military group.
So all of those things we take as positive steps and, if
confirmed, when I go I will reinforce that, the importance of
them remaining, at a minimum, neutral and also reinforce what
the Kazakhstani leadership itself has said, which is they
recognize they are too dependent on Russia, especially for
their trade and their oil exports, and need to diversify, and
anything we can do to help them diversify we will.
Senator Young. Sir, I think you have done a very good job
of contextualizing the diplomatic and economic and other
challenges the country faces on account of its geography and
history and other factors. I do think that it is a positive.
You laid out many positives and, perhaps, that is something we
can build on as well as it relates to the situation in Ukraine.
How would you ensure further, sir, that Kazakhstan does not
fall into China's sphere of influence as it seeks closer ties
with other nations?
Ambassador Rosenblum. So, again, there are realities that
Kazakhstan faces with respect to China, and China is a very
important source of investment in their oil and gas sector, one
of their major trading partners.
At the same time, Kazakhstan practices and they publicly
declare what they call multivector diplomacy, and multivector
to them means that they have to maintain important
relationships and mutually beneficial relations with lots of
partners, not just Russia, not just China. The United States,
Europe--they want all of that to be part of the picture.
So, if confirmed, my goal would be to help them in that--in
their own goal, to reach their own goal of strengthening these
other vectors. We can do that in a number of ways, including by
promoting a better investment climate in Kazakhstan so that
more U.S. investment in business can enter and they can
diversify their trading relationships.
We can also, with respect to oil, in particular--oil and
gas--have them diversify from their heavy dependence on that
sector of their economy because it is the oil and gas that
especially ties them closely both to Russia and China, both for
export routes and, in the case of China, as a customer.
There is a number of ways that we can work on that. I am
committed, if confirmed, to doing so, and the important thing,
I think, here is that it is the Kazakhstanis' own goal. That
is, we are helping them to achieve their own goal of not being
overly dependent on their neighbors.
Senator Young. Thank you much, Mr. Rosenblum.
From one Stan to another, Mr. Henick, you have been
nominated to be our ambassador to Uzbekistan. As it relates to
the Ukraine crisis, State Department has repeatedly engaged the
Central Asian governments this year to reaffirm U.S. support
for Uzbek independence and territorial integrity as well as the
C5+1 strategic partnership.
Secretary Blinken reiterated the Administration's position
during Foreign Minister Kamilov's visit to Washington in March
while also condemning Russia's unprovoked actions in Ukraine.
I note that Tashkent registered businesses have recently
been hit by sanctions for engagement with Russian entities on
the Treasury Department's sanctions list.
If confirmed, how would you encourage our Uzbek partners to
avoid such dealings as well as take a stronger stance against
Russian aggression?
Dr. Henick. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
Uzbekistan finds itself, I think, in a very similar
situation to Kazakhstan. They do not have the luxury of simply
being able to cut off their relationship with Russia, which
remains their largest trading partner, major investor;
obviously, there are historical cultural ties.
At the same time, Uzbekistan has proven to be a strong
partner of the United States and has been sensitive to the
concerns that we have expressed, certainly, about Russian
aggression and I think, Senator, you--as you mentioned in your
opening statement, there is a reassessment going on in the
region about their relationship with Russia in light of
Russia's aggression against Ukraine.
And so we have found that we are having a productive
dialogue with the Government of Uzbekistan. I think the key,
going forward, will be to be as cooperative and transparent as
possible about the nature and the specifics of the sanctions
that we are levying, to hear from the Uzbeks about which of
these sanctions, if any, are very difficult or impossible for
them to comply with and to, when necessary, as you have pointed
out, Senator, to designate companies that are in violation of
those sanctions to send a clear message to other private sector
entities in Uzbekistan about the dangers of doing business with
Russia.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Viguerie, COVID-19 and economic sanctions have battered
the Russian economy, presenting an opportunity to encourage
Central Asian countries to rethink their relationships with
Moscow.
As their governments warm to the idea of greater regional
integration and partnerships with the U.S., the door may also
be open to exploitation by other actors, particularly China.
How would you characterize the Kyrgyz reaction to U.S.
engagement on this issue, particularly as we also call on the
host nation to respect human rights and freedom of expression?
Mr. Viguerie. Thank you for the question, Senator.
Kyrgyzstan is in an unusual position. Many of the factors
that my two colleagues outlined also hold true for Kyrgyzstan.
But in addition, Kyrgyzstan relies for about a third of its
economy on remittances from Russia. So that has a colossal
economic impact on Kyrgyzstan.
The jury is still out on how much of an influence the
Russian economic situation is going to have on those
remittances.
I take your point on China. China owns about a third or
more of Kyrgyzstan's debt so it, too, exercises a huge amount
of economic influence on the country.
The United States has been very active in engaging
Kyrgyzstan to participate in regional organizations. Some,
through our assistance, organize electrical transmission
through Karim and CASA-1000. Others support general
connectivity. There is an interest in Kyrgyzstan in pursuing
these opportunities but there is a concern in Kyrgyzstan about
their two big neighbors as well.
Thank you.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Thank you to all the nominees who have spoken to these
issues. I have learned quite a bit about that region just in
your presentations today. So thank you.
I will look forward, should you be confirmed, to working
with all of you on some of these challenges.
Mr. Talwar, as you know, I was one of the lead co-sponsors
of the Israel Normalization Act to strengthen and expand
normalization between Israel and a number of countries in the
region, including Morocco.
I was encouraged to see other countries also begin taking
baby steps toward fully integrating Israel into the regional
framework such as Riyadh's recent approval of Israeli use of
Saudi airspace for commercial overflights.
Do you consider the Abraham Accords to be a success that we
should endeavor to build upon and do you believe it is in the
United States interest to see other countries pursue
normalization with Israel?
Mr. Talwar. Senator, thanks very much for the question.
I believe that the answer is yes. I believe that the
Abraham Accords have put us on the cusp of a potentially
historic transformation in the region.
And as it relates to Morocco and Israel, that relationship
is going full bore and you have seen, literally, dozens of
memorandums of understanding signed between the two countries
in sectors ranging from agriculture to energy to supply chains.
Just yesterday there were two ministers in Rabat from
Israel who signed an agreement on judicial and legal
cooperation and, if confirmed, this is going to be one of my
highest priorities.
I think working in two dimensions, first, to help buttress
and support in any way we can and consistent with the law that
you mentioned--the Israel Normalization Act--Israel Relations
Normalization Act--to see what we can do to support the further
building out and cementing of that relationship, and then
second, there is the regional dimension that you referenced to
connect this to the Negev Forum so that we can expand the
circle of peace and so that people throughout the regions begin
to see and feel the tangible benefits of peace with Israel.
Senator Young. Thank you.
So just--so you will be encouraging, should you be
confirmed, the Moroccan Government to, in turn, encourage other
African and Middle Eastern nations to normalize relations with
Israel. Is that accurate?
Mr. Talwar. Senator, yes, that is accurate, and Morocco has
a great deal of influence. It really considers itself as a
North African country and that will be one of the things I will
work on, if confirmed.
Senator Young. Yes, sir.
Given the reality we have seen in the last two years of the
implementation and expansion of the Accords, maybe you could
speak with a little more specificity as--about the role they
might have in the political and economic development of the
region.
Mr. Talwar. Sure, Senator.
I think the next phase here, really, is to translate the
agreements that have been made into actual benefits that people
can feel so that these are not just abstract agreements sitting
out there which are negotiated in fancy rooms but actually
translate into benefits economic, first and foremost, things
that transform society and make them--improve them.
People-to-people ties, which Morocco is really a leader on,
you now have tourism booming between the two countries. Of
course, there is an historic and long-standing Jewish
community, which is very much recognized as part of the fabric
of Morocco, which stands as one of the pillars in that
relationship and there are maybe half a million Israelis of
Moroccan descent, perhaps more. So that is one dimension of it.
But to the extent that you can show benefits on the
economic front, commercially, in terms of other standards of
living that start to rise in the region because of this, I
think you will have a bandwagoning effect that will just
bolster moderates across the region.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir.
Before I move on to Mr. Hood for a short question, I just
wanted to speak to the effort to counter China through your
role, Mr. Talwar. I commend the work of the embassy and
consulate in partnering with Morocco to advance our security
and economic priorities.
With the 15th anniversary of our free trade agreement,
Morocco continues to be a strong partner in the region.
Confronting economic aggression from countries such as China
requires robust partnerships and a sound strategy.
How should the United States continue to engage Morocco to
counter China in North Africa, sir?
Mr. Talwar. Thanks very much for the question, Senator.
If confirmed, this will be a high priority for me. China is
beginning to make inroads in that region, including in Morocco,
and I think we have to keep a very close eye on that.
Morocco does not have a comprehensive strategic partnership
with Morocco, which is their highest level of relationship that
they will bestow upon some of the countries.
Nonetheless, China has been active, particularly in the
cultural space. They have three Confucius Institutes. They have
been training people through Huawei academies.
We actually do more than they do in terms of Cisco being
involved. They are training a lot of Moroccans. And they have
also--we have also been doing a lot of work through the--
recently through the Development Finance Corporation and that
is one of the most effective tools that we have to counter the
Chinese approach, which, of course, is very state centric, very
nontransparent and they are beginning to move into areas, for
example, joint ventures they have proposed in R&D, vocational
training, things of that sort.
And I think that we have to be active early on and using
the tools that Congress has provided to be able to work
effectively against them.
Senator Young. Thank you. I am glad you mentioned the
Development Finance Corporation. I, of course, am in the
presence of one of the founding fathers of that effort. That
would be Senator Coons, for the C-SPAN2 cameras.
And I am also glad you mentioned our private sector
partners. So thank you so much.
Mr. Hood, just a final question for you, sir. Seeing many
parties' boycott of the referendum on President Saied's
constitutional amendment, it appears Tunisia's democratic
institutions are at risk.
If confirmed, how would you urge President Saied's
administration to be responsive, transparent, and accountable
to the Tunisian people?
Mr. Hood. Thank you for the question, Senator.
First, I would like to thank Chairman Menendez, Ranking
Member Risch, Chairman Meeks, and Ranking Member McCaul for the
statement that they made yesterday, which was very helpful. I
will read just part of it here.
``The United States will continue to support the Tunisian
people and encourage efforts to return to a transparent and
inclusive system of democratic governance. We urge President
Saied to work constructively with all Tunisians and the state
of emergency and take steps to restore Tunisia's separation of
powers, democratic institutions, and the rule of law. ``
If confirmed, I would continue these efforts, not just
through private meetings but also through our public support to
civil society voices. One of the things that is unique about
Tunisia and the region is that it has a very vibrant civil
society and I think that is thanks due, in large part, to
support from the United States and from other partners, and we
would continue this because the voice of the people,
ultimately, in a democracy and especially in Tunisia are the
biggest levers on executive power.
And so, if confirmed, that is what I would focus on.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir. Thank you all for--once
again, for your commitment to serving our great country. I
thank your families, some of whom--some family members are
present, and I will look forward to doing some good together.
I am off to cast an important vote for a China competition
bill.
Mr. Chairman?
Senator Coons [presiding]. And I appreciate the ranking
member's recognition of my hard work with then Chairman Corker
on the DFC.
I just want to congratulate you, Senator Young, on very
hard work on a critical piece of legislation that is about to
be voted into law.
That is the single best thing we can do to strengthen
American competitiveness and innovation, to prepare us to
succeed in our global competition with China, and to make a
stronger and more creative nation likely for the next
generation.
So congratulations on what is a landmark piece of
legislation. Thank you.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir.
Senator Coons. I now look forward to one round of
questions, at the conclusion of which we will likely close this
hearing. So if there are staff of any members who are intending
to come and question, make sure that I know now because by the
agreement with the ranking member I am going to ask about five
minutes of questions and we will wrap this up unless I hear
otherwise from the staff of some committee member.
First, I have a series of questions which the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee asks of, literally, every nominee
and I note, Ambassador Rosenblum, you made reference to having
served under Senator Levin.
Yes, he would be pleased to know that we continue to
exercise a forceful oversight.
So a simple yes or no from each of the five nominees would
suffice.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. And, last, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information as
requested by this committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Coons. Wonderful. Thank you, all.
Mr. Talwar, I will start with you.
I had the opportunity to speak with the President on my way
back from the floor vote--he wishes you all the best--and we
reminisced about how I first met you when you were in service
to the then senator on, literally, this committee many years
ago.
I appreciate your raising the DFC. I am a great believer in
its capabilities, in particular, as an alternative pathway to
development financing that allows for higher standards--labor
standards, environmental standards, and transparency.
How do you imagine the DFC being helpful in your future
role, if confirmed, as U.S. Ambassador to Morocco?
Mr. Talwar. Thanks so much for the question, Senator, and,
again, I do want to commend you and Senator Corker for having
authored the bill that--and the act that created the DFC.
I think it is a powerful tool in terms of being able to
promote development in a way that is consistent with our
values, and the DFC actually is becoming more active in
Morocco.
There are about three projects which have been financed
valued at over $100 million in areas like climate resiliency
and sustainable business environment, and there are about 10
more projects--actually more than 10--which are in the pipeline
now and those will be in areas such as health care and some
others as well.
And I think this is just an incredibly powerful tool and it
is coming exactly at the right time in terms of this upping of
our game because, as in my exchange with Senator Young, I
mentioned how China is really beginning to do the same thing.
And, of course, if you put the side by side, I think our
approach and the DFC approach--free markets, transparency,
environmental consideration, workers' rights--stands in sharp
contrast to the Chinese approach of nontransparency, state
centric, et cetera.
So I think this will be a very powerful tool and, if
confirmed, I will absolutely be working closely with the DFC
and I look forward to consulting with you on this as well.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I look forward to that.
I have visited Morocco several times, initially principally
to advocate for the Clementine exports from Morocco to the Port
of Wilmington, Delaware, but then later for a more expanded
conversation about our security and values partnership, and I
may return to ask about the Abraham Accords. But I need to for
now keep moving, if I might.
Mr. Henick, talk to me about how you will work to promote
liberalizing political and economic reforms, and whether you
see room for an expanded partnership between the United States
and Uzbekistan in foreign assistance.
Dr. Henick. Yes, Senator, absolutely I do see room for us
to continue to deepen that partnership.
Uzbekistan is really at a critical juncture right now. The
reform program that President Mirziyoyev instituted began six
years ago and some of the reforms have been incredibly
successful.
But I think they are now getting to the point where it is
going to be more and more difficult to stay the course as you
start to approach things like really strengthening civil
society, strengthening independent media, implementing rule of
law.
We have had under Ambassador Rosenblum's leadership a lot
of success in partnering with the Government of Uzbekistan
using our assistance programs, particularly in the area of rule
of law, to start to strengthen these reforms and we are
starting to see real results.
If confirmed, Senator, I would certainly continue to use
those tools as well as, if I may offer, I think the Development
Finance Corporation also can play a critical role in Central
Asia where it does not have a large profile right now but three
of your nominees on this panel havebeen working over the last
several years to try to work with the DFC to make it clear to
other outside investors in the region that we, too, are
prepared to offer our own investments and investments that
bring the kind of quality and represent our values and can be a
real alternative to other countries in the region.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Viguerie. I do think--excuse
me, thank you, Dr. Henick.
I do think one of our key challenges--you are going to tell
me how much time I have--one of our core challenges is giving
the DFC the resources that it needs and deserves to be able to
grow to scale--I am trying to clear an annoying budgetary
scoring rule that prevents them from fully utilizing equity--
and to syndicate to partner with other nations that are also
open societies and want to promote more transparent, more
sustainable alternatives to Chinese financing.
I would be interested, if I could, Mr. Viguerie, about how
you would see our working to provide alternatives to Chinese
financing in Kyrgyzstan but also how do we support a resurgence
of democratic governance?
Mr. Viguerie. Thank you for the question, sir.
On the question of economic alternatives, I understand the
U.S. Embassy has already been focused through assistance on the
interesting development of a potential IT sector in Kyrgyzstan,
which I think reflects--the growth of this reflects the fact it
is a more open society than some of its neighbors.
The embassy also has an English language program for
professionals, which will also go far to promote this new
sector.
On the DFC itself, I understand that the embassy has been
in contact with Kyrgyz officials. There, the challenge is to
find internationally bankable projects that the DFC will be
interested in and that the Kyrgyz make available. Obviously, it
will become a large focus for me, if confirmed.
On democracy itself, it has definitely been a unique aspect
of Kyrgyzstan. We support it through assistance through small
grants. I think, as an ambassador, one of my most important--if
confirmed, my most important duties is to promote the expansion
of rule of law and anti-corruption in Kyrgyzstan.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
If I might, Ambassador Rosenblum, just continue on that
line.
How do we use the tools, both support for civil society,
advocating for democracy--how do we succeed in holding the
Chinese accountable for the gross human rights violations
happening in Xinjiang and how would you advance our
relationship with Kazakhstan?
I was struck at their hesitancy--their refusal to publicly
embrace and endorse Russia's aggression in Ukraine, Russia's
annexation attempts, recognition of the so-called independent
republics in the Donbas.
How would you work to advance these core goals?
Ambassador Rosenblum. Senator, thank you for the question.
It is an ongoing challenge for Kazakhstan to be where it
is, to share these big borders with China and Russia and also
to be so dependent on them for its trade, its oil exports.
I think 80 percent of Kazakhstan's oil exports transit
Russian territory and the Russians have shown recently, just in
recent months, the ability to sort of turn that tap off when
they want to, and it sent a very strong message recognized by
President Tokayev of Kazakhstan, who has publicly said, we have
to do something to diversify our oil exports and not to rely
just on this pipeline.
And there are ways that we can support them in these
efforts to diversify, to build its relations outside of its
Russia and China neighbors. DFC was already mentioned. I think
that could also play a role in Kazakhstan as well. Promoting
more U.S. investment coming in, encouraging U.S. companies to
locate there.
Sometimes it is difficult for U.S. companies to compete on
price or on the financing terms they can offer. I found this in
my service in Uzbekistan repeatedly.
We have to make a case helping--working with the companies
that U.S. companies bring a value that others do not. It is a
long-term value and it pays off in the long term both in the
products they make and the investments they make in people. We
have seen this repeatedly in Uzbekistan and I expect the same
would be true in Kazakhstan, if I am confirmed.
You also mentioned the situation with the human rights
abuses, the atrocities in Xinjiang and Kazakhstan's position on
that. I think it is important to emphasize that, again,
Kazakhstan faces the reality of having this big, powerful
neighbor that it depends on for so much.
At the same time, there are a million and a half Kazakhs
living in Xinjiang, many of whom have also been victims of the
repression there and, as a result, Kazakhstan, in my view, has
done what it can to protect people, for example, who escape,
who cross the border, and they have consistently followed a
nonrefoulement policy. They have not sent people back.
If I am confirmed, I will continue to press for that policy
to continue as well as to allow victims of Chinese repression
in Kazakhstan to organize and speak out freely, to highlight
the human rights abuses there.
It is not always an easy issue to deal with in the context
of Kazakhstan and, yet, I think we have a strong enough
partnership that we can continue to promote accountability for
the horrific human rights abuses in Xinjiang.
Senator Coons. If I might, for all three of you, I am
grateful for the skill and the study and the experience and the
diligence you will bring to these three absolutely critical
Central Asian republics.
It is a part of the world that does not get the attention
that it deserves here in the Congress but that is critical to
the future. They were at the crossroads of commerce for
centuries. They are at the center of renewed focus and
attention by China and Russia, and our ability to show what
free and open societies can do and what democracy can bring--
forgive me, I am getting a call from the floor.
I just--I look forward to hearing from you and supporting
you in your service in these nations.
Last, if I might, Mr. Hood, I remember well a visit to
Tunisia around the time that the Quartet received the Nobel
Prize. It was exciting. There was a vibrancy to the democracy
and civil society there.
We met with a very wide range of leaders from parliament,
from the judiciary, from the executive, and the striking
backsliding, the transformation back to an authoritarian state
in recent days is truly alarming.
I would be interested in how you think we can best
strengthen civil society, how we can push back on Putin's
misinformation. There is an active and successful
disinformation campaign that is leading many on the continent
to believe that it is American sanctions and actions, not
Russia's aggression, that are causing skyrocketing food and
fertilizer and fuel prices.
So how do we counter Russian disinformation, strengthen
civil society, and maintain true to our values while also
maintaining this critical strategic relationship?
Mr. Hood. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I think, in a word, I would say engagement. I hope that we
can welcome you back to Tunisia along with your colleagues
because I think it is critical and powerful when
representatives of our legislative branch visit us at our
embassies overseas and engage with our foreign interlocutors.
I think that is all the more important in a place like
Tunisia where they have been going through political turbulence
and where Tunisians are calling out for change. They are
hungry. They are tired. They are unemployed.
They want their country to have economic prosperity while
also having the Government protect their fundamental rights,
and that is exactly what I am going to try to help them to do,
if I am confirmed, through our engagement, through our
assistance programs, that we are shifting to focus more on
amplifying the voices of civil society and institutions and
organizations that can hold accountable executive power no
matter what the results of the referendum or the legislative
elections that are projected for December.
With regard to the misinformation, I think we still have a
very powerful voice in the United States of America and so I
will use it. I will ask for help from the legislative branch
and from other parts of Washington as well but as well our
Group of Seven partners that the Administration has been
working with diligently for the past year to make clear what
the world's democracies expect and hope to see in Tunisia, not
just for the people but also for the Government.
Senator Coons. Thank you. Let me make a closing comment, if
I might.
Every time I have the opportunity to visit one of our
embassies overseas I try to visit with mid-level career Foreign
Service Officers, civil servants, foreign nationals who work as
part of our embassy teams, and ask for ideas and suggestions
for ways that we could make the life of Foreign Service
families, in particular, but the lives of all who serve with us
as development and diplomacy professionals easier.
I do now chair the Subcommittee of Appropriations that
funds the State Department and USAID. This committee will be
considering an authorizing bill on August 3rd, and there are
small but important things.
One of the things currently being debated is providing
access to the internet as a utility in a way that in countries
where it is incredibly expensive, to make it available without
draining the household resources, ways that we can have dual
career families where they work for different agencies or work
in the public sector and private sector more successfully
transition from post to post.
We talked in a hearing yesterday about the importance of
having paid internships to promote diversity within the ranks
of the Foreign Service.
All of this interests me intensely and I appreciate that
several of you raised that, as an ambassador, the safety and
the security and the vibrancy of the many people who serve our
nation in the posts for which you will, if confirmed, be
responsible encourage me because paying attention to the needs
of those who dedicate their lives to representing us overseas
is an important part, in my view, of your service and of mine.
Let me close by thanking Sarosh and Dominique, Kathryn,
Sharon, and Anne for being here and for supporting your spouses
and your families, and if I got this right and I probably did
not, Haris and Ilyas, Oskar, Carmen and, I think, Fiona and
Henry, William, George, and Clara.
Many of you cited your parents as inspiration for your
taking this step forward--Puneet, talking about your parents
taking the risk of coming to the United States--parents who
served in our military overseas, parents who are not able to
witness this today but who supported you, and then spouses and
children who have been a part of your career of service.
Thank you all for what you do to represent our nation in
difficult, distant, dangerous parts of the world and know that
all of us in the Senate appreciate your service.
The record for this hearing will remain open until
tomorrow, the close of business on Thursday, July 28th. So for
any staff who are listening, make sure any questions for the
record are submitted no later than Thursday.
And with that, this confirmation hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:50 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Puneet Talwar by Senator Robert Menendez
Bilateral Relationship
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco, you will be
responsible for representing not only America's strategic interests and
priorities, but also American values. One of the more contentious
aspects of the U.S.-Morocco relationship is the issue of human rights.
How do you plan on engaging with the Moroccan Government regarding
human rights concerns, particularly as it pertains to free
speech and the rights of activists in the Western Sahara?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize human rights and directly
engage the Government of Morocco to raise concerns including
allegations of mistreatment of detainees by security forces;
restrictions on the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly,
association, and religion; and discrimination against women. This will
include human concerns in Western Sahara. The United States maintains a
dialogue on human rights issues with the Government of Morocco and with
members of Moroccan civil society. If confirmed, I will participate in
these dialogues with other colleagues in the State Department. I also
will meet regularly with civil society groups and advocates for human
rights and encourage my team to do the same. The President and the
Secretary have been clear that our relationships with all our partners
will be more sustainable with improvements on human rights. If
confirmed, I will continue to work closely with Moroccan leaders to
protect human rights, in line with Morocco's international commitments.
Normalization with Israel
Question. Last week, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief Aviv Kochavi
visited Morocco, building on normalization efforts between Morocco and
Israel.
As part of the Administration's efforts to increase regional
cooperation, how do you plan on working with both Moroccan and
Israeli officials to enhance security integration and
cooperation? How do you see relations between the two countries
evolving?
Answer. Morocco-Israel ties have already created real benefits for
both countries. Business relations are growing rapidly, and direct
flights have started, making it easier for hundreds of thousands of
Israelis of Moroccan decent to visit the land of their ancestors.
Morocco became the first Arab country to sign a defense cooperation
agreement with Israel and the Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense
Forces recently made a landmark visit to Morocco. In March, Moroccan
Foreign Minister Bourita joined with Secretary Blinken and foreign
ministers from Bahrain, Egypt, and the UAE at the historic Negev
Summit. The meeting launched the Negev Forum, a framework for regional
integration and cooperation, including working groups on regional
security, food and water security, education, health, tourism, and
clean energy. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to work with
Morocco to further expand the circle of peace and cooperation with
Israel in the region, including in the area of security integration and
cooperation.
Food Security
Question. Many countries in the Middle East and North Africa
continue to experience surging prices and the shortage of essential
food supplies as a result of Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine.
Increasing prices have led to widespread anger and social unrest in the
region many times before, most notably during the Arab Spring.
What is your assessment of the current global food security crisis,
particularly as it pertains to Morocco, and how can the U.S.
mitigate the short and long-term effects in the region? If
confirmed, what role do you see yourself playing in mitigating
these effects?
Answer. Morocco is currently suffering from what may be the worst
drought in 30 years and the rise in the price of wheat as a result of
Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Morocco is likely to increase its wheat
imports from five million tons to six million tons but at this point
the Government is confident there will be no disruptions to domestic
supply or a reduction in wheat subsidies. Morocco received four percent
of its wheat imports from Russia and 20 percent from Ukraine in 2021.
If confirmed, I will carefully monitor the situation and work with
colleagues in Washington to support Morocco's food security.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
safety and well-being of Mission personnel and will work in close
partnership with the Department's AHI Coordinator, the Department's
Health Incident Response Task Force, and the broader government-wide
effort to ensure the full resources of the U.S. Government are brought
to bear to get to the bottom of these incidents and to ensure access to
needed care for those affected.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would be committed to providing
Mission Morocco personnel with the most up-to-date information
available, as we learn more, including guidance on how to respond if
they have concerns that they might have experienced an incident and how
to access medical care.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Puneet Talwar by Senator James E. Risch
Policy Priorities
Question. Please outline your policy priorities and objectives as
the United States Ambassador to Morocco.
Answer. Morocco's commitment to our strategic partnership
undergirds U.S. security goals in the region and generates dividends
across a range of U.S. national and regional security equities. If
confirmed, ensuring the safety and security of the Embassy and
Consulate teams and American citizens in Morocco, helping Morocco and
Israel cement their growing relationship, support for a political
solution for Western Sahara through a U.N.-led process, building on our
strong security partnership, enhancing our economic ties including
through advocacy for American business and exports, and increasing
protection for human rights would be my policy priority areas.
Western Sahara
Question. The Trump administration reversed longstanding U.S.
policy on Western Sahara in exchange for Morocco's entry into the
Abraham Accords and normalization with Israel. Previously, the United
States had recognized neither Morocco's claim, nor the self-declared
government led by the independence-seeking Polisario Front.
Do you consider the Trump administration's recognition of Moroccan
sovereignty over Western Sahara a positive or negative
development?
Answer. I believe that there is no substitute for a negotiated
solution that can provide an enduring and dignified resolution for the
people of Western Sahara and the region. In my judgment, it is positive
that the U.N. relaunched a negotiations process in 2021 led by U.N.
Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General Staffan de Mistura; that the
parties, neighboring states, and international partners have lent their
full support to this political process and engaged with the Personal
Envoy in good faith; and that violence that rekindled in 2020 with the
suspension of the ceasefire has ebbed. The previous administration's
statements are a historical fact, and if confirmed, I will place my
emphasis on working in support of the U.N. and together with
international partners to advance a credible political process able to
garner broad international support.
Question. Do you consider the Trump administration's decision on
Western Sahara as reversible?
Answer. On December 10, 2020, the previous administration issued a
presidential proclamation that recognized Morocco's sovereignty over
Western Sahara. While I am not in a position to offer a legal analysis,
I am not aware of any restrictions that would in principle preclude the
current or a future administration from evaluating a previously issued
presidential proclamation. The previous administration's statements are
a historical fact, and if confirmed, I would place my emphasis on fully
supporting the U.N.-led diplomatic process for Western Sahara.
Question. As a consequence of the U.S. decision to grant Moroccan
sovereignty over Western Sahara, what is an appropriate U.S. consulate
presence? Brick and mortar, virtual or none at all?
Answer. My understanding is that Mission Morocco is able to fulfill
its mission with the current posture of a U.S. Embassy in Rabat and
Consulate-General in Casablanca. Personnel assigned to the Mission
regularly travel to Western Sahara and directly engage with both
Moroccan Government officials and non-government organizations,
including civil society and human rights activists. In addition, we
continue to host a virtual presence post for Western Sahara. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Mission is able to provide
timely and accurate reporting on the full range of issues in Western
Sahara.
Question. MINURSO efforts to find a political solution to Western
Sahara have yielded uneven results. What is your characterization of
MINURSO's effectiveness and how would you set conditions for a
political solution?
Answer. As penholder at the U.N. Security Council for MINURSO and
Western Sahara, the United States' focus is on ensuring that the
mandate allows the U.N.-led process to advance a political solution
that can deliver tangible results for the people of Western Sahara and
the region. While my understanding is that the Administration strongly
supports the U.N.-led process and the efforts of the U.N. Personal
Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara who leads it, no
solution to the dispute can be imposed. My understanding is the
Administration aims to fully empower the MINURSO mission and the
Personal Envoy to effectively carry out their roles in support of
achieving a political solution. If confirmed, I will support the
efforts of the Personal Envoy and work with the Moroccan Government to
support the achievement of a political solution.
Question. What are the prospects and regional implications of a
warm peace or detente between Algeria and Morocco?
Answer. The United States views Morocco and Algeria as valued
partners and hopes that tensions can be reduced and diplomatic
relations restored. Improving relations, while a long-term process,
could eventually enable both countries to better address shared
bilateral and regional issues such as terrorism, illegal migration,
drug trafficking, and trade integration.
Abraham Accords
Question. Morocco's normalization with Israel has the potential to
reap significant economic and security benefits.
Please outline your thoughts on Morocco's normalization with Israel
and plans to expand and strengthen this relationship.
Answer. Morocco-Israel ties have already created real benefits for
both countries. Business relations are growing rapidly, and direct
flights have started, making it easier for hundreds of thousands of
Israelis of Moroccan decent to visit the land of their ancestors. In
March, Moroccan Foreign Minister Bourita joined with Secretary Blinken
and foreign ministers from Bahrain, Egypt, and the UAE at the historic
Negev Summit. The meeting launched the Negev Forum, a framework for
regional integration and cooperation, including working groups on
regional security, food and water security, education, health, tourism,
and clean energy. If confirmed, I will work to engage with Morocco,
Israel, and other countries in the region to normalize relations and
look for other opportunities to expand integration and cooperation
among countries in the region.
Mil-to-Mil Relationship
Question. Select members of Congress have sought to curtail the
U.S.-Morocco mil-to-mil relationship over Western Sahara concerns--even
as far as to reject Moroccan participation in AFRICOM's capstone
exercise African Lion.
Please provide your perspectives on the mil-to-mil relationship
with Morocco and implications for limiting that relationship.
Answer. Morocco has been a steadfast security partner. Morocco's
relationship with the United States encompasses nearly every U.S.
security and strategic interest in the region. Morocco occupies a vital
geographic strategic position, is one of AFRICOM's most capable
partners on the continent, participating in over 100 military-to-
military engagements yearly, and hosts AFRICAN LION--the largest
military exercise on the African continent. These military exercises
strengthen interoperability between AFRICOM and more than 40 partner
nations and enhance our collective readiness. In addition, Morocco
continues to be a major customer for new U.S. equipment, with billions
of dollars in planned purchases in the coming decade. If confirmed, I
will work with AFRICOM to expand upon Morocco's role as a security
exporter for the region and enhance our already strong security
cooperation
Economy
Question. Many U.S. companies have bemoaned Moroccan barriers to
entry that create an unfavorable economic environment to include
excessive bureaucracy, intellectual property issues, and pursuit of
criminal litigation against American companies.
Please outline your understanding of Morocco's economic state,
barriers to entry for foreign investment, strategy to improve
these conditions.
Answer. The World Bank ranked Morocco 53rd for ease of doing
business in 2020. Morocco has made progress in implementing macro-
economic policies, trade liberalization, investment incentives, and
structural reforms to encourage foreign investment, particularly in
export sectors. However, U.S. companies remain concerned about
regulatory barriers, digital and intellectual property issues, and
access to financing in Morocco. U.S. Government assistance supports
Moroccan Government efforts to address these issues and increase
transparency and accountability and Mission Morocco engages with key
government and civil society actors in the field of anti-corruption.
King Mohammed VI's reform plan, the New Development Model, seeks to
simplify administrative regulations and encourage foreign investment.
If confirmed, I will make it a priority to identify new areas to help
advance economic reforms in Morocco, and advocate for U.S. business and
exports.
Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Morocco was identified to be Tier 2 for not fully meeting the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. One key area of
failure was a lack of proactive screening of migrants and other
vulnerable populations and identification measures, which leave
populations vulnerable to penalization for unlawful acts which
traffickers compelled them to commit.
How can you work with the host government and the Moroccan Security
Forces to increase their capacity for proactive measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge the Moroccan Government to
increase its efforts to investigate and prosecute potential trafficking
crimes, to proactively identify trafficking victims, and to provide
specialized protection services catering to the needs of trafficking
victims. Specifically, I will urge the Government to finalize, approve,
and implement standardized victim identification procedures and a
national victim referral mechanism.
Question. Both Spain and Moroccan Governments have identified
trafficking groups as likely to have played an influential role in the
recent border crossing incident at Melilla, what steps would you take
as Ambassador to help Morocco improve its efforts to meet the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to identify ways the United
States can support ongoing Moroccan efforts to address the challenges
of migration, human smuggling, border security, and trafficking in
persons.
Question. Morocco has deepened relations with Israel after
normalization in 2020 through high level official visits. As a largely
Islamic state, King Mohammed VI officially recognized the Jewish
community as part of Moroccan culture.
What is your assessment of the King's recognition and prospects of
religious freedoms in Morocco?
Answer. The Moroccan constitution provides for freedom of worship
and freedom of conscience. Morocco has a long tradition of religious
tolerance and coexistence, particularly between Muslim and historic
Jewish communities. When Secretary Blinken released this year's annual
religious freedom report, he highlighted Morocco as an example of
progress on religious freedom. He noted that Morocco launched an
initiative to renovate Jewish heritage sites and to include Jewish
history in the Moroccan public-school curriculum.. If confirmed, I will
support Morocco's efforts to respect the historic Jewish community in
Morocco and encourage religious freedom for all faiths in the country.
Question. What actions would you take with the host government to
continue to expand this opening of religious freedom in the country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage on this important issue in
three key areas. First, I will work to identify ways the United States
can support religious freedom. Second, I will engage with a wide
variety of religious leaders in Morocco and maintains an active
dialogue with the Moroccan Government on religious freedom issues.
Third, I will stress the importance of the equal and transparent
application of the laws governing religious organizations.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Report on International
Religious Freedom, only Sunni Muslims and Jews are recognized by the
King. Many Shia Muslims and other minority groups fear registration for
reprisals by the Sunni majority.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the host government and
civil society on strengthening the societal and governmental
respect for international religious freedom?
Answer. belief for members of religious minority groups. I would
meet with government officials, including from the Ministries of
Interior (MOI) and Ministry of Endowments and Islamic Affairs (MEIA),
to stress the importance of religious freedom and tolerance, including
the rights of minority communities. I would also hold regular meetings
and discussions with members of religious minority and majority
communities throughout the country and direct embassy and consulate-
general representatives to highlight the importance of protecting
members of religious minority groups and interfaith dialogue.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Morocco was noted to have credible reports of significant human rights
abuses such as torture or degrading treatment by security forces,
serious restrictions on free expression, substantial interference of
the freedom of assembly and association, and criminalization of LGBTQI
conduct.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
concerns with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting human rights in
my engagement, including respect for freedom of speech, assembly, and
association. I will encourage legislative reforms to protect human
rights, including freedom of expression, in line with Morocco's
international commitments. I also will work with the Moroccan
Government to address concerns regarding actions by members of the
security forces and ensure it can fulfill its commitments and
responsibilities to its people. The promotion of the human rights of
LGBTQI+ persons will be one of my highest priorities, including the
reduction of discrimination and violence against LGBTQI+ persons and
working toward decriminalization of same-sex status and conduct. I
would use Pride Month as an opportunity to promote LGBTQI+ rights.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, promoting human rights will be among my
highest priorities. I will meet regularly with human rights defenders,
civil society activists, and other non-governmental organizations in
the United States and in Morocco and I will direct members of the
Embassy staff to do the same.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Moroccan Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarching the Moroccan
Government in support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin and working to educate
Moroccan Government interlocutors on the importance of her candidacy.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The Junior Professional Officer program is one of the key
opportunities offered by the U.N. to encourage young professionals
interested in serving in international organizations, and it provides
them with hands-on experience across various U.N. agencies. If
confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues in the
International Organization Affairs Bureau and other stakeholders to
ensure we have sufficient resources, tools, and staffing to support
more positions for American citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these
resources, we can work strategically to increase the number of JPO
opportunities funded by the U.S. Government into key agencies and
bodies that work on U.S. priorities, expand our recruitment and
outreach activities to ensure these opportunities are widely known and
available to interested U.S. citizens, and provide tools and services
to strengthen our competitiveness in placing qualified American
citizens into the U.N. system.
Question. Morocco had a 21 percent rate of voting coincidence with
the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council in
2021.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. If confirmed I will maintain close consultations with the
Moroccan Government on issues at the United Nations and advocate for
their support of U.S. positions. In my view, direct engagement with
senior officials in capital can be an effective way to advocate for
support at the United Nations.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Moroccans on anticipated votes in the U.N. system that
would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will develop close coordination with our
mission at the United Nations to enhance our direct messaging with the
Moroccan Government interlocutors in Rabat and emphasize the importance
of issues and votes at the United Nations.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Rabat?
Answer. My understanding is that morale throughout Mission Morocco
is very good. Traditional indicators such as staff retention rates,
support this understanding. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with the entire Mission team to identify and resolve issues
which adversely affect staff morale.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Rabat?
Answer. If confirmed, I will stress open communication and
inclusivity to ensure that we continuously identify and address the
concerns of all Mission team members by utilizing every tool and
resources available from the Department. Collectively, we will maintain
a safe, supportive work culture that empowers and develops our
colleagues.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Rabat?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to create a shared
vision and effort that advances U.S. interests consistent with the
Integrated Country Strategy (ICS). I would engage with all components
of the Mission to seek their input on priorities, and I would follow up
regularly to ensure execution and to make any necessary adjustments.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Over the course of my career in government, I have had the
opportunity to lead diverse, talented, interagency teams. My style is
inclusive, and I seek to impart values of respect, integrity, and
collegiality while also setting high standards. I listen to team
members who have expertise. I encourage fresh thinking and constructive
debate. I believe in achieving outcomes, setting clear objectives, and
empowering my team to accomplish our shared goals while ensuring that
they understand their work is connected to the larger enterprise. I
believe in recognizing team members for their work, and I believe in
fostering their career development and personal growth.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates. If
confirmed, I commit to building a positive and inclusive work
environment that empowers employees.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. A successful relationship between an ambassador and a
Deputy Chief of Mission is critical to a successful diplomatic mission.
If confirmed, I envision a relationship that features close
coordination, partnership, and strong communication on the full range
of mission issues, both internal and external.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will forge a close partnership with my
Deputy Chief of Mission. I would empower her to be the chief operating
officer of Mission Morocco. This extends beyond internal management.
The Deputy Chief of Mission must play an important policy, diplomatic,
and strategic role, including stepping in for the ambassador when
absent from post. She must be seen as empowered in the eyes of Mission
team members and the Moroccan Government so that she is seen as
speaking authoritatively for the Ambassador and the United States.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to encouraging improvement in
employee performance and recognizing achievement within Mission
Morocco. The development of a motivated and effective workforce is
critical for the effective diplomacy necessary to advance U.S.
interests.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work closely with my Deputy Chief
of Mission, consul general in Casablanca, and management team to
recognize the success of staff and identify and develop strategies
where there are opportunities for growth and improvement. Accurate,
constructive feedback and rewarding success are essential tools in
improving performance.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Morocco.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I agree that it is imperative for U.S. diplomats be visible
outside of diplomatic compounds to meet with the local actors in order
to advance American interests and values. This includes engagement with
a wide range of interlocutors including in rural and underserved areas,
women, youth, and vulnerable populations. Our ability to engage these
audiences is crucial to furthering our overall foreign policy goals and
essential to fully accomplishing our mission. If confirmed, I will
encourage Mission Morocco team members to engage widely and often
outside of diplomatic compounds.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to lead by example and will seek
every opportunity to engage with local populations throughout the
country. U.S. assistance and public diplomacy programs are focused on
supporting rural populations, women, youth, and underserved
populations, and I pledge to publicly support those programs through
visits and direct engagement with beneficiaries, local NGOs, and local
governments helping to support and implement these programs. In
addition, Mission Morocco boasts a robust Peace Corps program, which
will welcome sixty volunteers back to Morocco in September 2022 and
will be hosting one of the largest Peace Corps programs worldwide in
this challenging post-pandemic era. Throughout the Mission I will
encourage staff to continue their engagement with local populations and
in ensuring the best possible reporting accurately which reflects a
wide variety of opinions throughout the country.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Morocco?
Answer. Morocco is a major non-NATO ally, a Free Trade Agreement
partner, an ally in countering violent extremism, and provides a
supportive environment for U.S. engagement. A solid majority of the
Moroccan public has favorable attitudes toward the United States and
strong majorities support closer economic ties and security
cooperation. Moroccans hold the U.S. education system, job creation,
and U.S. technology in high regard. Morocco is home to one of State
Department's Near East Asia Bureau's largest Fulbright programs and
benefits from an extensive alumni network. The public diplomacy
environment in Morocco is rich with opportunity to engage local
populations through traditional media, social media, and local
programming. Dar America, the American Space in Casablanca, plus the
American Space in Oujda, are key platforms for engaging youth on U.S.
society, entrepreneurship, values, and policies. If confirmed, I will
take an active role in public diplomacy and encourage Mission Morocco
team members to do the same.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. My understanding is that local challenges include high
unemployment, political disengagement, and general pessimism among
youth which affect our capacity to fully engage those audiences. While
older Moroccans have positive general attitudes toward the United
States, they are more skeptical when it comes to specific policy issues
such as trade with the U.S. or U.S. counterterrorism efforts. U.S.
public diplomacy efforts in Morocco also face competition from the
People's Republic of China (PRC), who have three Confucius Institutes
in Morocco and sponsor academic scholarships and academies that provide
technology training and education. If confirmed, I will work to expand
and highlight Mission Morocco's efforts in these areas.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct that Mission Morocco's public
messaging campaigns remain first and foremost centered around U.S.
foreign policy objectives. I would seek to deliver clear messages in
such a way that our local audiences understand our perspective and
policy agenda. To ensure unity of messaging, I would ensure the
Mission's public diplomacy team works closely with Washington public
affairs teams to ensure that our official communication is clear and
relevant for local audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
safety and well-being of Mission personnel and will work in close
partnership with the Department's AHI Coordinator, the Department's
Health Incident Response Task Force, and the broader government-wide
effort to ensure the full resources of the U.S. Government are brought
to bear to get to the bottom of these incidents and to ensure access to
needed care for those affected.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Rabat personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I would be committed to providing Mission
Morocco personnel with the most up-to-date information available, as we
learn more, including guidance on how to respond if they have concerns
that they might have experienced an incident and how to access medical
care.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Puneet Talwar by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Whether we want it or not, the United States is currently
engaged in a great power competition with the Chinese Communist Party.
Officials from the past and current administrations have agreed that
the CCP is the only power willing and able to challenge U.S. leadership
on the global stage. In practice, this means undermining our open
system here at home and undermining our alliances and credibility
abroad. While CCP is most interested in becoming a regional hegemon in
the Indo-Pacific, they have global aspirations. In January, Morocco
became just the latest North African country to sign an agreement to
join the CCP's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through an implementation
accord.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will compete with
the People's Republic of China (PRC) to defend our interests and build
our vision for the future. If confirmed, I will carefully monitor CCP
activity and use the full range of tools provided by Congress to invest
in our partnership with Morocco to ensure we remain the partner of
choice on a range of economic and security issues. I will actively
engage the Moroccan Government to highlight the risks associated with
People's Republic of China (PRC) engagement that could impact Morocco's
security and sovereignty as well as U.S. interests, and I will ensure
that our vision of a positive partnership and regional security and
prosperity competes successfully with the PRC.
Question. Is rising CCP influence in Morocco a threat to the United
States?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has increased efforts
in recent years to deepen ties with Morocco. PRC companies are active
in the technology and infrastructure sectors, and I believe these
activities merit careful attention and action so that they do not
undermine American interests. If confirmed, I will use the full range
of tools provided by Congress such as the Development Finance
Corporation to increase our engagement with Morocco to provide free-
market, transparent, and sustainable solutions to Morocco's economic
development needs. I will expand our efforts to promote a fair and
equitable business climate for the benefit of U.S. investors and the
security of our Allies and partners. I will also strive to engage and
educate Moroccan public and private sector decision makers on the
implications of PRC engagement in key areas such as 5G technology.
Question. Is the CCP expanding the Belt and Road Initiative to
Morocco in order to be in a position to control trade flowing through
the strategic Strait of Gibraltar? If so, is this concerning?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. Current direct
investment from the PRC in Morocco totals $380 million and is focused
on infrastructure, communications, and fishing. This reflects an effort
by the PRC to encourage large PRC companies to set up or invest in
Morocco--particularly in automotive, aerospace, technology,
agriculture, and technology sectors. If confirmed, I would promote a
vision of inclusive, open economic growth and stronger ties with U.S.
companies.
Question. If the CCP is in a position to control trade through the
strait, how could that be used to strangle U.S. trade with Europe?
Answer. The Tanger-Med port, located directly in the Strait of
Gibraltar, is the 27th busiest container port in the world and a major
priority for growth for the Moroccan Government. The Development
Finance Corporation (DFC) has recently worked with LixCap on the
development of a cold storage facility at the Tangier-Med port that
will have regional transportation implications. If confirmed, I will
work with the DFC and others in the United States Government to advance
opportunities for U.S. businesses in logistics, maritime shipping, and
transportation and work to prevent the PRC from moving into a position
in which they would control or significantly influence trade through
the strait.
Question. Morocco is a signatory of the historic Abraham Accords,
which the previous administration used to normalize relations between
Israel and Muslim nations in the Middle East. Improving ties between
Israel, our strongest ally in the region, and other American partners
is vital for our national security. A security coalition including
Israel would be better able to take on the many counter-terrorism
priorities in the Middle East and stand up to the Ayatollahs in Iran.
If confirmed, how would you work to build upon the foundations of the
Abraham Accords?
Answer. Building on the foundation of the Abraham Accords, the
foreign ministers of Morocco, Israel, Bahrain, Egypt, the UAE, and
Secretary Blinken met for the Negev summit in March. The participants
agreed to form the Negev Forum, a framework for regional cooperation,
including working groups on regional security, education, health, food
and water security, tourism, and clean energy. If confirmed, I will
prioritize Morocco's active participation in the Negev Forum and fully
support the deepening ties between Morocco and Israel. Morocco became
the first Arab country to sign a defense cooperation agreement with
Israel and the Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Forces recently
made a landmark visit to Morocco. If confirmed, I will look for
opportunities to work with Morocco to further expand the circle of
peace and cooperation with Israel in the region, including in the area
of security cooperation.
Question. What is the status of Morocco meeting its goals and
commitments under the Abraham Accords?
Answer. Morocco-Israel ties have already created real benefits for
both countries. Business relations are growing rapidly, and direct
flights have started, making it easier for hundreds of thousands of
Israelis of Moroccan decent to visit the land of their ancestors.
Morocco and Israel have signed dozens of memorandums of
understanding in a wide range of areas including defense, tourism,
investment, culture, and energy. Seven Israel cabinet level officials
have visited Morocco and in March, Moroccan Foreign Minister Bourita
joined with Secretary Blinken and foreign ministers from Bahrain,
Egypt, and the UAE at the historic Negev Summit. If confirmed, I will
prioritize support for Morocco's deepening relationship with Israel.
Question. What can Congress do to further support improving ties
between Israel and Morocco?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with your office and other
members of the committee to identify opportunities for Congressional
action, whether through engagement or legislation, on improving ties
between Israel and Morocco. I believe that it is critical to translate
diplomatic agreements into tangible benefits that are felt by ordinary
people so that we can consolidate progress and further expand the
circle of peace. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to host
you or members for your staff in Morocco to directly work together on
this critically important issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Puneet Talwar by Senator Todd Young
Question. How can we leverage the sustained success of the African
Lion Exercise and deeper connections and interoperability with Morocco
to encourage them to bring more to the counterterror fight in the Sahel
and West Africa?
Answer. Morocco is a valuable partner in the Global Coalition to
Defeat ISIS and has contributed F-16s to the Coalition's efforts, as
well as a field hospital that has treated more than one million Syrian
refugees in Jordan. On May 9-11 Morocco hosted the D-ISIS Ministerial
in Marrakech and is co-chair of the Africa Focus working group. Morocco
is also co-chair of the Global Counterterrorism Forum (GCTF) and
supports the efforts of other partners in Africa to build their
counterterrorism capacity. Morocco is one of AFRICOM's most capable
partners on the continent, participating in over 100 military-to-
military engagements yearly, and hosts AFRICAN LION--the largest
military exercise on the African continent. These military exercises
strengthen interoperability between AFRICOM and more than 40 partner
nations and enhance our collective readiness. If confirmed, I will work
with AFRICOM to expand upon Morocco's role as a security exporter for
the region, including amplifying and encouraging Morocco's efforts on
counterterrorism and security for the Sahel and West Africa
Question. What is your view of Western Sahara and the U.N.-led
political process, and how would you plan to engage on this issue, if
confirmed? Who do you believe is the driver of the political impasse
there?
Answer. I believe that there is no substitute for a negotiated
solution that can provide an enduring and dignified resolution for the
people of Western Sahara and the region. In my judgment, it is positive
that the U.N. relaunched a negotiations process in 2021 led by U.N.
Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General Staffan de Mistura; that the
parties, neighboring states, and international partners have lent their
full support to this political process and engaged with the Personal
Envoy in good faith; and that violence that rekindled in 2020 with the
suspension of the ceasefire has ebbed. If confirmed, I will place my
emphasis on working in support of the U.N. and together with
international partners to advance a credible political process able to
garner broad international support.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Department to
move forward on establishment of diplomatic presence in the Western
Sahara?
Answer. My understanding is that Mission Morocco is able to fulfill
its mission with the current posture of a U.S. Embassy in Rabat and
Consulate-General in Casablanca. Personnel assigned to the Mission
regularly travel to Western Sahara and directly engage with both
Moroccan Government officials and non-government organizations,
including civil society and human rights activists. In addition, we
continue to host a virtual presence post for Western Sahara. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Mission is able to provide
timely and accurate reporting on the full range of issues in Western
Sahara.
Question. A Moroccan company with connections to the royal family
is attempting to criminalize a civil dispute stems from the management
of the Royal Mansour Hotel in Casablanca, which could subject American
executives of the corporate owners of this hotel to potential criminal
liability in Morocco, if prosecution continues. How would you engage
the Moroccan Government on this matter to ensure a safe environment for
the conduct of private business?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to being a strong advocate on
these issues and would be an advocate for the U.S. business community
directly with the Moroccan Government. I would strongly urge Morocco to
avoid counter-productive actions and to improve the country's business
climate and economic legislative framework, particularly for American
companies doing business in Morocco and to promote further commercial
opportunities for U.S. companies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Jonathan Henick by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has had somewhat
diminished influence in Central Asia as it focuses its diplomatic
efforts elsewhere. This has opened a window of opportunity for
increased U.S. involvement in Uzbekistan.
In what ways can the United States best take advantage of this
opportunity and lay a foundation for continued and permanent
progress in the U.S.-Uzbekistan relationship?
Answer. Support for Uzbekistan's independence, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity is the foundation of U.S. policy towards
Uzbekistan. The Kremlin's war in Ukraine has already resulted in
terrible human costs, and if Russia does not pay a heavy price for its
actions, it will put the survival of other peaceful countries at risk.
We welcome the Government of Uzbekistan's refusal to recognize the
independence of the so-called Luhansk and Donetsk People's Republics in
Ukraine. If confirmed, I will ensure that our shared understanding of
Ukraine's sovereignty remains a key issue in our bilateral
relationship.
Although the Russian Federation continues to be Uzbekistan's
largest trade and investment partner and an important source of
remittances, it is increasingly clear that Uzbekistan's ability to
secure a more prosperous future rests on its ability to diversify its
economic relationships. The United States is uniquely positioned to
support Uzbekistan in this effort, which presents an historic
opportunity to strengthen U.S. influence in Central Asia. U.S. support
for Uzbekistan's accession to the World Trade Organization is
particularly important in this regard. Finally, I will also underscore
to Uzbekistani authorities the importance of working together to
strengthen international sanctions and export controls introduced in
response to Russia's further invasion of Ukraine.
Question. How will you work with Uzbekistan's Government and
private sector to increase economic ties with the United States?
Answer. The United States is committed to supporting Uzbekistan's
economic reform agenda, diversification of trading partners, and
connections to the international economy. If nominated, I will urge
Uzbekistani officials to strengthen intellectual property protections,
combat corruption, improve the investment climate, and follow through
on its stated goal of acceding to the WTO. The United States is helping
increase the performance of small and medium enterprises throughout the
country, with particular focus on women's empowerment, building
Uzbekistan's ability to deliver prosperity to its people and to attract
more direct foreign investment. The Department of State has also
encouraged Uzbekistan to identify private sector projects suitable for
U.S. Development Finance Corporation investments, which, if approved,
will help build confidence in the viability of Uzbekistan's private
sector.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-to-
people ties between the U.S. and Uzbekistan, particularly to counter
Russian influence?
Answer. Uzbekistan enjoys a rich cultural history and is truly the
gem of Central Asia. People-to-people ties over the last 30 years have
helped build mutual understanding between the people of the United
States and Uzbekistan. If confirmed, I look forward to expanding these
ties. Since 2018, the United States has worked closely with Uzbekistan
to dramatically expand English language instruction across the country.
Our American Corners throughout the country offer cultural programs,
educational resources, and information on studying in the United States
to tens of thousands of people per year. I also look forward, if
confirmed, to further expanding English-language programming in
Uzbekistan, which will help to open Uzbekistani audiences to
alternatives to Russian state media..
Question. Independent journalism that helps the public hold
governments and corrupted elites accountable for their actions is under
threat throughout Central Asia, and impacts the work of Congressionally
funded international media outlets such as RFE/RL. Throughout the
region, governments do not consistently respond to requests for
comments and interviews on questions of interest to RFE/RL's audiences
in the region, and local journalists working for RFE/RL are regularly
targeted for retaliation for their journalistic work.
In Uzbekistan, the Government has blocked access to the website of
RFE/RL's Uzbek Service. The Government has yet to provide accreditation
to local journalists who would like to work for RFE/RL in the country,
or to grant RFE/RL permission to open a local bureau. Additionally,
RFE/RL journalists (including their relatives) periodically suffer from
smear and harassment campaigns, especially following impactful
investigations.
If you are confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, what will you do to
support the work of RFE/RL and ensure open access for
Congressionally-funded international journalists at your new
post?
Answer. A free press is vital to the healthy functioning of nations
in transition to more democratic forms of government. If confirmed, I
will underscore to Uzbekistani officials the importance of media
freedom, in line with our shared values and international commitments
as participating states in the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. I will call out the Government's ongoing
crackdown on freedoms of expression, including for opposition bloggers,
members of civil society, and journalists. We are proud of our growing
support for Uzbekistani media, including support for the work of RFE/
RL, and I will commit to continuing our efforts in this space.
Question. Corruption at all levels continues to be a problem in
Uzbekistan.
Do you think that the use of the State Department's 7031(c) visa
ban authorities could be a useful tool for fighting corruption
in Uzbekistan? Why or why not?
Answer. Endemic corruption remains one of the most significant
obstacles to the full realization of the Government of Uzbekistan's
reform agenda. While many Uzbekistani officials appreciate the severity
of the situation and the need for remedial action, there are many with
vested interests in the status quo. If confirmed, I will ask Embassy's
Country Team to keep all options on the table for combatting
corruption, including 7031(c) visa restrictions, and related USAID and
INL assistance programs, public messaging campaigns, as well as close
interagency cooperation between the Departments of State, Treasury, and
Justice.
Question. If confirmed, how will you promote democratic and anti-
corruption reforms in Uzbekistan, and in what areas of government is
progress most viable?
Answer. The United States continues to encourage Uzbekistani
leaders to stay the course and make more substantial progress on the
program of reforms that began in 2016. Over the last six years,
Uzbekistan has made significant progress modernizing its economy and
ending the systematic practice of forced labor in the cotton harvest.
However, much remains to be done to strengthen democratic institutions,
the rule of law, and expand human rights protections. If confirmed, I
will work to advance the rule of law and democratic governance and
speak out against corruption and the Government's crackdown on freedoms
of expression and association. Continued USAID and INL assistance
programming is particularly valuable to making gains in this space.
Question. On July 4, 2022, massive unrest turned violent in the
autonomous region of Karakalpakstan concerning its sovereignty and
right to secede. Eighteen were killed, 243 wounded, and over 500 were
detained. To this day, an estimated 300 people remained detained from
the incident.
What is your assessment of this situation and how might you work
with the Uzbek Government to resolve tensions in the region?
Answer. I welcome the Government of Uzbekistan's assurances of a
transparent investigation under the auspices of a Parliamentary
Commission led by the Office of the Ombudsman. The United States is
very interested in the results of the Commission's work but also hears
the concerns of civil society that it will not be impartial or fully
empowered. It is important that the Commission conduct its work in a
manner that is inclusive, thorough, and transparent. If confirmed, I
will encourage the Government of Uzbekistan to also invite
international human rights experts to review the Commission's
investigation. Additionally, we have not lost sight of the fact that
concerns over proposed reforms to Uzbekistan's constitution prompted
the protests in Karakalpakstan in early July. Accordingly, we have
urged the Government of Uzbekistan to invite an Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe Office of Democratic Institutions
and Human Rights (ODIHR) Needs Assessment Mission to observe the
referendum on the proposed reforms.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report,
Uzbekistan was noted for significant human rights abuses such as
unlawful or arbitrary killings, torture, politically motivated
reprisals, serious restrictions of expression and assembly, inability
of the people to change their government peacefully, restrictions of
political participation, trafficking in persons, criminalization of
same-sex conduct, and significant restrictions to workers freedom.
If confirmed, what steps would you take with the host government to
address these issues?
Answer. The United States is committed to the ongoing program of
human rights-related reforms that began in Uzbekistan in 2016. If
confirmed, I pledge to advocate for independent and credible
investigations of human rights abuses. I will also urger greater
political pluralism and space for civil society.
I agree with President Biden that everyone is entitled to dignity
and equality, no matter who they are, whom they love, or how they
identify. With regards to the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons, our
foremost concern is to keep LGBTQI+ persons--and their allies--safe. We
engage on these issues led by the ``do no harm'' principle--in concert
with local members of the LGBTQI+ community and human rights defenders'
goals.
If confirmed, I will remain committed to raising the human rights
of LGBTQI+ persons in our engagements with Uzbekistani interlocutors.
We will continue to engage with allies and partners to advance respect
for the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons. Additionally, I will continue
to press for repeal of sections of the Criminal Code that criminalize
consensual sexual relations between men and under which dozens of
people are currently detained.
Question. In the report, it was noted that prison conditions are,
in some circumstances, harsh and life threatening due to food
shortages, gross overcrowding, abuse, and inadequate sanitary
conditions and medical care. Amidst the detaining of over several
hundred additional prisoners, what would you do to address these
conditions with the Uzbek Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Uzbekistan to
address longstanding concerns about the harsh conditions of its
prisons. I will urge the Government to invite in, cooperate with, and
take on the recommendations of international prison monitoring experts
and, to the extent resources are available, will offer U.S. technical
assistance in addressing inadequate prison conditions.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, Uzbekistan remained on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking. One key area of failure
was local officials in certain areas impose cotton quotas against the
national ban of the practice. This incentivizes mobilization into
cotton harvest forced labor, which is currently an administrative
violation at first offense.
If confirmed, how can you work with government officials to
increase the effectiveness of laws designed to inhibit these
forms of forced labor and larger anti-trafficking work in
country?
Answer. Although there is more work to be done, the Government of
Uzbekistan has made steady and significant progress towards eliminating
the systemic forced labor issues of the Karimov era. If confirmed, I
will encourage Uzbekistan's continued close cooperation with USAID and
INL on U.S. technical assistance programs that combat human
trafficking, including forced labor. I will also review and urge action
to address the U.S. recommendations in the Department of State's annual
Trafficking in Persons Report with members of Uzbekistan's National
Commission to Combat Trafficking in Persons.
Question. The report also notes that a lack of a victim-centered
approach or victim/witness protections capabilities severely hinders
efficient cooperation by victims and witnesses in investigations and
prosecutions, if confirmed, what steps would you take with the Uzbek
Government to improve upon these practices?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Uzbekistani officials to
prioritize the implementation of the Department of State's
recommendation in the annual TIP report, including the recommendation
to adopt a victim-centered approach. Existing U.S.-funded technical
assistance relationships with Uzbekistan provide a valuable resource in
helping Uzbekistan adopt this recommended approach. If confirmed, I
will stress the importance of this recommendation to Uzbekistani
officials.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, while Uzbekistan's constitution recognizes the freedom
of religion, a new version of the law on ``Freedom of Conscience and
Religious Organizations'' notes that while exercise of religious
freedom is permitted, the process of registration is difficult and many
minority non-Muslim religious groups state they continue to face
societal pressure from the majority Muslim population, particularly
against members of their religious group whom converted from Islam.
What actions would you take with the host government to encourage
the streamlining of these registration processes?
Answer. Uzbekistan today is at a crossroads. Under President
Mirziyoyev, the Government has taken significant steps to improve its
record on religious freedom over the last several years. Based on these
steps, the Department of State did not re-designate Uzbekistan as a
Special Watch List country for severe violations of religious freedom
in 2020. However, we have recently seen a softening of resolve to
uphold the human right of religious freedom or belief in Uzbekistan. If
confirmed, I will press Uzbekistani officials at the highest levels to
stay the course on human rights-related reforms. I will engage directly
with representatives of minority religious groups to better understand
their concerns and will press Uzbekistani lawmakers and Ministry of
Justice to streamline onerous registration procedures for religious
groups.
Question. The current religious laws outline that individuals in
possession of authors deemed `extremist' or any literature illegally
imported or produced are subject to arrest and prosecution. What is
your assessment of the Government attitudes towards minority religious
groups and their ability to feel secure in their practices under these
types of laws?
Answer. Uzbekistan's Soviet legacy casts a long shadow over its
human rights reform efforts and societal tolerance of minority
religious groups. Additionally, Uzbekistani officials openly admit that
they defer to pressure from the Russian Orthodox Church not to register
minority religious groups. If confirmed, I will underscore to
Uzbekistani authorities the importance of freedom of religion or belief
and more inclusive approaches to official treatment of minority
religious groups.
Question. Multiple sources in the report note excessively degrading
and torturous treatment of prisoners of minority religious groups, what
steps would you pursue to improve the treatment of such prisoners?
Answer. If confirmed, pursuant to the Administration's stated goals
and policies, I will encourage Uzbekistani authorities to conduct
credible and transparent investigations of allegations of torture and
hold perpetrators accountable to ensure the practice does not continue.
I will see to it that individual cases of abuse are raised with senior
Uzbekistani officials and will encourage the Government of Uzbekistan's
cooperation with international human rights monitors and U.N. special
rapporteurs. It is unacceptable for Uzbekistan, as a party to the
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment, and member of the U.N. Human Rights Council,
to turn a blind eye to reports of torture.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Uzbekistan Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to encourage
Uzbekistan's support for Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The United States must play a leadership role at the United
Nations and other international organizations. If confirmed, I will
work with the Bureau of International Organization Affairs to support
the recruitment and placement of qualified U.S. candidates in the
U.N.'s Junior Professional Officers program.
Question. The Uzbekistan has a low rate of voting coincidence with
the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Official Uzbekistani policy is to refrain from single-
country U.N. resolutions, as the country has bitter memories of being
singled out for such resolutions during the Karimov era. Additionally,
Uzbekistan carefully assesses its position at the U.N. with a view
toward maintaining stable relations with strategic bilateral partners,
including the PRC, Russia, and the United States. Accordingly,
Uzbekistan frequently chooses to abstain from votes that put it in the
middle of disagreements between the United States and Russia or China.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Uzbeks on anticipated votes in the U.N. system that
would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will remind Uzbekistani diplomats of
Uzbekistan's obligations under the U.N. Charter and the importance of
maintaining an international order in which larger countries respect
Uzbekistan's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. With
this in mind, I will urge Uzbekistan to demonstrate solidarity with
Ukraine at the U.N. and to promote accountability for the PRC's
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and members of
other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang.
Question. Peace Corps was forced to leave Uzbekistan in 2005 after
the Andijon Massacre. Since the change of leadership in 2016, I
understand that Peace Corps has begun to move towards re-establishing
its work in Uzbekistan.
If confirmed as ambassador, do you commit to working towards the
return of Peace Corps to the Republic of Uzbekistan?
Answer. I am thrilled at the prospect of the Peace Corps' possible
return to Uzbekistan after more than 15 years. If confirmed, I will
enthusiastically support the return of Peace Corps Volunteers to
Uzbekistan.
Question. If Peace Corps is able to return to Uzbekistan, in what
sectors would you like to see volunteers be assigned to work? Where do
you think they could be most useful, both to development in Uzbekistan,
and to the U.S.-Uzbekistan relationship overall?
Answer. The specific menu of Peace Corps programming in Uzbekistan,
should the organization decide to return, will ultimately be guided by
priorities mutually agreed upon by the U.S. and Uzbekistani
Governments. I see tremendous potential demand for English language
education in Uzbekistan and agree with the Uzbekistan Government's
belief and as expressed in their invitation letter, Peace Corps
Volunteers could make a significant and positive impact in supporting
the Government of Uzbekistan's objective of expanding the number of
fluent English speakers in Uzbekistan. Programming in this space would
be mutually beneficial, to the extent that it would provide
Uzbekistanis greater access to educational and business opportunities,
as well as promoting a better understanding of Americans by
Uzbekistanis and a better understating of Uzbekistanis by Americans,
achieving the Peace Corps' second and third goals.
Question. What is your stance on the continued application of the
Jackson-Vanik amendment on Uzbekistan?
Answer. The Department of State supports legislation that would
authorize the U.S. President to determine that Jackson-Vanik should no
longer apply to Uzbekistan.
Question. What benefits would the repeal of this amendment and the
establishment of normal trade relations have for Uzbekistan and the
U.S.?
Answer. First and foremost, the repeal of Jackson-Vanik for
Uzbekistan would send a strong message to the Uzbekistanis that the
United States no longer views Uzbekistan through the lens of the Soviet
Union. Such a signal would strengthen Uzbekistani resolve to distance
itself from Russia and its war of aggression in Ukraine. Similarly,
Uzbekistan remains reliant on the PRC for trade and foreign direct
investment, although it is interested in enhancing economic ties with
the United States. We have signaled that we see expanded economic and
trade ties as a long-term regional priority. Repeal of Jackson-Vanik,
and the establishment of permanent normal trade relations, would
provide a tangible sign that we are taking steps to back up our words
with actions, and reciprocate Central Asian interest in diversifying
trade relations in the region, pushing back on PRC efforts to establish
itself as the region's dominant economic partner.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Tashkent?
Answer. Despite the ongoing challenges of the pandemic, morale is
high at Embassy Tashkent. I have served in Uzbekistan previously and am
closely familiar with the strains that the local operating environment
place on U.S. personnel. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority
than the health, security, and well-being of the Embassy community.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Tashkent?
Answer. I would endeavor to sustain high morale by fostering an
inclusive work environment at Embassy Tashkent, consistent with the
Biden administration's vision of a State Department workforce culture
that values collegiality, teamwork, and respect.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Tashkent?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure clear lines of communications
between my office, section management, and the broader Embassy
community. I will set a strategic vision that underscores the common
purpose of all Mission personnel. I will work closely with my deputy to
ensure a workplace climate that values the contributions of our staff
and encourages leadership and accountability at every level of the
organization.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I provide vision and focus on communication and building
trust. I demonstrate confidence in my teams and spend a lot of time
keeping morale up and supporting staff development. I strive for a
positive workplace culture so that my team stays motivated, even when
the going gets tough. I welcome honest feedback and understand that the
Mission looks to me for decisive leadership. Embassy life can be
stressful for employees and their family members. I seek opportunities
to recognize the sacrifices we make in support of our public service
mission.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate any colleague in any
situation. I address underperformance directly and strive to give
subordinates the tools they need to succeed.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I am extremely grateful to have a highly experienced DCM at
my side in Tashkent. I will look to my DCM to provide frank advice, to
play devil's advocate, and to keep a finger on the pulse of Embassy
operations
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to trust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I expect the DCM to devote special attention the goals in
the Department of State's Strategic Plan for Diversity, Equity,
Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA). I also expect my DCM to take
seriously the traditional responsibilities of mentoring first and
second tour officers and ensuring the strength of institutions that
serve the Embassy community, most notably the Tashkent International
School.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Constructive feedback is one of a manager's most important
responsibilities to the subordinate, to the State Department, and to
the American taxpayer. Employees cannot reasonably be expected to
improve their performance absent constructive feedback. Failing to
address performance issues does a disservice both to the employee and
the institution.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would champion clear, accurate, and
direct feedback to employees and would celebrate excellent performance.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Uzbekistan.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I fully agree that, as diplomats, we cannot fully succeed
in our mission if we spend the majority of our time behind the walls of
our Embassy. If confirmed, I will encourage my team to make every
effort to build relationships with Uzbekistani interlocutors from all
walks of life so that we can better understand the local context and,
additionally, better craft our messages to local audiences. I will also
encourage them to spend time visiting programs and grantees the Embassy
supports and get to know alumni of our USG exchange programs.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Regional travel is a regular component of Embassy Tashkent
operations and, if confirmed, I will continue to support such trips. I
will encourage Embassy Officers to make use of our network of American
Corners, as a platform for engaging populations outside of Tashkent, as
well as to visit our Embassy supported English Language programs and
Democracy Commission grantees. I will also urge them to build
relationships with alumni of our USG exchange programs, who reside
across the country.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Uzbekistan?
Answer. Public diplomacy efforts in Uzbekistan are robust. In
recent years we have seen a significant increase in applications to USG
exchange programs, with total applications doubling, and in some cases
tripling. English language programming continues to be an area of
enthusiastic cooperation. Uzbekistan remains a welcoming environment
for U.S. English teachers, and the network of American Corners and
associated cultural programming continue to be exceedingly popular
educational resources.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While many of the Embassy's programs operate smoothly,
bureaucratic hurdles and slow responses continue to present challenges
to public diplomacy programming. Additionally, Russian disinformation
is prevalent in Uzbekistan, and staff are forced to dedicate
significant time to refuting and countering these false narratives.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. The Public Diplomacy Section has open communication with
Main State on messaging guidance. Our diplomats overseas are experts on
the local environment and are best placed to tailor messaging to
Uzbekistani audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
security and safety of the Mission community. I will do everything
possible to ensure that employees who report a possible AHI receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care and the incident is
reported through appropriate channels.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Tashkent personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to build a culture of trust,
respect, and transparency at the Mission, and talk as openly as I can
to our Mission community
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Jonathan Henick by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Uzbekistan is, by many measures, the most populous and
economically significant country in Central Asia. As it has for much of
its history, it sits at the crossroads of trade between Europe, Asia,
and the Middle East. For the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) Belt and
Road Initiative (BRI), Uzbekistan is critical in achieving the goal of
binding the rest of Asia and Europe closer to China. In 2017,
Uzbekistan's relatively reformist president Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed
115 investment agreements worth more than $23 billion.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has noted, the ruling Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad, making the PRC the most serious long-term challenge
to the international order. The PRC's manipulative economic practices
have cost American workers jobs and robbed American companies of their
intellectual property. Beijing's coercive tactics--from Lithuania to
Taiwan--are deeply destabilizing and threaten U.S. interests across the
globe.
The United States will counter the threat posed by the CCP by
standing by our allies and partners against PRC intimidation. We will
boost the resilience of U.S. supply chains by reshoring production and
diversifying suppliers in sensitive sectors of the economy. And we will
continue to support the sovereignty, independence, and territorial
integrity of our partners, including Uzbekistan.
Question. Does Uzbekistan's increasing integration into BRI
threaten the United States?
Answer. While the PRC has indeed made significant investments in
Uzbekistan, especially in infrastructure, Uzbekistan has adopted
policies to limit its external debt and requires the majority of
workers on foreign-financed projects to be Uzbekistani nationals.
Moreover, Uzbekistan is keenly interested in enhancing economic ties
with the United States. We have signaled publicly and privately that we
see expanded economic and trade ties as a long-term regional priority.
Reciprocating the Government of Uzbekistan's interest in diversifying
its trade relationships will help support Uzbekistan and other Central
Asian countries' ability to pursue relationships with a variety of
partners of its own choosing, in line with its own national interests.
Question. When President Mirziyoyev assumed power in 2016, many
people assumed that he would be more reform-minded than his dictatorial
predecessor, Islam Karimov, but still maintain Uzbekistan's neutral
foreign policy. Do you see ties between Uzbekistan and the PRC
improving during his tenure?
Answer. Uzbekistani President Mirziyoyev's signature foreign
policy, referred to as ``neighbors first'' or ``good neighbors,''
reversed the tense relations between Uzbekistan and its Central Asian
neighbors that characterized the Karimov regime. President Mirziyoyev
has paid state visits to every neighboring country except Afghanistan,
and every Central Asian leader has made official visits to Tashkent.
Under Mirziyoyev's watch, Uzbekistan has resolved many tough and long-
standing border and water resource-related disputes with its neighbors,
particularly the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan. The United States
welcomes Uzbekistan's aspirations to serve as a champion of regional
autonomy in Central Asia.
Uzbekistan's relationship with the PRC spans political, economic,
cultural, and security assistance. This includes a number of
scholarship and internship opportunities for Uzbekistani students in
the PRC and, more recently, an aggressive vaccine diplomacy campaign.
While relations between Tashkent and Beijing are good under President
Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan continues to demonstrate considerable skill in
managing a multi-vector foreign policy, including with the United
States, that ensures it is not overly dependent on a single outside
power.
Question. What options are available to the United States to resist
increasing CCP influence in Uzbekistan and Central Asia?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, our diplomacy is based on
partnership and respect for each other's interests. We will continue to
support the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of our
partners, including Uzbekistan. In addition to U.S. bilateral support
to Uzbekistan's reform agenda, the United States contributes to
international development finance institutions, which are making major
investments Uzbekistan's infrastructure needs.
We know that many countries--including the United States--have
vital economic or people-to-people ties with the PRC that they want to
preserve. This is not about forcing countries to choose. It is about
giving them a choice so that, for example, the only option is not an
opaque investment that leaves countries in debt, stokes corruption,
harms the environment, fails to create local jobs or growth, and
compromises countries' sovereignty.
The PRC is an important trading partner and continues to make
investments in Uzbekistan, especially in infrastructure linked to
President Xi Jinping's signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Nonetheless, Uzbekistan's Government makes subtle efforts to manage
PRC-led investment and market dominance, as has occurred in neighboring
countries.
Uzbekistan's successful eradication of systemic forced labor in the
cotton harvest--and the subsequent lifting of the boycott against Uzbek
cotton--presents an opportunity for U.S. and European apparel companies
to divest away from cotton sourced in Xinjiang. At a minimum, the Uzbek
experience can serve as an example of how countries like the PRC can
take steps to improve labor practices and open opportunities for trade
and investment.
Question. We've seen increased chaos in the region following
President Biden's haphazard withdrawal from Afghanistan. Countries in
the region, including Uzbekistan, will have to contend with the threat
of Islamic terrorism for years to come. Uzbekistan, which had increased
its security cooperation with us to counter the threat of terrorism,
now likely does not see us as a reliable partner. Did President Biden's
decision to force a haphazard and disorganized withdrawal from
Afghanistan endanger American security? Why or why not?
Answer. As President Biden has said, the United States will
maintain the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan and in other
countries. To that end, we will use our military capabilities and
alliances, diplomatic tools, and unrivaled network of international
intelligence and law enforcement partners. The United States has
demonstrated that it does not require a protracted military footprint
in Afghanistan to sustain these capabilities.
Question. What is the current security threat posed by the Taliban
and Islamic State-Khorasan to Uzbekistan?
Answer. The Islamic State-Khorasan (ISIS-K) poses a security threat
to Uzbekistan and other Central Asian countries bordering Afghanistan,
as illustrated by recent cross-border attacks on Uzbekistan. ISIS-K
claimed responsibility for an April rocket attack against an Uzbek
military base in Termez, Uzbekistan from Balkh Province. Although the
attacks caused little damage, ISIS-K media released videos of each
attack, in an effort to boost the morale of the group's fighters and
increase its appeal to potential Central Asian supporters.
Uzbekistani Government sources reported a second rocket attack
against Termez in July, that resulted in damage to property, but no
casualties. Although no one has claimed responsibility for the July
attack, the frequency of the incidents underscores the determination of
violent extremists from Afghanistan to launch attacks on Uzbekistan.
The Government of Uzbekistan maintains high-level ties with the Taliban
and works with the Taliban to address the security threat to Uzbekistan
from Afghanistan.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support maintaining
security ties between Uzbekistan and the United States?
Answer. The Government of Uzbekistan remains interested in a broad-
based security partnership with the United States. Law enforcement is a
particularly promising area of cooperation, as highlighted by the
first-ever bilateral Law Enforcement Working Group meeting in April.
Uzbekistan has also continued to increase cooperation with the United
States on counterterrorism and border security, to include the non-
proliferation of nuclear materials.
If confirmed, I will seek to expand our security cooperation with
Uzbekistan, with particular attention to building a shared
understanding of terrorist threat from Afghanistan. To that end, I will
work to ensure we are closely cooperating on information sharing and
handling of classified information. I will encourage Uzbekistan's
continued close cooperation with the Mississippi National Guard through
the State Partnership Program. I will also emphasize the importance of
Uzbekistan diversifying away from Russian defense articles for its own
sovereignty and to avoid the risks of U.S. actions under the Countering
America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Lesslie Viguerie by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has had somewhat
diminished influence in Central Asia as it focuses its diplomatic
efforts elsewhere. This has opened a window of opportunity for
increased U.S. involvement in the Kyrgyz Republic.
In what ways can the United States best take advantage of this
opportunity and lay a foundation for continued and permanent
progress in the U.S.-Kyrgyz relationship?
Answer. The United States and Kyrgyz Republic share many goals and
a mutual interest in working together to achieve them. The Kyrgyz
Republic has stated its commitment to fighting corruption and organized
crime. In this effort it will find no better partner than the United
States. We hope to strengthen security cooperation to address
challenges such as disaster preparedness and countering transnational
threats. The United States is committed to supporting Kyrgyz economic
resilience, connectivity, and diversification beyond its traditional
partners, by developing the country's knowledge economy, in which a
thriving IT sector drives job creation and connection to the global
economy. Our countries share an interest in solving the climate crisis
and can do much together to reduce emissions and build our ability to
respond to the impacts of climate change. We have continuously stressed
that we support the Kyrgyz Republic's sovereignty, independence, and
territorial integrity and, if confirmed, I will continue to do so.
Question. How will you work with Kyrgyz Government and private
sector to increase economic ties with the United States?
Answer. The United States is committed to supporting the new Kyrgyz
economy with job creation and diversification of trading partners and
increased exports, driven by a thriving IT sector, opportunities for
increased access to credit such as venture capital, public-private
partnerships, and connections to the international economy through the
English language. The Kyrgyz IT sector in particular has tremendous
potential, and the United States is a main market for Kyrgyz IT
services. The United States is helping increase the performance of
small and medium enterprises throughout the country, building their
ability to become part of the international economy and absorb more
direct foreign investment.
The United States is committed to helping build the English skills
of Kyrgyz children, university students, and professionals.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-to-
people ties between the U.S. and Kyrgyz citizens, particularly to
counter Russian influence?
Answer. People-to-people ties have developed considerably over the
last 30 years and, if confirmed, I look forward to expanding them.
Since 1993, we have supported the American University of Central Asia,
where tens of thousands of the region's best and brightest have
received U.S.-accredited degrees. Our American Center and seven
American Corners throughout the country offer cultural programs,
educational resources, and information on studying in the United States
to tens of thousands of people per year. I also look forward, if
confirmed, to working to expand ties between our private sectors to
strengthen our economic ties.
Question. Independent journalism that helps the public hold
governments and corrupted elites accountable for their actions is under
threat throughout Central Asia, and impacts the work of
Congressionally-funded international media outlets such as RFE/RL.
Throughout the region, governments do not consistently respond to
requests for comments and interviews on questions of interest to RFE/
RL's audiences in the region, and local journalists working for RFE/RL
are regularly targeted for retaliation for their journalistic work.
In Kyrgyz Republic, while RFE/RL has an active bureau and generally
good relations with the government that extends to RFE/RL requests to
open new bureaus focused on migrant issues and coverage of developments
in the Ferghana Valley, RFE/RL journalists have also been targeted
threats, harassment, and smear campaigns for their impactful
investigative reporting involving both government officials and corrupt
elites, such as its award-winning expose of a large-scale, cross-border
money-laundering network centered in the country.
If you are confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, what will you do to
support the work of RFE/RL and ensure open access for
Congressionally-funded international journalists at your new
post?
Answer. If confirmed, I will never hesitate to call out threats to
freedom of the press, in accordance with the values we share with the
Kyrgyz people and our support for human rights. We are proud of our
longstanding support for the Kyrgyz press, including support for the
work of RFE/RL, and I will commit to continuing to do so.
Question. After two years, Kyrgyz authorities have failed to
conclude an investigation into the death of human rights defender
Azimjon Askarov, raising concerns over mistreatment and neglect in
Kyrgyz prisons.
If confirmed, how will you work with Kyrgyz officials to address
detainment center conditions and facilitate a conclusion to the
investigation into the death of Askarov?
Answer. Mr. Askarov dedicated his life to the defense of human
rights and reconciliation and understanding between all peoples. If
confirmed, I will continue to emphasize to Kyrgyz authorities the
importance of upholding human rights and accountability, including a
thorough, fair investigation into the death of Mr. Askarov.
Question. The 2022 State Department Report on Human Rights notes
use of torture and harsh and life-threatening conditions in prison
facilities as significant human rights issues. What steps would you
take with the Kyrgyz Government to address these concerns?
Answer. The United States is committed to supporting the Kyrgyz
Republic's democratic system of government, rule of law, and the human
rights and freedoms the Kyrgyz people have won since independence. If
confirmed, I pledge to regularly advocate for the Kyrgyz Government to
improve conditions in prison facilities and will offer the Embassy's
assistance to achieve this goal.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Report on Human Rights,
other significant issues involved restrictions of freedom of
expression, violent threats to journalists over censorship, overly
restrictive laws against NGO's or other civil society groups, and
serious acts of government corruption. While the Government has taken
steps to investigate and prosecute officials having committed human
rights violations, official impunity has remained a problem.
If confirmed, how will you work with Kyrgyz officials to reduce
governmental corruption and increase individual freedoms?
Answer. President Japarov has publicly and repeatedly committed to
combatting corruption, and we encourage his stated commitment, as anti-
corruption is a priority we wholeheartedly support, including through
programming in partnership with Kyrgyz law enforcement bodies and
relevant local community stakeholders. Through this engagement, we seek
to ensure that Kyrgyz anti-corruption initiatives are both effective
and observant of the rule of law.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Kyrgyz Republic remained Tier 2, largely through the
Government's decreased investigations and prosecutions of trafficking
cases, not securing any convictions of traffickers--including cases
involving complicit officials.
What is your assessment of this situation and if confirmed, what
would you do to assist in the improvement of the legal system to
convict traffickers, including complicit officials?
Answer. Although there is more to be done, we are encouraged by the
Kyrgyz Republic's upgrade in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report to
Tier 2 after three years on the Tier 2 watchlist. If confirmed, I will
offer the Embassy's full support for the Kyrgyz Republic's efforts to
combat human trafficking, including assistance to initiate
investigations into potential cases of official complicity, and develop
and disseminate anti-trafficking training materials for police and
prosecutors.
Question. The report additionally indicates a heavy reliance on
international organizations for victim identification, what steps would
you take as Ambassador to improve the Kyrgyz Government's ability to
independently identify trafficking victims?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage and offer to help the Kyrgyz
Republic to implement the prioritized recommendations as noted in the
2022 TIP report. We will work with our Kyrgyz partners to increase
their capacity to investigate, prosecute, and convict persons complicit
in human trafficking, including government officials, while respecting
due process. We will also offer cooperation to increase Kyrgyz efforts
to proactively identify and protect victims.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Report on International
Religious Freedom, the report indicates that the Kyrgyz Government
claims Jehovah Witness texts as `extremist,' that it has opened up a
criminal case against them, and has conducted raids of the offices of
Jehovah's Witnesses.
If confirmed, what actions would you take to urge the Government to
respect religious freedom and peacefully conclude the criminal
allegations against Jehovah's Witnesses in the state?
Answer. The Kyrgyz Republic has a proud tradition of religious
tolerance. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of the Kyrgyz
Government upholding religious freedom for all, including religious
minorities like the Jehovah's Witnesses.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Kyrgyz Government and
any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of
Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to encourage
Kyrgyz support for Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. believe a strong U.S. role at the United Nations and other
international organizations is vital. If confirmed, I will work with
the International Organizations Bureau to advance this objective
however I can, including by identifying qualified U.S. candidates for
the Junior Program Officer and other programs.
Question. Kyrgyzstan has a low rate of voting coincidence with the
U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. The Kyrgyz Republic has longstanding ties with its regional
partners. If confirmed, I will call on Kyrgyz leadership to uphold the
U.N. Charter and condemn the Russian Federation's further invasion of
Ukraine and gross violations of international law. I will also continue
to encourage the Kyrgyz Government to promote accountability for the
PRC Government's use of forced labor as well as its genocide and crimes
against humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and
religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including ethnic Kyrgyz.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Kyrgyz Government on anticipated votes in the U.N.
system that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Kyrgyz leaders that they will
find no better and fairer partner than the United States to help them
achieve their goals. I will note our support for Kyrgyz environmental
initiatives at the United Nations and offer further support in
addressing the climate crisis. I will also reiterate our belief that
all countries have a vital interest in defending the principles and
values that keep us all safe, including the principle that no country
may seize the territory of a sovereign state and no country has a veto
over another's security partners or political path.
Question. If confirmed, how will you promote democratic and anti-
corruption reforms in Kyrgyz Republic, and in what areas of government
is progress most viable?
Answer. President Japarov has publicly and repeatedly committed to
combatting corruption, and, if confirmed, I will offer full U.S.
support in this campaign, including through Embassy programming in
partnership with Kyrgyz law enforcement bodies and relevant local
community stakeholders. Through this engagement, we will seek to ensure
that Kyrgyz anti-corruption initiatives are both effective and
observant of the rule of law.
In 2021, we designated former customs official Raimbek Matraimov
under Global Magnitsky sanctions and raised the Transnational Organized
Crime Rewards Program amount on known drug trafficker Kamchybek Kolbaev
to $5 million. In 2019, our law enforcement personnel cooperated to
return $4.6 million stolen by the former President's son, Maksim
Bakiyev, to the Kyrgyz people. These efforts demonstrate our commitment
to working with Kyrgyz authorities to combat these criminal networks
and their corrupt influence in Kyrgyz society.
Question. Corruption at all levels continues to be a problem in
Kyrgyz Republic. Do you think that the use of the State Department's
7031(c) visa ban authorities could be a useful tool for fighting
corruption in Kyrgyz Republic? Why or why not?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support all actions to hold corrupt
officials to account, including through 7031(c) visa bans. I believe
measures like this are vital in order to show that we are backing up
our words with actions.
Question. What is your stance on the continued application of the
Jackson-Vanik amendment on the Kyrgyz Republic?
Answer. The Kyrgyz Republic is not subject to the Jackson-Vanik
amendment.
Question. What benefits would the repeal of this amendment and the
establishment of normal trade relations have for the Kyrgyz Republic
and the U.S.?
Answer. The United States enjoys normal trade relations with the
Kyrgyz Republic.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Bishkek?
Answer. I understand morale is high at the Embassy, largely due to
its outstanding leadership. I know from experience how important that
is and will do my utmost to ensure it continues. If confirmed, the
health, security, and well-being of the Embassy community will be my
highest priority.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bishkek?
Answer. Over my 30 years in the Foreign Service, I have seen some
of the best aspects of leadership, including the importance of building
strong teams, valuing diversity, and mentoring the next generation of
U.S. diplomats. These are the values that guide me. I will prioritize
the safety and security of the Embassy community above all else and
maintain a culture of respect and trust at the Embassy.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bishkek?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on inclusivity to ensure that
all Mission personnel know that I value their views and expertise. I
will seek to instill a culture of trust that recognizes the unique
talents of our staff members and encourages them to take ownership of
their work. As the chief of mission, I will share credit for our
successes but accept the blame for our setbacks. I believe in the
importance of ``one team'' and, if confirmed, will emphasize this value
as Ambassador.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I always endeavor to build strong teams with high morale.
Accomplishing this requires a commitment to inclusion, focus on
professional development, and culture of trust and respect for all
colleagues. As a leader, I convey to my team that all opinions and
ideas are welcome. I see mentoring as an obligation so that staff not
only thrive in their current assignments but are prepared to succeed in
future positions as well. I seek to recognize others' accomplishments
as often as possible and will assume responsibility when things go
wrong. I also understand well that the Ambassador's responsibilities
are not limited to within the Embassy's walls. Mission staff sacrifice
much in this line of work and they expect--and deserve--leadership that
cares as much about the personal as the professional side. To that end,
I will always prioritize the well-being of the Embassy community above
all else.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Never. As a leader it is one's responsibility to put staff
in a position to succeed and offer counseling and instruction when they
do not. I believe in addressing poor performance promptly, but always
in a respectful manner.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Good leaders utilize the talent around them and I expect to
have a close, collaborative relationship with my DCM. In Bishkek, I
will be serving with a DCM who served as chief of mission for over a
year. I expect we will divide responsibilities in a way that sees the
DCM focus more on internal Embassy matters, but of course I will rely
on their expertise and experience in all that I do.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect we will divide responsibilities in a
way that sees the DCM focus more on internal Embassy matters, though of
course I will rely on their expertise and experience in all that I do.
Specifically, I will rely on the DCM to chair the Emergency Action
Committee and further DEIA efforts at Post, especially with regards to
recruitment of new officers.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. I believe providing constructive feedback and mentoring is
one of the most important roles a leader can play. This should happen
throughout the year--not just when EERs are due--to give the employee
time and opportunity to learn and develop. If confirmed, I will
emphasize the importance of developing our staff and providing timely
feedback at all levels of the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I believe providing clear, accurate, and direct
feedback is one of the most important roles a leader can play.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Kyrgyz Republic. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Staff at our Mission in Bishkek routinely leave the Embassy
to meet with Kyrgyz Government, private sector, and civil society
interlocutors. If confirmed, I will encourage this practice, as there
is no substitute for face-to-face diplomacy. I will regularly review
procedures with our Regional Security Office to ensure that our staff
can do their jobs safely.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Officers at Embassy Bishkek regularly travel throughout the
country and, if confirmed, I will continue to support such trips as we
cannot understand a country only from its capital. Our network of
American Corners act as a vital bridge between the Embassy and local
communities and I will encourage--and seek appropriate funding for--
regular Embassy visits to these centers. I will also advocate for more
Kyrgyz-language training at the Foreign Service Institute given the
increasing prominence of Kyrgyz across the breadth of society.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Kyrgyz Republic?
Answer. Public diplomacy programming in the Kyrgyz Republic is
among the most robust in Central Asia. Our Embassy disseminates
messages--in English, Kyrgyz, and Russian--through a range of social
media platforms that highlight our shared values and the breadth and
impact of U.S. efforts, countering Russian disinformation. Our
programming supports civil society that bolsters democratic
development, economic development, good governance, inclusive education
and opportunities, and tolerance.
Additionally, our Mission hosts large-scale regional programs,
including the Central Asia Design Hub and multiple programs at the
American University of Central Asia. Our American Center and seven
American Corners throughout the country offer cultural programs,
educational resources, and information on studying in the United States
to tens of thousands of people per year.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Russian disinformation is ubiquitous in the Kyrgyz
Republic, flooding the press and social media with anti-U.S.
propaganda. Staff are forced to dedicate significant time to refuting
and countering these lies. Our Embassy Public Diplomacy Section has
done a great job of highlighting the positive role the United States
plays in the Kyrgyz Republic and, if confirmed, I will offer them all
the support I can in these efforts.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Our diplomats overseas are experts on the local environment
and are best placed to tailor messages to Kyrgyz audiences. Having
served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central Asia, I saw firsthand
the excellent cooperation between Mission Bishkek's Public Diplomacy
team and their counterparts here in Washington. If confirmed, I will
seek to maintain that level of collaboration.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
security and safety of the Mission community. I will commit to taking
all anomalous health incident reports seriously and to investigate them
in a transparent manner.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Bishkek personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to build a culture of trust,
respect, and transparency at the Mission, and talk as openly as I can
to our Mission community.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Lesslie Viguerie by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), like all communist
parties, views all capitalist systems as a threat to their existence.
Anywhere people are allowed to decide for themselves how to live their
lives, protect their families and achieve their dreams undermines the
CCP's narrative that only it is the arbiter of truth. It should be no
surprise that the CCP has worked to undermine Kyrgyzstan, once called
the ``island of democracy'' in Central Asia. Current Kyrgyz President
Sadyr Japarov, with the support of the CCP and Vladimir Putin, has
overseen a political transition that has concentrated his power and
gone after opposition leaders, journalists, and activists.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has noted, the ruling Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) has become more repressive at home and more
aggressive abroad, making the PRC the most serious long-term challenge
to the international order. If confirmed, I will continue to support
the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Kyrgyz
Republic as we have for the last 30 years
Question. Does the increasing influence of the CCP in Kyrgyzstan
threaten American interests?
Answer. We are concerned about the fact that the Kyrgyz Republic
has a large debt burden to China. In many areas, Beijing's leaders seek
unfair advantages; behave aggressively, non-transparently, and
coercively; and undermine the rules and values at the heart of an open
and stable international system. We will continue to support the
sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Kyrgyz
Republic, and seek to expand cooperation, including to support the
country's economic growth and resilience.
Question. Kyrgyzstan has been among the region's largest recipients
of U.S. democracy assistance. How does the erosion of democracy there
support CCP narratives that democracy is not a better model than its
totalitarian system?
Answer. The Kyrgyz people are proud of their democracy. If
confirmed, I will continue to emphasize our commitment to supporting
the Kyrgyz Republic's democratic system of government, rule of law, and
the human rights and freedoms the Kyrgyz people have won since
independence.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support pro-democracy
groups and sectors in Kyrgyzstani society?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for Kyrgyz civil society and
speak out against erosion of democratic governance, corruption, and
threats to freedom of speech and association, in accordance with the
values we share with the Kyrgyz people. It is critical that Kyrgyz
leadership safeguards the gains made over the last 30 years and upholds
media freedom, elevates the role of civil society, protects the human
rights of all its people, including members of all minority groups, and
strengthens judicial independence.
Question. The Chinese Communist Party is orchestrating nothing less
than a genocide of Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang. We all know of the
Uyghurs' plight, but this genocide has also ensnared ethnic Kyrgyz and
Kazakhs. Despite this, the Kyrgyzstani Government has been remarkably
silent about the systematic killings, detentions and abuse levied
against ethnic Kyrgyz in Xinjiang. Even more shocking, there are
indications that CCP efforts to convince the Kyrgyzstani Government to
forcibly repatriate ethnic Kyrgyz back to Xinjiang are gaining ground.
Earlier this year, Representative Chris Smith and I helped Ovalbek
Turdakan, a Christian Kyrgyz resident of Xinjiang who had fled to
Kyrgyzstan to escape the CCP, to seek asylum in the United States.
Why do you think the Kyrgyzstani Government is unwilling to stand
up to the CCP and call out its genocide of ethnic Kyrgyz in
Xinjiang?
Answer. We will continue to encourage the Kyrgyz Government to
promote accountability for the PRC Government's use of forced labor, as
well as its genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and
members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang,
including ethnic Kyrgyz. We respect the Kyrgyz Republic's desire to
have peaceful and constructive relations with all its neighbors,
including the PRC, but believe all countries must join together in
calling for an immediate end to the PRC's atrocities and for justice
for the many victims. We will strongly advocate that the Kyrgyz
Government respect its international obligations regarding non-
refoulment of refugees and asylum-seekers.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to using your position to
assist and protect ethnic Kyrgyz who flee to Kyrgyzstan to escape the
ongoing genocide in Xinjiang?
Answer. Yes, I commit to assisting and protecting ethnic Kyrgyz who
flee to the Kyrgyz Republic to escape the ongoing genocide in Xinjiang.
I will also advocate for Kyrgyz leadership to promote accountability
for the PRC's use of forced labor as well as its genocide and crimes
against humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and
religious minority groups--including ethnic Kyrgyz--in Xinjiang.
Question. In 2010, Chinese security services used Shanghai
Cooperation Organization Channels to solicit the Kyrgyz Government to
interrupt a film festival in Kyrgyzstan that a Chinese Uyghur human
rights activist was planning to attend. At Beijing's request, Kyrgyz
authorities subsequently stopped the screening of a film made by the
Uyghur activist. How can we best combat the long arm of Beijing in
Kyrgyzstan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continually emphasize that the Kyrgyz
Republic will find no better partner to achieve its development
objectives than the United States. We recently celebrated 30 years of
bilateral relations, during which the United States has provided over
$2 billion in assistance to the Kyrgyz Republic; by contrast, China has
provided unfair, non-transparent loans. In addition to U.S. bilateral
support to the Kyrgyz Republic's development goals, the United States
contributes to international development finance institutions which are
making major investments into the Kyrgyz Republic's infrastructure
needs.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Daniel N. Rosenblum by Senator James E. Risch
U.S.-Kazakhstan Relations
Question. Since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has had a somewhat
diminished influence in Central Asia, notably in Kazakhstan, as it
focuses its diplomatic efforts elsewhere. This has opened a window of
opportunity for increased U.S. involvement in the country.
In what ways can the United States best take advantage of this
opportunity and lay the foundation for more permanent progress
in the U.S.-Kazakhstan relationship?
Answer. Since Kazakhstan's independence in 1991, the United States
has invested in building strong and broad-based ties with the
Government and people of Kazakhstan, from educational and cultural
exchanges to foreign trade and military-to-military cooperation. Today,
Kazakhstan continues to seek U.S. engagement as part of its ``multi-
vector'' foreign policy, which aims to maintain positive relations with
all global powers. Since the 1990s, U.S. companies have been some of
the largest investors in Kazakhstan, and even more U.S. companies may
choose to move regional offices to Kazakhstan following Russia's
further invasion of Ukraine. In the security sector, there are new
opportunities to help Kazakhstan diversify away from Russian training,
doctrine, and equipment, in ways that meet Kazakhstan's fiscal
constraints and defense priorities. If confirmed, I will continue and
expand upon our work to strengthen bilateral people-to-people ties,
level the playing field for U.S. companies wanting to do business in
Kazakhstan and promote U.S. alternatives for Kazakhstan's security
needs.
Question. Kazakhstan has publicly stated they will abide by
western sanctions, but has not formally make a commitment to do so.
Should the United States seek a formal sanctions commitment from
Kazakhstan? Why or why not?
Answer. The United States should not seek a formal sanctions
commitment from Kazakhstan, as doing so could be counterproductive and,
additionally, provoke Russia to apply even greater pressure against
Kazakhstan not to abide by U.S. and partner-country sanctions. The
Kazakhstani Government already is actively engaging with the United
States to ensure not only that it supports U.S. sanctions, but that
Russia does not use Kazakhstan to evade these sanctions. For example,
the Kazakhstani Government has created a website to help local
companies keep track of international sanctions against Russia and
Belarus, and the Government has facilitated the exit from Kazakhstan's
financial sector of sanctioned Russian's banks. If confirmed, I will
work to ensure that Kazakhstan's Government and business community
continue to abide by western sanctions and that Kazakhstan's economy is
not used to evade these sanctions.
Question. How will you work with Kazakhstan's Government and
private sector to increase economic ties with the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue and expand upon outreach with
Kazakhstan's businesses, both public and private, to encourage business
opportunities for U.S. companies. There already are strong U.S.-
Kazakhstan business ties in the hydrocarbon sector, and at least one
U.S. bank has had offices in Kazakhstan for over 20 years. Sectors like
agriculture; renewable energy; and tourism all show great promise for
U.S. business. The U.S. --Kazakhstan Business Council, the Department
of Agriculture's Foreign Agricultural Service, and the Department of
Commerce's Foreign Commercial Service provide services to build
business relationships and help U.S. exporters. If confirmed, I will
also continue to support the Kazakhstani Government's efforts to
improve the business and investment climate to ensure a level playing
field for U.S. companies.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-to-
people ties between the U.S. and Kazakhstan, particularly to counter
Russian influence?
Answer. Russian influence and disinformation remain extremely
prevalent in Central Asia and in Kazakhstan. If confirmed, I will use
all the tools of our robust Public Diplomacy Section to engage the
Kazakhstani people. In-person engagements, social media, and
participation in local festivals and holidays all play a role. Our
Embassy also has significant journalist training and countering
disinformation programs that we will continue to utilize and hope to
expand. The Government of Kazakhstan has also expressed interest in
continued and increased collaboration in academic and professional
exchanges and higher education partnerships and if confirmed, I would
work to find mutually beneficial areas to expand in this sphere.
Energy and Critical Minerals
Question. Kazakhstan is a significant producer and exporter of
crude oil and natural gas and has a significant amount of uranium
resources that can be used for nuclear fuel.
Could Kazakhstan be a viable alternative to Russia for energy
exports to Europe?
Answer. Kazakhstan accounts for about 2 percent of the global oil
market, but 90 percent of exported oil currently uses pipelines which
transit Russia and thus are vulnerable to Russian interference. More
than 50 percent of these exports is destined for European markets.
Kazakhstan is actively seeking alternative export routes, especially
across the Caspian Sea. In the longer term these routes may allow
Kazakhstan's oil to become a viable alternative for Europe to Russia's
oil, but Kazakhstan's exports are very unlikely to replace Russia's
exports to Europe entirely, especially in the short term.
Question. What challenges stand in the way of Kazakhstan
increasing its energy exports to Europe?
Answer. The biggest challenge is geography. Kazakhstan exports 80
percent of its oil via the Caspian Pipeline Consortium which transits
Russia and thus is vulnerable to Russian interference. Another 10
percent goes through other Russian pipelines. The only other viable
option to Europe is the trans-Caspian Sea route; issues there include a
limited number of tankers to transport oil from Kazakhstan's ports to
facilities in Azerbaijan and limits on available capacity. Kazakhstan's
export options are further limited by the fact that the closest ports
on the western Caspian are in Iran and Russia.
Question. How could the U.S. help solve challenges that stand in
the way of Kazakhstan increasing its energy exports to Europe?
Answer. The biggest short-term challenge is lack of shipping
capacity in the Caspian Sea to transport oil from Kazakhstan's ports to
Azerbaijan. Another option is moving oil by rail to other ports, such
as in Georgia, although these routes would also transit Russia. On
routes, the United States should use a scatter approach. Allowing
Kazakhstan to deliver energy exports to multiple ports takes full
advantage of available capacity. Longer term, encouraging cooperation
on expanded trans-Caspian pipeline capacity is the best way to supply
energy to Europe without involving Russia.
Question. Could Kazakhstan be a viable alternative to Russia for
uranium exports?
Answer. Kazakhstan is the world's largest exporter of natural
uranium, which it exports in the form of yellow cake to other
countries, including Russia, which then convert and enrich the uranium
into a form that can be used to fabricate fuel for nuclear reactors.
Currently Russia owns roughly 40 percent of the world's conversion and
enrichment infrastructure. Kazakhstan has categorically stated it will
not enrich uranium. Therefore, while Kazakhstan will continue to be a
strong exporter of natural uranium, it cannot provide an alternative to
Russia's converted and enriched uranium exports.
Question. How could the U.S. help Kazakhstan develop its capacity
to export uranium?
Answer. Kazakhstan is the world's largest exporter of natural
uranium, which it exports in the form of yellow cake to other
countries, including Russia, which then convert and enrich the uranium
into a form that can be used to fabricate fuel for nuclear reactors.
Kazakhstan has categorically stated it will not enrich uranium. This is
a decision made in part due to the role Kazakhstan played as the site
of the Soviet Union's nuclear testing program, which left a legacy of
nuclear contamination, environmental degradation, and health problems
for the people of Kazakhstan. If confirmed, I will work to continue the
United States' cooperation with Kazakhstan to remediate its Soviet era
nuclear legacy, strengthen our collaboration on nuclear
nonproliferation, and explore cooperation and research on the peaceful
use of nuclear energy, where U.S. technology can play an important
role.
Question. Should the U.S. help Kazakhstan develop its capacity to
export uranium?
Answer. Kazakhstan is already a major global exporter of natural
uranium, including to the United States. Although most of these exports
go through Russia, since 2018 Kazakhstan has shipped a portion of its
uranium by sea through the Caspian to Azerbaijan. Kazakhstan is also a
potential source of valuable rare earth elements. It is in the
strategic economic interests of the United States that Kazakhstan
brings these commodities to the global market, so they are not
monopolized by other countries such as the PRC. If confirmed, I will
encourage Kazakhstan's Government to diversify the country's trade
routes and reduce trade barriers.
Question. Could Kazakhstan be a viable alternative to Russia for
critical minerals or other commodities?
Answer. Kazakhstan is also a potential source of valuable rare
earth elements. It is in the strategic economic interests of the United
States that Kazakhstan brings these commodities to the global market,
so they are not monopolized by other countries such as the PRC, and
steps already are underway to improve Kazakhstan's ability to identify
mineral resources. If confirmed, I will encourage Kazakhstan's
Government to diversify the country's trade routes and reduce trade
barriers.
Question. Kazakhstan is landlocked and relies on trade routes
through neighboring countries to conduct international trade.
What challenges does Kazakhstan face in exporting energy because of
this, and how can the U.S. help protect Kazakhstan's ability to
export oil and gas (and other goods) from political pressure by
its neighbors?
Answer. The biggest challenge is geography. Kazakhstan exports 80
percent of its oil--its largest product which accounts for nearly one
quarter of its GDP--via the Caspian Pipeline Consortium which transits
Russia and thus is vulnerable to Russian interference. The only other
currently viable option to export oil to world markets is the trans-
Caspian Sea route. The United States should use a scatter approach
here. Allowing Kazakhstan to deliver oil to multiple ports takes full
advantage of available capacity. Longer term, encouraging cooperation
on expanded trans-Caspian pipeline capacity is the best way to supply
energy to Europe without involving Russia. For other goods, Kazakhstan
mostly is a transit country for PRC goods heading to Europe rather than
a major exporter itself.
Question. How can the U.S. help Kazakhstan lessen its reliance on
the sale of its energy resources and diversify its economy?
Answer. The United States supports Kazakhstani Government efforts
to diversify its economy, including by improving the education of its
citizens so they can better compete in the global, knowledge-based
economy. Kazakhstan already has taken important steps, such as sending
thousands of students overseas for to receive higher education, and
beginning to implement the goal of tri-lingual (Kazakh, Russian and
English) public education to make the workforce more competitive.
Kazakhstan has great potential for renewable energy, especially wind
and solar. The U.S. Agency for International Development has done
significant work in this area, including helping the Government set up
renewable energy auctions and strengthening regional electricity grids
throughout Central Asia. The Embassy recently supported thousands of
women entrepreneurs to expand their networks and utilize e-commerce.
U.S. companies are also investing hundreds of millions of dollars to
support health, education, and entrepreneurship in Kazakhstan. If
confirmed, I would build on existing efforts to encourage Kazakhstan to
train its workforce and diversify its economy with an eye to the
future, and advocate for Kazakhstan to use U.S. educational
institutions, businesses, and technologies to do so.
Press Freedom
Question. Independent journalism that helps the public hold
governments and corrupted elites accountable for their actions is under
threat throughout Central Asia, and impacts the work of
Congressionally-funded international media outlets such as RFE/RL.
Throughout the region, governments do not consistently respond to
requests for comments and interviews on questions of interest to RFE/
RL's audiences in the region, and local journalists working for RFE/RL
are regularly targeted for retaliation for their journalistic work.
In Kazakhstan, RFE/RL journalists have been routinely harassed by
security agents as they carry out their journalistic duties to cover
major events such as the violent, nationwide protests of January 2022
and other recent expressions of popular discontent, and government
officials have often ignored RFE/RL requests for comment on issues of
importance to our audiences in the country, including alleged high-
level corruption among Kazakhstan's ruling elites.
If you are confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, what will you do to
support the work of RFE/RL and ensure open access for
Congressionally-funded international journalists at your new
post?
Answer. Our Mission is in contact with RFE/RL on a regular basis
and monitors the situation closely. Creating meaningful opportunities
for media and civil society, including RFE/RL's Kazakh service, to
provide independent commentary and input on pending laws and policies
is a crucial component of the democratic process. If confirmed, I will
encourage the Ministry of Information to uphold constitutional
protections for freedom of the press, while urging the Government to be
more transparent in its decision-making processes, budgetary matters,
and other operations of public interest.
Peace Corps
Question. Peace Corps left Kazakhstan in 2011. Do you believe that
Peace Corps should aim to return to the Republic of Kazakhstan? Why or
why not?
Answer. Peace Corps is a valuable program that expands U.S.
outreach and in so doing pays long-term dividends. The Kazakhstani
Government has expressed interest in partnering with the U.S. Mission
to Kazakhstan to expand on many of the services that the Peace Corps
used to provide in country, such as English teaching. Therefore, if
confirmed, I will focus on expanding and seeking increased funding for
the multiple academic and professional exchange programs offered by our
Public Diplomacy section.
Corruption and Reform
Question. If confirmed, how will you promote democratic and
corruption reforms in Kazakhstan?
Answer. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced a raft of
political, economic, and security reforms and condemned high-level
corruption in Kazakhstan, following the serious unrest of last January,
which began with peaceful protests that were rooted in socioeconomic
concerns. If confirmed, I will urge Kazakhstan's leadership to make
good on these promised reforms, which are ostensibly aimed at
strengthening representative democracy and reducing corruption. To this
end, I also will support development of relevant programming and
assistance, funding permitting, to build on past bilateral cooperation
related to rule of law and good governance.
Question. In what areas of government do you consider progress on
democratic and corruption reforms to be most viable for Kazakhstan?
Answer. Kazakhstan is a young, dynamic, and well-educated country.
Government reform efforts to increase the political participation of
women, youth, and persons with disabilities, and, separately, to
strengthen rural self-government have the potential to transform
Kazakhstan's political system and improve accountability on issues like
public finance and corruption. If confirmed, I will work to expand the
U.S. Government's contacts with reform-minded members of these groups
in parliament, government, and Kazakhstan's rural areas and work to
ensure they have the skills to succeed in building a more democratic,
stable, and prosperous Kazakhstan.
Question. Corruption at all levels continues to be a problem in
Kazakhstan. Do you think that the use of the State Department's 7031(c)
visa ban authorities could be a useful tool for fighting corruption in
Kazakhstan? Why or why not?
Answer. I believe measures like 7031(c) visa restrictions are vital
in order to show that we are backing up our words with actions. If
confirmed, I will support all actions to hold corrupt officials to
account, including through 7031(c) visa restrictions.
Jackson-Vanik
Question. What is your stance on the continued application of the
Jackson-Vanik amendment on Kazakhstan?
Answer. Jackson-Vanik is an economic tool originally designed by
Congress to address restrictions on emigration. The conditions which
made Jackson-Vanik necessary no longer exist in Kazakhstan. We have
more effective tools to address [remaining] human rights concerns, as
appropriate, including sanctions authorities and the Trafficking in
Persons, and human rights and international religious freedom reports.
Central Asia is looking very differently at Russia, and the United
States should be looking differently at Central Asia. At this pivotal
moment in history, we should be doing everything in our power to shore
up these states as they rebuff Russia's constant pressure and
entreaties to support its unprovoked war in Ukraine.
Every step we take to bring these countries closer to the West will
reduce Russia's ability to pressure them to support its war in Ukraine.
We should grant Kazakhstan Permanent Normal Trade Relations not only to
demonstrate our solidarity with the people of Kazakhstan, but also as a
measure to weaken Russia's grip on the region. Although ultimately this
is a decision for Congress, the Department of State supports graduating
Kazakhstan from the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.
Question. What benefits would the repeal of this amendment and the
establishment of normal trade relations have for Kazakhstan and the
U.S.?
Answer. Lack of Permanent Normal Trade Relations due to Jackson-
Vanik remains an irritant in bilateral relations, one that is raised in
nearly every encounter with Kazakhstani officials. Graduating
Kazakhstan from the Jackson-Vanik amendment would send a strong signal
that we view Kazakhstan as a reliable partner that has over 30 years of
independence and has left behind its Soviet past, and eliminating the
need for an annual waiver process would provide assurances of stability
for investors.
Human Rights and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
human rights advocates asserted that the domestic definition of torture
does not meet the definition in the U.N. Convention against Torture,
and there were reports of more than 200 incidents of torture throughout
the year.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Kazakh Government in
moving away from torture, including by meeting the definition's
international standard?
Answer. If confirmed I will continue to use vehicles such as the
Human Rights Report toengage Kazakhstan's leaders on the need to come
into line fully with Kazakhstan's international obligations. I will
also explore opportunities to strengthen cooperation on anti-torture
training, investigations, and oversight within Kazakhstan's justice
sector and security sector in light of President Tokayev and other
Kazakhstani leaders openly acknowledging and condemning torture
following the January events.
Question. What actions would you take to hold those officers
committing human rights abuses of torture accountable?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Kazakhstan's Government to pursue
credible and transparent investigations into allegations of torture and
other human rights violations and prosecute offenders where
appropriate. Provided sufficient information is available, I will also
support actions to hold these officials to account through mechanisms
like visa restrictions under Section 7031(c) of the State
appropriations act and financial sanctions under the Global Magnitsky
sanctions program, as applicable.
Question. The report also indicates that prison facilities
conditions are harsh and life-threatening, with prison authorities
rarely conducting proper investigation into mistreatment, not
publishing statistics such as deaths in detention facilities, and
failing to adequately improve conditions to meet international health
standards.
If confirmed, how would you work with government authorities and
international organizations to increase the transparency of
prison facilities and improve conditions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will review available cooperative
assistance opportunities with the aim to increase transparency and
improve conditions in prison facilities and strengthen cooperation on
anti-torture training, investigations, and oversight within
Kazakhstan's justice sector and security sector.
Question. What steps can you take, if confirmed, to bolster human
rights in country and within civil society?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make the protection of human rights
and the strengthening of an independent, vibrant civil society one of
my main priorities in Kazakhstan. I will regularly raise these issues
in all my government and non-government meetings, as human rights are
fundamental to a prosperous and stable society and will direct my staff
to do the same. I will make use of all available tools, including the
annual human rights report, international religious freedom report,
trafficking in persons report, and child labor report, as well as
bilateral assistance opportunities, to engage the Government and civil
society on these issues.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Kazakhstan remained on Tier 2, showing efforts to improve on
meeting minimum requirements to eliminate trafficking. However, the
Government is lacking in key areas such as identification of victims
and traffickers, insufficient legislative efforts, and maintenance of
obstacles for foreign victims to access protection services unless a
criminal case had been initiated against the traffickers.
If confirmed, how will you work with Kazakh officials to improve
their practices at identification of victims and traffickers?
Answer. Identifying victims and gaining their support to assist
with the investigation and prosecution of traffickers is key to
effectively combating human trafficking in Kazakhstan. Identifying
victims is a critical first step in ensuring their ability to receive
the support and resources they need. If confirmed, I will ensure
trafficking in persons programming at the Embassy continues to support
training for law enforcement and other first responders, and government
agencies whose work puts them in contact with possible trafficking
victims. Recent changes in the law requiring that services be provided
to foreign trafficking victims is a demonstration of Kazakhstan's
willingness to improve its reputation on trafficking in persons.
Question. If confirmed, what steps could you take along with the
host government to minimize the obstacles currently presented to
victims of human trafficking?
Answer. The annual Department of State Trafficking in Persons
Report is an effective diplomatic tool to engage foreign governments on
human trafficking, and serves as a reminder to the Government of
Kazakhstan of its need to increase its efforts in combating human
trafficking and protecting the victims. Recent amendments to
Kazakhstani law that now instruct agencies to provide services to
foreign trafficking victims demonstrate the Government's intent to make
changes that support victims. Additionally, work on a standalone law on
trafficking in persons, which is a recommendation in the annual report,
has begun and is expected to be released for public comment this year.
The law will codify roles and responsibilities of various government
agencies for trafficking victims. If confirmed, I will capitalize on
this momentum to press for more conformity to international standards.
Question. Kazakhstan is constitutionally a secular state, however
in the 2021 International Religious Freedom report, many minority
religious groups, particularly those cited as `non-traditional', faced
arrest, detention, and imprisonment for their religious beliefs.
What is your assessment of this issue and how would you assess the
effects of U.S. efforts to urge greater governmental and
societal respect for international religious freedom?
Answer. Kazakhstan's constitution defines the country as a secular
state and provides for freedom of religion and belief as well as the
freedom to decline religious affiliation; however, according to local
and international observers, authorities continued to impose
restrictions on and conduct additional scrutiny of what the Government
considered ``nontraditional'' religious groups. If confirmed, I will
ensure embassy officials continue outreach to a wide range of religious
communities, their leaders, and religious freedom advocates, and
encourage reform of relevant laws and guidelines so all citizens can
conduct peaceful religious activities freely.
Question. If confirmed, how would you build upon past USG efforts
to promote further religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I and all my staff will continue to urge
respect for religious freedom, both in general public outreach
opportunities and regarding specific cases. I will advocate for more
changes to the country's law regulating religious practice and raise
the U.S. Government's concerns about Kazakhstan's current restrictive
laws on religious freedom, especially those related to censorship of
religious literature, as well those imposing criminal penalties for
peaceful religious speech or praying without registration. If
confirmed, I intend to meet with representatives of all faiths and will
instruct my staff to do the same, to demonstrate how the United States
respects and values religious freedom.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Kazakh Government and
any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of
Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching all necessary
parties to encourage support for Ms. Bogdan-Martin.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly discuss the importance of
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N. with Kazakhstani
Government counterparts and instruct my staff to do the same. I will
engage on behalf of American candidates consistently and to the best of
my abilities work with the International Organizations (IO) bureau and
other stakeholders to identify, recruit, and install qualified
Americans in U.N. specialized bodies.
Question. Kazakhstan has one of the lowest rates of voting
coincidence with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the
Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Kazakhstan has pursued since its independence in 1991 a
``multi-vector'' foreign policy, which aims to maintain positive
relations with all global powers, taking into account its geographic
location and borders with both Russia and the PRC. If confirmed, I will
engage the Kazakhstani Government early and regularly on votes in the
U.N. system and ensure my staff does the same, to encourage voting with
the United States and on behalf of the rules-based international order,
on issues presented in the U.N. General Assembly.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Kazakhs on anticipated votes in the U.N. system that
would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Kazakhstani Government
early and regularly on votes in the U.N. system and ensure my staff
does the same, to encourage voting with the United States on issues
presented in the U.N. General Assembly.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Nur-Sultan?
Answer. Morale at Embassy Nur-Sultan and Consulate General Almaty
remains strong. I was heartened to hear about the Mission community's
resilience as they recovered from the double hit of unrest in Almaty
and the Omicron wave in January this year. I credit the strong
leadership of our current Charge d'Affaires as well as the
professionalism and sense of purpose that is shared across both the
American and local staff. If confirmed, I will work to ensure morale
remains high, by fostering an inclusive workplace, recognizing and
rewarding employee excellence, making sure people have the tools, and
training (and vaccines) to do their jobs, and prioritizing work-life
balance.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Sur-
Sultan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to maintain good morale at
Mission Kazakhstan by modeling and creating a workplace environment
that values respect, empathy, integrity, teamwork, and work-life
balance. I also believe it is essential to recognize and reward
employee excellence, and to make sure people have the tools, and
training (and vaccines) to do their jobs.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Nur-Sultan?
Answer. I believe fervently in the concept of ``one team, one
mission'' and have tried to apply it throughout my State Department
career, including in a number of U.S. Government interagency settings.
If confirmed, I will try to instill this approach at Mission Kazakhstan
by facilitating an open and collaborative interagency coordination
process, and by asking the country team to organize its work around the
goals and objectives of our Integrated Country Strategy (ICS). I have
found the best way to get ``buy-in'' to this approach is to model and
encourage an inclusive and transparent leadership style, to deemphasize
the differences among various agencies, and to stress what we share in
common as a single country team with a single mission.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of
Mission. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as focused on
empowering my team to do their jobs well. I try to achieve this by: 1.
Setting clear goals and priorities; 2. Communicating early, often and
transparently; 3. Being a good listener; 4. Being empathetic and
emotionally intelligent; 5. Showing that I value good work and hard
effort; and 6. Prioritizing work-life balance by encouraging attention
to family and activities outside of the workplace. I try to avoid
micromanaging those to whom I have delegated responsibility or picking
favorites among the different elements of the team--everyone's
contribution is essential to success.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, this is not acceptable behavior. If confirmed, I pledge
to treat staff at all levels with the respect they deserve. My approach
is: ``Praise publicly; when necessary, provide constructive criticism
promptly but privately.''
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I plan to have a close, collaborative relationship with my
DCM. I am fortunate to have a DCM who will have served as Charge
D'Affaires for over a year prior to my arrival, and who therefore is
familiar with all Embassy operations. I see her as the Mission's Chief
Operating Officer, and as my ``alter ego,'' capable of stepping in to
assume Mission leadership when necessary.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I see her as the Mission's Chief Operating Officer and
expect she will focus somewhat more on internal Embassy matters and
somewhat less on external outreach than I. But I will rely on her
advice and counsel in all matters. I expect she will take on key
leadership responsibilities within the Mission, including all post-
level mentoring programs for entry-level and mid-level officers and
local staff, and chair of the Emergency Action Committee. I would also
expect that the DCM would share with me, if I am confirmed, leadership
on matters related to the promotion of a diverse and inclusive
workforce that fosters respect, productivity, and professional
engagement across all sections and agencies. And I also see her as a
force multiplier for both our government-to-government and public
diplomacy efforts. By fully utilizing the DCM's skills and experience--
which have been proven during her past year serving as Charge
d'Affaires--we will better achieve our agenda vis-a-vis the Government
of Kazakhstan and reach a broader range of the Kazakhstani public with
our messaging and outreach.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. Accurate and timely feedback is important throughout
the year, not just when evaluations are due. Productive development of
staff is a continuous process and, if confirmed, I will emphasize the
importance of this.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I pledge to encourage direct, accurate
feedback to improve performance and reward high achievers. This is one
of a leader's most important tasks.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of
posts abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats
stationed in Kazakhstan.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Mission Kazakhstan staff regularly leave the office to
engage with host government officials, other diplomats, and private
persons. Face-to-face contact is vital for diplomacy. If confirmed, I
will continue this practice and will consult regularly with our
security personnel about whether it remains safe for staff to do so.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Officers at Mission Kazakhstan--both the Embassy in Nur-
Sultan and the Consulate in Almaty--regularly travel within the country
and, if confirmed, I will strongly encourage such trips. We cannot
understand a country only from its capital and large cities. Our
network of American Corners act as a vital bridge between the Embassy
and local communities and I will encourage--and support appropriate
funding for--regular Embassy visits to these centers.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Kazakhstan?
Answer. Interest in U.S. culture, learning English, studying in, or
traveling to the United States, and forming connections with U.S.
businesses remains high. While technically free, the media environment
in Kazakhstan is characterized by a lack of a professional journalist
corps, a high degree of self-censorship, and periodic government
blocking of websites allegedly propagating extremism or anti-government
criticism. Russian-language media continues to be extremely influential
in shaping Kazakhstanis' understanding of the world. If confirmed, I
commit to ensuring our PD programs continue to counter disinformation
through engaging journalists, encouraging English language learning and
media literacy; engaging civil society to support human rights and
democratic processes; and promoting the importance of inclusive,
diversified economic growth.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While there is much interest in and many opportunities for
collaboration, some U.S. policy priorities are still considered
sensitive and controversial in Kazakhstan, especially outside large
cities. There is also a vocal online group which claims some of the
programs run by the U.S. Embassy in Kazakhstan are antithetical to
traditional Kazakh values. If confirmed, I will support our Public
Diplomacy Section's efforts to address these challenges and raise
concerns with appropriate government authorities.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Mission Kazakhstan maintains effective lines of
communication with relevant offices at Main State to craft appropriate
messaging and alleviate any discrepancies. If confirmed, I will make
sure these lines of communication remain open.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the
security and safety of the Mission community. I have already had to
deal with several AHIs over the past three years in Tashkent. If
confirmed, I will do everything possible at Mission Kazakhstan to
ensure that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Nur-Sultan personnel?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will be as open as possible with
Mission Kazakhstan personnel to build a culture of trust and respect,
as I have done at Mission Uzbekistan over the past three years.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Daniel N. Rosenblum by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is orchestrating
nothing less than a genocide of Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang. We all know
of the Uyghurs plight, but this genocide has also ensnared ethnic
Kyrgyz and Kazakhs. In Kazakhstan, we have seen signs that the Kazakh
state has served as an extension of the CCP's transnational system of
surveillance and repression. Ethnic Kazakhs who flee Xinjiang are
denied permission to enter the country, civil society groups raising
awareness of the genocide find their profiles on social media and
YouTube blocked and removed. Several individuals may have even been
forcibly repatriated to Xinjiang.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has noted, the ruling Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) is the most serious long-term challenge to the
international order. Beijing's coercive tactics--from Lithuania to
Taiwan--are deeply destabilizing and threaten U.S. interests across the
globe. PRC authorities have committed genocide and crimes against
humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious
minority groups in Xinjiang. Secretary Blinken has made clear that the
United States stands with countries and people around the world in
condemning the atrocities happening in Xinjiang, and if confirmed, I
will advocate that Kazakhstan promote accountability for the PRC's
atrocities against Uyghurs and members of other religious and ethnic
minority groups--including ethnic Kazakhs--in Xinjiang.
Question. Is the CCP's increasing control over the Kazakh state
threatening ethnic Kazakhs?
Answer. With an 1,100-mile shared border and deep historical,
political, and economic links, Kazakhstan approaches its relationship
with the PRC with great caution. If confirmed, I will work to support
Kazakhstan's freedom to pursue a multi-vector foreign policy within
which it can advance its national interests through cooperation with a
variety of partners. That national interest includes promoting and
protecting Kazakhstan's unique cultural identity, and the rights of
members of all Kazakhstan's ethnic groups, including ethnic Kazakhs. If
confirmed, I will also advocate that Kazakhstan's Government continue
to uphold its international obligations regarding non-refoulement of
refugees, and that it allows victims of PRC atrocities, their
relatives, and NGOs advocating on their behalf to speak and organize
freely.
Question. Is Kazakhstan a possible template for how the CCP will go
after its opponents who have fled overseas to other countries?
Answer. Kazakhstan offers benefits, including a simplified pathway
to citizenship, for ethnic Kazakhs from abroad, including individuals
from the PRC. As a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, 1967 Refugee
Protocol, and 1984 Convention Against Torture, Kazakhstan has an
obligation to refrain from forcibly returning noncitizens to a country
where they would be persecuted or tortured, and thus far has granted
temporary refugee status to four individuals fleeing the PRC. If
confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to work with Kazakhstan and
international organizations like the U.N. to ensure the safety of
refugees, including those from Xinjiang, and encourage full compliance
with the terms of the 1951 Refugee Convention, 1967 Refugee Protocol,
and 1984 Convention Against Torture.
Question. If confirmed, how will you press the Kazakh Government to
recognize the genocide of ethnic Kazakhs in Xinjiang?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate that Kazakhstan
publicly condemn the PRC's atrocities against Uyghurs and members of
other religious and ethnic minority groups--including ethnic Kazakhs--
in Xinjiang. I will also advocate on behalf of freedom of expression
and peaceful assembly, including for Xinjiang advocates, and for full
protection of refugees, including those from Xinjiang, consistent with
the 1951 Refugee Convention and 1967 Refugee Protocol.
Question. Earlier this year, Kazakhstan experienced the most
significant anti-government protests in its history. It's clear from
independent media that these initially peaceful protests expressed
frustration with increasing prices, a stagnant economy, and rampant
government corruption. The Government's crackdown on these protests,
supported by Russian special forces, was so violent that many Kazakhs
call the protests ``bloody January.''
Are you aware of U.S. efforts to hold Kazakh officials accountable
for human rights abuses against peaceful protesters in
Kazakhstan? If so, please describe.
Answer. Violent organized groups co-opted initially peaceful
January protests and fomented violence on the streets of multiple
Kazakhstani cities in an effort to weaken President Kassym-Jomart
Tokayev or remove him from power. Violent rioters attacked and burned
government buildings, looted commercial buildings, and killed 19
members of Kazakhstan's security forces. In the face of the sudden
violence and political uncertainty, President Tokayev called on the
Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) to provide perimeter
security around critical infrastructure and thereby help restore order.
During the Government's response to the violence there were
credible reports of abuse and excessive use of force by security
forces, including credible allegations of torture and deaths of
individuals in detention. More than six months after these events, the
Government continues to investigate these credible allegations of
abuses of power, killings, and torture. Nine members of security forces
have been detained and another 15 have been identified as suspects and
are reportedly under investigation. The Government has also detained
senior members of the security forces on charges of treason and abuse
of power for allegedly organizing or allowing the violence.
The United States is actively working with civil society to
encourage the Government of Kazakhstan to ensure that these
investigations are credible and independent, and that victims and their
families receive the accountability and justice they deserve. If
confirmed, I will continue to press the Government of Kazakhstan to
hold its security forces accountable for their actions in January and
will ensure that my embassy team does the same.
Question. What is your assessment of claims made by the Kazakh
opposition that agents of the Kazakh Government embedded themselves in
protests to spark violence and thereby justify a violent crackdown?
Answer. The State Department's current understanding of the events
is that violent organized groups co-opted initially peaceful January
protests and fomented violence on the streets of multiple Kazakhstani
cities in an effort to weaken President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev or remove
him from power. Violent rioters attacked and burned government
buildings, looted commercial buildings, and killed 19 members of
Kazakhstan's security forces. In the face of the sudden violence and
political uncertainty, President Tokayev called on the Collective
Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) to provide perimeter security
around critical infrastructure and thereby help restore order.
During the Government's response to the violence there were
credible reports of abuse and excessive use of force by security
forces, including credible allegations of torture and deaths of
individuals in detention. More than six months after these events, the
Government continues to investigate these credible allegations of
abuses of power, killings, and torture. Nine members of security forces
have been detained and another 15 have been identified as suspects and
are reportedly under investigation. The Government has also detained
senior members of the security forces on charges of treason and abuse
of power for allegedly organizing or allowing the violence.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support democracy
activists and civil society in Kazakhstan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to encourage and
strengthen civil society and citizens' participation in Kazakhstan's
governance and political process. I will explore ways to further build
capacity and skills for more inclusive participation in all levels of
Kazakhstani Government. I will also advocate on behalf of freedom of
expression, peaceful assembly, and association, so that all those who
so choose can peacefully express their political views and contribute
to Kazakhstan's future.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Joey R. Hood by Senator Robert Menendez
Economic Concerns
Question. As you know, Tunisian authorities have been in
consultation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) regarding a $4
billion loan to address Tunisia's economic concerns. The sharp rises in
grain and energy prices caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine are
exacerbating inflation and widening the Government's budget deficit,
leading to delays in state salaries and difficulties in paying for
wheat imports.
How can the U.S. work with other donor nations to encourage a
return to a transparent and inclusive system of democratic
governance?
Answer. In tandem with our G7 and other international partners, if
confirmed, I would continue to publicly and privately advocate for
implementation of measures to return to democratic governance. I would
also coordinate with international partners to align assistance
programs to ensure they are encouraging a return to democratic
governance and supporting economic stability through robust assistance
to civil society, relief to citizens, and bolstering the private
sector.
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC)
Question. Following President Saied's dismissal of parliament, the
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) suspended its nearly $500
million compact with the Tunisian Government. This compact includes
projects to strengthen Tunisia's transportation, trade, and water
sectors.
Given that the signing of a compact hinges on Tunisia having a
democratically elected parliament, what is the current outlook
for the compact?
Answer. Although the compact is ready for signing and
implementation, MCC eligibility criteria requires partner countries to
demonstrate a commitment to democratic governance. If confirmed, I
would seek every opportunity to engage with Tunisia's leaders, civil
society, media, political parties, unions, and other stakeholders
advocate for the re-establishment of a democratic government
accountable to their people. Until that occurs, the compact is unable
to move forward.
Question. How, if it all, should American security engagement with
Tunisia change if Saied continues to consolidate power? Do you believe
that threatening to curtail or suspend U.S. aid and security assistance
to Tunisia would effectively pressure Saied to change course?
Answer. The Tunisian military remains an apolitical and
professional force that reports to civilian leadership. Tunisia
continues to face a threat from ISIS and other U.S.-designated
terrorist organizations as well as from instability in the region,
especially in neighboring Libya. U.S. security assistance is critical
in supporting Tunisian-led efforts to secure its borders, counter
terrorism, and provide a safe and stable environment in the region.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, I fully agree this must be taken seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to the safety and well-
being of Mission personnel and to working in close partnership with the
President's AHI Interagency Coordinator, the Department's Health
Incident Response Task Force, and the broader government-wide effort to
ensure the full resources of the U.S. Government are brought to bear to
get to the bottom of these incidents and to ensure access to needed
care for those affected.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would be committed to providing
Mission Tunisia personnel with the most up-to-date information
available, as we learn more, including guidance on how to respond if
they have concerns that they might have experienced an incident and how
to access medical care.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Joey R. Hood by Senator James E. Risch
middle east and north africa
Policy Priorities
Question. Please outline U.S. national security interests and your
policy priorities as the United States Ambassador to Tunisia.
Answer. If confirmed, my most important priority as ambassador
would be the safety and security of Americans living in and visiting
Tunisia. My next priority would be to help put Tunisia on a more stable
and prosperous trajectory through inclusive and open economic growth.
The country must enact necessary economic reforms that foster inclusive
growth. Tunisia should return to a democratic system of checks and
balances, with an effective and accountable government that protects
human rights and fundamental freedoms. I would continue engagement with
Tunisia's leaders, civil society, media, political parties, unions, and
other stakeholders to re-establish a democratic government accountable
to its people. Tunisia will continue to face persistent security
threats caused by regional instability, the return of Tunisians from
foreign conflict zones, and domestic terrorism. We will advocate for
prioritization of Tunisian security forces' partnerships with the
United States and avoidance of partnerships that undermine Tunisia's
sovereignty and regional stability. Counterterrorism and military
support will seek to focus continued Tunisian attention to the
dismantling of domestic violent extremist organizations, securing
Tunisia's land and sea borders, and participating in regional and U.N.
security missions.
Democratic Backsliding
Question. Initially a Democratic success story after the Arab
Spring and Jasmine Revolutions, Tunisia's President Kais Saied is
unilaterally dismantling Tunisia's democratic institutions. Further,
Saied has been seemingly immune to international pressure to change
course.
Please outline your strategy for creating leverage with President
Saied and the prospects for halting Tunisia's democratic
backsliding and restoring the balance of power and rule of law.
Answer. An independent and strong civil society is integral to an
effective democracy, helping promote accountability, human rights, and
fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I would continue to support
Tunisia's vibrant civil society while reiterating the need for the
Government of Tunisia to respect human rights, including freedom of
expression and association. U.S. support to civil society has been and
will continue to be a critical component of our assistance to Tunisia.
I would seek every opportunity to also urge the Government to see civil
society as a partner in advancing democratic principles, public health,
education, and human rights. With legislative elections scheduled in
December, this is a crucial moment for the Government to demonstrate
inclusivity and transparency in the new electoral law, taking into
consideration the perspectives of civil society and political parties,
which will be essential for the legitimacy and representativeness of
the future Parliament.
Question. What are your takeaways from Tunisia's constitutional
referendum and the resulting constitution?
Answer. I acknowledge Tunisians' overwhelming concerns about
corruption, economic mismanagement, and the ineffectiveness of past
governments. I also note the concerns of many Tunisians regarding the
lack of an inclusive and transparent process for the drafting of the
new constitution, and concerns over the constitution's weakened checks
that could threaten their democracy and human rights. If confirmed, I
will encourage Tunisia's leaders to develop an effective, democratic
government that protects human rights, freedom of expression and
association, rule of law, and judicial independence, and promotes long-
term economic prosperity based on a system of checks and balances, a
critical component for the health of all democracies.
Question. Is U.S. assistance an effective lever to influence
Saied's conduct?
Answer. We continuously review our assistance programs to ensure
they align with our policy goals and values. Reductions in the
Administration's FY 23/FY 23 budget request, in comparison to prior
year requests, reflect our significant concerns over democratic
backsliding. U.S. assistance that addresses the pressing needs facing
the Tunisian people will continue, including our support for civil
society and efforts to promote inclusive and sustainable economic
growth.
Question. Would a unified message and coordinated assistance
reductions tied to democratic benchmarks across the G7 better influence
Tunisia's trajectory?
Answer. Our work with partners including unified messaging from the
G7 has been an important element in of our efforts to set democratic
benchmarks that Tunisia should meet to preserve democratic
institutions. In tandem with international partners, I would, if
confirmed, continue publicly and privately to advocate for a swift
return to democratic governance. I would also coordinate with
international partners to align assistance programs to ensure they are
encouraging a return to democratic governance and supporting economic
stability through robust assistance to civil society, relief to
citizens, and bolstering the private sector.
Mil-to-Mil Relationship
Question. Elsewhere in North Africa, select members of Congress
have sought to curtail the U.S.-Morocco mil-to-mil relationship over
Western Sahara concerns--even as far as to reject Moroccan
participation in AFRICOM's capstone exercise African Lion.
Should the United States consider revoking Tunisian participation
in African Lion as a consequence of democratic backsliding? Why
or why not?
Answer. The Tunisian military remains an apolitical and
professional force that reports to civilian leadership. Tunisia
continues to face a threat from ISIS and other U.S.-designated
terrorist organizations as well as from instability in the region,
especially in neighboring Libya. Military trainings and exercises,
including African Lion, are critical in supporting Tunisian-led efforts
to secure its borders, counter terrorism, provide safety and foster
stability in the region.
Economy
Question. According to the World Bank, the Tunisian economy has
grown on average by a meager 1 percent annually. The Tunisian
Government has tried to maintain social peace through extensive
subsidies and expanding Tunisia's civil service--now among the largest
in the world.
What are the most effective tools to spur Tunisia's economic
recovery?
Answer. The Government is negotiating a potential agreement with
the IMF, and this could help support reforms that would benefit all
Tunisians. One key aspect of the proposed reforms involves the
development of the private sector, which would expand investment
potential, reduce the influence of monopolies, and support local
entrepreneurship. If confirmed, I would promote a vision of inclusive,
open economic growth and stronger ties with U.S. companies.
Question. Are Kais Saied's ``anti-corruption'' reforms effectively
addressing Tunisia's economic woes? How would you advise him to change
course?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with our G7 partners to
reinforce the message that many of Tunisia's corruption challenges can
be addressed through an economic reform agenda. By reducing the
nation's dependence on subsidies, supporting the private sector, and
better managing government spending, including on public wages and
state-owned enterprises, the President has the best chance of
stabilizing his nation's economy while addressing corruption.
Question. How do you strike the balance between Tunisia's
austerity measures (subsidies, expansion of civil service etc.) and
necessary IMF reforms?
Answer. A potential IMF program would be designed to support and
enable core reforms that Tunisia needs to undertake urgently. These are
reforms outlined in the Government's own economic reform agenda.
Stakeholders, including the Government of Tunisia, the IMF,
international donors, trade unions, and private sector representatives,
broadly share an understanding of the reforms needed to address the
economic crisis, although they differ on the details of how reforms
should be carried out. Ultimately, only the Government of Tunisia can
ensure reforms are implemented.
Question. How does Tunisia implement IMF reforms and prevent
instability and unrest?
Answer. Reforms are critical to Tunisia's political and economic
stability. President Saied has a crucial role to play in explaining to
the public his economic reform priorities as well as their urgency and
necessity. He will also need to help Tunisians understand his
government's plans to mitigate the impact of reforms on vulnerable
citizens. If confirmed, in collaboration with our G7 partners, I would
encourage President Saied to increase his communication with the
Tunisian people about the importance of implementing proposed reforms.
Chinese Influence
Question. What are the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) goals in
Tunisia?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has increased efforts
in recent years to deepen ties with Tunisia. PRC companies are active
in the technology and infrastructure sectors. If confirmed, I would
highlight the risks associated with PRC engagement that could impact
Tunisia's security and sovereignty, as well as U.S. interests.
Question. Given Tunisia's strategic location, how does the United
States plan to compete with China--particularly given cuts to U.S.
assistance?
Answer. Increased engagement with the Tunisian people, civil
society, and government officials will be vital to mitigate the
influence of the PRC Government. The United States will continue to
advance our strategic interests in the region through diplomatic
engagement, public outreach, and judicious use of foreign assistance
and other funding. We will also coordinate with like-minded partners to
put forward alternatives to PRC offerings of concern. We will at times
need to collaborate with Tunisian Government agencies and entities to
counter PRC messaging, influence, and funding. This is particularly
important given the dominance of state-owned monopolies in a number of
key sectors, including all major critical infrastructure.
Question. How do you strike the appropriate balance between
pushing Tunisia to adopt democratic reforms and competing with China's
`no strings attached' approach?
Answer. The PRC has sought to expand its influence where countries
face significant economic challenges and/or lack deliberative
democratic processes. If confirmed, I would highlight those democratic
values--the free exchange of ideas, respect for the rule of law,
transparency, and accountability--would best position Tunisia to
safeguard its security, sovereignty, and future prosperity against
unwanted outside influence.
Ukraine Invasion and Food Insecurity
Question. Tunisia is among the most vulnerable countries, relying
on Ukraine and Russia for 56 percent of its annual wheat imports. Many
on the Tunisian ``street'' have argued that food insecurity will set
conditions for a potential ``revolution'' on your watch.
What are the most effective methods to address Tunisia's food
security and mitigate the impacts of Russian aggression in
Ukraine?
Answer. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has worsened inflation and
increased food insecurity everywhere, so the international community
must redouble diplomatic pressure on Russia to end Putin's war of
choice. If confirmed, I would focus on working with international
partners to mitigate the impact of Russia's aggression on food security
in Tunisia and would encourage Tunisian efforts to increase domestic
food production and implement economic reforms. I would speak out,
publicly and privately, against any Russian misinformation and
disinformation that Putin and his acts of aggression against Ukraine
are responsible for energy price increases and food insecurity in
Tunisia.
Abraham Accords and Normalization with Israel
Question. What are the prospects and associated benefits/pitfalls
for Tunisian normalization with Israel?
Answer. The normalization of relations with Israel, including
through the historic Abraham Accords, has led to greater peace and
security in the region and deepened opportunities for expanded economic
growth and cooperation. Administration officials regularly discuss with
our partners in the region the benefits of improved regional
cooperation, including with Israel, and I would plan to do so with
Tunisian officials and citizens, as well, if confirmed.
Question. With the constitutional referendum placing consolidated
power in President Saied's hands, the slide towards authoritarianism
fails to provide institutional guarantees for human rights. This has
left many human rights groups concerned over the undermining of the
judicial system and other post-revolutionary gains.
What is your assessment of the current situation on democratic
backsliding in Tunisia and the possible implications on human
rights in the country?
Answer. The Tunisian people have experienced an alarming erosion of
democratic norms over the past year. Since July 25, 2021, the
suspension of constitutional governance, consolidation of executive
power, and weakening of independent institutions have raised deep
questions about Tunisia's democratic path, both in Tunisia and
internationally. Together with international partners, we have urged an
inclusive democratic reform process, emphasized continued protection of
fundamental freedoms, and insisted on respect for judicial
independence, as well as the rule of law. The U.S.-Tunisia bilateral
relationship is strongest when there is a shared commitment to
democratic values, human rights, and fundamental freedoms.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the host
government to bolster human rights amid backsliding?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to engage with the Tunisian
Government at the highest levels to advocate for democratic
institutions. In tandem with international partners, the Administration
will continue to urge the Government to return to democratic
governance--including separation of powers via a functioning
legislature and an independent judiciary--by conducting reforms in a
transparent and inclusive way.
Question. The State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report on
Tunisia noted significant human abuses of torture by government agents,
arbitrary arrests, military prosecution of civilian cases, restrictions
of freedoms of expression, corruption, and violent threats and
criminalization against LGBTQI+ communities.
If confirmed, what actions with civil society groups and the host
government would you take to address these violations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize programming
that reinforces rule of law, protects human rights, and empowers civil
society. The administration has shifted our planned activities to
bolster civil society oversight of the judiciary and law enforcement,
increase access to justice, promote judicial independence, and
strengthen accountability mechanisms. The Department requires vetting
for Tunisian military and law enforcement personnel and units and
conducts end use monitoring of transferred equipment.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Tunisia remained on Tier 2, showing some efforts to improve on
meeting minimum requirements to eliminate trafficking but continued to
stymie progress in a few key areas. The Government failed to
appropriately identify victims and traffickers, and lacked training to
sufficiently understand and address trafficking cases, leading to some
victims being penalized for acts traffickers compelled them to commit.
If confirmed, how will you work with Tunisian officials to increase
their efficiency at identification of trafficking victims and
traffickers?
Answer. Although the Government of Tunisia demonstrated significant
and increasing efforts to combat human trafficking in 2022, including
by convicting sex and labor traffickers for the first time in three
years and significantly increasing investigations and prosecutions of
traffickers, more can be done. If confirmed, I will continue to urge
the Government to hold sex and labor traffickers criminally accountable
using Tunisia's 2016 anti-trafficking law, which does meet
international standards.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take in your
mission and with the host government to assist Tunisia to better meet
the minimum standards and promote anti-trafficking work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (TIP Office) to continue to
implement anti-trafficking programming, in addition to engaging with
the Government to make progress on the priority recommendations noted
in the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report in order to meet the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking. I would support the TIP
Office's goal of measurably reducing human trafficking by building the
capacity of government and justice sector officials to investigate and
prosecute trafficking cases, as well as more effectively identify and
protect trafficking victims through adequate care and legal
representation.
Question. Previously, Tunisia was a country with Islam as its
official religion, and a 99 percent Sunni Muslim majority. In the new
constitution, Tunisia is no longer an Islamic State.
What is your assessment of the implications for religious
minorities following the removal of Islam as the country's
religion from Article I of the constitution?
Answer. It remains too early to tell what the implications for
religious minorities will be following the removal from the
constitution of the mention of Islam as the religion of the state. The
constitution still notes that Tunisia is part of the Islamic community.
If confirmed, I would continue to speak out against laws and policies
that impede or threaten freedom of religion and would continue to
stress with the Government the need to respect religious freedom for
all, including members of Tunisia's religious minority groups.
Question. Prior to referendum, the 2021 International Religious
Freedom report from the State Department notes that some religious
minorities feel societal pressure to hide their beliefs and are not
given full recognition of their religious rights. If confirmed, what
actions would you take with the Tunisian Government to improve
recognition of religious freedoms for all religions?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with others in the
Department, including the Office of International Religious Freedom, to
advance freedom of religion for all people, including members of
religious minority groups. I would also hold regular meetings and
discussions with members of religious minority and majority communities
throughout the country and lead the mission in highlighting the
importance of protecting members of religious minority groups and
promoting interfaith dialogue.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarche the Tunisian Government and
any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of
Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The Junior Professional Officer program is one of the key
opportunities offered by the U.N. to encourage young professionals
interested in serving in international organizations, and it provides
them with hands-on experience across various U.N. agencies. If
confirmed, I will work with the IO Bureau to identify qualified and
diverse candidates for the JPO program.
Question. Tunisia has one of the lowest rates of voting coincidence
with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Tunisia supported two significant U.N. votes on Ukraine. If
confirmed, I would continue to lobby Tunisia in support of other U.S.
policy priorities at the U.N.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the [Tunisians] on anticipated votes in the U.N. system
that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. Tunisia voted in favor of U.S.-sponsored U.N. General
Assembly resolutions on Ukraine on March 25 (humanitarian resolution)
and March 2 (resolution condemning Russia's invasion). If confirmed, I
will continue to lobby Tunisia to support U.S. policy priorities at the
U.N.
state department management and public diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Tunis?
Answer. Mission Tunis, including the co-located Libya External
Office, includes a high number of families and has strong morale, in
part because Mission Tunis offers a number of job opportunities for
qualified family members. The biggest issue affecting our locally
employed staff's morale is wages. Their salaries remain roughly 65
percent of people doing comparable work in the local labor market and
are not keeping up with inflation. The Embassy has established a
Mission-wide wage working group to analyze wage and inflation trends.
If confirmed, I would work diligently to ensure that mission moral
remains high for all employees, in part by ensuring that all colleagues
feel valued, supported, and respected.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Tunis?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with my
leadership team to promote an environment that recruits for diversity
and hires for merit, while also promoting inclusion on a daily basis. I
would also continue focusing on the professional development of all
employees and find creative ways to foster a good work-life balance
despite high work demands. I am also committed to working closely with
our locally employed staff to understand their concerns regarding their
wages and would advocate for them where appropriate to ensure Mission
Tunis can retain and continue to recruit strong talent.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Tunis?
Answer. If confirmed, I would meet early and regularly with
colleagues throughout the Mission, and work with my interagency team to
formulate, disseminate, and implement our unified mission vision.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I rely on an inclusive management vision, inviting
colleagues of all backgrounds to share ideas and concerns as we
formulate ways to advance U.S. interests. Once our vision is set, I
consult regularly with people from across the organization to ensure
they have the support and tools they need to fulfill their roles, and
when they do not, I direct or advocate for change.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I would entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) with being
my ``alter ego,'' able to step in and lead any aspect of the mission at
a moment's notice. To empower the DCM to be success in that role, I
would ensure that they are privy to all appropriate information and
included in all substantial decisions before they are made. I would
also ensure that they have a public role and meaningful relationships
with government officials to complement my efforts or stand in for me
as needed.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. In addition to the responsibilities described above, I
would entrust my DCM with mentoring and guiding our more junior
colleagues, playing the role of chief of staff for agency and section
heads, presiding over the emergency action and family advocacy
committees, and working closely with our Community Liaison Officer and
others to ensure high mission morale.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I firmly believe that providing employees with timely,
accurate and constructive feedback is not only important but a key
responsibility of all managers to ensure we can address any potential
issues before they turn into serious problems. It is also a key way of
recognizing and encouraging high performing employees and to inspire
others to do the same. For our locally employed staff, I am very happy
that Embassy Tunis will be one of the first posts in the Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs to implement Merit Based Compensation which I believe
can be an effective tool to provide accurate and constructive feedback
coupled with training plans focused on professional development.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Tunisia.
T1 In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. U.S. diplomats are consistently in the field with grantees,
implementing partners, and beneficiaries of economic assistance and
public diplomacy programs, as well as local politicians, religious
leaders, civil society activists, and businesspeople. We conduct robust
outreach for educational, cultural, and exchange initiatives, as well
as to correct the record of misinformation about the United States. If
confirmed, I would continue these activities and seek ways to expand
them, not just for myself but for all my colleagues.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Host country engagement is a critical component of
diplomacy. If confirmed, I will work closely with my Regional Security
Office to ensure that our diplomats able to safely accomplish our
mission. Mission Tunis has a range of projects funded by the U.S.
Government that are creating new job opportunities and providing relief
to small businesses hardest hit by COVID. Those are important to
highlight, celebrate, and build upon. There are also 73 American
companies operating in Tunisia. If confirmed, I would encourage
diplomats to visit these sites and partners to gain a deeper
understanding of the economic needs facing average Tunisians and to
highlight the economic investments that the United States is making in
support of the people of both our countries.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Tunisia?
Answer. Most Tunisians are enthusiastic consumers of American
culture, so there is a great appetite for our educational, cultural and
exchange programs. We have been able to reach our audience both in
person and through a highly engaged social media environment. Many
young Tunisians prefer to learn English and eagerly participate in our
English language programs. The opportunities for our public engagement,
especially in underserved areas outside of the large cities, are nearly
endless. Our public diplomacy programs are making a real difference in
the quality of life for thousands of young Tunisians through enhanced
educational opportunities and, skills development.
If confirmed, I would both participate in and strongly encourage
outreach throughout Tunisia, particularly to historically underserved
regions. and communities, in order to connect with a diverse range of
Tunisian voices and U.S. voices. Public diplomacy is an important
aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Tunisia is marked by a sometimes-slow bureaucracy, and
security restrictions that preclude U.S. diplomats, some of our
visiting experts, and cultural performers from traveling to some parts
of the country. The growing but limited use of English can also present
challenges. Russian and PRC misinformation and disinformation also pose
challenges.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Main State provides guidance and support to our public
diplomacy colleagues at Embassy Tunis for all our programs. The Public
Affairs Section, on the other hand, provides insights on in-country
developments, which helps them to appropriately match public diplomacy
resources and programs with mission goals. This balance is crucial to
achieving our policy objectives.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would have no higher priority than the
security and safety of Americans in Tunisia. I will commit to taking
all anomalous health incident reports seriously and to investigate them
in a transparent manner.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Tunis personnel?
Answer. Yes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Joey R. Hood by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Over the last several years, Tunisia and the People's
Republic of China (PRC) have signed a series of agreements to develop
closer economic, cultural, and technology ties. The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) is filling a vacuum left by the lack of investment from
Europe, the United States, and the Gulf States, who have all
prioritized other countries.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. We are proud to be Tunisia's security partner of choice and
we continue to share deep economic and cultural ties with Tunisia. If
confirmed, I would seek to maintain those relationships, in part by
highlighting the risks associated with PRC engagement that could weaken
Tunisia's security and sovereignty, and damage U.S. interests.
Increased engagement with the Tunisian people, civil society, and
government officials will be vital to mitigate concerning PRC efforts
to influence Tunisia.
Question. Does growing CCP influence in Tunisia threaten U.S.
interests?
Answer. The PRC has increased efforts in recent years to deepen
ties with Tunisia. PRC companies are active in the technology and
infrastructure sectors. If confirmed, I would seek to expand our
efforts to promote a fair and equitable business climate for the
benefit of U.S. investors and the security of our allies and partners.
I would also strive to engage and educate decision makers in the
Tunisian public and private sectors on the implications of PRC
engagement in key areas such as smart cities and 5G technology.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to further encourage
stronger ties between Tunisia, the United States, and its allies?
Answer. The United States and Tunisia share deep economic,
cultural, and military ties. If confirmed, I would promote a vision of
inclusive, open economic growth, and stronger ties with U.S. companies.
I would seek every opportunity to engage Tunisian civil society and
urge the Government to see civil society as a partner in advancing
democratic principles, public health, education, and human rights. If
confirmed, I would help strengthen our robust security partnership for
the benefit of both the United States and Tunisia. In tandem with
international partners, I would continue to publicly and privately
advocate for a swift return to democratic governance.
Question. What are the prospects of incorporating Tunisia into the
Abraham Accords?
Answer. The normalization of relations with Israel, including
through the historic Abraham Accords, has led to greater peace and
security in the region, and has deepened opportunities for expanded
economic growth and cooperation. Administration officials regularly
discuss the benefits of improved regional cooperation, including with
Israel, with our partners in the region, and I would seek every
opportunity to do so with Tunisian officials and citizens.
Question. Over the last year, President Kais Saied has dismantled
the hard-fought gains of Tunisia's Arab spring. From dissolving the
parliament to pushing through constitutional reforms to strengthen his
power, President Saied is increasingly emulating his authoritarian
predecessors. What is your assessment of the erosion of Tunisian
democracy?
Answer. The Tunisian people have experienced an alarming erosion of
democratic norms over the past year. Since July 25, 2021, the
suspension of constitutional governance, consolidation of executive
power, and weakening of independent institutions have raised deep
questions about Tunisia's democratic path, both in Tunisia and
internationally. Together with international partners, the
Administration has urged an inclusive democratic reform process,
emphasized continued protection of fundamental freedoms, and insisted
on respect for judicial independence and the rule of law. The U.S.-
Tunisia bilateral relationship is strongest when there is a shared
commitment to democratic values, human rights, and fundamental
freedoms.
Question. Does this erosion of democracy present an opening for the
CCP to increase its influence in Tunisia and North Africa?
Answer. The PRC has increased efforts in recent years to deepen
ties with Tunisia. In other contexts, the PRC has sought to expand its
influence where countries face significant economic challenges or lack
deliberative democratic processes. Increased engagement with the
Tunisian people, civil society, and government officials will be vital
to mitigate PRC influence of concern.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to reverse this erosion?
Answer. The United States and international partners continue to
call for an inclusive and transparent dialogue on Tunisia's political
future. We acknowledge the concerns of many Tunisians regarding the
lack of such a process, as well as the erosion of democratic
institutions that could threaten Tunisia's democracy and respect for
human rights. If confirmed, I would encourage Tunisia's leaders to
forge an inclusive and accountable government that preserves the space
for free debate and dissent, promotes long-term economic prosperity,
and establishes the checks and balances critical to the health of all
democracies. I would also seek every opportunity to engage Tunisian
civil society and urge the Government to see civil society as a
partner.
__________
Responses to an Additional Question for the Record Submitted
to Joey R. Hood by Senator Todd Young
Question. Noting Tunisia's support for U.N. resolutions on the
humanitarian crisis in Ukraine, how do you plan to urge Tunisia to
maintain solidarity with the Ukrainian people, as well as mitigate the
negative impact of Russia's invasion on international food security?
Answer. Tunisia imports over half of its wheat from the Black Sea
region. The Russian attack against Ukraine has worsened inflation and
increased food insecurity, including in Tunisia. We must all redouble
diplomatic pressure on Russia to end this invasion. If confirmed, I
would focus on working with international partners to mitigate the
impact of Russia's aggression on food security in Tunisia and would
encourage Tunisian efforts to increase domestic food production. I
would also speak out, publicly and privately, against any Russian
misinformation to make sure people in Tunisia understand that Putin and
his acts of aggression against Ukraine are responsible for energy price
increases and food insecurity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Joey R. Hood by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. On April 16, 2022 you sent an e-mail to NEA saying ``over
the past several months, a number of people have reported comments that
certain candidates could not be hired because they are straight white
men, they are not of the `right' religion.'' On July 26, State Dept.
Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer Abercrombie-Winstanley testified
that she had never seen or cleared that email. Chairman Menendez stated
immediately after her testimony that ``if there is an attribution then
that person should come forward and it should be fully investigated
what he has to say.''
Please clarify the circumstances surrounding you sending that
email.
Please list all State Department officials who cleared that email
and/or the guidance in that email.
How many comments of that nature were reported to you?
For each comment that was conveyed to you, please describe it.
For each comment that was conveyed to you, who made those comments?
For each comment that was conveyed to you, when were they made?
Please provide all documents and materials related to the comments,
including emails, memos, cables, notes, decision memos,
briefing papers, instructions, etc. These should include any
documents or materials related to the comments themselves, as
well as to the drafting, clearing, and publishing of the email.
Regarding the comment that people could not be hired because they
are not of the `right' religion: what religion was being
referenced?
Sen. Menendez called on the author of that email to come forward
and have the circumstances surrounding the email fully
investigated. Why have you not come forward?
Answer. The functions and duties of a Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary at the Department of State routinely include carrying out a
variety of managerial roles, including recruitment of personnel from
inside the Department to fill the Bureau's domestic and overseas
positions. That personnel role includes ensuring that all Bureau
personnel are aware that all personnel actions are taken in compliance
with applicable rules and regulations, including Equal Employment
Opportunity (EEO) laws that prohibit employment discrimination on the
basis of (in relevant part) race, sex, religion, and disability. As
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Near Eastern
Affairs, I was reminding our Bureau colleagues to follow EEO laws
during the upcoming Foreign Service assignment season, as is done each
year during assignment cycles. The email represented a restatement of
longstanding Department polices and reflected review by the NEA front
office and Department officials responsible for diversity, equity, and
inclusion policy.
All of the hearsay discussions mentioned in the notice e-mail came
to my attention during the approximate time period of January to April
2022 in the prelude to assignment season. Because these were all
multiple hearsay examples of ``water cooler chatter,'' there was not a
basis for specific action and the appropriate course was to remind the
Bureau to adhere to EEO laws, as I did in the email, using these
hearsay comments as illustrative examples of colloquial things
colleagues may have heard but cannot be a factor in our assignments
process
Question. On January 7, 2022, the State Department issued a cable
with guidance for overseas engagement with Iranian opposition groups.
The guidance limited and, in many cases, prohibited officials from
meeting with any such groups, and it described several specific ones.
The guidance was reversed within a week. You are the official who
approved the cable.
Please clarify the circumstances surrounding you approving that
cable. Why did you approve it?
Answer. When I reviewed that cable, it had already been reviewed by
both career and political appointee professionals in the office of the
Special Envoy for Iran, which indicated that the guidance in the cable
was consistent with the then-Special Envoy's policy on Iran. My review
of the cable, as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for NEA, was part
of an institutional process to ensure coordination and deconfliction on
issues not covered by the Special Envoy. My review did not reveal
anything in other areas of USG policy that prohibited the content or
intent of the cable.
Question. Do you believe that the cable and guidance accurately
reflected the Trump administration's policy?
If so, please explain why you believe it was reversed within a
week.
Answer. For decades, including during the Trump administration, the
Department has managed and tracked contact between U.S. personnel,
Iranian officials, and Iranian opposition groups. I understand the
initial cable providing guidance on contact between U.S. personnel and
Iranian opposition groups went into unnecessary detail about these
groups and buried the main message, which was made explicit in the
cable that superseded it the following week. That message stated that
standing with the Iranian people was a cornerstone of the Trump
administration's policy, and U.S. diplomats should engage actively with
the Iranian diaspora but contact headquarters for specific guidance
before engaging with representatives of opposition groups, since not
all of them share objectives and interests that align with U.S. policy.
Question. Please list all State Department officials who cleared
that cable and/or the guidance in that cable.
Answer. Both career and political officials in all relevant offices
of the Department reviewed the cable, including the Secretary's Iran
Action Group (which at that time included the Special Envoy for Iran),
the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, the Office of the Legal
Advisor, the Office of the Under Secretary for Political Affairs, the
Office of the Deputy Secretary of State, the Secretary's Policy
Planning Staff, the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, the
Counter Terrorism Bureau, the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, the
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, the Bureau of European Affairs,
the Bureau of African Affairs, and the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific
Affairs.
Question. The cable stated that engagement with opposition groups
would be counterproductive to pressuring Iran into a comprehensive deal
with Iran. Do you still agree with this assessment?
Answer. I believe that the second cable stated administration
policy much more clearly than the first one did: not all Iranian
opposition groups' interests and priorities align with U.S. policy
priorities. I agree with that assessment.
Question. Do you believe that American overseas posts should limit
their engagement with Iranian opposition groups?
Answer. I am a firm believer in outreach to the Iranian people,
both inside and outside Iran, which is why I led efforts in 2012 to
create the first U.S. Government website dedicated to engaging with
them. Recognizing the danger efforts like this represented to their
rule, the regime blocked the site the day after it was launched and
intensified its crackdown on Internet freedom. I believe that U.S.
diplomats should use good judgment and seek guidance from the
Department in engaging with representatives of Iranian opposition
groups with which Department officials are not already in regular
contact.
Question. In early 2021 the State Department distributed internal
guidance through emails about how to refer to the normalization between
Israel and other countries. In the emails, staffers were instructed
that the State Dept. would no longer refer to the normalization as the
``Abraham Accords,'' and the use of ``normalization agreements''
instead was indicated, according to a June 4 report by the Washington
Free Beacon. You told me that in our interview that you do not remember
any memo relating to that guidance.
Did you know the guidance was being issued?
Answer. No. I do not recall seeing such guidance.
Question. Did you clear any such guidance, as described in the
emails revealed by the Washington Free Beacon?
Answer. I do not recall clearing any such guidance.
Question. Do you agree that State Department officials should not
use the phrase ``Abraham Accords?''
Answer. No. I believe that Department officials should celebrate
the historic achievement represented by the Abraham Accords, which is
why I fully supported prominent public statements by administration
officials on the one-year anniversary of their signing. In addition, I
worked diligently to help the Accords bear fruit for the United States,
our partner Israel, and the United Arab Emirates by helping to lead
efforts within the Department to establish the Israel-India-United
States-United Arab Emirates grouping (I2U2) and recommending that
senior officials support the initiative. Secretary Blinken participated
in an inaugural meeting of the I2U2 foreign ministers in October 2021,
and on July 14, President Biden participated in an I2U2 summit meeting
to announce major joint investment projects. In their joint statement,
the leaders said, ``We reaffirm our support for the Abraham Accords and
other peace and normalization arrangements with Israel. We welcome the
economic opportunities that flow from these historic developments.'' I
also strongly supported senior Department officials engaging in the
U.S.-Israel-UAE Religious Co-Existence Working Group, including
approving the following quote from an Under Secretary of State for the
joint statement: ``The Abraham Accords represent one of the most
significant strategic shifts over my three decades of diplomacy in this
region and bring clear-cut benefits not just to the countries and
peoples concerned, but to the rest of the world as well.''
Question. Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington
Free Beacon reviewed at least two of them.
Answer. I do not recall seeing any such emails and any such e-mails
are records of the State Department, which I do not control.
Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance--emails,
memos, cables, notes, decision memos, briefing papers, instructions,
etc.--that instructed staffers not to use the phrase ``Abraham
Accords.''
Answer. I do not recall seeing any such internal guidance and any
such documents are records of the State Department, which I do not
control.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
joey r. hood by senator cruz--number 1
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,,
I asked you about guidance distributed within the State
Department in early 2021 which instructed staffers to no longer
refer to the Abraham Accords as ``Abraham Accords,'' but
instead to call them ``normalization agreements.'' The
existence of the guidance was revealed by the Washington Free
Beacon (WFB) in a June 4 article. I asked you whether you
cleared that guidance, and asked that you transmit copies of
that or any other ``internal guidance . . . that instructed
staffers not to use the phrase `Abraham Accords.' '' You
repeatedly stated that you don't recall clearing or seeing any
such guidance.
On June 27, 2021 you and other senior administration
officials held a briefing for journalists in Rome, Italy.
Secretary Blinken and Israeli PM Yair Lapid had just met. State
Department Spokesperson Ned Price also participated in that
briefing. The briefing was held on deep background. The WFB
article about the ``Abraham Accords'' guidance had been
published earlier that month. In that briefing, you told
journalists that you had been involved in clearing the
guidance.
Do you recall saying that or anything similar in the briefing,
and if not do you recall discussing the guidance at all in
the briefing?
Answer. I do not recall discussing any Department guidance in
that briefing, but I recall responding to questions on this
matter by saying effectively to ``blame the misunderstanding on
me as the Acting Assistant Secretary for the Near Eastern
Affairs Bureau.'' In doing so, I sought to put an end to media
speculation that there had been such guidance and instead to
explain that there had been working-level discussion about how
to focus on widening and deepening not just the historic
Abraham Accords, but also the peace treaties, and other
agreements between our partner Israel and its neighbors, as
well as Israel and non-Muslim majority countries. At no time
did the Secretary stop referring to the Abraham Accords as
``the Abraham Accords,'' and the Department, with the Bureau of
Near Eastern Affairs, released statements celebrating their
one-year anniversary shortly after that briefing, referring to
them as the Abraham Accords. The Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs
also organized remarks and an event the Secretary co-hosted
with then-Foreign Minister Yair Lapid (a virtual ministerial)
in honor of the Abraham Accords' first anniversary.
Question. Hady Amr, who currently serves as the Special
Representative for Palestinian Affairs within the Department's
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, has consistently been involved
in producing press guidance relating to Israel. For example, on
July 6 and 7, he generated guidance in response to a story
published in the WFB alleging that the State Department had
misled Congress about Palestinian terrorism. Mr. Arm was
involved in generating that guidance starting July 6 after the
story was flagged for him by Spokesperson Price and he cleared
that guidance on July 7 for NEA/FO, the Bureau's front office.
The guidance was then collected and distributed. The email
thread was titled ``GC on response to Free Beacon Article on
Pal Congressional Report and Response to question on Abraham
Fund.''
Please described any role played by Mr. Amr in also generating
the early 2021 guidance instructing staffers not to use the
phrase ``Abraham Accords'' but to use ``normalization
agreements'' instead.
Answer. I do not recall any guidance generated by Mr. Amr of
this nature.
Question. Did you clear any such guidance, as described in
the emails revealed by the Washington Free Beacon and as you
discussed with journalists on June 27 in Rome?
Answer. I do not recall clearing any such guidance and I have
provided my recollection of the June 27 press backgrounder in
Rome on this issue.
Question. Are you aware of anyone else at the State
Department who cleared such guidance?
Answer. I am not aware of anyone else at the Department who
cleared any such guidance.
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,
I asked you to list all State Department officials who cleared
the email that you sent on April 16, 2022, in which you stated
that a number of people had reported comments that certain
candidates could not be hired because of race, gender, and
religious considerations. I noted that State Dept. Chief
Diversity and Inclusion Officer Abercrombie-Winstanley
separately testified that she had never seen or cleared that
email. I also asked you ``Regarding the comment that people
could not be hired because they are not of the `right'
religion: what religion was being referenced?'' In your answer
you did [not] clarify any aspect of these circumstances or
questions.
Did you report or refer any of the comments described in your
April 16, 2022 to the Office of Diversity and Inclusion, or
discuss any of those comments with anyone in the Office of
Diversity and Inclusion? If so, which officials? If not,
why not?
Answer. I reported, referred, and discussed the relevant
comments with the relevant offices of the Department, which
included the Office of Diversity and Inclusion.
Question. Regarding the comment that people could not be
hired because they are not of the `right' religion: what
religion was being referenced?
Answer. The Department does not take into account a person's
religious faith in hiring decisions. This comment came in the
context of someone wondering whether a non-Muslim could prove
as effective as a Muslim engaging on issues related to Muslim-
majority countries. No hiring decision was made on the basis of
this comment.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
joey r. hood by senator cruz--number 2
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,
and again in follow up questions, I asked you about guidance
distributed within the State Department in early 2021 which
instructed staffers to no longer refer to the Abraham Accords
as ``Abraham Accords,'' but instead to call them
``normalization agreements.'' In follow up questions, I asked
you about a briefing for journalists that took place on June 27
in which you participated, and specifically about any comments
you made related to that early 2021 ``Abraham Accords''
guidance. You said that you told reporters ``effectively to
`blame the misunderstanding on [you] as the Acting Assistant
Secretary for the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau.' '' I also asked
you about any role played by then-Deputy Assistant Secretary
(DAS) for Israel and Palestinian Affairs Hady Amr in generating
or clearing the guidance about not using ``Abraham Accords.''
You said you did ``not recall any guidance generated by Mr. Amr
of this nature.''
On Feb 4, 2021 Rachel Rubin, the press officer for Israel and
Palestinian Affairs in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs
(NEA), emailed Meghan Dean, another press officer, saying ``we
are no longer using 'Abraham Accords' to refer to the
normalization of relations between Israel and other
countries.'' The email instructed staffers that further
language would be sent when the language was ``cleared'' and
that no references should be made to Abraham Accords in the
meantime. Hady Amr was then DAS for Israel and Palestinian
Affairs. The email thread was about Mr. Amr's calls to
counterparts and public affairs guidance about those calls.
Were you aware of this specific email or the instructions
referenced in the email?
Answer. No.
Question. Did you clear this specific email or the
instructions referenced in the email?
Answer. I do not recall clearing this specific email or the
instructions referenced in them.
Question. The email instructed staffers to wait for new
language that would not include ``Abraham Accords.'' Did you
clear such new language on or after Feb 4, i.e. not the
guidance but new language written in line with that guidance?
Answer. I do not recall clearing new language on or after
February 4. I recall a number of working-level conversations,
stretching back into the Trump administration, about how to
refer to Israel's past and potential future agreements with its
Arab neighbors in a way that would maximize the chances of
deepening existing agreements and reaching new agreements. In
those conversations, it was noted that the Kingdom of Morocco
declined to join the Abraham Accords, pursuing instead an
agreement under its own terms, and that other governments
wanted their treaties with Israel recognized in public as such.
There was broad consensus at the working level that other Arab
countries seeking to establish diplomatic relations with our
partner Israel would likely do so not by joining the Abraham
Accords, but by forging their own understandings. All of these
factors gave rise to working-level discussions about how to
refer to present and future agreements in the most inclusive
fashion possible, but they did not, to my knowledge, result in
a written policy not to refer to Israel's agreements with the
UAE and Bahrain as the ``Abraham Accords.'' This is why many
U.S. officials, including our Charges d'Affaires in Abu Dhabi,
Manama, and Jerusalem, as well as the Secretary of State and
others, never stopped using the term in public discourse, and
it is also why I cleared on the concept proposal and the
remarks used when the Secretary hosted a ministerial and issued
statements celebrating the one-year anniversary of the Abraham
Accords. I also supported the Bureau's work to take advantage
of the historic nature of the Abraham Accords to foster
investment agreements between the Abraham Accords signatories
and India.
Question. These instructions reversed a core priority of the
previous administration. They were generated in reference to
calls made by Mr. Amr, in a policy area overseen by Mr. Amr,
and sent by the press staffer responsible for public affairs in
that policy.
In your experience in NEA, what would be the role of the DAS of the
relevant office in generating such instructions?
Answer. In general, the bureau's press officers draft
language that is then cleared by a desk officer, office
director and/or the DAS, among others.
Question. In your experience in NEA, what would be the role
of the DAS of the relevant office in clearing such
instructions?
Answer. In general, press guidance is cleared by a desk
officer, office director, or DAS.
Question. Would be it unusual for those instructions to be
generated without input from that DAS?
Answer. No.
Question. Would be it unusual for those instructions to be
distributed without being cleared by that DAS?
Answer. No.
Question. Would it be unusual for those instructions to be
generated without input from the subject of the guidance, i.e.
Mr. Amr?
Answer. No.
Question. Would it be unusual for those instructions to be
distributed without input from the subject of the guidance,
i.e. Mr. Amr?
Answer. No.
Question. Please describe any role played by Mr. Amr in
formulating these instructions or having them distributed,
including asking for them to be generated or clearing them.
Answer. I am not aware of any role played by Mr. Amr in
formulating, generating, or clearing these instructions or
having them distributed.
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,
and again in follow up questions, I asked you about an email
that you sent on April 16, 2022, in which you stated that a
number of people had reported comments that certain candidates
could not be hired because of race, gender, and religious
considerations. I noted that State Dept. Chief Diversity and
Inclusion Officer Abercrombie-Winstanley separately testified
that she had never seen or cleared that email. In your response
to follow up questions, you said that you ``reported, referred,
and discussed the relevant comments with the relevant offices
of the Department, which included the Office of Diversity and
Inclusion.''
Did you ever report, refer, or discuss these comments with Chief
Diversity and Inclusion Officer Abercrombie-Winstanley? If so,
please describe the nature of the discussion, if not, why not?
Answer. I reported these general comments and sentiments to
Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley, and discussed that hiring
decisions should never be made on the basis of gender, race,
religion, and disability. I sent that guidance email in order
to stress that such comments and sentiments do not comport with
Department policy, and would be prohibited if part of a hiring
decision. I am not aware of any hiring decisions made on the
basis of these comments.
Question. Are you aware of anyone else who reported,
referred, or discussed these comments with Chief Diversity and
Inclusion Officer Abercrombie-Winstanley?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you consider the comments to have been
sufficiently acute that they should have been elevated to Chief
Diversity and Inclusion Officer Abercrombie-Winstanley?
Answer. Yes, as a policy matter, which is why I sought the
Ambassador's input, though the CDIO has no operational role in
the day-to-day EEO law administration.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
joey r. hood by senator cruz--number 3
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,
and again in follow up questions, I asked about guidance
distributed within the State Department in early 2021 which
instructed staffers to no longer refer to the Abraham Accords
as ``Abraham Accords,'' but instead to call them
``normalization agreements.'' The guidance was distributed on
Feb 4 in an email between press staffers with the instruction
``we are no longer using 'Abraham Accords' to refer to the
normalization of relations between Israel and other
countries.''
On June 27 you told reporters in Rome, Italy ``effectively to
`blame the misunderstanding on [you] as the Acting Assistant
Secretary for the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau.' '' Nevertheless
you have said that you were not aware of the Feb 4 email or the
instructions to use ``normalization agreements'' instead of
``Abraham Accords.'' I am seeking to clarify the degree to
which you knew about the existence of this policy and any
actions you took regarding it, or whether the policy had been
set from within your bureau and for the State Department
without your knowledge.
On April 1, 2021, Spokesperson Ned Price told reporters that
he was capable of saying the words ``Abraham Accords'' but that
the State Department ``call[s] them normalization agreements.''
The full exchange was extensive and received broad coverage--
``Question: Okay. And then just as an aside, what
does this--what do you call these agreements between--
``Mr. Price: They're normalization agreements.
``Question: Yeah, but what are the--what is the name
for them?
``Mr. Price: Normalization agreements.
``Question: No, there's a specific name that they all
signed onto. I believe you know what it is.
``Mr. Price: Look, we call them--we call them
normalization agreements. That's--
``Question: Why do you not--
``Mr. Price: That's precisely what they are.
``Question: --use the name that the leaders of these
countries signed onto--
``Mr. Price: We're--
``Question: --which is the Abraham Accords? Why is
that--
``Mr. Price: I'm not averse to using that. I'm
describing what these are. These are normalization--
``Question: Well, then can you say it for me, please?
``Mr. Price: Of course I can say the term ``Abraham
Accords,'' Matt.
``Question: Thank you.
``Mr. Price: But we call them normalization
agreements.''
Question. On June 4 the Washington Free Beacon reported the
existence of the policy, citing ``one source with direct
knowledge'' and ``two internal State Department emails''
reviewed by the outlet. The State Department did not deny the
details of the story, and indeed it is now clear that they
could not deny it.
Did you ever become aware of the existence of the State
Department policy instructing inter alia public affairs
staffers to only refer to the ``Abraham Accords'' as
``normalization agreements?'' If so, please describe when
and how you became aware of the policy, and whether you
sought to have it reversed.
Answer. I do not recall becoming aware of any such Department
policy instructing anyone to refer to the Abraham Accords
exclusively as ``normalization agreements.''
Question. Regarding Spokesperson Price's April 1 press
briefing in which he said that the State Department ``call[s]
them normalization agreements'' not ``Abraham Accords'': did
you discuss that statement with him after the briefing in any
way (e.g. personally, phone, email, text, chat, etc.)? For
example, did you ask him whether that was actually the State
Department's policy, why it was the policy, who set it, when it
was set, and so on? If you did not, why not? If so, please
describe the exchanges.
Answer. I recall that there were working-level discussions,
stretching back into the Trump administration, about how to
refer to Israel's past and potential future agreements with its
Arab neighbors in a way that would maximize the chances of
deepening existing agreements and reaching new agreements,
because it was clear that other governments may not wish to
join the Accords but to forge their own normalization
agreements with Israel. I do not recall asking Mr. Price if it
was Department policy not to refer to the Abraham Accords as
such because I do not recall believing that this was Department
policy, having witnessed the Secretary, our Charges d'Affaires
in Jerusalem, Abu Dhabi, and Manama, as well as other senior
U.S. officials, refer to the Abraham Accords as such on a
regular basis. I recall discussing with Mr. Price and others,
however, that it was becoming clear--as evidenced by the April
1 press briefing and the Washington Free Beacon article--that
there was some public misperception about the Biden
administration's appreciation for the Abraham Accords because
of the use of the term ``normalization agreements'' to refer to
the varied agreements Israel has concluded with its neighbors.
I recall discussing with colleagues the need to correct that
misperception in our public remarks. That was reflected in the
language used in a series of statements, op-ed pieces in
Washington and in the region, and events celebrating the one-
year anniversary of the Abraham Accords, as well as working on
projects that could widen and deepen the Abraham Accords.
Question. Regarding Spokesperson Price's April 1 press
briefing in which he said that the State Department ``call[s]
them normalization agreements'' not ``Abraham Accords'': did
you discuss that statement with anyone after the briefing in
any way (e.g. personally, phone, email, text, chat, etc.)? For
example, did you seek to determine whether that was actually
the State Department's policy, why it was the policy, who set
it, when it was set, and so on? If you did not, why not? If so,
please describe the exchanges.
Answer. I recall engaging with colleagues around that time
about the need to correct the misperception that the
Administration did not support the Abraham Accords or wish to
refer to them as such.
Question. Regarding Spokesperson Price's April 1 press
briefing in which he said that the State Department ``call[s]
them normalization agreements'' not ``Abraham Accords'': please
transmit any email or text threads in which you participated
about his statement.
Answer. My search of my records has not produced any such
communications, though you would need to make requests for
Department records to the Department.
Question. Regarding the Free Beacon June 4 story that cited
two emails instructing staffers to use ``normalization
agreements'' not ``Abraham Accords'': did you attempt to
determine whether the story was accurate? For example, did you
inquire if the emails existed, why they were sent, who sent
them, when they were sent, and so on? If you did not, why not?
If so, please describe the exchanges.
Answer. I recall urging colleagues to find ways to correct
the misperception that the Administration did not appreciate
the Abraham Accords or wish to refer to them as such. I recall
pursuing if anyone had seen the emails referenced by the Free
Beacon, and I recall being told no. I also recall engaging with
staff about finding ways to widen and deepen the Abraham
Accords so that the signatories' relationships did not settle
into a ``cold peace,'' as had been the case for some of
Israel's other relationships. That effort to deepen and broaden
substantive cooperation included support for the ``I2U2''
project between one of the Abraham Accords signatories--the
UAE--and Israel, India, and the United States. When Secretary
Blinken launched that effort, the Department's public statement
noted that, ``The Secretary reiterated the Biden
administration's support for the Abraham Accords and
normalization agreements and discussed future opportunities for
collaboration in the region and globally.''
Question. Regarding the Free Beacon June 4 story that cited
two emails instructing staffers to use ``normalization
agreements'' not ``Abraham Accords'': did you ever attempt to
acquire or read the cited emails? If you did not, why not? If
so, please describe the steps you took to acquire or read the
cited emails.
Answer. I recall pursuing at the time if anyone had seen
emails of this nature, and I recall colleagues saying that they
had not.
Question. Regarding the Free Beacon June 4 story that cited
two emails instructing staffers to use ``normalization
agreements'' not ``Abraham Accords'': please transmit any email
or text threads in which you participated about the story.
Answer. I have not found any emails or texts in my records
with regard to this story, and any request for Department
records will need to be addressed to the Department.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
joey r. hood by senator cruz--number 4
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,
and again in follow up questions, I asked you about guidance
distributed within the State Department in early 2021 which
instructed staffers to no longer refer to the Abraham Accords
as ``Abraham Accords,'' but instead to call them
``normalization agreements.'' The guidance was distributed on
February 4 in an email between press staffers with the
instruction ``we are no longer using 'Abraham Accords' to refer
to the normalization of relations between Israel and other
countries.'' On April 1 Spokesperson Ned Price told reporters
that the policy of the State Department was to call ``call them
normalization agreements.'' On June 4 the Washington Free
Beacon (WFB) confirmed the existence of the policy, citing
``two internal State Department emails'' reviewed by the
outlet.
During this time period, i.e. February 4 to June 4, you were
Acting Assistant Secretary for the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau
(NEA). I am seeking to clarify the degree to which you knew
about the existence of this policy and any actions you took
regarding it, or whether the policy had been set from within
your bureau and for the State Department without your
knowledge.
You have confirmed that you eventually took responsibility
for the public controversy over the issue: you told reporters
in a non-public briefing on June 24 ``effectively to `blame the
misunderstanding on me as the Acting Assistant Secretary for
[NEA].''' Nevertheless, you have also replied that you were not
aware the guidance was issued on February 4, that you did not
ask Mr. Price specifically about his comments on April 1, and
that when you asked others whether they had seen the emails
referenced in the June 4 WFB story they told you no. You have
also said that you searched your digital records and found no
communications on these issues.
Finally, you cited a statement by Sec. Blinken using the
phrase ``Abraham Accords'' from October 2021, well after the
policy had been publicly confirmed by the WFB and the State
Dept. moved to reverse it.
More broadly, these statements are difficult to align with
the full public record.
By March 11 Mr. Price was already referring to the Abraham
Accords as normalization agreements. Even the section in the
State Dept.'s official transcript for that day's press briefing
is labeled ``ISRAEL/NORMALIZATION AGREEMENTS''--
``Question: My question is: What concretely are you
guys doing to expand the Abraham Accords? Are you
talking to Saudi Arabia, for example, about them
recognizing Israel? Could you tell us a little bit
about what concretely you're doing? Thank you.
``Mr. Price. Absolutely. Well, when it comes to Prime
Minister Netanyahu's travel, we'd refer you to the
Government of Israel regarding his travel. As we have
said, as the Secretary said yesterday, we welcome, we
support the normalization agreements between Israel and
countries in the broader Muslim world. It is something
that we will seek to build on. It is something that we
have welcomed from the previous administration and
something, again, we will seek to build on going
forward. We have discussed it in the bilateral context
with some of our partners in the Arab and Muslim world.
It is something that we have discussed with the
Israelis. I wouldn't want to get ahead of where--of
private conversations at this point, but I expect
before too long, you will--we'll be in a position to
say more and you'll be in a position to see more about
how we are going to build on that.''
On May 10 Mr. Price again pointedly and exclusively referred
to the Abraham Accords as normalization agreements--
``Question: Right. Okay. So then let me ask something
on the Abraham Accords. Do you think it might actually
be counterproductive in that they make it easier for
the Israeli Government not to meet the aspirations of
Palestinian people for an independent state?
``Mr. Price: The normalization agreements, and--is
something that we support. It is something that we
think is not only good for Israel, it is good for the
region. Improved ties between Israel and its Arab
neighbors is something that we will continue to support
in our diplomacy and engagement, both with the Israelis
and Arab states.
``Question: But could it be counterproductive because
it doesn't actually give any leverage or any benefit to
the Palestinians?
``Mr. Price: The normalization agreements are one
element of our engagement in the region. Of course, we
continue to engage in the context of a two-state
solution, and I think if you saw Jake Sullivan's
readout, if you've seen our recent statements, if you
were provided with call transcripts--most of which we
read out--you would see our emphasis on a two-state
solution. So we can do both. We can work to see
improved ties between Israel and its neighbors, just as
we work to forge some advance in the prospects of a
two-state solution.''
On May 18, White House Spokesperson Jen Psaki said ``Aside
from putting forward a peace proposal that was dead on arrival,
we don't think they did anything constructive, really, to bring
an end to the longstanding conflict in the Middle East.''
In a previous question, I asked you whether you discussed
with Mr. Price his April 1 statement about the Abraham Accords,
i.e. that the State Dept. ``call[s] them normalization
agreements.'' You said: ``I do not recall asking Mr. Price if
it was Department policy not to refer to the Abraham Accords as
such because I do not recall believing that this was Department
policy.'' You also said ``I recall discussing with Mr. Price
and others, however, that it was becoming clear--as evidenced
by the April 1 press briefing and the Washington Free Beacon
article--that there was some public misperception about the
Biden administration's appreciation for the Abraham Accords
because of the use of the term `normalization agreements'. I
recall discussing with colleagues the need to correct that
misperception in our public remarks.''
I also asked you about any role played by then-Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Israel and Palestinian Affairs
Hady Amr in generating or clearing the guidance. Mr. Amr's
office oversaw this policy area and the State Dept. official
who issued the guidance was the press officer for Israel and
Palestinian Affairs. You suggested you have no knowledge of any
role he played.
Was Mr. Amr one of the colleagues with whom you spoke regarding
what you describe as the need to correct misperceptions
``because of the use of the term `normalization agreements'
''? If so, please describe the nature of that discussion:
when did it happen, what was the topic, what was Mr. Amr's
reaction. If you did not discuss this topic with him, why
not?
Answer. Yes, DAS Amr was one of the colleagues with whom I
spoke regarding the need to correct misperceptions about the
Administration's support of the Abraham Accords. I do not
recall the precise date of these discussions, as they would
have been part of our daily consultations, but I recall that
DAS Amr agreed with this need.
Question. You replied to a previous question by saying you
discussed with Mr. Price the ``public misperception'' about the
Biden administration's stance on the Abraham Accords ``as
evidenced [inter alia] by the April 1 press briefing.'' Did
that discussion take place before or after his May 10 press
briefing, in which he again pointedly emphasized that the State
Dept. calls them ``normalization agreements''? If the
conversation happened before, why do you believe he
nevertheless reemphasized the position despite your concerns,
including in your capacity as Acting Assistant Secretary for
NEA? If the conversation happened was after the May 10 press
briefing, why did you wait as long as you did to have the
conversation?
Answer. To the best of my recollection, this discussion took
place after the June 4 press briefing in Rome identified in
previous questions for the record. I regret that I did not act
faster and more decisively to help dispel the notion that the
Biden administration did not support the Abraham Accords.
Question. You have testified that you did not know about the
February 4 email instructing public affairs staffers to call
the Abraham Accords ``normalization agreements.'' Do you
believe that it was inappropriate to clear or implement that
guidance without your awareness, in your capacity as Acting
Assistant Secretary for NEA?
Answer. Yes. I believe such proposed guidance should also
have been discussed with our Charges d'Affaires in Abu Dhabi,
Manama, and Jerusalem, who told me that they never received
instructions not to refer to the Abraham Accords in public
exclusively as ``normalization agreements.''
Question. Do you believe that the policy outlined in the
February 4 email, i.e. to refer to the Abraham Accords as
``normalization agreements,'' was in the national security
interests of the United States? Please also describe any
effects that you believe it had on U.S. diplomacy more broadly.
Answer. I do not believe it was Department policy to refer to
the Abraham Accords exclusively as ``normalization
agreements,'' although I am now aware that the aforementioned
press guidance shared between press officers existed. I do not
believe that press guidance constituted a policy decision, nor
do I believe that it was in the national security interests of
the United States because it contributed to confusion in some
quarters of the public regarding the Administration's support
for the Abraham Accords specifically.
Question. It would have been relatively straightforward for
you to trace Mr. Price's public statements and comments. There
would have been language in his briefing book, email threads in
which State Dept. officials from your bureau cleared that
language, at least one specific list of officials clearing on
behalf of specific offices in your bureau, etc. Did you try to
obtain any of these materials? If you did not, why not? If you
did, did you succeed and if so please describe the materials.
Answer. I did not seek these materials. Then-candidate Biden
expressed his support for the Abraham Accords when they were
signed and Secretary Blinken, as a nominee testifying before
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, also expressed the new
administration's support for the Abraham Accords (by name). For
me, those were the clearest expressions of Biden administration
policy with regard to the Abraham Accords. Once I became aware
of the public misperception of the Administration's support for
the Abraham Accords, I began discussing with colleagues the
need to address it, not only through public statements but also
through activities and initiatives that would provide a ``warm
peace'' for the people of the signatory countries. I believed
that this public misperception stemmed largely from the fact
that administration officials had stated that they were
conducting a review of the Abraham Accords, along with most
other policies in their first months in office. I recognize and
take responsibility for the confusion these discussions may
have contributed to in the early months of the Biden
administration; as Acting Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern
Affairs, I regret that I did not take more decisive action
earlier to clarify the Administration's support for the Abraham
Accords specifically, along with Israel's other current and
potential future diplomatic relationships.
Question. Mr. Price pointedly and exclusively used
``normalization agreements'' in his March 11 press briefing and
explicitly told reporters in his April 1 press briefing that
the State Dept. refers to the Abraham Accords as normalization
agreements. You have said that you did not believe that was the
State Dept.'s policy. What was the basis for your belief, i.e.
that he had repeatedly mischaracterized State Dept. policy? In
previous answers you have gestured toward presumably
contradictory statements made by other State Dept. officials.
To the extent that you believe they are relevant, please cite
them specifically.
Answer. Among other public statements were the following: On
January 27, 2021 at a press availability, Secretary Blinken
said, ``First, as we've said, we very much support the Abraham
Accords. We think that Israel normalizing relations with its
neighbors and other countries in the region is a very positive
development, and so we applauded them, and we hope that there
may be an opportunity to build on them in the months and years
ahead.'' In a March 11, 2021 press briefing, the White House
Spokesperson referred to the Abraham Accords as such, noting
that the Administration was reviewing them. A June 9, 2021
joint statement on the eighth U.S.-UAE Economic Policy
Dialogue, in which I participated, noted that the two
delegations ``commended the historic signing of the Abraham
Accords in September 2020.''
Question. At any time--after March 11, April 1, or May 10--
what was your understanding regarding why Mr. Price kept
publicly telling journalists the opposite of what you
understood to be the State Dept.'s policy?
Answer. My understanding is that Mr. Price was following
guidance offered by press officers that had not been reviewed
by me and that sought to be as inclusive as possible in
discussing Israel's past and potential future diplomatic
agreements with its Arab neighbors.
Question. Regarding Mr. Price's May 10 press briefing, in
which he pointedly emphasized that the State Dept. refers to
the Abraham Accords as ``normalization agreements'': did you
discuss that statement with him after the briefing in any way
(e.g. personally, phone, email, text, chat, etc.)? For example,
did you ask him whether that was actually the State
Department's policy, why it was the policy, who set it, when it
was set, and so on? If you did not, why not? If so, please
describe the exchanges.
Answer. I would note that on May 10, I was on a trip that
included stops in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt, and
Iraq. I do not recall watching this press briefing or hearing
about it from my staff. I do not recall asking Mr. Price if it
was Department policy not to refer to the Abraham Accords as
such because I do not recall believing that this was Department
policy, having witnessed the President, the Secretary, our
Charges d'Affaires in Jerusalem, Abu Dhabi, and Manama, as well
as other senior U.S. officials, refer to the Abraham Accords as
such. While I do not recall the date, I recall discussing with
Mr. Price and others that it was becoming clear--as evidenced
by the press briefing exchanges and the Washington Free Beacon
article--that there was some public misperception about the
Biden administration's appreciation for the Abraham Accords
because of the use of the term ``normalization agreements'' to
refer to the varied agreements Israel has concluded with its
neighbors. I recall discussing with colleagues the need to
correct that misperception in our public remarks and actions.
That was reflected in the language used in a series of
statements, op-ed pieces in Washington and in the region, and
events celebrating the one-year anniversary of the Abraham
Accords, as well as working on projects that could widen and
deepen the Abraham Accords. I certainly regret that I did not
act faster to help correct that public misperception, believing
as I did that initiatives to deepen the Abraham Accords, such
as the ``I2U2'' Ministerial and investment projects would send
powerful messages of support.
Question. In your assessment, did Ms. Psaki's May 18
statement, i.e. ``Aside from putting forward a peace proposal
that was dead on arrival, we don't think [the Trump
administration] did anything constructive, really, to bring an
end to the longstanding conflict in the Middle East,''
contribute to what you describe as the ``public misperception
about the Biden administration's appreciation for the Abraham
Accords.''
Answer. Yes.
Question. In your own assessment, is it accurate to assess
that aside from putting forward a peace proposal that was dead
on arrival the Trump administration didn't do anything
constructive to bring an end to the longstanding conflict in
the Middle East?
Answer. As a member of the Foreign Service, I have served
under Democratic and Republican administrations. I proudly
served in the Trump administration as Deputy Chief of Mission
in Kuwait, as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge d'Affaires in
Iraq, and as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
under Assistant Secretary David Schenker in the Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs. I believe that the Administration accomplished
a great deal in trying to bring an end to the longstanding
conflicts in the Middle East, including--inter alia--supporting
and facilitating the signing of the Abraham Accords, as well as
Morocco's re-establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel
and efforts to resolve the conflict over the region known as
the Western Sahara. I believe the Trump administration also
exerted constructive efforts in supporting the Iraqi Security
Forces, including the Iraqi Kurdistan Region's Peshmerga
forces, in liberating Iraqi territory from ISIS, as well as
helping communities targeted for genocide to recover. These
included Yezidis, Christians, and Muslims, both Sunni and Shia.
In my time under the last administration, I regularly
represented and defended the Trump administration's policies in
the Middle East, including on Capitol Hill. Thank you for the
opportunity to address this question.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
joey r. hood by senator cruz--number 5
Question. In QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination, and
again in follow up questions, I have been asking you about a
policy distributed by the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau (NEA) in
which State Dept. staffers were instructed not to refer to the
Abraham Accords as ``Abraham Accords,'' but instead to call
them ``normalization agreements.'' During the period this
guidance was in place you were Acting Assistant Secretary for
NEA. You have confirmed that on June 24 you told journalists,
not for publication, ``effectively to `blame the
misunderstanding on me as the Acting Assistant Secretary for
[NEA].' ''
The policy was set around February 4, 2021, when instructions
to that effect were distributed. The policy lasted roughly
through June 4, when the Washington Free Beacon (WFB) confirmed
the instructions, citing ``two internal State Department
emails'' reviewed by the outlet. In between, Spokesperson Ned
Price publicly confirmed and followed the guidance: he referred
to the Abraham Accords as ``normalization agreements'' in press
briefings on March 11, April 1, and May 10, and during his
April 1 briefing he said the State Dept.'s policy regarding the
Abraham Accords was to ``call them normalization agreements.''
As discussed in previous questions, this policy was both
consistently implemented and went through NEA. The February 4
email was distributed by Rachel Rubin, the press officer for
Israel and Palestinian Affairs. Language used by Mr. Price in
his press briefings would have been discussed over email
threads with NEA officials, and there would have been a list of
officials who cleared on behalf of NEA offices. Canned public
affairs guidance about the Middle East generated by NEA
followed the guidance. Other public affairs products regularly
cleared by NEA officials, including on behalf of NEA/FO,
exclusively used ``normalization agreements.'' The WFB story
indicated that the outlet asked for comments, and any response
would have been discussed with and cleared by NEA officials.
Nevertheless--you have said you did not know any such policy
was in place. More specifically, you have said that you did not
know NEA distributed the email, that you don't recall seeing or
clearing any such guidance, that you asked staffers for details
about the relevant emails but they denied knowing about them,
that you did not call for any materials related to the language
Mr. Price was publicly using, that you did not ask him about
that language, that you did not watch or hear about at least
one of his press briefings about the issue, that you are not
aware of any role played by then-Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Israel and Palestinian Affairs Hady Amr in formulating or
clearing the instructions, and that you have no digital
communications about this controversy or about the guidance or
about the WFB story.
You have said that you didn't ask for further details because
you didn't believe the guidance reflected the Biden
administration's policy toward the Abraham Accords, which you
have characterized as supportive. You have cited four
statements on this question. Three were outside the time the
guidance was seemingly in place, i.e. February 4 to June 4, and
a fourth was by White House Spokesperson Jen Psaki criticizing
the Accords. None are tenable examples of relevant supportive
language.
You have also said that it was inappropriate to implement the
guidance without you clearing it, in your capacity as Acting
Assistant Secretary for NEA, and that the ``misunderstanding''
undermined the perception of America's commitment to our Middle
East allies.
I am deeply troubled by this breakdown in process and
substance, both because of what it suggests about the Biden
administration's policymaking regarding our Israeli allies, and
the degree to which it speaks to your nomination for Ambassador
to Tunisia, an extremely challenging post.
In retrospect, what specific steps do you believe you should have
taken to avoid the breakdown, and why?
Answer. I regret that I did not establish an internal policy
of reviewing all new press guidance to ensure that it fully and
accurately reflected the President's stated policy positions,
including support for the Abraham Accords, along with Israel's
agreements with its other Arab neighbors.
Question. To what extent do you believe the breakdown is
relevant to broader organizational challenges within NEA, both
domestically and abroad at American embassies? What specific
steps do you believe need to be taken to avoid similar
incidents in the future?
Answer. It is not unusual for press officers to offer
guidance that is not cleared at the highest levels of the
Bureau due to the need to respond to media inquiries quickly.
Having learned from this experience, in any future leadership
position in Washington or overseas, I will establish with my
staff an internal policy of personally reviewing any changes in
press guidance.
Question. Please assess the damage to American national
interests caused by the belief that the Biden administration
had prohibited the use of ``Abraham Accords'' to refer to the
Abraham Accords?
Answer. I do not assess there to have been damage to U.S.
national interests due to this misperception, primarily
because, fortunately, the President himself and the Secretary
of State were on record commending the historic nature of the
Abraham Accords and expressing the Biden administration's
support for them.
Question. Do you believe that Ms. Rubin distributed the
guidance to use ``normalization agreements'' in place of
``Abraham Accords'' without being instructed to do so, i.e. `on
her own'? If so, please explain why she did so. If not, to the
best of your current knowledge--
Who instructed Ms. Rubin to distribute the guidance?
Answer. To the best of my current knowledge and recollection,
and after conferring with colleagues in the NEA front office at
the time, I am not aware that anyone in the NEA front office
sent any instruction with regard to this press guidance.
Question. Who cleared on Ms. Rubin distributing the guidance
to use ``normalization agreements'' in place of ``Abraham
Accords?''
Answer. After conferring with colleagues in the NEA front
office at that time, I am not aware that anyone in the NEA
front office cleared on such guidance. NEA's press officers do
their best to provide press guidance as quickly as possible.
Question. To the best of your current knowledge, who cleared
on the language that Mr. Price used in his press briefings, and
specifically his statement on April 1 that regarding the
Abraham Accords the State Dept. ``call[s] them normalization
agreements?''
Answer. To the best of my knowledge, Spokesman Price's press
guidance relevant to countries in the NEA region is normally
drafted and sent to the spokesman by NEA press officers.
Question. You have said that you spoke to Mr. Amr in broad
terms about the controversy and about emphasizing that the
Biden administration supported the Abraham Accords, and that he
was supportive. The stance is in tension with statements he
made before entering the Administration, in which he expressed
hostility toward the Trump administration's Middle East
peacemaking. It is also in tension with the contents of a memo
he drafted in late February, The U.S. Palestinian Reset and the
Path Forward, in which he called for re-centering the Israeli-
Palestinian issue in the context of ``normalized relations''
between our Israeli and Arab allies. Please describe the extent
to which Mr. Amr was supportive of the Abraham Accords.
Answer. In all my conversations with DAS Amr, he expressed
support for strengthening the Abraham Accords, as well as
Israel's other agreements with Arab governments, and support
for negotiating new agreements between Israel and governments
of Muslim-majority countries.
* * *
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, JULY 28, 2022--a.m.
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Menendez, Booker,
Rubio, Portman, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Good morning to all. This hearing of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
We are here to consider important ambassadorial nominees:
William Duncan to be Ambassador to El Salvador; Hugo Rodriguez
to be Ambassador to Nicaragua; Candace Bond to me Ambassador to
Trinidad and Tobago; Heide Fulton to be Ambassador to Uruguay;
and Robert Faucher--did I get that right, Robert?
Mr. Faucher. That is correct.
Senator Kaine. Robert Faucher to be Ambassador to Suriname.
I want to congratulate all of you on your nominations and
provide thanks to you and your--for your willingness to serve
and thanks especially to members of your family because you
cannot do one of these posts without them sacrificing.
I will, first, introduce the nominees. Then I will offer
opening remarks and turn to Ranking Member Rubio for opening
remarks, and then we will then have opening statements from
each of the nominees before proceeding to questions.
William Duncan is senior inspector in the Office of the
Inspector General at the Department of State, previously served
as consul general in Monterrey and before that as DCM at the
U.S. Embassy in Mexico City.
Foreign Service Officer since 1992. Happy 20th anniversary.
He also served in Asuncion, Madrid, Baghdad, Mexico City,
Bogota, San Salvador, and Matamoros. A native of Louisiana, Mr.
Duncan has a bachelor's degree and a juris doctorate from the
University of Arkansas and is fluent in Spanish.
Hugo Rodriguez, Jr., is a senior advisor in the Bureau of
Western Hemisphere Affairs at State. He most recently served as
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemispheres,
focused on Central America and Mexico. Previously, Mr.
Rodriguez served as the DCM at the U.S. Embassy in Asuncion,
Paraguay, and as consul general at the U.S. Embassy in Mexico
City.
Other overseas assignments include Lima, Peru, Rome, Italy.
He is a native of Pennsylvania but, to my liking he holds an
MBA from the Darden School of Business at the University of
Virginia and a bachelor's degree from Hampden-Sydney College.
He is fluent in Italian and Spanish.
Candace Bond currently serves as the president and CEO of
AESA, Inc., a Los Angeles-based real estate and community
development business advisory services company. She is also a
board member of California Head Start, the chair elect of the
board of the Greater L.A. Education Foundation, and chair of
the MLK Health and Wellness Community Development Corporation.
She served on the board of the L.A. County Office of
Education, the nation's largest regional educational agency.
Ms. Bond also serves on the California State Treasurer's
Housing, Economic Development, Jobs, and Opportunity Zone
Committee. She graduated with both a bachelor's degree and an
MBA from Harvard.
Heide Fulton is the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Hemisphere Programs in the Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement.
She previously served as the director of the Office of
Mexican Affairs, led the U.S. Embassy in Honduras as DCM and
Charge d'Affaires. She served overseas in Kabul, Quito, Phnom
Penh, and Manila and is a former Pearson Fellow, which is a
prestigious fellowship of members of the State Department and
Senate offices where she had the fortune to serve in the office
of Senator Menendez.
Ms. Fulton was also an active duty Army officer as a
quartermaster with the U.S. Army in Virginia, Germany,
Luxembourg, Netherlands, and Italy. She retired from the U.S.
Army Reserve in June of 2020 after 28 years of service. She was
born in Buffalo, a graduate of Boston College and Troy State
University, and is fluent in Spanish.
Finally, Robert Faucher most recently served as the
principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Conflict
and Stabilization Operations. Prior, he was director of the
Office of Western European Affairs in the Bureau of European
and Eurasian Affairs, and has held positions in the offices of
U.N. Political Affairs and U.N. Specialized and Technical
Agencies in the Bureau of International Organizational Affairs.
Faucher has served as the DCM at U.S. embassies in Belgium,
Ireland, Suriname, and Luxembourg. He grew up in Arizona, holds
degrees from Arizona State University, Edinburg University, and
the National War College, and he is fluent in Dutch and French.
Very, very talented panel. So my remarks, I want to
congratulate all of you on the nominations. Representing the
U.S. and the American people in any capacity is an honor.
To represent with the title of ambassador is a true, true
distinction and I am sure, based on each of your impressive
professional backgrounds, you will serve with real distinction
in these roles.
I am pleased to chair the nomination hearing for these five
important posts throughout the Western Hemisphere--El Salvador,
Nicaragua, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, and Suriname.
I always talk about the importance of this region to the
United States. Not only do we share deep and important
cultural, historical, and economic ties, but we also have
interests in addressing the shared challenges together with
countries throughout the region. Having our best team in the
field is absolutely critical to advancing those interests as
well as our values in the Western Hemisphere.
Our relations with Salvador are fragile. We have watched
with growing concern as El Salvador's government has taken an
increasingly authoritarian turn after a somewhat promising
beginning with a government that was not connected with sort of
past challenges in El Salvador.
Having an ambassador in place to advance values and
interests in El Salvador and continue our support for the
Salvadoran people will be critical.
In Nicaragua, the Ortega regime sham elections last year,
including the imprisoning of many, many presidential candidates
and their intensifying attacks against opposition figures or
other critics including religious leaders--the order connected
with Mother Teresa just got kicked out of Nicaragua by
President Ortega--these are significant concerns.
We need to continue pressing for the restoration of
democratic rights in Nicaragua and work with regional and
international partners to support the Nicaraguan people in
finding a way forward.
So, Mr. Rodriguez, you will have your work cut out for you
and we look forward to hearing about your approach in Managua,
should you be confirmed.
In the Caribbean, Trinidad and Tobago share a commitment to
democracy. They have remained a steadfast partner of the United
States in the Caribbean. We have strong cultural ties, a
vibrant diaspora community in the United States, and this
August, Trinidad and Tobago will be celebrating 60 years of
independence.
Having a confirmed ambassador will send an important signal
reaffirming our partnership with Trinidad and Tobago and, in
particular, I will ask questions in this regard with respect to
the ability of Trinidad and Tobago to be a force for energy
security in a world where there is significant energy
insecurity.
Uruguay is considered one of the strongest democracies in
the world and that fact deserves a lot more recognition in
Washington and elsewhere. Uruguay seeks greater cooperation
with the U.S.
My view is that we should support that cooperation and I
look forward to hearing from Ms. Fulton about how we can
strengthen ties with this very important partner.
Finally, Suriname's 2020 election of President Santokhi
offers the potential to a new chapter in U.S. relations with
Suriname following President Bouterse's decades-long rule which
included his and his son's separate convictions as drug
traffickers and his own conviction for the 1982 December
murders in Suriname.
Suriname, like Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana, also offer
prospects for advancing energy security in the world and I
would like to direct questions to Mr. Faucher about how we can
work on that.
So we look forward to hearing from each of you today. I
look forward to working with you.
And now I am proud to introduce the ranking member, Senator
Rubio, who has been such a strong champion for U.S. relations
in the Americas. I am very, very glad we have a chance to work
together.
Senator Rubio?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Rubio. Mr. Chairman, thank you for scheduling this
hearing, and you have been a great partner to work with on this
and I appreciate and look forward to working with you on this.
Again, I want to congratulate each of you for your
willingness to serve. Thank you for your willingness to serve
and congratulate you on your appointments and your nominations.
And I guess I do not really have an opening statement. I do
have sort of a mini rant to open, and it is not about any of
you individually. It has more to do with our region.
When I hear people talk about we need to care more about
the Western Hemisphere, it is reminiscent of, like they say,
you also need to eat more fresh fruits and vegetables. It is a
good thing for you, it is good for your health, and you should
really do it. But most of us never get around to it. Well,
speaking for myself anyway.
So the point being is this is not just a nice thing to do.
It is critical to our national security and our national
economic interests. Geography matters. It matters for a lot of
different reasons and--but it matters because proximity
matters.
Because we see it firsthand. There is economic--look at the
migrant crisis that we face on the border today. Those are all
people coming from places where life is not good, and at the
cornerstone of why life is not good in those countries--the
violence, the economic deprivations, whatever it may be--is
poor governance and bad decisions made over a sustained period
of time.
That alone is a national interest. But then not to mention
we do have near peer adversaries. We did not 25 years ago. The
United States lived in a unipolar world where we were the only
show in town.
Now there are at least one unprecedented near peer
adversary. The Chinese Communist Party is a challenge to the
United States, unlike--greater even though what the Soviet
Union was because they are a commercial rival, a technological
rival, a geopolitical rival, a diplomatic rival, and a
commercial one.
And in addition to all of that, they are also a military
threat to the country as they continue to develop and have an
interest in the region. They want to extract minerals and have
mineral rights, certainly.
But they also want leverage. They want control over
countries so that they will vote with them in international
fora and, ultimately, so they could potentially position
themselves either on a rotational basis or permanently all over
the world militarily and the like.
In essence, they would love nothing more than to encircle
the United States and to have--put themselves in a position in
each of the countries, for example, that all of you have been
nominated to serve in but, more broadly, in the region.
They want to be in a position one day to, no matter who
gets elected in those countries, do whatever they want because
that country owes them too much money and they own too many
things in that country to break away from it.
And so that is the fundamental challenge that all of you
are walking into, and in the context of that is how I think we
need to guide our foreign policy and so I hope we will have a
chance to talk about that today.
If you go through some of the countries highlighted here in
today's hearing, in Uruguay we have a president who has been
trying to work with the United States on things like reducing
barriers to trade.
But, unfortunately, because we do not have a strategic
approach to that relationship--this is not a partisan attack. I
think you can say that of virtually any administration in the
last 30 years.
Because we do not have a well thought out and executed a
strategic approach to the region you have someone who,
basically, feels like his only options for development are to
cut a deal with the Chinese Communist Party--do a deal with the
devil in that regard.
In Suriname, you have a president who is struggling to
manage more than a billion dollars in Chinese debt that he--
that his predecessor took on, and we have this administration
that has the single-minded focus on climate change and,
therefore, does not seem interested in helping them develop
markets and/or their capabilities because it happens to be oil
and gas.
And in El Salvador we have a very interesting situation. On
the one hand, we have seen some of the--obviously, there has
been economic chaos, some of the internal political things.
I am not a big fan of everything that has been done there.
But I am--I also think it is a relationship that it is
important for us to manage appropriately, and, you know, our
charge, I believe, has left post and sort of announced some
strategic pause in efforts to reach out to them.
So as we talk about going there, Mr. Duncan, you are--it is
a very, very challenging situation and one that I would love to
hear your thoughts as to what the road forward is because I am
hoping that we can still have a relationship in El Salvador
that is pragmatic.
We do not have to clap or celebrate all the stuff people do
that we do not necessarily think is good. But I also think we
have a national interest concern there that needs to be
balanced.
In Trinidad and Tobago, the prime minister, unfortunately,
continues to be a supporter of the Maduro regime and it is
signing agreements to join the Belt and Road Initiative of the
Communist Party.
Nicaragua is a horrific disaster. I think it is the second
poorest country in the hemisphere. But more importantly and
just as important is the--I mean, this is a country where the
president arrested every one of his political opponents. If you
ran for president you went to jail.
I mean, that is--I mean, not even Putin, everybody. He at
least has an official opposition. Here, this is--it is pretty
stunning the direction that has taken, and even more troubling
is they have now rolled out the red carpet. It is an open
invitation for both Chinese and Russian military stationing in
the region.
I think the Russians have their hands full right now but
you could see a presence there. But the Chinese may one day
take them up on it and that would be--I mean, if we wake up in
a world where the Chinese have a military basing arrangement in
our own hemisphere it would be a very troubling turn in
regional affairs and one that, I think, is a threat that we
cannot overlook.
So all of these places we are facing some real challenges
and I am hopeful that we will be able to talk about those
today.
Again, I am grateful for your willingness to serve. But we
have got big problems on our hands in this region and we better
start taking it seriously or we are going to wake up in less
than a decade living in a very different world than the one we
live in now and the one we grew up in.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator.
So there is an embarrassment of riches. I have already done
introductions, but for Ms. Bond you have got a second
introducer that is even better and that is Senator Booker.
After he does an introduction of you we will go, beginning
with Mr. Duncan and move from my right to left, and each of you
will do your opening statements, if you could.
Senator Booker?
STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Booker. Mr. President, I cannot tell you how
great----
Senator Kaine [continuing]. Mr. President? I really love
that.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. You will always be my president, sir.
Senator Kaine. Because I was Lieutenant Governor of
Virginia and president of the Senate. That has been a title
that has been applied to me in that August.
Senator Rubio. But you were referred to as Your Excellency
in that role.
Senator Kaine. No. As Governor I was your Excellency. As
Lieutenant Governor I was Mr. President.
Senator Booker. Mr. Grand----
Senator Kaine [continuing]. Virginia does things
differently.
Senator Booker. Mr. Grand Poobah.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. I cannot tell you how thrilled I am that I
get this privilege to introduce somebody that I have known for
some years now, and I wonder, Mr. President, if you know what
an Alaskan sled dog, a worker bee in the spring, and an Olympic
athlete all have in common. They are all jealous of Ms. Bond's
work ethic.
She is an extraordinary person and, in fact, if James Brown
was the hardest person--working person in show business, she is
one of the hardest working people I have ever met in public
service.
She brings a long and distinguished record of leadership to
this position. She is chair of the Malibu Foundation, board
member of the Women's Founders Network and a member of the
Southern California Edison Clean Energy Access Working Group.
She also serves on the California State Treasurer's
Housing, Economic Development, Jobs, and Opportunity Zones Ad
Hoc Committee. Earlier in her career, she was president--a
title that has eluded us, all of us here--and CEO of Infusion
Media Partners and serves as both VP and general manager of
Essence Entertainment, which is--has biblical importance to the
Black community.
Her wide-ranging business background, her commitment to
effecting meaningful, substantive, thorough social change is
just awesome. She has experience addressing a host of critical
issues for the larger American community from health, housing,
education, workforce development, and is, for all of those
reasons, an extraordinarily well qualified person to be
Ambassador of Trinidad and Tobago.
If there is any criticism I have, and I should lay that
plain on the table, is that her education is one of two safety
schools. She has her BA from Harvard and her MBA from Harvard
Business School.
But despite that blemish, she is a recipient of numerous
awards of leadership from her peers, awards of leadership and
service, including the Women Leaders of Los Angeles 2021 award
selected by the Los Angeles County Office of Education, the
Women of Distinction award by the Special Network of Needs,
just to name a few.
Presently, she serves as a board member of California Head
Start, a program and organization very dear to me. She is chair
elect of the board of the Greater LA Education Foundation and
chair of the MLK Health and Wellness Community Development
Foundation.
Ms. Bond also served on the board of the Los Angeles County
Office of Education, the nation's largest regional education
agency.
Look, I am confident that her distinguished record of
leadership, of service, of love of country and patriotism
demonstrated by action will make her a great Ambassador to
Trinidad and Tobago.
And then, finally, I will say all my Trinidadian friends
have told me throughout the years that the best carnival all
throughout the Caribbean is in Trinidad.
Well, I do not know what kind of celebration they will have
in the future but I know that when this incredible person is
confirmed as Ambassador, we, in the Senate, should have a
carnival to celebrate that good and wise choice.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Booker.
Ms. Bond, he set a pretty high bar. You better be good.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. But now what we will do is we will begin
with Mr. Duncan. Your full statements are in the record. We
would ask you to keep your verbal statement to less than five
minutes. We are glad to hear from all of you and we will just
move right to left--from my right to left across the dais.
Mr. Duncan, welcome.
STATEMENT OF WILLIAM H. DUNCAN OF TEXAS, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF EL SALVADOR
Mr. Duncan. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
today as the President's nominee to be the next United States
Ambassador to the Republic of El Salvador.
I deeply appreciate the privilege and responsibility it is
to be considered for confirmation as Ambassador. I deeply
respect the role of the Senate and the work of ensuring that
our nation has a foreign policy that reflects our values.
Please allow me to recognize my wife, Nora, who is with me
today, and our daughters, Clare, Irma Nora, and Laura, and our
grandson, Ace.
Let me also thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
this opportunity and for their confidence in me.
My 30-year Foreign Service career has taken me to many
countries, including El Salvador, also Mexico, Colombia,
Paraguay, among others, as well as many domestic assignments
working on Western Hemisphere affairs.
It has also given me the opportunity to work in service of
U.S. policy supporting democracy, human rights, and the rule of
law.
The relationship between El Salvador and the United States
has been very close for the last four decades, through a
terrible civil war, a complex peace process, and into today's
challenges such as fighting transnational organized crime and
promoting prosperity.
The United States has stood with El Salvador, and over
those years many Salvadorans have become our fellow citizens.
Two and a half million Salvadorans now live here. They make an
enormous contribution to our national story through their
extraordinary creativity and work ethic, and to El Salvador
through billions of dollars in remittances returned each year.
I started my Foreign Service career at a consulate on the
U.S.-Mexico border. I learned there that there is no higher
duty for us than the protection of American citizens. If
confirmed, that would be my number-one priority.
We face a serious challenge from irregular migration from
northern Central America, some of it from El Salvador. During
many years in Mexico, I had the opportunity to learn what it
means to make that trek.
One thing is clear to me. It is a dangerous journey
undertaken by desperate people. I know from living there that
Salvadorans are proud. If they could make a better, safer, and
more stable life in El Salvador, I believe most would choose to
stay.
If confirmed, I would do everything in my power to see that
the assistance provided by Congress to address the root causes
of irregular migration is spent effectively, and while we are
not the only country offering assistance, we are notable for
supporting and promoting the long-term well-being of our
partners as opposed to seeking our own short-term advantage.
El Salvador has no better friend than the United States of
America. I recognize there are concerns about the strength and
direction of El Salvador's democracy, and while I will always
act with respect for the sovereignty and dignity of the
government of El Salvador, if confirmed, I would be an advocate
for democracy, human rights, and combating corruption and
impunity.
These are not only moral imperatives, they are the best
guarantee for the long-term stability and prosperity of any
country. No country in the Western Hemisphere can alone
successfully confront transnational organized crime. We must
work together.
Strengthening the rule of law in El Salvador is essential
if we are going to discourage irregular migration. Without the
rule of law, El Salvador will never have the economic growth it
needs nor will it be able to prevent human rights abuses and
attacks on civil liberties, reduce gender-based violence, or
defeat the threat from criminal gangs, all drivers of irregular
migration.
Promoting the interest of U.S. businesses in El Salvador
would also be a priority if I am confirmed. It is important to
prosperity here at home, but I am also convinced U.S.
businesses at their best set an example of transparency and
fair dealing that will be emulated.
I have had the honor to serve in challenging leadership
positions such as Deputy Chief of Mission in Mexico City. In
that tour of duty and others, I was fortunate to work with the
representatives of many U.S. Government agencies.
If confirmed, I would dedicate myself to the success of
each U.S. agency's mission in El Salvador.
I have also had the honor to work with fellow Americans and
foreign national employees from a wide variety of backgrounds.
We are a diverse nation and should have an overseas presence
that proudly respects that diversity.
I look forward to this opportunity to advance America's
interest in El Salvador, if confirmed, and I stand ready to
answer any questions you may have today and in the future.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Duncan follows:]
Prepared Statement of William H. Duncan
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rubio, and distinguished members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the
Republic of El Salvador.
I appreciate the privilege and responsibility to be considered for
confirmation as ambassador. I deeply respect the role of the Senate in
the work of ensuring that our nation has a foreign policy that reflects
our values.
Please allow me to recognize my wife Nora and our daughters Clare,
Irma Nora, and Laura and our grandson Ace. Let me also thank President
Biden and Secretary Blinken for this opportunity and their confidence
in me.
My 30-year Foreign Service career has taken me to many countries,
including El Salvador, Mexico, Colombia, and Paraguay, among others,
and myriad domestic assignments. It has also given me the opportunity
to work in service of U.S. policies supporting democracy, human rights,
and the rule of law.
The relationship between the United States and El Salvador has been
very close for the last four decades. Through a terrible civil war, a
complex peace process, and into today's challenges such as fighting
transnational organized crime and promoting prosperity, the United
States has stood with El Salvador. And over those years, many
Salvadorans have become our fellow citizens. Two and a half million
Salvadorans now live here. They make an enormous contribution to our
national story through their extraordinary creativity and work ethic
and to El Salvador through billions of dollars in remittances returned
each year.
I started my Foreign Service career at a small consulate on the
U.S.-Mexico border. I learned there that there is no higher duty for us
than the protection of U.S. citizens. If confirmed, that would be my
number one priority.
We face a serious challenge from irregular migration from northern
Central America, some of it from El Salvador. During many years in
Mexico, I had the opportunity to learn what it means to make that trek.
One thing is clear to me: it is a dangerous journey undertaken by
desperate people. I know from living there that Salvadorans are proud.
If they could make a better, safer, and more stable life in El
Salvador, I believe most would choose to stay. If confirmed, I would do
everything in my power to see that the assistance provided by Congress
to address the root causes of irregular migration is spent effectively.
And while we are not the only country offering assistance, we are
notable for supporting and promoting the long-term well-being of our
partners, as opposed to seeking our own short-term advantage. El
Salvador has no better friend than the United States of America.
I know there are concerns about the strength and direction of El
Salvador's democracy. While I will always act with respect for the
sovereignty and dignity of the Government of El Salvador, if confirmed,
I would be an advocate for democracy, human rights, and combating
corruption and impunity. These are not only moral imperatives: they are
the best guarantee for the long-term stability and prosperity of any
country.
No country in the Western Hemisphere can alone successfully
confront transnational organized crime. We must work together.
Strengthening the rule of law in El Salvador is essential if we are
going to discourage irregular migration. Without the rule of law, El
Salvador will never have the economic growth it needs, nor will it be
able to prevent human rights abuses and attacks on civil liberties,
reduce gender-based violence, or defeat the threat from criminal gangs,
all drivers of irregular migration.
Promoting the interests of U.S. businesses in El Salvador would
also be a priority if I am confirmed. It is important to prosperity
here at home, but I am also convinced U.S. businesses at their best set
an example of transparency and fair dealing that will be emulated.
I have had the honor to serve in challenging leadership positions
such as Deputy Chief of Mission in Mexico City. In that tour of duty
and others, I was fortunate to work with the representatives of many
U.S. Government agencies. If confirmed, I would dedicate myself to the
success of each U.S. agency's mission in El Salvador. I have also had
the honor to work with fellow Americans and foreign national employees
from a wide variety of backgrounds. We are a diverse nation and should
have an overseas presence that proudly displays that diversity.
I look forward to this opportunity to advance America's interests
in El Salvador if confirmed, and I stand ready to answer any questions
you might have now and in the future. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
Mr. Rodriguez?
STATEMENT OF HUGO F. RODRIGUEZ, JR., OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF NICARAGUA
Mr. Rodriguez. Good morning.
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Rubio, distinguished members
of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to serve as the next United States
Ambassador to Nicaragua.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their trust and confidence in me and, if confirmed, I look
forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to
advance the interests of the United States in Nicaragua.
Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to thank my
parents, Gail and Hugo Rodriguez, Sr., my five brothers and
sisters, my teachers and professors, and my State Department
colleagues. I have learned from them all the value of hard
work, especially in service to others, and the importance of
listening deeply before speaking.
I want to thank my daughters, Alison and Annalia, for
making our peripatetic life richer and more meaningful, hardly
ever complaining about our many moves and long working hours.
And most of all, I want to thank my wife and fellow Foreign
Service Officer, Karen Rodriguez. This career has been a team
effort and I owe anything I have achieved to Karen's
enthusiastic support, her wise counsel, and her enduring
willingness to shoulder more than her share of the home burden
in addition to her day job. She inspires me every day.
In 1958, my father left the Dominican Republic, fleeing a
dictatorship that allowed average Dominicans no space for
freedom and no hope of achieving their dreams.
Unfortunately, Nicaraguans now face a similar situation
since last November's election when Daniel Ortega and Rosario
Murillo deprived Nicaraguans of any real choice and
Nicaraguans' hopes for democracy and prosperity were dashed.
More than 180 political prisoners, including political
opposition figures, human rights defenders, student leaders,
journalists, religious groups, and civil society
representatives remain behind bars, deprived of their human
rights.
The Nicaraguan government also closed civic space at an
alarming rate, shuttering more than 700 associations,
universities, foundations, and other nonprofits in 2022 alone.
As a result of the escalating climate of repression, fear,
and hopelessness, along with the Ortega-Murillo government's
failure to address people's basic needs, hundreds of thousands
of Nicaraguans are now refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants
throughout the region.
The United States has spoken out against these abuses and,
if confirmed, I will continue to do so, not because we have any
intention of meddling in Nicaragua's internal affairs but
because it is our commitment under the Inter-American
Democratic Charter, which both the United States and Nicaragua
signed in 2001.
As President Biden has stated, the Inter-American
Democratic Charter obligates the hemisphere to stand up for the
democratic rights of the Nicaraguan people.
If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress,
interagency colleagues, and international partners to press for
a return to democracy, respect for human rights, and the
immediate release of all political prisoners in Nicaragua.
While we fundamentally disagree with the actions of the
Ortega-Murillo government, the relationship between our two
countries goes much deeper than political leadership.
More than 400,000 people of Nicaraguan descent live in the
United States. Around 6,000 Americans visit Nicaragua each year
and another 20,000 reside there.
The United States has long supported economic development
throughout Central America and a prosperous, stable, and
democratic Central America is, clearly, in our interest.
That is why, if confirmed, I will engage with voices across
Nicaraguan society to share our vision of inclusive economic
growth, as stated by the President at the recent Summit of the
Americas in Los Angeles.
We will look to support civil society groups that provide
essential services in the areas of health care, education, and
poverty relief, including organizations the Nicaraguan
government has targeted.
We will do what we can to offer the Nicaraguan people a
better future in their own country. We know that addressing the
root causes of irregular migration and forced displacement
throughout Central America and including Nicaragua involves
ensuring respect for human rights, generating economic
opportunity, and improving citizen security. These improvements
require governments to uphold the rule of law and combat
corruption.
If confirmed, I will advocate for a change of course so
that the Nicaraguan people may work to recover their democracy,
provide for their families, and regain hope for their future.
Mr. Chair, Ranking Member, and committee members, I thank
you again for your consideration of my nomination and I welcome
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Rodriguez follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hugo F. Rodriguez, Jr.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the next United States Ambassador to
Nicaragua.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
trust and confidence in me, and, if confirmed, I look forward to
working with you and your colleagues in Congress to advance the
interests of the United States in Nicaragua.
Before I begin, I'd like to take a moment to thank my parents, Gail
and Hugo Rodriguez Sr., my five brothers and sisters, my teachers and
professors, and my State Department colleagues. I have learned from
them all the value of hard work, especially in service to others, and
the importance of listening deeply, before speaking. I want to thank my
daughters, Alison and Annalia, for making our peripatetic life richer
and more meaningful, hardly ever complaining about our many moves and
long working hours. And most of all, I want to thank my wife, and
fellow Foreign Service officer, Karen Rodriguez. This career has been a
team effort, and I owe anything I have achieved to Karen's enthusiastic
support, her wise counsel, and her enduring willingness to shoulder
more than her share of the home burden in addition to her day job. She
inspires me every day.
In 1952, my father left the Dominican Republic, fleeing a
dictatorship that allowed average Dominicans no space for freedom and
no hope of achieving their dreams. Unfortunately, Nicaraguans now face
a similar situation since last November's election, when Daniel Ortega
and Rosario Murillo deprived Nicaraguans of any real choice, and
Nicaraguans' hopes for democracy and prosperity were dashed. More than
180 political prisoners on unfounded charges, including political
opposition figures, human rights defenders, student leaders,
journalists, and civil society representatives, remain deprived of
their human rights. The Nicaraguan Government also closed civic space
at an alarming rate, shuttering more than 700 associations,
universities, foundations, and other nonprofits in 2022 alone, and more
than 800 since 2018. As a result of the escalating climate of
repression, fear, and hopelessness, along with the Ortega-Murillo
Government's failure to address people's basic needs, hundreds of
thousands of Nicaraguans are now refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants
throughout the region.
The United States has spoken out against these abuses, and, if
confirmed, I will continue to do so, not because we have any intention
to determine Nicaragua's internal affairs, but because it is our
commitment under the Inter-American Charter, which both the United
States and Nicaragua signed in 2001. As President Biden has stated,
``the Inter-American Democratic Charter obligates the hemisphere to
stand up for the democratic rights of the Nicaraguan people.'' If
confirmed, I commit to working with Congress, interagency colleagues,
and international partners to press for a return to democracy, respect
for human rights, and the freedom of political prisoners in Nicaragua.
While we fundamentally disagree with the actions of the Ortega-
Murillo Government, the relationship between our two countries goes
much deeper than the political leadership. More than 400 thousand
people of Nicaraguan descent live in the United States, around 6,000
Americans visit Nicaragua each year, and another 20,000 reside there.
The United States has long supported economic development throughout
Central America, and prosperous, stable, and democratic Central America
is clearly in our interest. That is why, if confirmed, I will engage
with voices across Nicaraguan society to share our vision of inclusive
economic growth, as stated by the President at the recent Summit of the
Americas in Los Angeles. We will look to support civil society groups
that provide essential services in the areas of healthcare, education,
and poverty relief, including organizations the Nicaraguan Government
has targeted. We will do what we can to offer the Nicaraguan people a
better future in their own country. We know that addressing the root
causes of irregular migration and forced displacement--throughout
Central America and including Nicaragua--involves ensuring respect for
human rights, generating economic opportunity, and improving citizen
security. These improvements require governments to uphold the rule of
law, respect human rights, and combat corruption. If confirmed, I will
advocate for a change of course so that the Nicaraguan people may work
to recover their democracy, provide for their families, and regain hope
for their future.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, committee members, I thank you again
for your consideration of my nomination, and I welcome your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
Ms. Bond?
STATEMENT OF CANDACE A. BOND OF MISSOURI, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
Ms. Bond. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rubio,
and distinguished members of the committee. It is my honor to
appear as President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.
I am proud to have my husband, Steve McKeever, our
daughter, Maddox, and my brother, Les Bond, Jr., here today.
They have been constantly supportive through this process. I am
also thankful for the love and support of my son, mother, and
many family members who are watching this hearing.
Our family represents a proud line of Black educators,
professionals, and community leaders. Descended from slaves,
our family has made meaningful contributions to the fabric of
our nation. Ours is a very American story.
My mother, Anita Bond, was the first Black female graduate
from St. Louis University. She graduated magna cum laude and
she recently received her honorary doctorate. She also served
as president of the St. Louis School Board and on President
Lyndon Johnson's Civil Rights Commission.
My late father, Dr. Les Bond, was a prominent physician,
surgeon, and community leader and was appointed to the St.
Louis Board of Police Commissioners.
Other prominent members of our family, including Julian
Bond, former NAACP chairman, were passionate about improving
the quality of life for their communities. Theirs are the
shoulders on which I proudly stand. I have sought to apply my
abilities to devise solutions that lift people up, strengthen
communities, and inspire sustainable change.
After completing my graduate education, I held senior
executive positions at leading cultural, media, and
entertainment companies. At AESA, Inc., I advised public and
private entities in areas of social impact, community and
business development.
I played a key role in advancing transformational
infrastructure and commercial projects that served my
community. I also worked to improve our public education system
for over 2 million families as an official for the Los Angeles
County Office of Education.
As chair of the MLK Community Development Corporation, I am
working to improve health equity and access to care for
underserved populations.
Additionally, I have fought to ensure that no community is
left out of our clean energy future, representing small
businesses and environmental groups on California's utility
consumer advisory panel.
The values instilled in me by my family and my experiences
as a business and community leader have equipped me to advance
the common interests of the United States in Trinidad and
Tobago as Ambassador.
As a specialist in building strong public-private
partnerships, I understand the value of good governance and
promoting equitable economic prosperity and ensuring that
democracies can meet the needs of and deliver for their people.
If confirmed as an ambassador, I will work to promote
accountability and transparency and combat corruption, which
not only helps improve overall climate for foreign direct
investment and trade but also enables inclusive and sustainable
economic growth for all citizens.
As the U.S. looks to partner with countries to reduce
climate impacts and bolster energy security, Trinidad and
Tobago is well positioned to help speed the development of
clean energy infrastructure and climate adaptation projects in
the region.
While natural gas remains a cornerstone of Trinidad and
Tobago's economy, it is looking ahead towards diversifying its
energy resources. Through support for improved access to
financing and technical assistance, the U.S. can help spur
Trinidad and Tobago's transition to a sustainable and resilient
economy.
Of course, my greatest responsibility, if confirmed, will
be ensuring the safety and security of the 13,000 American
citizens living in Trinidad and Tobago, and the thousands more
who visit each year for business and tourism.
Keeping Americans safe also requires the diligent
implementation of Caribbean Basin Security Initiative-funded
citizen security programs that work to prevent gang violence,
reduce violent crime, and strengthen Trinidad and Tobago's
judicial system.
Trinidad and Tobago is a regional leader on security and a
partner in the fight against transnational organized crime. I
look forward to working with the government of Trinidad and
Tobago and international partners to help better support
vulnerable populations, including victims of human trafficking
as well as Venezuelan migrants and refugees.
I hope to work together with this committee to address
pressing diplomatic matters in Trinidad and Tobago and the
broader region.
I am humbled by the honorable mission President Biden, Vice
President Harris, and Secretary Blinken have asked me to take
on as Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago, and if confirmed, I
pledge to dedicate my skills and energy to strengthen our
diplomatic and economic ties to Trinidad and Tobago to advance
U.S. interests in the world and to promote American democratic
values.
I am happy to answer any questions that the committee may
have and I look forward to working with you, if confirmed.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bond follows:]
Prepared Statement of Candace A. Bond
Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee. It is my honor to appear as President Biden's
nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.
I am proud to have my husband, Steve McKeever, our daughter, Maddox
and my brother, Les Bond Jr. here today. They have been constantly
supportive through this process, and I am thankful for the love and
support of my son, mother, and many family members who are watching
this hearing.
Our family represents a proud line of Black educators,
professionals, and community leaders. Descended from slaves, our family
has made meaningful contributions to the fabric of our nation. Ours is
a very American story.
My mother Anita Bond was the first Black female student to graduate
magna cum laude from Saint Louis University where she recently received
her honorary doctorate. She also served as president of the St. Louis
School Board and on President Lyndon Johnson's Civil Rights Commission.
My late father Dr. Les Bond was a prominent physician, surgeon, and
community leader and was appointed to the St. Louis Board of Police
Commissioners. Other prominent members of our family, including Julian
Bond, former NAACP Chairman, were passionate about improving the
quality of life for their communities. Theirs are the shoulders on
which I proudly stand. I have sought to apply my abilities to devise
solutions that lift people up, strengthen communities, and inspire
sustainable change.
After completing my graduate education, I held senior executive
positions at leading cultural media and entertainment companies. At
AESA, Inc. I advised public and private entities in the areas of social
impact, community, and business development. I played a key role in
advancing transformational infrastructure and commercial projects that
served my community. I also worked to improve our public education
system for over two million families as an official for the Los Angeles
County Office of Education. As chair of the MLK Community Development
Corporation, I am working to improve health equity, access to care for
underserved populations. Additionally, I have fought to ensure that no
community is left out of our clean energy future, representing small
businesses and environmental groups on California's utility consumer
advisory panel. The values instilled in me by my family and my
experiences as a business and community leader have equipped me to
advance the common interests of the United States and Trinidad and
Tobago as ambassador.
As a specialist in building strong public-private partnerships, I
understand the value of good governance in promoting equitable economic
prosperity and ensuring that democracies can meet the needs of and
deliver for their people. If confirmed as ambassador, I will work to
promote accountability and transparency, and combat corruption, which
not only helps improve the overall climate for foreign direct
investment and trade but also enables inclusive and sustainable
economic growth for all citizens.
As the United States looks to partner with countries to reduce
climate impacts and bolster energy security, Trinidad and Tobago is
well-positioned to help speed the development of clean energy
infrastructure and climate adaptation projects in the region. While
natural gas remains a cornerstone of Trinidad and Tobago's economy, it
is looking ahead toward diversifying its energy resources. Through
support for improved access to financing and technical assistance, the
United States can help spur Trinidad and Tobago's transition to a
sustainable and resilient economy.
Of course, my greatest responsibility if confirmed will be ensuring
the safety and security of the 13,000 American citizens living in
Trinidad and Tobago and the thousands more who visit each year for
business and tourism. Keeping Americans safe also requires the diligent
implementation of Caribbean Basin Security Initiative-funded citizen
safety programs that work to prevent gang violence, reduce violent
crime, and strengthen Trinidad and Tobago's judicial system.
Trinidad and Tobago is a regional leader on security and a partner
in the fight against transnational organized crime. I look forward to
working with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago and international
partners to help better support vulnerable populations, including
victims of human trafficking as well as Venezuelan migrants and
refugees. I hope to work together with this committee to address
pressing diplomatic matters in Trinidad and Tobago and the broader
region.
I am humbled by the honorable mission President Biden, Vice
President Harris, and Secretary Blinken have asked me to take on as
Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago. If confirmed, I pledge to dedicate
my skills and energy to strengthen our diplomatic and economic ties to
Trinidad and Tobago, to advance U.S. interests in the world, and to
promote American democratic values. I am happy to answer any questions
the committee may have.
Senator Kaine. Thanks so much.
Ms. Fulton?
STATEMENT OF HEIDE B. FULTON OF WEST VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ORIENTAL REPUBLIC OF
URUGUAY
Ms. Fulton. Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Rubio, members
of the committee, it is an honor to be here today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Oriental Republic of Uruguay.
I am humbled by the trust and confidence that President
Biden and Secretary of State Blinken have shown by putting my
name forward for consideration at this pivotal moment in our
bilateral relationship and, if confirmed, look forward to
working with you and your teams to enhance the opportunities
presented before us.
I am grateful for the support of my family, including my
husband, James Fulton, a Foreign Service specialist and retired
Army Special Forces Officer, and our two children, Anam-Cara
and Cormac Fulton.
I would also like to thank my parents, Bob and Gretchen
Bronke, who have instilled in me the values of hard work,
dedication, and integrity, which they have modeled throughout
their lives. I regret that travel and work commitments have
prevented any of them from joining me but I am very happy to
have the support of a longtime friend and Senate staffer,
Barbara Prior, with me today.
Throughout my career at the State Department, I have led
complex organizations and negotiated large-scale initiatives.
This includes my present position as the Deputy Assistant
Secretary in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement where I oversee Western Hemisphere programs and our
aviation portfolio.
In this capacity, I oversee more than $2 billion of
programming in 28 countries. I have hands-on experience
combating corruption, strengthening the civilian law
enforcement capacity of our partners, shaping our rule of law
programs throughout the hemisphere, and fighting to stem the
flow of synthetic drugs and other narcotics that have killed
more than 100,000 Americans over this past year.
I helped to shape the Bicentennial Framework with Mexico,
which reset and rejuvenated our security cooperation with this
key partner.
I led the U.S. mission in Honduras during a tumultuous
period of contested 2017 national elections where I protected
U.S. interests and preserved our strategic objectives.
I have drawn on my formation of 28 years as an Army officer
and 25 years as a public diplomacy practitioner to forge strong
relationships based on open communication and mutual
understanding. These have been hallmarks of my career.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you
and this committee and others in Congress to use these skills
to enhance our robust bilateral relationship with Uruguay and
to advance the interests and security of the American people.
This will include significant focus in three areas:
enhancing economic ties between our nations, working with
Uruguay as a democratic leader in the hemisphere, and
strengthening the position of the United States as one of
Uruguay's key diplomatic partners.
Uruguay is a valued partner in the Western Hemisphere. With
its large middle class, strong history of democratic values,
and dedicated engagement in multilateral organizations, Uruguay
is one of the most economically and politically stable
countries in Latin America.
Uruguay has spoken out strongly against Russia's illegal
invasion of Ukraine and democratic backsliding in the region,
in addition to welcoming more than 20,000 refugees fleeing the
dictatorship in Venezuela.
Uruguay has historically played a key role in global
peacekeeping efforts as one of the world's top troop
contributing nations per capita.
Uruguay is recognized as a global leader in its use of
renewable energy sources, and we are expanding our joint
efforts towards more sustainable agriculture.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work diligently to
strengthen cooperation with the government of Uruguay and
international organizations to combat transnational criminal
organizations and all forms of trafficking.
The United States is one of Uruguay's largest trading
partners and an important investor. If confirmed, I will seek
to deepen economic ties and develop new business opportunities
in Uruguay on behalf of U.S. companies.
As Uruguay prepares to implement its 5G networks, I will
also, if confirmed, encourage Uruguay to embrace the principles
of competition and technology neutrality while prioritizing
security, resilience, and innovation.
In closing, I look forward to working closely with you and
your teams and other relevant stakeholders to advance our
national security interests, to maintain a strong relationship
with Uruguay, and to support continued cooperation on defending
democratic institutions in the region.
I think that we have tremendous opportunities with the
Oriental Republic of Uruguay, a country with an outsized
influence in the region.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee,
it is an honor to be here before you and I look forward to your
questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Fulton follows:]
Prepared Statement of Heide B. Fulton
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, it is
an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to
serve as the next U.S. Ambassador of the United States to the Oriental
Republic of Uruguay.
I'm humbled by the trust and confidence President Biden and
Secretary of State Blinken have shown by sending my name to the Senate
for consideration at this pivotal moment in the bilateral relationship.
I'm also grateful for the support of my family, including my husband
James Fulton, a Foreign Service Specialist and retired Army Special
Forces officer, and two children, Anam-Cara and Cormac Fulton. I also
want to thank my parents, Bob and Gretchen Bronke, who instilled in me
the values of hard work, dedication, and integrity, which they have
modeled in all aspects of their lives.
Throughout my career at the State Department, I have led complex
organizations and negotiated large-scale initiatives. This includes my
present position serving as Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau
of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement's Offices of Western
Hemisphere Programs and Aviation. In this capacity, I oversee more than
$2 billion in programs in 28 countries in the Western Hemisphere. I
have hands-on experience combatting corruption, strengthening the
civilian law enforcement capacity of our partners, shaping our rule of
law programs throughout the hemisphere, and fighting to stem the flow
of synthetic drugs and other narcotics that killed over 100,000
Americans last year. I shaped the Bicentennial Framework with Mexico,
which has reset and rejuvenated our security cooperation with this key
partner. I led the U.S. Mission in Honduras during the tumultuous
period of the contested 2017 elections, where I protected U.S.
interests and preserved our strategic objectives. I have drawn on my
formation as an Army officer and public diplomacy practitioner to forge
strong partnerships based on open communication and mutual
understanding. These have been hallmarks of my career.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee
and others in Congress as I use these skills to continue to enhance our
robust bilateral relationship with Uruguay and advance the interests
and security of the American people. This will include significant
focus on three areas: expanding economic ties between our two nations,
working with Uruguay as a democratic leader in the hemisphere, and
strengthening the position of the United States as one of Uruguay's key
diplomatic partners.
Uruguay is a valued partner in the Western Hemisphere. With its
large middle class, strong history of democratic values, and dedicated
engagement in multilateral organizations, Uruguay is one of the most
economically and politically stable countries in Latin America. Uruguay
has spoken out strongly against Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine
and democratic backsliding in the region and welcomed more than 20,000
refugees fleeing the dictatorship in Venezuela. Uruguay has
historically played a key role in global peacekeeping efforts, as one
of the world's top troop-contributing countries per capita. With U.S.
support, Uruguay's peacekeepers help protect civilians, support
political processes, and achieve lasting peace. Uruguay is also
recognized as a global leader in its use of renewable energy sources,
and we are expanding our joint efforts toward more sustainable
agriculture. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work diligently to
strengthen cooperation with the government of Uruguay and international
organizations to combat transnational criminal organizations and all
forms of trafficking.
The United States is one of Uruguay's largest trading partners and
an important investor. The United States buys over 70 percent of
Uruguay's services exports, estimated at a value of $1 billion. The IT
and software sector is booming, creating increased opportunity for U.S.
investment, which is mutually beneficial. If confirmed, I will seek to
deepen economic ties and develop new business opportunities in Uruguay
on behalf of U.S. companies. As Uruguay prepares to implement its 5G
networks, I will also, if confirmed, encourage Uruguay to embrace the
principles of competition and technology neutrality, while prioritizing
security, resilience, and innovation.
In closing, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
this committee and other relevant stakeholders to advance our national
interests, maintain a strong relationship with Uruguay, and support
continued cooperation on defending democratic institutions in the
region with the Oriental Republic of Uruguay, a country with an
outsized influence in the region.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the committee, it
is an honor to be here, and I look forward to your questions. Thank
you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
And, finally, Mr. Faucher?
STATEMENT OF ROBERT J. FAUCHER OF ARIZONA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SURINAME
Mr. Faucher. Thank you. Good morning.
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Rubio, distinguished members
of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear
before you as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Suriname.
I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me and I look forward, if I am confirmed,
to working with Congress to advance U.S. interests in Suriname
and the Caribbean region.
Before I start, I would like to introduce today my wife,
Noraly, who is here with me today. Noraly has been a source of
inspiration, strength, and wisdom throughout our years together
and I owe much to her.
I would also like to express my profound thanks to my
daughters, Stephanie and Melissa, who cannot be here but are
watching from Rotterdam. I would like to recognize them for
their repeated personal sacrifices as they, too, have proudly
served our nation as representatives abroad.
Suriname is a peaceful young democracy that is among the
most ethnically and religiously diverse countries in the world.
Although not well known in the United States, Suriname's roots
are intertwined with our nation's founding through English
colonization in the early 17th century.
With the 1667 Peace of Breda, the Netherlands traded its
New York colonies, including Manhattan, for the English colony
of Suriname. This was later followed by the establishment of
Maroon communities in Suriname's interior alongside indigenous
Amerindian communities.
In addition, enslaved Africans were freed in 1863 and
contract laborers were recruited from China, India, and Java.
As a result, Suriname enjoys a rich ethnic mosaic. It is a
nation where Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, and
indigenous religions live peacefully and productively together.
Since independence in 1975, Suriname has strengthened its
democratic institutions and traditions. Reinforcing democracy
and promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law are
fundamental to U.S. relations with Suriname.
If confirmed, I will vigorously continue these efforts and
will support civil society and independent media and human
rights defenders, who play a critical role in these efforts.
Suriname was once one of the more isolated countries in the
Western Hemisphere. It increasingly serves as a crucial nexus
among South America, the Caribbean, and the transatlantic
world. Suriname is a key U.S. partner in the region and the
well-being of the United States is connected to Suriname
through ties of commerce and geography.
Decades of diplomatic relations between our two countries
have developed strong economic and security partnerships. If
confirmed, I commit to deepen our mutually beneficial economic,
security, and democracy partnerships.
Suriname also has tremendous development potential and, if
confirmed, I will work with the Surinamese government to
develop opportunities for economic growth and increased trade
and assist its economic recovery following the COVID-19
pandemic.
As the biggest exporter to Suriname and its third largest
importer, the United States provides critical high value
materials for Suriname's economy.
Our partnership looks likely to expand as major offshore
oil reserves have been discovered, explored, and secured by
American companies. The massive new oil wealth will transform
Suriname and, if confirmed, I will deepen our economic and
commercial relationship to advance both Surinamese and American
prosperity and equitable economic growth, mindful of the threat
of corruption.
Suriname is also emerging as a global leader on the climate
crisis response. More than 93 percent of the land surface in
Suriname is covered by protected native forests. It is one of
the few carbon negative countries in the world.
Yet, problems persist. The gold fields of Suriname have
drawn U.S. companies and the U.S. Government is supporting
efforts to curb illicit mining and deforestation and the use of
mercury, all of which gravely damage Suriname's environment.
If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with Suriname to
support its efforts to expand its positive environmental
record.
Suriname seeks greater military and law enforcement
cooperation with the United States. It is a key member of the
Caribbean Basin Security Initiative and partners with us in
combating narcotics and human trafficking, and if confirmed, I
will work to bolster Suriname's security capabilities, fight
corruption, and strengthen our security and law enforcement
cooperation.
Finally, our embassy in Paramaribo has an exceptional team
that works hard to advance bilateral relations, protect U.S.
citizens abroad, and work with the government of Suriname to
accomplish our foreign policy goals. Ensuring it is safe,
secure, and well-resourced will be a top priority for me if I
am confirmed.
Thank you for your consideration of my nomination and I
look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Faucher follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert J. Faucher
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as
President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Suriname. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
Congress to advance U.S. interests in Suriname and the Caribbean
region.
I would like to introduce to you my wife, Noraly, who is here
today. Noraly has been a source of inspiration, strength, and wisdom
through our years together. I would also like to express my profound
thanks to our daughters Stephanie and Melissa, who cannot be here but
are watching from Rotterdam. I would like to recognize their repeated
personal sacrifices as they too have proudly served our nation as
representatives abroad.
Suriname is a peaceful, young democracy that is among the most
ethnically and religiously diverse in the world. Suriname's roots are
intertwined with our nation's founding through English colonization in
the early 17th century. With the 1667 Peace of Breda, the Netherlands
traded its New York colonies including Manhattan for the English colony
of Suriname. This was followed by the establishment of maroon societies
in Suriname's interior alongside the indigenous Amerindians. In
addition, enslaved Africans were freed in 1863, and contract laborers
were recruited from China, India, and Java. As a result, Suriname
enjoys a rich ethnic mosaic. It is a nation where Christianity,
Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, and indigenous religions live peacefully and
productively together.
Since independence in 1975, Suriname has strengthened its
democratic institutions and traditions. Reinforcing democracy and
promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law are fundamental
to U.S. relations with Suriname. If confirmed, I will vigorously
continue our efforts to advance democracy, human rights, and the rule
of law and will support civil society, independent media, and human
rights defenders who play a critical role in this effort.
Suriname serves as a crucial nexus among South America, the
Caribbean, and the transatlantic world. Suriname is a key U.S. partner
in the region, and the United States is connected to Suriname through
ties of commerce and geography. Decades of diplomatic relations between
our two nations have developed strong economic and security
partnerships. Suriname currently holds the chair of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM), a regional body vitally important to regional
development and security. Suriname has tremendous development
potential, and if confirmed, I will work with Suriname's Government to
develop opportunities for economic growth and increased trade and
assist its economic recovery following the COVID-19 pandemic. As the
biggest exporter to Suriname and its third-largest importer, the United
States provides critical, high-value materials for Suriname's economy.
Our partnership looks likely to expand as Suriname's economy continues
to grow in the coming decades. If confirmed, I will deepen our economic
and commercial relationship to advance both Surinamese and American
prosperity and equitable economic growth, mindful of the threat of
corruption.
Suriname is emerging as a global leader on the climate crisis
response. More than 93 percent of its land surface is covered by
protected native forests. It is one of a few carbon-negative countries
in the world. Yet, problems persist. If confirmed, I look forward to
supporting U.S. Government efforts to curb illicit mining and
deforestation and partnering with Suriname to support its efforts to
expand its positive environmental record.
Suriname seeks greater military and law enforcement cooperation
with the United States. A key member in the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative, Suriname partners to combat narcotics and human
trafficking. If confirmed, I will work to bolster security
capabilities, fight corruption, and strengthen our security and law
enforcement cooperation.
Finally, our Embassy in Paramaribo has an exceptional team that
works to advance bilateral relations, protect U.S. citizens abroad, and
work with the Government of Suriname to accomplish our foreign policy
goals in the region. Ensuring it is safe, secure, and well-resourced,
will be a top priority for me if confirmed.
Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward
to answering your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much to all the witnesses.
Before we begin five-minute rounds of questions, I do have
a few questions to ask each of you. This is an important part
of the hearing and it is designed to make sure that you will
all be responsive to this committee, should you be confirmed.
In these questions I am going to ask I would ask each of
you to provide just a yes or no answer.
First, do you each agree to appear before this committee
and make officials from your office available to the committee
and designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefing and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
We will now begin five-minute rounds of questions.
I will start with you, Mr. Rodriguez.
What a difficult time in Nicaragua and what a difficult
post to which you have been nominated. I attended the Summit of
the Americas in Los Angeles in June and it was interesting.
There was quite a flap, as you know, about who should be
invited to the summit, and a number of the nations in the
Americas were critical of the United States for not having a
full invitation of all countries in the hemisphere.
As I was speaking to some of those leaders who were
critical--some chose not to attend, some attended and were
critical--it was interesting, they complained to me about the
fact that Cuba and Venezuela had not been invited. No one
complained that Nicaragua had not been invited, and I found
that interesting.
And when I asked them, hey, you have talked about Cuba and
Venezuela but you have not mentioned Nicaragua, even those who
strongly believe that Cuba and Venezuela should have been
invited pretty much said Nicaragua was a disaster.
We have got no--we cannot, with a straight face, make an
argument that a president who imprisoned all of his rivals and
has installed his wife as vice president and is throwing Mother
Teresa and other--Mother Teresa's organization and others out
of the country--we cannot with a straight face claim that they
should have been invited to the summit.
So what a difficult, difficult time. What space for U.S.
sort of pro-democracy pro-human rights activity or support for
organizations that are engaged in pro-human rights activity,
what space exists within Nicaragua that you could promote,
should you be confirmed?
Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Senator.
You are exactly right. It has really been a really
lamentable turn of events, really, since 2018 in Nicaragua.
The space has been increasingly limited. However, we still
maintain a strong and well-led USAID contingent in country,
working with those human rights defenders and other NGOs that
continue to operate in country and increasingly working with
those who are operating or directing operations from outside of
the country.
So those spaces still exist and, if confirmed, I look
forward to redoubling our efforts to make sure that those
voices are able to be heard across Nicaragua and across the
region.
You mentioned the opinion that our neighboring countries
across the region have for Daniel Ortega and for the, really,
terrible undemocratic turn the country has taken.
That is a huge opportunity for us. Bringing that opinion
forward from our neighbors in the region, elevating that
sentiment, elevating those voices, has a big effect, not just
across Nicaragua but also on the government of Nicaragua.
They are increasingly becoming a pariah state within the
region and I think we need to focus on bringing along that
regional support to help raise that additional voice and those
additional pressures on the government of Nicaragua.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
I want to turn now to Mr. Faucher and Ms. Bond.
Three nations in the region the democracy trend is in the
right direction and they have significant energy resources at a
time when there is global energy insecurity--Guyana, Suriname,
Trinidad and Tobago.
Senator Rubio and I just had a meeting with the president
of Guyana, President Ali, right before this hearing began. He
was in our office and it was a productive visit.
Guyana had a proposal on the table for an IDB loan to
develop their natural resources. The U.S. vetoed the loan in
March. The IDB would not provide the $180 billion loan to allow
Guyana to develop their energy resources and it was the U.S.
that vetoed it.
I am really struck by an incoherence in this
administration's sort of energy policy. So there is three
goals. We want to battle climate change. We want to help
nations who are allies wean themselves away from dictators in
terms of getting energy supply.
We also have an interest in any country with whom we have
an alliance to help them develop their economies in a positive
way to produce economic activity that can help their people.
I am very confused at the message that the Administration
is sending on energy policy. Vetoing an IDB loan for Guyana but
encouraging Saudi Arabia to pump more oil to help our allies,
often canceling U.S. domestic oil leases at the same time as we
are trying to help our allies wean themselves away from Russian
energy.
I do not expect you to solve these three goals and
harmonize them. But what I have been waiting for is the
Administration putting some policy on the table that expresses
how they are trying to harmonize these goals.
In particular, what might you do, should you be confirmed--
and I will begin with you, Mr. Faucher--what might you do to
help Suriname or Trinidad and Tobago appropriately develop
their energy resources, guarding against corruption and some of
the other issues?
Because, look, if we are going to veto loans to nations
like Guyana, China is just going to step in and do those
loans--I mean, let us not kid ourselves here--and then we end
up losing influence with nations that would rather partner with
the United States.
What can you do, should you be confirmed, to help advance
appropriate development of these nations' economies?
Mr. Faucher. Mr. Senator, thank you very much for that
question.
This is really one of the critical issues in front of us
right now as we look for Suriname's continued forward
development of its democracy, its human rights structures, as
well as its economy.
Suriname is sitting on vast oil reserves, as we understand
it, off its coast and American companies have been involved in
developing and extracting that oil wealth. They have done this
without support from the United States government.
They have not asked for our support, as I understand it,
nor has, if I am aware of it, Suriname asked for any kind of
loans through the IDB or other organizations of that nature.
My role, if I am confirmed as Ambassador, is to ensure that
American companies can continue to compete for those oil
licenses and contracts in the region and make sure that there
is a fair and level playing field for that form of competition
so that they do not lose out to countries like the PRC and
others who might then be able to influence Suriname in negative
ways.
I would note, however, that Suriname's move toward
democracy predates the discovery of oil off its shores and it
has been making the right steps in that.
And if I am confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to
support and work with the Surinamese government to ensure that
it continues its economic and development as a democracy.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. With the sufferance of my colleagues, I am
over time but I would like to give Ms. Bond the chance to
briefly answer the question as well.
Ms. Bond. Yes. This is an important issue that came up in
the Summit of the Americas, and the Vice President brought
forth a new U.S.-Caribbean initiative that would really look at
energy security and the development of three specific areas and
taking a regional approach as opposed to an individualized
country approach focused on energy security, focused on food
security as well as finance.
What we are really looking for is to leverage that
opportunity and to look at long-term sustainable growth and
focus in these areas, working on a regional basis as opposed to
an individual basis.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
Senator Rubio?
Senator Rubio. Thank you, again, all for coming in.
Let me start with you, Mr. Faucher. I am just going to go
down the row here, if I can, in the time I am allotted.
We have talked about energy, the role that it plays, its
development when it comes to Suriname, its importance, and so I
did want to ask, there is a--the President has an executive
order and it tasks the Treasury and the State Department to
develop a strategy to only support financing programs and
stimulus packages and debt relief initiatives that are aligned
with and support the goals of the Paris Agreement.
And, I mean, it has already had an impact on an IDB
decision with regards to Guyana, but I am real concerned about
how that would impact the ability of U.S. companies and us to
continue to encourage the development, even as we want them to
diversify in their economy and we want to support them in that.
I mean, why--are we here--does that executive order hold
the potential of being viewed as us telling the people of
Suriname that they cannot develop an advanced and modern
economy because it clashes with our support of the Paris
Agreement?
Mr. Faucher. Thank you, Mr. Senator, for that question. It
is a very important issue that we talked a little bit about
this morning.
I would say if American companies come to me, if I am
confirmed as Ambassador, and ask for assistance in dealing with
the Surinamese government on oil issues or oil commercial
contracts, I will have to look at each case individually to
make sure that the assistance I am able to give them conforms
with any executive order that is delivered by the President.
I am unaware of any kind of a push at all or statements by
us that we do not want Suriname to develop its oil reserves or
move forward and improve its economy. I think there is a
recognition that there will be a need for oil for the decades
ahead even though we are trying to diversify energy resources
throughout the world.
Suriname, as I stated in my statement, is a carbon negative
country. It is meeting its requirements under the Paris Accord
at this time and I think it is committed to continuing to do
so.
And so I will work with Suriname to make sure it also meets
its environmental----
Senator Rubio. Again, and when you have an executive order
that, basically, asks Treasury and the State Department to
structure financing programs and stimulus work and debt relief
initiatives to be aligned to the climate agreement, there is
the real concern--I think, the legitimate concern--that that
would impact our ability to be of assistance in anything that
has to do with oil and natural gas exploration, and we will see
how that plays out. I hope that is not the case because I think
that would negatively impact our relationship.
Ms. Fulton, on Uruguay, I have talked about a couple--I
think it is the first in the ranking by Freedom House and the
World Justice Project in terms of democracy and rule of law,
and as they are looking to revise the Trade and Investment
Framework Agreement with the U.S.--I am sorry, in their new
trade protocols that mirror what we have done with Brazil and
Ecuador--it is clear that they are eager to establish even more
transparency measures and anti-corruption measures.
So I have outlined a couple things, I think, we can do to
really strengthen this relationship. We have a willing partner
and a stable country. There are a lot of good news coming out.
Unfortunately, I will tell you, for a while, they think we
are not--we do not care, like we are not paying attention to
them and that we are not--we are ignoring. It is one of those
countries that says, we are doing everything right. We are
everything you say that you want countries in the region to be
but we are not getting the attention we want.
I have talked about a couple things that we should do. The
first is expanding the Development Finance Corporation's role
in facilitating investment there. The problem we have is they
are classified by the World Bank as a high-tech country, and so
the World Bank sort of prevents us.
But I think that is one of those things that requires us to
go back and reexamine how that is used and I really hope that
we will look for ways to restructure that program so that
countries like this, the country that JPMorgan, by the way,
says is the least risky country in Latin America for
investment, that the existence--that we are not prevented to
DFC's facilitating programs there.
And then the other thing, I think there is a real
opportunity to expand cooperation on security space and
counternarcotics, and cooperation with them on space and
satellite data sharing, for example, would help us crack down
on the black market that now exists in data.
Are those two things that you would commit to exploring
and, perhaps, pushing forward?
Ms. Fulton. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator.
I agree with what you are saying and would be, if
confirmed, looking forward to finding opportunities to working
with you and your team to see how we can rethink some of the
impediments that currently prevent us from expanding our
cooperation and seeking additional tools to enhance these areas
of opportunity.
Senator Rubio. Before I run out of time here, Mr.
Rodriguez, the CAFTA is an agreement--preferential trade
arrangement--among free nations.
Is Nicaragua a free nation? And if they are not then what
is the--should we continue to provide the preferential trade
benefits that CAFTA provides to free nations?
I mean, the point of it was to encourage the opposite of
everything that Ortega and his crazy wife, who is the vice
president, are doing.
Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
Let me just say, if confirmed, I would support using all
economic and diplomatic tools to bring about a change in
direction in Nicaragua.
Removing Nicaragua from CAFTA-DR is a, potentially, very
powerful tool and something we have to seriously consider. I
know we currently exclude Nicaragua from supporting functions
under CAFTA-DR--trade development capacity[CE3] building
activities, and the like.
But if confirmed, I commit to working with USTR and other
agencies within the U.S. Government to evaluate all possible
means for bringing that pressure to bear on Nicaragua.
Senator Rubio. Mr. Duncan, real quick. I am already over
time by a minute, but I did want to touch on El Salvador. It is
a difficult puzzle to unpack.
Certainly, the trend lines there in terms of President
Bukele's view of the United States deteriorated rapidly in the
last couple of years to the point now where it is now a really
troubling situation.
I am very troubled by it, and he did not seem to care a lot
about what U.S. foreign policy is with regards to the country,
very openly criticizes and mocks the U.S. and other Western
institutions.
And the reality of it is that, despite all this, we have to
contend with the fact that his popularity remains pretty high
and his party has enjoyed electoral gains as a result.
So for whatever reason he is tapping into some populist
sentiment in the country that is converting itself into
political support and that, I think, gives him license, at
least domestically, to continue down this trend line.
But there is an interesting dynamic. On the one hand, we
are carrying out this name and shame campaign from Washington
where we are sanctioning individuals and calling them out for
their alleged corruption and behavior and the like, and on the
other hand you see them negotiating with the IMF where we are
the leading contributor towards, and it seems like the--our
administration is holding open the possibility that there would
still be an IMF arrangement, I would imagine, because the
understanding that if we did not there could be a mass
migration event that would impact neighboring countries and/or
they could turn to alternative means of financing outside of
the structured system that the United States has influence
over.
How do we balance our national interest and desire to have
not just stability there but some relationship with this
campaign that is being carried out to--that, I think, has led
to pretty open diplomatic hostility?
Mr. Duncan. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I think, first and foremost, we have to approach the
Salvadoran government as we should most governments, from a
position of respect and acknowledge, as you said, that they
choose their own leaders and it appears that their current
president is, indeed, at this point, very popular. That is a
reality and we must recognize that.
However, I think it is also true, as you indicated in your
opening statement, that there have been some developments in El
Salvador that do not seem to be conducive to strengthening
Salvadoran democracy and there have also been some economic
trends that are somewhat concerning.
With respect to the sanctions you referenced, I think it is
important for us to use the tools Congress has given us,
whether that is Global Magnitsky or the Section 353 list or
Section 7031(c)--to use those tools appropriately to target
individuals who have been involved in acts of corruption or
acts that undermine democracy or the rule of law, and I think
we can do that while continuing to maintain a respectful
relationship with the government of El Salvador. I do not see
any inconsistency there.
With respect to the IMF negotiations, which you mentioned,
I am not up to date on exactly where those negotiations are. I
believe they are still talking to the IMF.
I know the IMF has publicly expressed some concerns that
they, as I understand it, want to see satisfied before they
move forward with that loan. So as far as I know, no final
decision on that has been made.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
Senator Menendez?
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank you and the ranking member for holding this
hearing.
As the chairman of the full committee, I appreciate that
chairs and rankings who preside over nomination hearings is one
of the fundamental responsibilities that we have to move
nominees forward and I appreciate those of my colleagues who
have fulfilled that duty during this work period.
Congratulations to all the nominees and your families who
are with you. This hearing comes at a time when human rights
and fundamental freedoms face numerous challenges in our
hemisphere, and champions of democracy are needed now more than
ever.
In Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega has become what he once fought
to overthrow--a ruthless dictator. His disdain for democracy
and decency are a test to the international community as we
confront the rising global tide of authoritarianism.
In El Salvador, President Bukele is wielding populism and
new digital tools to perpetuate a cult of personality even as
he undermines El Salvador's democratic institutions at an
alarming rate.
If confirmed, the leadership of each of the nominees here
today will be indispensable to confronting the challenges in
forging new opportunities for the United States and Latin
America and the Caribbean.
Let me take a point of personal privilege to briefly
recognize Deputy Assistant Secretary Heide Fulton.
Ms. Fulton was a Pearson Fellow in my office from 2009 to
2010. The contributions she made during her time with us,
including helping draft the first version of what would later
become the OAS Revitalization and Reform Act of 2013 that came
into law, were a testament to her decades of experience in
Latin America and the Caribbean.
I would like to take credit that all of the successes she
has had since then as a result of her time with me, but it is
her incredible abilities and we are glad to see her being
considered for the Ambassador to Uruguay.
Mr. Rodriguez, Nicaragua has been in a state of crisis
since April 18th of 2018. That was the day the anti-government
protests triggered a years-long wave of repression that has
killed 329 people, injured thousands, and condemned 190
political prisoners to arbitrary detention in conditions
amounting to torture.
The Ortega regime has no shame. They have jailed, expelled,
harassed political opponents, former lawyers, business
partners, representatives of the Catholic Church.
They have shuttered organizations that feed and shelter
Nicaraguans. They have closed eight of the country's
universities. They have attempted to withdraw from the
Organization of American States all while cozying up to Russia.
They have even kicked out Mother Teresa's Missionaries of
Charity.
Nicaragua is on the path to becoming a totalitarian
dictatorship. We often talk about how to respond to crises
instead of investing more in prevention. Our RENACER Act, which
was signed into law last year, lays out a framework for U.S.
policy, but we need to act now.
So if you are confirmed, what steps would you take to
mobilize a robust international strategy to prevent the onset
of a deeper humanitarian crisis in Nicaragua?
Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Senator.
If confirmed, as you point out, we really need to mobilize
voices from across the region and around the world to call out
the human rights abuses, to call out the undemocratic actions
that the government of Daniel Ortega is taking, and we need to
call for the immediate release of the 190 political prisoners
that you mentioned.
If confirmed, I commit to working with U.N. Human Rights
Council, OAS--excuse me--our partners in Europe and Canada, to
seek their voice and their action in the form of sanctions, to
join our efforts to highlight the abuses, and to isolate the
regime of Daniel Ortega.
The Chairman. Let me follow up with something that Senator
Rubio raised. Our RENACER Act lays out congressional guidance
on suspending Nicaragua from the CAFTA-DR trade agreement, and
I know it is a powerful tool. Same thing with El Salvador.
But we entered into these agreements with a universal
concept of who we were entering into. Nicaragua, certainly,
does not fall in that category at this point in time.
What steps will you take to implement what the law says and
do you commit to keeping this committee informed on a quarterly
basis on the nature of Russia's deepening cooperation with
Nicaragua?
Mr. Rodriguez. Yes, Senator.
I commit to keeping the committee informed. In addition, if
confirmed, sir, I commit to adding my weight to the full
implementation of the RENACER Act, as I mentioned, working with
USTR and others on the CAFTA-DR question, continuing to
implement the Act in terms of holding officials in Nicaragua
accountable for the human rights abuses.
We recently sanctioned another 23 individuals under Section
353 thanks to the RENACER Act. That is a new capacity that we
have and we are taking full advantage of it.
Again, Senator, if confirmed, I will work with our
interagency colleagues to maximize the pressure both through
RENACER and all of the tools that the Senate can----
The Chairman. I look forward to that. We need a strong
voice there.
Mr. Chairman, may I have the indulgence of the chair for
another minute?
Senator Kaine. Yes, you may.
The Chairman. Mr. Duncan, I was a little surprised at your
response to Senator Rubio about President Bukele's popularity.
Hitler was popular. Putin is popular in Russia. It does not
mean that because a person is popular in their country that, in
fact, we do not press extremely hard on violations of human
rights and democracy.
Are we agreed on that?
Mr. Duncan. We are, indeed, agreed on that, Senator.
The Chairman. Okay. So we have an increasing challenging
situation in El Salvador, one that threatens both the future of
democracy in the country and bilateral relations with the
United States.
Over the last two years, President Bukele has presided over
a number of alarming setbacks for democratic governance:
undermining judicial independence, intimidating opposition
lawmakers by using security forces to occupy the legislature,
negotiating political pacts with gangs, regularly attacking
journalists and media outlets.
And in addition to these actions, Bukele has also
repeatedly used his network of Twitter trolls to attack and
threaten not only government critics within El Salvador but
also United States officials, including my colleague in the
House of Representatives, Congresswoman Norma Torres.
It is amazing what he is doing, directing against a member
of the United States Congress and former Ambassador Jean Manes.
So I want to hear from you. Do you commit to prioritizing
these issues in discussions with President Bukele and senior
officials within his government?
Mr. Duncan. Yes, Senator, I do make that commitment to you,
and I must tell you that I think the exchange with--regarding
Representative Torres was absolutely unacceptable and I would,
certainly, be happy to make that clear to the Salvadoran
government.
The Chairman. What other steps do you believe the United
States needs to take to prevent further democratic backsliding
in El Salvador?
Mr. Duncan. Senator, I think, first of all, I agree with
you. There have been a number of developments in El Salvador
over the last two years that are concerning when it comes to
the strength and the health of El Salvador's democracy.
I think we have made judicious use of the various sanctions
tools that Congress has given us to highlight some of those
problems, whether it is the removal of the supreme court
magistrates in the constitutional chamber, the gang truce that
you referred to, or other acts of either corruption or acts
that tend to undermine democracy, and I think we need to
continue using those tools appropriately, judiciously. But we
need to keep using them to send the message that El Salvador's
best future lies on the path of democracy.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for your indulgence and I will have
a series of questions for the record. I do not want the rest of
you to think I have no issues for you. I do.
But in deference to my colleagues who are still here, I
would like substantive--substantive underlined here--responses
to them before I consider putting you on a business meeting
agenda.
Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much.
Senator Portman?
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
Look, it is a complicated political environment and I
really appreciate all of you being willing to step up and serve
your country. For all of you but one you have been serving your
country through Foreign Service and have accomplished a great
deal to get to the level that that you are as ambassadors.
But we need your help. I mean, this is discouraging what is
going on, Uruguay being the exception, and to the comments by
Senator Rubio, I think we do not take advantage of these
relatively pro-democracy pro-U.S. center and center right
governments enough and do not show them enough love and
support, and that is one reason we end up with more difficult
situations, as we see in pretty much every other country
represented, even with regard to Suriname with regard to their
opening to China, which concerns me greatly, and the Belt and
Road Initiative.
So that would be--I would echo those concerns and I think
we need to redouble our efforts to demonstrate our support for
those countries that are standing up for democracy, human
rights, and allied with us.
With regard to El Salvador, I am going to come at this a
little differently. On the U.S. border, we are experiencing
something unparalleled. We have never seen it before.
We have record levels of people, drugs, coming across the
border. We have got three months left in the fiscal year until
we know what the final numbers are. Already we are at record
levels in the year in the history of our country, and this is
based on so-called encounters.
But it is true that El Salvador has been sending people to
the United States for a long time, legally and illegally. In
fact, I am told that $7 billion in remittances went to El
Salvador last year. That is the World Bank figure. That is a
quarter of the GDP of El Salvador.
And yet, you have Bukele treating the United States
relationship in a way that would indicate that he does not want
to cooperate or work with us and yet there is this strong
connection. I do not know quite how to use that leverage. But
$7 billion in remittances.
One question I would have for you, Mr. Duncan, because you
have been at this a while--you have got a lot of experience in
Latin America--Title 42 is about to be revoked if the
Administration has its way and, roughly, half of the people who
are stopped at the border and turn back are turned back because
of Title 42. And yet, we have record levels of illegal
migration.
So without Title 42 being in place it would be a flood and
that is because of our asylum policy, in my view, primarily but
it is also other changes that the Administration made.
What do you think about that? Do you think human smugglers
and drug cartels will in come from Salvador in increased
numbers if Title 42 is revoked at the border?
Mr. Duncan. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I am afraid I cannot speak to what the effect of a
revocation of Title 42 would be.
Senator Portman. I think you can.
Mr. Duncan. Nor can I tell you because I am not involved in
the conversations about Title 42. What I can say is that, as
you correctly pointed out, we have been seeing irregular
migration from Central America.
El Salvador is a part of that. I think they, in the last
year or so, have been in fourth place, about 6 percent of the
total behind Mexico, Honduras, and Guatemala.
I think if I were confirmed I would be very focused on
implementing the Administration's strategy with regard to the
root causes of migration. I think democracy needs to be
strengthened in El Salvador because I think that is critical to
prosperity.
I think we need to keep working with the Salvadorans to
strengthen the rule of law and try and reduce crime and
violence.
Senator Portman. Yeah, I am just talking--let me interrupt
you if I could.
I mean, that is fine. We have spent, I do not know, $3.6
billion in the last five years in Central America with regard
to the root causes and the migration has increased, not
decreased.
So I am not against dealing with the root causes. But that
is not the issue. The issue is the pull factor. We went to
Latin America, some of us here, including the chairman
recently, and the presidents of the countries we visited--four
of them--in Latin America and Central America all said the same
thing, basically, which is you guys are pulling our people
north with your policies.
So you have a role to play there. You say you cannot speak
to it. I hope you will speak to it because I think our own
policies are, largely, the reason that you see this pull for
the region. And the illicit drugs are not produced in El
Salvador but, boy, it is a major transit country for cocaine
and heroin, in particular.
So I hope that, if confirmed, you will get involved in
these issues and not just the root causes, as important as they
are.
The Salvadoran cooperation on counterdrug and anti-gang
efforts, I assume you are aware that we do not get the
cooperation that we would like to have.
Do you commit that you will work on increasing our level of
cooperation in that area?
Mr. Duncan. Thank you, Senator. Yes, absolutely.
Counternarcotics has been one of the areas where we have
had some success in our collaboration with the Salvadorans and,
if confirmed, I would seek to do everything in my power to
increase that collaboration.
We have also worked with them and are working with them, I
should say, on border intelligence, on alien smuggling. I think
those are areas that can even be expanded and that is what I
would seek to do, if confirmed.
Senator Portman. I will have other questions in writing for
your other colleagues. But, again, thank you all for your
willingness to serve.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Portman.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to all of our nominees who are here today. I
can think of no greater honor than to represent the greatest
nation in the world in the countries that you are seeking to
represent the United States of America.
I would like to start with you, Ms. Bond, on the first
question to talk about the Chinese Communist Party and its
interference, its malign influence, in the Western Hemisphere
has grown significantly. Clearly, it has become more visible in
the past decade.
Beijing is using its predatory economic behavior to target
the region for its commodities and its raw materials. That is
the target. I believe we should be doing everything we can to
reshore our supply chains back to the United States from China
and, as appropriate, to near shore supply chains to friendly
countries like those in the Caribbean and in Latin America.
Efforts to support private sector investments in emerging
markets are especially critical at this time of strategic
global competition with China, and as the United States
reshores its supply chains this will create big near shoring
opportunities for our friends in this hemisphere.
So I wanted to get your perspective, Ms. Bond, on China's
diplomatic and economic engagement in Trinidad and Tobago and
how you see that unfolding and the posture you might adopt
there.
Ms. Bond. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
Indeed, PRC incursions are happening all over the world and
the Caribbean is no exception, nor is Trinidad and Tobago. They
were one of the first to join the Road and Belt Initiative.
However, if confirmed as Ambassador, I will do everything
in my power to ensure that we are positioned to be the partner
of choice to Trinidad and Tobago.
I would be a strong advocate for private sector investment
and continue our strong working relationship with Trinidad and
Tobago, particularly in safety and security and creating a more
level playing field for private investment and U.S. investment
in the country.
The United States has been and continues to be one of
Trinidad and Tobago's largest markets for LNG exports. It is
seventh in the world in terms of LNG exports and it has one of
the largest gas liquefaction facilities in the Western
Hemisphere with a great deal of institutional knowledge, which
I think they can share regionally.
It is also one of the top exporters of urea ammonium
nitrate fertilizer and just last week the U.S. International
Trade Commission approved the import of this fertilizer, which
you know will address issues of agricultural production----
Senator Hagerty. Certainly.
Ms. Bond.--as well as assist with global food supplies.
So, if confirmed, these are areas that I would continue to
work on and continue to bolster trade with the United States
and our partners.
Senator Hagerty. I encourage you to continue to support
stronger energy production here in this hemisphere. We are
doing everything in this country to reduce energy production
right now, much to my chagrin, but I see the opportunity there
and I am very pleased to see that you see it as well.
In my home state agriculture is a big industry and
pharmaceutical--I am sorry, fertilizer prices are a huge issue
as well, compressing margins for farmers and leading to what I
think will be a food crisis not only here in America but around
the world.
So thank you for your diligence there and I will encourage
you to cooperate and coordinate with us here as we begin to
deepen our reshoring efforts because I do believe this is a big
opportunity in the country that you seek to represent.
Mr. Rodriguez, can I turn to you? If you are confirmed, you
are going to be taking on a challenging assignment in the
Western Hemisphere.
Both the Trump administration and the Biden administration
have imposed numerous financial sanctions against members of
the Nicaraguan government, their legislature, their judiciary,
and President Ortega's family.
In December of 2021, Nicaragua reestablished diplomatic
ties with China and seized control of Taiwan's embassy and
diplomatic offices, saying that they belong to China.
The Ortega regime provided Taiwanese diplomats only two
weeks to leave Nicaragua. Subsequently, the Nicaraguan
government signed a cooperation agreement for China's Belt and
Road Initiative. That took place in January of 2022.
In June of 2022, the Ortega regime and his rubber stamp
congress authorized a limited number of Russian troops, Russian
aircraft and ships and weapons to operate on Nicaraguan soil.
This seems to be a renewal and an expansion of the November
2021 authorization for Russian forces to operate there in the
country.
Mr. Rodriguez, in your view, what is the most concerning
aspect of Nicaragua as it relates to U.S. national security?
Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Senator.
Their relationships with both of the countries you
mentioned are deeply, deeply concerning. The decision by the
government of Nicaragua to leave off recognition of Taiwan in
favor of the PRC was deeply lamentable.
The government is depriving the Nicaraguan citizens of a
reliably democratic partner in favor of opacity and self-
dealing, which is entirely in line with what the government of
Nicaragua has been about since 2018.
Their slide towards authoritarianism and away from
transparency and rule of law are deeply concerning.
With respect to Russia, Senator, they are, clearly,
following the Russian playbook, and with support and guidance
from Russia they are drafting and implementing laws. In fact,
the foreign agents law in Nicaragua is known locally as Putin's
Law. So there is, clearly, deep influence from Russia.
If confirmed, I believe we need to very loudly stand with
the Nicaraguan people against anyone who is aligned with Russia
or China in stifling the democratic aspirations of the people
of Nicaragua and abusing and taking from them their human
rights.
Senator Hagerty. Well said.
Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will submit the
rest of my questions for the record.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
I have one additional question that I want to direct to Ms.
Fulton--an Uruguay question--and it is really more of a kind of
a topic than a question, and since you are pro with long
experience in the region, I just kind of want to grapple with
it.
We are talking an awful lot about problems in the region
and there are problems by the boatload, but there is also some
real success stories. So Panama, the Dominican Republic, Costa
Rica, and Ecuador have come together with the Alliance for
Democracy and Development. They have said at a time of
democratic backsliding we want to be forward leaning.
But in my conversations with them they have not yet been, I
think, impressed with the degree to which the United States
want to work with them to succeed. I will say this. There was
an agreement signed in the last couple of days focusing on near
shoring in the ADD. That can be great.
So Ecuador--we met with the president of Ecuador, President
Lasso, a pro-U.S. president, about a year ago, and he said,
look, the one thing that can really help us succeed is if the
U.S. would contemplate a trade agreement with Ecuador, possibly
including Ecuador in the existing trade agreement with
Colombia.
We had a hearing yesterday about economic statecraft with
State Department witnesses. I asked has there--are we doing
anything to follow up on that, and I got a diplomatic answer
but I think the answer, really, was no because I am not sure
that the Administration really likes trade agreements.
And then we have got this situation where Guyana, which has
come through this very difficult time, and I know Guyana is not
on the panel today, but they really wanted this IDB loan to
develop their energy resources and it was the U.S. that vetoed
the loan, which hurts their own economic development and
probably also hurts an ability for Guyana to be an important
and more stable energy partner in a world marked by too many
unstable authoritarian energy partners.
So Uruguay is a model in so many ways. Uruguay is now doing
trade agreement--free trade agreements with Turkey and China,
and the president has indicated--the president of Uruguay--that
it would very much like to do a trade agreement with the U.S.
and also with the U.K. but the quote from the president is the
U.S. Government, quote, ``is not looking south.''
It seems to me in a part of the world where we have got a
lot of challenges the best thing we could do is take the
nations that are favorably inclined to us, that want deeper
relationships with us, where the trend lines for democracy are
green rather than red--they are going in the right direction--
and why not really invest in these nations because they can
become examples for others, and if with their entreaties we are
not investing in these nations that also sends a message that
can be a very debilitating one.
So, I guess, should you be confirmed in Uruguay with the
experience you have, with the positive track record that
Uruguay has put together, what can we do to really spotlight
this relationship and do it in a way that is not only good for
Uruguay but sends the message in the region that if you are
doing things right the United States is going to be a great
partner with you?
Ms. Fulton. Thank you, Senator. I think you have touched on
a question that I have, certainly, grappled with and, if
confirmed, would look forward to working with you and your
staff and other members of this committee to try to find better
answers to exactly that question.
I think that if confirmed being an Ambassador not only
means representing U.S. policies to the partner to whom I am
accredited but it also means representing back the importance
and the opportunity--Senator Rubio touched on the importance of
thinking strategically about the investments and decisions that
we make--we have tremendous challenges in this hemisphere, and
I know from my current position we prioritize those with our
funding and our resources based on some of the problems that
are closer to home and more immediately on fire in front of us.
I, if confirmed, would look forward to being a loud
proponent to arguing for strategic investments and seeking
additional opportunities, seeking ways to rethink some of the
impediments that we have in place and seeking new tools to
strengthen a relationship that is with a partner whom, as you
have noted, genuinely wants to work with us and I think the
importance of this opportunity should not be understated and it
should not be lost.
Senator Kaine. I appreciate that testimony. I think you are
right on sort of the human psychology. We tend to focus on the
problems and that is natural. But our ability to solve problems
in countries with deep problems we have to be very humble about
it.
I mean, these are, ultimately, problems that need to be
solved within and we can be assets. We can be helpful. But in a
region where there are plenty of problems there is also plenty
of good that is going on and I just feel like we are, in some
instances, kind of ignoring the good or under investing our
time where there is good or, in some instances, even taking
steps that are counterproductive to allies that are trying to
do it the right way.
I just hope we will focus more on some bright spots and try
to make them even brighter. That would be my hope, and I think
you are very, very well equipped to carry that mission.
Senator Rubio, do you have any additional questions?
Senator Hagerty, additional questions?
[No response.]
Senator Kaine. Listen, I really appreciate this
opportunity. It has been a great discussion. Committee members
are very, very interested in these countries. We will do all we
can to be prompt in moving forward from this point.
I would asked members of the committee should they have
questions that they want to submit in writing--a number have
indicated that they would--they should submit them by the close
of business on July 29th, and I would also ask that each of
you, should questions be submitted for you individually, that
you try to respond promptly and comprehensively.
And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:34 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to William H. Duncan by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report, El
Salvador was noted for significant human rights abuses such as unlawful
killings, forced disappearances by military personnel, torture or cruel
and degrading treatment by security forces, arbitrary arrest and
detention, serious problems with the independence of the judiciary,
serious restrictions of expression and assembly, inability of the
people to change their government peacefully, serious acts of official
corruption, criminalization of same-sex conduct, and impunity persisted
in the security forces, executive branch, and the justice system.
What is your assessment of the persistence of these violations?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the persistent trend of democratic
backsliding and growing human rights abuses in El Salvador.
Consolidation of power in the executive stymies free expression of
ideas and checks-and-balances vital to the democratic process.
Preserving civic space and protecting freedom of expression remain
imperative tasks for the preservation of democracy and the promotion of
human rights.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take with host
government to address these issues? Do you commit to raising these
issues directly with the host government?
Answer. I commit to continually raising these issues directly with
the Government of El Salvador, highlighting the importance of
respecting democracy and human rights and holding those who commit
abuses accountable for their actions. If confirmed, I will work
diligently to ensure that journalists and civil society have the space
to operate without undue influence from the Government. If confirmed, I
will continue to support the appropriate use of all congressionally
mandated sanctions authority to combat corruption and undemocratic
actions in El Salvador.
Question. In the report, it was noted that while there are no
reports of politically motivated killings, there were reports of
security forces engaged in extrajudicial killings of suspected gang
members. What steps would you take with security forces officials to
increase respect of the legal system and limit extrajudicial punishment
by security forces?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise concerns with the
central government over the increasing use of military in police
operations, as well as concerns over the lack of due process during the
State of Exception. I will also continue interagency efforts to train a
competent and professional cohort of law enforcement that respects
human rights, including through ethics and use of force training. I
commit to engaging with central government and municipal authorities to
impress upon them the importance of adherence to rule of law. Finally,
if confirmed, I will continue to support the appropriate use of all
congressionally mandated sanctions and visa restrictions tools to
counter corruption and impunity in El Salvador.
Question. The report additionally states that prison conditions
remain harsh and threatening due to gross overcrowding, unhygienic
conditions, and gang activity as well as a lack of the right to a fair
trial through judicial authorities being subject to political,
economic, or other corrupting influences.
How would you encourage the host government on prison authorities
to improve prison conditions and reduce gang violence in
detention centers?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage willing and able security and
penal sector partners and evaluate where the United States can provide
direct support or assistance. I will continue to underscore the
unsustainability of the State of Exception and champion adherence to
due process and humane prison conditions.
Question. What steps would you take with the host government
regarding the judicial system to reduce the level of corruption amongst
trial judges?
Answer. Impunity, corruption, and lack of independence among judges
are unacceptable. I will engage the Government of El Salvador to
underscore the importance of adherence to rule of law from both a human
rights and economic growth perspective. If confirmed, I will continue
to support the use of congressionally mandated sanctions and visa
restrictions authorities to combat corruption within the ranks of trial
judges.
Question. Please describe how you would work with various
interagency entities like the new Anti-Corruption coordinator to combat
corruption in country.
Answer. Corruption remains a top threat to efficacy of democratic
governance. The President has made clear that corruption is also a
threat to U.S. national security. The U.S. Strategy on Countering
Corruption identifies a range of activities that the Administration
will undertake around the world and highlights tools that can be
utilized, specifically in El Salvador. If confirmed, I will tap into
the expertise of all my interagency colleagues, including the
Department of the Treasury, Department of Justice, and the State
Department's new Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption to identify
corrupt actors and hold them accountable for their actions.
Working with partners like USAID, I will continue to fight for the
preservation of civic space, providing non-governmental
organizations and civil society representatives needed
opportunities and open dialogue to identify corruption and
promote democracy. This must be an interagency effort, and I
commit to treating it as such through interagency collaboration
and communication.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, El Salvador was downgraded to the Tier 2 watch list for not
fully meeting the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.
Fewer than half of identified victims received government services, the
Government implemented no procedures to identify potential victims or
traffickers and did not initiate any investigations, prosecutions, or
convictions of officials allegedly complicit in human trafficking
crimes. The anti-trafficking council was inactive and did not draft a
national anti-trafficking plan, publish a report on government efforts,
or compile any data across governmental agencies.
If confirmed, how could you work with government officials to
increase the frequency of providing government services to
trafficking victims and number of investigations against
traffickers?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of El
Salvador to increase specialized services for trafficking victims;
implement procedures to proactively identify and refer to service
providers victims from at-risk groups--including individuals in
commercial sex, children apprehended for illicit gang-related
activities, forcibly displaced persons, and irregular migrants
returning to El Salvador; strengthen the specialized anti-trafficking
prosecution unit; develop a mechanism to enforce payment of court-
ordered restitution to victims; allow authorities and the public to
refer potential victims directly to government or NGO service
providers, without first referring to police or prosecutors; provide
reintegration and livelihood support services for victims and extend
witness protection services beyond the duration of a trial,
particularly for victims who testify against members of organized
criminal groups; amend the 2014 anti-trafficking law to include a
definition of human trafficking consistent with international law,
draft, resource, and implement a new National Action Plan to combat
trafficking; develop a case management system to improve data
collection, sharing, security, and analysis related to trafficking
cases; expand prevention measures, including through raising awareness
of fraudulent recruitment for employment in El Salvador and abroad and
by holding accountable employers or recruiters who commit fraudulent
practices that facilitate trafficking.
Question. How would you engage with the anti-trafficking council to
urge it into action in providing a national anti-trafficking plan and
reports on governmental efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage all relevant authorities to
continue to make progress against trafficking in persons in the areas
of prosecution, protection, and prevention, including by drafting,
allocating resources for, and implementing a new National Action Plan
and reporting on government efforts.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, El Salvador's constitution provides for freedom of
religion, many areas are controlled by gangs limiting access religious
registration, freedom of movement, and are subject to being engaged by
violent acts.
What actions would you take with the host government to promote
government officials carrying out their official duties,
primarily in areas most affected by gang violence?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, respect for religious
freedom is one of our deepest held values, a fundamental right, and a
vital foreign policy priority. If confirmed, I would communicate to the
Government, and publicly, our deeply held belief in the importance of
religious freedom. I would support efforts to improve the ability of
the Salvadoran police to provide citizen security in a climate of
respect for the due process of law. If confirmed, I would also work
closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom to develop a plan for constructive engagement with the
Government of El Salvador.
Question. US officials in the embassy have attempted to promote
religious freedoms and reach followers in gang-controlled territories.
What actions would you take to further promote these efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I would communicate to the Government and
publicly that promoting respect for religious freedom is a core part of
our foreign policy. I would also support Embassy engagement with faith-
based and secular communities throughout El Salvador to ensure we have
a comprehensive understanding of the challenges these groups face and
how best we can support their right to freedom of religion or belief.
In the context of the State of Exception gang crackdown that began in
March 2022, a worrying trend has emerged of government officials
targeting faith-based institutions, including rehabilitation centers,
to arrest former gang members. If confirmed, I will encourage the
Government to refrain from such activities which may constrain
religious practice and may discourage other gang members from seeking
rehabilitative services in order to exit gang life.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the El Salvador
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage
their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarching the Government of El
Salvador to encourage their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the
International Organizations (IO) bureau, the Population, Refugees, and
Migration (PRM) bureau, and other stakeholders to identify ways to
support qualified Americans in international organizations. I
understand PRM funding varies from year to year to sponsor new Junior
Program Officer positions with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR), typically in the range of 6 to 10 new posts, and with the
International Organization for Migration (IOM), usually one new JPO
position annually. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues inside
the U.S. Government and through external partners to explore ways to
contribute to this important program.
Question. El Salvador has a low rate of voting coincidence with the
U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. El Salvador under the Bukele administration has moved
farther away from voting coincidence with the United States and many of
our key fellow democracies in the Hemisphere and beyond. It perhaps
reflects diverging views on issues such as democracy and separation of
powers. If confirmed, an important part of my duties will be trying to
redress this situation and engage the Government of El Salvador with a
perspective that its interests, its crucial relationship with the
United States of America, and the interests of the international
community are best served by a return to the constructive dialogue and
frequent congruence of views the two countries used to enjoy.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the El Salvadorans on anticipated votes in the U.N. system
that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Salvadoran Government to
impress upon them U.S. views regarding anticipated votes in the U.N.
system. This includes ensuring they understand both the substantive
reasons underlying U.S. positions and the value the United States
places on cooperation with likeminded countries in U.N. fora. The
United States is El Salvador's most important international partner,
and the two countries should be better aligned in international
organizations.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission San
Salvador?
Answer. My understanding is that morale is high in San Salvador.
The interim leaders who have taken the helm since Charge d'Affaires
Manes' departure last year have done a fantastic job at fostering an
environment of inclusiveness within the Mission. If confirmed, I will
build on my predecessors' work to develop a healthy, happy, and
effective community in Mission San Salvador.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission San
Salvador?
Answer. There are several ways to improve morale at our overseas
Missions. If confirmed, I will focus on putting people first and
encouraging healthy work/life balance. I will work diligently with
Deputy Chief of Mission Dueholm to ensure foundational needs, such as
healthcare, childcare, and pay issues are met so our community can
focus on fulfilling the mission at hand. I will ensure mentoring and
professional development opportunities for all staff so they can
develop their skills and achieve their individual professional
development goals. I will also ensure my colleagues understand their
importance in the work we do and why that work matters. People who know
they are engaged in meaningful work and understand their leaders care
about them as individuals can do amazing things together and enjoy a
sense of fulfillment that fosters high morale.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission San Salvador?
Answer. A unified mission and vision can only be achieved when each
member of the team knows what they are working toward and knows how
their individual role supports the Mission's ultimate goal. If
confirmed, I will ensure each member of Mission San Salvador knows our
objectives and the actions we will take to reach them. I will foster an
environment of openness and acceptance that promotes teamwork and
collaboration.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is collaborative and collegial. I work
to ensure the overall goals of the Mission are well understood, and
that I in turn understand the individual mission of each agency at
post. I actively seek ideas from staff on how we can best accomplish
our goals and engage staff in a continuous effort to monitor, evaluate,
and learn from what we are doing. I ensure rules regarding ethics,
equal employment opportunity, and workplace behavior are understood and
enforced. I engage continuously with different offices and agencies to
ensure that I am effectively supporting their work. I also seek to
mentor and develop subordinates to ensure they can achieve their
personal goals and to develop the next generation of senior leaders. I
keep a close eye on morale and work to improve it. Finally, I encourage
personnel to take time to care for themselves, their families, and
their loved ones.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Belittling or bullying subordinates is abhorrent to me,
and few things are more destructive to individuals or organizations. My
colleagues are invaluable to our success in advancing the shared
interests of the United States with foreign partners. I am dedicated to
mentoring and developing the leadership and operational skills needed
on our team to help each individual contribute their maximum potential
to advancing our mission.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a former DCM, I can attest to the enormous
responsibility a deputy carries in their role and the indispensable
value of working in tandem with the Chief of Mission to execute U.S.
policy. If confirmed, I will forge a joint leadership team with the DCM
as my full partner in all our work. The DCM is vital to successful
development of U.S. policy, strategy, outreach, management of U.S.
taxpayer resources, and our workforce--the lifeblood of diplomacy and
U.S. relationships with sovereign nations. A strong partnership between
the Chief and Deputy Chief of Mission is essential to advancing a
common vision across the entire Country Team.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The DCMs are our first line of response to all section
heads and agency leaders at our posts. If confirmed, I will entrust my
deputy to advise our leaders across the mission, develop our newest
employees' talents, and help our team rise to the challenges they face
daily in their work for the American people. I would depend on the
DCM's wise counsel in managing the Embassy team, U.S. resources, and
executing policy objectives. Ultimate responsibility for the mission
and all its work will fall to me, if confirmed, but I will rely on the
DCM to ensure our team is empowered to present the best advice,
analysis, and proposed courses of action possible.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. As a Deputy Chief of Mission and Principal Officer, my
most important work in developing the U.S. mission was investing in the
capabilities and capacities of our team. I met regularly with our local
staff, our newest officers and specialists, our mid-level
professionals, and our senior leaders to share lessons I have
accumulated over a career in challenging environments. From time to
time, all of us need constructive feedback to meet our full potential.
Providing this guidance is an essential duty of mission leaders.
Recognizing and rewarding our outstanding employees' work is a powerful
means of boosting morale in difficult circumstances, showing our team
the value of the work we do and of the people who do it. If confirmed,
I will ensure employees have the guidance they need to succeed in their
work and recognition for their dedicated work.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. In addition to providing accurate, timely, and
constructive feedback to employees on their performance and encouraging
other supervisors in the Mission to do likewise, the Department of
State awards program is an important tool to recognize top performers
and to highlight the sort of work we should all strive to emulate.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
El Salvador.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with our professional
Diplomatic Security colleagues, our Emergency Action Committee, and the
Country Team to appropriately balance our safety and security
obligations while meeting the full spectrum of our duties to meet with
our counterparts and the people of El Salvador and develop meaningful
ties across the country.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. I will ensure our diplomats understand the importance of
accessing all local populations and are given the time and tools to get
out of their offices and conduct that engagement regularly. I will also
set a personal example by engaging the broadest possible range of
Salvadoran society. I will work with our Diplomatic Security experts to
ensure we are fully aware of risks and are managing and mitigating
those risks prudently. This will facilitate our diplomats' engagement
with local populations.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in El Salvador?
Answer. Public diplomacy is a unique challenge in El Salvador. The
Bukele administration's recently enacted law criminalizing reporting on
gang activities has had a noticeable chilling effect on the local
independent media. Additionally, several journalists have reported
their phones being hacked, confirmed by Citizen Lab researchers as
Pegasus attacks. These specific events, along with the Administration's
vast network of disinformation experts, has created an austere
environment for public diplomacy.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. U.S. diplomats face myriad unique public diplomacy
challenges in El Salvador. Two of the top challenges are combatting the
spread of official disinformation through conventional reporting or on
social media and addressing fears of reprisal for speaking negatively
of the Administration.
Mission San Salvador's Public Affairs Section advances U.S. foreign
policy priorities by polling the local populace and developing pointed
messaging campaigns. With strong ties between the two nations,
including roughly 2.5 million Salvadorans living in the United States,
Salvadorans hold a generally favorable view of the United States and
are receptive to Mission San Salvador messaging.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Public messaging takes a coordinated effort from Washington
and our foreign missions. Main State policy objectives must be tailored
to host-nation contexts. If confirmed, I will provide Main State with a
comprehensive ground-level view of the situation in El Salvador and
provide recommendations for nuanced messaging that best reaches the
local population.
If confirmed, I will work closely with interagency counterparts and
Main State to use the proper tools and channels to promote a unified
voice.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to taking the ``Havana Syndrome''
threat seriously. I have already attended classified and unclassified
briefings on AHI, including a briefing from the Coordinator of the
Department of State's Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF). I
have no higher priority than the health and security of the people with
whom I serve. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response
to AHIs, setting clear goals for the HIRTF to strengthen the
Department's communication with its workforce and providing care for
affected employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission San Salvador personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging Mission San Salvador
personnel regularly, frequently, and openly both individually and
collectively. Effective communication is key to successful leadership.
* * *
follow up question submitted to
william h. duncan by senator risch
Question. Please provide an assessment of whether the
regulatory framework applicable to the use of Bitcoin as legal
tender in El Salvador meets the requirements of the Financial
Action Task Force with respect to virtual-asset transactions.
Answer. While a country's adoption of private digital assets,
including cryptocurrencies, as legal tender is a sovereign
decision, we encourage governments exploring the adoption or
promotion of these assets to abide by applicable legal and
regulatory recommendations and international standards, such as
those set out by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Such
compliance and adherence to international standards is critical
to maintaining public trust in the financial system and
ensuring safety and stability, transparency, integrity,
operational efficiency, and equitable access while mitigating
illicit financing risks. All completed FATF mutual evaluations
are publicly available on the FATF's website; however, the FATF
has not yet reviewed the regulatory framework regarding El
Salvador's adoption of bitcoin. I would also refer you to the
Department of Treasury as head of delegation to the FATF and
FATF-style regional bodies for specifics.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to William H. Duncan by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. It should be clear to everyone in this administration
that the Chinese Communist Party is the most comprehensive military,
economic and political threat our nation faces today. Right now, in
Latin America and the Caribbean, it is working to undermine our
interests and our allies, whether that's by supplying the fentanyl
smuggled across our open border or assisting dictators that continue to
drive people to emigrate to the U.S.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. PRC and
Chinese Communist Party activities represent a challenge to U.S.
interests in the region, particularly in terms of investments in
critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors such as transportation
facilities and telecommunication projects.
As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest, align, and
compete with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for
the future. If confirmed, I will invest in our partnership with El
Salvador; highlight the risks associated with PRC engagement that could
impact El Salvador's security, sovereignty, international standing, and
U.S. interests; and ensure that our vision of a partnership that
promotes human rights, regional security, and prosperity competes
successfully with the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to stop the expansion of
the CCP's influence in El Salvador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will invest in our partnership with El
Salvador; highlight the risks associated with PRC engagement that could
impact El Salvador's security, sovereignty, international standing, and
U.S. interests; and ensure that our vision of a partnership that
promotes human rights, regional security, and prosperity competes
successfully with the PRC. If confirmed, I will raise with Government
of El Salvador and private sector interlocutors concerns over PRC
infrastructure projects with inadequate labor and environmental
standards, which undermine workers' rights under domestic law and, more
generally, international labor standards. I will also stress to the
Salvadoran Government and communicate to the Salvadoran people the
problematic tactics used by the PRC in international engagements, as
witnessed in other countries in the Hemisphere.
Question. For years, the United States has developed regional
strategies that guide our policy towards Central America, including El
Salvador. Although our relations remain with El Salvador, they aren't
as strong as at the beginning of Bukele's Administration. Over the
years, President Bukele has increasingly embraced Russia and the
Chinese Communist Party. For example, in the last several United
Nations votes condemning Putin's invasion of Ukraine, El Salvador has
abstained rather than vote with the U.S. and its allies.
What are the reasons for this breakdown in relations with El
Salvador?
Answer. Continued instances of democratic backsliding and
challenges to the rule of law by the Government of El Salvador over the
past few years, including entering the Legislative Assembly with armed
police and soldiers, the removal of the top five justices of the
Supreme Court, and actions taken under the State of Exception, have
strained our bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I commit to engaging
the Government of El Salvador from a place of respect for their
sovereignty, while maintaining a firm condemnation of antidemocratic
actions, impunity, and attacks on civil liberties and human rights. I
will continue to support the appropriate use of congressionally
mandated sanction authorities to discourage corruption in El Salvador.
Despite these difficulties in our bilateral relationship, if
confirmed, I will continue to cooperate with El Salvador where possible
and appropriate on security issues, working for instance to strengthen
and professionalize police services. At the same time, I would strive
to identify opportunities for economic investment, combatting
corruption and impunity, and growing the economy to benefit Salvadorans
and address the root causes of migration.
Question. Can you provide the committee with a general view of El
Salvador's existing relations with China? How about with Russia?
Answer. El Salvador deepened its ties with the PRC since officially
recognizing Beijing in 2018, including through agreements to develop
various infrastructure projects. Through the Confucius Institute, the
PRC has taken aim at developing cultural ties with Latin America. While
not as economically influential as the PRC, Russia's influence in the
region has revealed itself through authoritarian tendencies, such as
the currently shelved Foreign Agent's law. Additionally, El Salvador's
failure to join resolutions on Ukraine in the OAS and U.N. show a
potential sympathetic approach to Russian policy. Central America's
geographic proximity to the United States offers an enticing location
for nefarious Russian and PRC intelligence actors and activities.
Question. Mr. Duncan, if confirmed, part of your job will consist
of reinforcing our current ties with the Bukele administration. What
are your top three priorities, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, in addition to protecting U.S. citizens, I
will prioritize our engagement with El Salvador on fighting corruption
and impunity, strengthening democratic institutions that protect civil
liberties, and promoting inclusive economic growth and opportunities
for all Salvadorans to address the root causes of irregular migration.
Question. El Salvador has historically been both a major source and
transit point of illegal immigration to the United States. During the
Trump administration, the U.S. Government reduced assistance to
Bukele's Government until they demonstrated that they were enforcing El
Salvador's laws on immigration. The Biden administration is taking a
different approach by requesting increased funding for foreign
assistance to El Salvador under its ``Strategy to Address the Root
Causes of Migration.''
Is the Bukele Government enforcing its own national laws to prevent
pass-through migration and prevent illegal immigration?
Answer. The Bukele administration has routinely supported U.S.
efforts to reduce irregular migration in the region. While DHS reports
record numbers of Salvadoran encounters in FY 2022, the Government of
El Salvador continues to accept three repatriation flights per week,
meeting current DHS needs. Additionally, the Government of El Salvador
remains a staunch supporter and participant in the Biden
administration's robust H-2 visa program, providing Salvadorans a legal
alternative to irregular migration.
As the host of the Grupo Conjunto Inteligencia Fronteriza (GCIF), a
regional border intelligence and collaboration center, the Government
of El Salvador plays a role in improving regional awareness of cross-
border criminal elements, including human smuggling, to help inform law
enforcement responses. Furthermore, through INL-supported law
enforcement vetted units, including the HSI-supported Transnational
Criminal Investigative Unit (TCIU), El Salvador successfully
investigates and disrupts transnational human smuggling and trafficking
networks with assistance from the United States and other nations.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government of El
Salvador to address the root causes of irregular migration.
Question. How is the Biden administration's strategy not simply
rewarding the bad behavior of a government that continues to not work
with the U.S. in preventing illegal immigration?
Answer. The U.S. Strategy to Address the Root Causes of Migration
prioritizes expanding broad-based economic growth, strengthening
democratic governance and the rule of law, promoting human rights,
improving citizen security, and reducing gender-based violence. Through
diplomatic engagement, we seek to have El Salvador undertake reforms
necessary to improve conditions such that Salvadorans can build the
futures they want in their communities. Our foreign assistance programs
support those efforts. If confirmed, I would continue to push for the
Salvadoran Government to implement necessary reforms in support of
these efforts.
U.S. Government foreign assistance funding is not handed over to
partner governments to use as they see fit. The Department of State and
USAID work with a variety of implementing partners beyond the
governments, including civil society and international organizations,
to implement assistance programs focused on anticorruption,
transparency, responsive governance, and respect for human rights.
Question. Given the Bukele Government's decision to adopt bitcoin
as a national currency and other questionable fiscal decisions, are you
confident that his Government can manage U.S. foreign assistance it
receives in an accountable way?
Answer. U.S. Government foreign assistance funding does not go to
the Salvadoran Government to manage. The Department of State and USAID
work with a variety of implementing partners beyond the Government,
including civil society and international organizations, to implement
assistance programs focused on anticorruption, transparency, responsive
governance, and respect for human rights. When we do partner with the
Government of El Salvador, a great part of such assistance is non-
monetary and provided through technical assistance to government
institutions to improve their capacity and effectiveness.
If confirmed, I will ensure we maintain strict oversight of our
programs and report regularly on our efforts to Congress.
Question. I believe it is important that our regional approach
continues to include respect for democratic institutions, the rule of
law, and the defense of human rights. El Salvador's democracy faces a
number of challenges from irregular migration, the recovery from the
COVID pandemic, and corruption.
If confirmed, how will you work to address these challenges?
Answer. If confirmed, I would advocate for stronger democratic
institutions, respect for human rights, and adherence to the rule of
law emphasizing the need for comprehensive solutions to systemic
problems. A strong and vibrant democracy lays the foundation for long-
term stability and economic opportunity necessary to reduce irregular
migration. I would use the full scope of diplomatic and foreign
assistance tools to work with Salvadorans to strengthen democratic
institutions, increase respect for the rule of law, defend human
rights, with a focus on protecting civil society and freedom of
expression.
Question. Do you agree with the decision made by the Biden
administration to reprogram USAID's assistance for the Salvadorian
Attorney General's office to civil society groups? Why?
Answer. Recent decisions by the Bukele administration have
undermined the legitimacy and reliability of certain institutions,
including the office of the Attorney General. If confirmed, I would
support actions that shift assistance to civil society as a more
efficient and effective use of taxpayer dollars, and that send a signal
that legitimacy is a crucial element of success in strengthening
institutions.
Question. Some members of Congress have called for the removal of
El Salvador from the CAFTA-DR agreement in order to compel greater
respect for democracy and human rights.
What are your views on the consequences of that action if it was to
happen?
Answer. CAFTA-DR remains critical to creating a stable economic
environment in Central America and opportunities for the people of the
region. The agreement has benefited U.S. businesses and Salvadorans.
If confirmed, I will work to encourage greater respect for
democracy and human rights in El Salvador and to promote the rule of
law and an improved investment climate in line with CAFTA-DR.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hugo F. Rodriguez, Jr. by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report,
Nicaragua is noted for numerous human abuses. The Ortega regime has
taken no steps to identify, investigate, prosecute, or punish officials
who committed these violations. There was no action to address
widespread government corruption, and President Ortega actively
strengthened impunity among human rights abusers who demonstrated
loyalty to him. Corruption and flagrant human rights abuse remains
pervasive among government entities. If confirmed, what actions would
you take with host government to address these issues?
Answer. President Ortega and Vice President Murillo and their
collaborators continue to commit human rights abuses against the people
of Nicaragua. The United States remains open to frank discussions on
steps to return to democracy and respect for human rights in Nicaragua,
but the Ortega-Murillo regime has not shown interest in a genuine
dialogue. If confirmed, I would work with relevant stakeholders to use
the economic and diplomatic tools at our disposal, including bilateral
and multilateral engagement, sanctions, and visa restrictions, as
appropriate, to support Nicaraguans' calls for democracy and justice
and to promote accountability for those who carry out or are complicit
in abuses. I would also work with international partners, to include in
the OAS and the U.N. Human Rights Council, to support resolutions and
statements on the situation in Nicaragua, addressing attacks on
democracy and human rights and supporting those who protect and defend
those principles. I would facilitate the work of the group of human
rights experts on Nicaragua, established by the March 2022 U.N. Human
Rights Council resolution on the promotion and protection of human
rights in Nicaragua.
Question. What steps would you take amongst civil society groups
and international organizations to help bolster civil society of
Nicaragua from the Ortega regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Nicaraguan people in
their efforts to recover their democracy, support a free and
independent press, and promote the rule of law and respect for human
rights. I would ensure that U.S. assistance programs effectively
support Nicaraguan partners, including civil society groups, human
rights defenders, faith-based organizations, journalists, and social
movements working within and outside of Nicaragua. If confirmed, I
would also work with the U.N. Human Rights Council, the European Union,
Canada, the United Kingdom, the Organization of American States, and
other international partners to continue to speak out clearly in
defense of democracy and human rights in Nicaragua.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to raising these serious
issues directly with the Ortega regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining communication with
the regime on a range of issues of importance to the United States and
to seek out new opportunities for dialogue. So far, the Ortega-Murillo
regime has not shown interest in a genuine dialogue on human rights,
democracy, or other U.S. priorities. Nevertheless, I commit to
continuing to raise these issues directly with the regime.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, Nicaragua remained Tier 3 for not fully meeting the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making any
significant efforts to do so. The Government continues to downplay the
severity of the trafficking problem and contradicts civil society
reports of an increase in cases throughout the pandemic. If confirmed,
how could you work with civil society and government entities to
improve reporting, victim services, and overall anti-trafficking work?
Answer. If confirmed, I would urge the Nicaraguan Government to
work towards completing the prioritized recommendations as laid out in
the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, including to increase efforts
to identify trafficking victims. I would also support NGO partners
seeking to provide trafficking victims with care and reintegration
services, as well as those civil society groups that call on the
Nicaraguan Government to respect the rule of law and human rights and
to return to democracy.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, while Nicaragua's constitution prohibits discrimination
on basis of religion, the president threatens, harasses, and routinely
violates religious freedoms against any religious organizations not
demonstrating loyalty to his regime. Attempts by embassy officials to
reach out to the Government have been unsuccessful. If confirmed, what
actions could you take to encourage the host government to bring
government officials to engage with US officials to promote religious
freedoms?
Answer. The Nicaraguan Government continues to undermine religious
freedom, and we remain concerned about individuals and groups closely
associated with the Government, as well as government officials
themselves, continuing to harass, insult, and make death threats
against Catholic clergy. If confirmed, I would call on the Nicaraguan
Government to promote and guarantee the safety of religious leaders and
worshippers along with the security of all places of worship in
Nicaragua. I would also work closely with the office of the Ambassador-
at-Large for International Religious Freedom to strongly press the
Nicaraguan Government to engage in constructive dialogue on promoting
respect for religious freedom.
Question. US officials have been able to engage with a variety of
religious leaders in the country, how would you further these efforts
to facilitate discussion on religious tolerance and freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to engage with a variety of
religious leaders in Nicaragua to better understand their concerns and
the threats against them. Given the threats by the Ortega-Murillo
regime and its supporters against the Catholic Church, if confirmed, I
would take steps to ensure that any discussion with religious leaders
on religious tolerance and freedom were carried out in a way that does
not put them at greater risk of government harassment and repression.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you
commit to demarching the Nicaraguan Government and any other
counterparts necessary to encourage their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarching the Nicaraguan
Government to encourage their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the
International Organizations (IO) bureau, the Population, Refugees, and
Migration (PRM) bureau, and other stakeholders to identify ways to
support qualified Americans in international organizations. I
understand PRM funding varies from year to year to sponsor new Junior
Program Officer (JPO) positions with the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), typically in the range of 6 to 10 new posts, and with
the International Organization for Migration (IOM), usually 1 new JPO
position annually. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues inside
the U.S. Government and through external partners to explore ways to
contribute to this important program.
Question. Nicaragua has one of the lowest rates of voting
coincidence with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the
Security Council. What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. While we maintain a range of bilateral communication with
the Ortega-Murillo regime, it has repeatedly taken actions inconsistent
with our hemisphere's commitment to democracy and has chosen to isolate
itself. The Ortega-Murillo regime has gone to great length to align
itself with authoritarian leaders in countries such as Russia and the
PRC to stifle the democratic aspirations of its people, which accounts
for its low rate of voting coincidence with the United States.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Nicaraguans on anticipated votes in the U.N. system
that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau to identify opportunities to demarche the
Nicaraguan Government when appropriate and to identify interlocutors
with credibility within the regime we can enlist to persuade the
Government to vote with the United States in the U.N. system.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Managua?
Answer. Mission Managua operates under a variety of constraints due
to tension in our bilateral relationship over democracy and human
rights issues. Due to ongoing repression, many Nicaraguans who would
normally welcome engagement with the Embassy are afraid to meet with
U.S. officials. Travel in and out of Nicaragua has been expensive and
especially cumbersome due to unusual requirements established for
airlines by the Nicaraguan Government. The Nicaraguan government's
decision to not reveal real statistics regarding the pandemic's trends
and impacts made managing COVID especially challenging for Mission
Managua. Nonetheless, Mission morale remains high and thanks to the
deep commitment of our staff to promoting peaceful, democratic change,
to protecting American citizens, and to defending other essential U.S.
interests. Post management has worked with the Community Liaison Office
to create opportunities for our Mission personnel and their families to
manage stress and build a strong community.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Managua?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with each
member of the Embassy Managua team--to understand the skills they bring
to our mission and ensure they understand how their role supports our
strategic objectives. In previous postings, I have had considerable
success building trust and strong connections with my team members, and
teaching supervisors how to do the same with their direct reports.
Through active listening and constant communication, we have been able
to empower employees to achieve great outcomes, while also establishing
a solid sense of how people are doing--an early-warning system for
potential morale challenges. Working with my Deputy Chief of Mission, I
intend to prioritize morale throughout the Mission: a happy team is a
creative, energized, and productive team. I will also work with Bureau
and Department leadership to convey their support for Embassy Managua's
hard work in difficult circumstances.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Managua?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to ensure every team member at
Embassy Managua understands how his or her work connects to our
mission: promoting accountability for the regime and its enablers who
have undermined democracy and violated the human rights of Nicaraguans.
I will communicate our operational priorities and our strategic vision
continuously, in individual meetings with team members, in Country Team
meetings and town halls, and in my policy speeches. Further, if
confirmed I will ensure the Embassy Managua team understands the
broader goals of the Biden-Harris Administration and the Department,
and how their work contributes to that effort.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style closely aligns with the Servant
Leadership model, and I am a trained executive coach and long-time
mentor. I start by building trust through regular one-on-one meetings
with individual team members, aimed at opening communications, reducing
barriers, and getting to know employees' strengths and aspirations.
With these connections and understanding, I can offer support as my
employees tackle challenges, and I can target professional development
opportunities where they will have the greatest impact. Trust also
creates space for empowerment and an atmosphere of candor, generally
allowing me to recognize and address performance or personnel issues
early, when they are easier to solve with simple course corrections. I
teach my supervisors and team leaders this model and hold them
accountable for building the same trust-based atmosphere with their
direct reports.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private. If confirmed, I would treat
all colleagues with respect and civility, as I have done throughout my
professional career.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Over the last several years, I have had the honor of being
involved in the selection of the DCMs and Principal Officers chosen to
serve across the Western Hemisphere. These men and women bring a wealth
of experience and talents to these leadership jobs. If confirmed, my
leadership relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) would be
close, collegial, and collaborative, based on trust and continuous
communication. As a one-time DCM myself, I valued the Ambassador's
trust and the benefit of his experience in my own professional
development. With respect to my DCM, I hope to work closely to
understand her strengths and then divide up responsibilities with an
eye to preparing her to lead her own Mission as an Ambassador in the
not-too-distant future.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Embassy Managua will be blessed to have a DCM with deep
previous experience in operations and talent management, as well as
significant time as Acting DCM in two previous postings. If confirmed,
I currently envision my DCM taking the lead in the day-to-day
management of the Mission, but I also hope to keep her involved in
policy-making decisions. She is a gifted diplomat, and in my absence, I
want her to be prepared and empowered to run the Mission (and run her
own Embassy in the future).
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe it is critical to provide employees with
accurate, constructive, and timely feedback on their performance,
including but beyond the EER process. This empowers employees to take
action in areas in which they need to develop and to continue practices
at which they excel. Professional development, along with recognizing
and rewarding employee successes, also contributes to morale and
retention efforts.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers. If confirmed, I would adopt this approach with
those I supervise and set this expectation for all managers throughout
the Embassy.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Nicaragua. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. U.S. diplomats in Nicaragua actively engage with actors
across Nicaraguan society and with international partners to advance
U.S. priorities in Nicaragua. They face unique challenges given the
Ortega-Murillo regime's rapid closure of civic space, repression of any
dissenting voices, and surveillance and harassment of key civil society
activists and political and business leaders. The Embassy must balance
the benefits of in-person meetings with contacts and the risks such
meetings pose to the contacts themselves. But our officers have found
ways to overcome these challenges to maintain key relationships and
keep their fingers on the pulse of the country.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support Embassy staff in their
efforts to access all local populations in ways that do not pose a
threat to the Nicaraguans with whom they are in contact. I would
encourage my staff to communicate with Nicaraguan contacts who still
reside in the country as well as those in exile, and to find creative
ways to build contact bases.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Nicaragua?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Nicaragua presents a
significant challenge to our Mission, given the regime continues to
close the few remaining democratic spaces. Nicaragua's Foreign Agents
Law limits regular foreign assistance funding to local civil society
organizations. The Nicaraguan regime closed more than 1,000 NGOs in
2022 alone, which includes some of our implementing partners on the
ground. Despite these challenges, U.S. Embassy Managua manages robust
public diplomacy efforts to maintain engagement with the Nicaraguan
public, build strong relationships with civil society, and support the
Nicaraguan people through active English language programs, support for
independent journalists, and professional exchange programs.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. U.S. diplomats in Nicaragua face challenges in combatting
Ortega-Murillo regime disinformation. The Ortega-Murillo regime
attempts to consolidate its control over Nicaraguan media and civil
society by imprisoning journalists, forcing them into exile, and
shutting down most of the independent media outlets. In 2020, the
Nicaraguan regime passed a Foreign Agents Act, sometimes referred to as
``Putin's Law,'' which actively prevents local civil society from
receiving foreign assistance, a standard and critical role of Public
Affairs Sections in the field. Finally, harassment of U.S. exchange
program participants continues. Participants risk bullying at the
airport and even confiscation of their passports.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Through constant discussion and collaboration, we speak
with a unified voice across all levels of the Department--from
Washington to the field. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate in
support of human rights, democracy, and those who courageously work to
protect and defend these principles. The Embassy makes great efforts to
protect the identity and wellbeing of the victims of human rights
abuses, as well as to preserve the ability to continue its work to
promote human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Department also
coordinates closely with Embassy Managua to ensure unified messages
that advance U.S. public diplomacy goals in Nicaragua.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the well-being and
security of the people who work with me. The interagency community
continues its examination of a range of hypotheses. Secretary Blinken
has prioritized the Department's response to AHIs, setting clear goals
for the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the
Department's communication with its workforce and providing care for
affected employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Managua personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people working at U.S. Embassy Managua
and commit to regularly talking as openly as possible to Mission
personnel.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
hugo f.rodriguez, jr. by senator risch
Question. In November, the Ortega regime lifted visa
requirements for Cuban nationals, in what appears to be an
effort to weaponize illegal migration into the United States.
In your opinion, do such measures present a national security
risk for the United States?
Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about increased
irregular Cuban migration via Nicaragua following the Ortega-
Murillo regime's elimination of visa requirements for Cuban
citizens. We have seen a dramatic increase in the numbers of
Cuban irregular migrants crossing the border from Nicaragua to
Honduras with the intention of continuing to and irregularly
entering the United States. This land route is a dangerous path
for migrants seeking a better life. Irregular migration and
forced exile put migrants in dire humanitarian situations and
affect our entire hemisphere. The United States and the broader
region all share an interest in sustainable solutions that
humanely reduce irregular migration and forced exile in, from,
and through the region.
Question. Is it in the interest of the United States for
Nicaragua to continue to receive benefits under the Dominican
Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement?
Please explain.
Answer. The CAFTA-DR remains critical to creating a stable
economic environment in Central America and opportunities for
the people of the region. The Nicaraguan people have endured
significant hardships under Ortega and Murillo, including
deteriorating economic and social conditions since the regime
began its crackdown in April 2018. In light of the dramatic
deterioration of respect for democratic principles in
Nicaragua, the United States has taken a number of actions,
including withholding support for Nicaraguan government
participation in trade capacity-building and technical
assistance initiatives and not allocating Nicaragua a sugar
tariff-rate quota for 2023. If confirmed, I would support
efforts to review the implications of Nicaragua's continued
participation in CAFTA-DR.
Question. If confirmed, would you support a detailed
investigation of the assets and holdings of the Nicaraguan
Armed Forces in the United States and consider appropriate
actions to hold it accountable for gross violations of human
rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support a detailed
investigation of the assets and holdings of the Nicaraguan
Armed Forces in the United States, consistent with applicable
law. The United States has already taken steps to promote
accountability for the Nicaraguan Armed Forces' role in the
Ortega-Murillo regime's repression, imposing sanctions on key
members of the Nicaraguan military. On January 10, the U.S.
Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control
(OFAC) designated six individuals pursuant to Executive Order
13851, three of whom are associated with the Nicaraguan Army
and the Military Social Welfare Institute (IPSM), the
Nicaraguan Army's public investment fund. OFAC's press release
accompanying these sanctions recognized that the Nicaraguan
Army not only refused to order the dismantling of paramilitary
or ``parapolice'' forces during and after political uprisings,
but the military also provided weapons to the parapolice who
carried out numerous acts of violence against the Nicaraguan
people.
Question. If confirmed, would you support using the tools
available under Section 5 of the Nicaragua Human Rights and
Anticorruption Act of 2018 (NHRAA) and Executive Order 13851 to
target Ortega's Ministry of Governance (Ministerio de
Gobernacion) and the National Penitentiary System as
institutions directly involved in violations of
internationally-recognized human rights in Nicaragua?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support using the diplomatic
and economic tools at our disposal to promote accountability
for the Ortega-Murillo regime's repression and human rights
abuses. I would work with the embassy team, staff in
Washington, and interagency colleagues to consider the
appropriateness of applying the tools in the law formerly known
as the Nicaragua Human Rights and Anticorruption Act of 2018
and Executive Order 13851 to the abuses of the Ministry of
Governance and the National Penitentiary System.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Candace A. Bond by Senator James E. Risch
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report,
Trinidad and Tobago are noted for human rights issues of unlawful
killings, refoulement of refugees, corruption, and human trafficking.
The Government took steps to identify, investigate, and prosecute these
abuses but the persistence of open-ended investigations and the slow
pace of the justice system left impunity to be an issue.
What is your assessment of the persistence of these violations?
Answer. My understanding is that the Government of Trinidad and
Tobago (GoTT) has yet to convict a single individual under its 2011
anti-trafficking law. Corruption and official complicity in trafficking
crimes remain significant concerns, inhibiting law enforcement action.
Courts are deeply backlogged, often taking five to 10 years to resolve
cases, including trafficking cases, despite adopting justice system
reforms in 2019 to address the problem. The judiciary's broad
discretion and inconsistency in granting bail, as well as reports of
fraud and corruption within the bail process, engender concomitant
recidivism, victim re-traumatization, and a perception of impunity.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take with host
government to address these issues and help the Government become more
efficient in investigations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the GoTT to undertake
concrete steps to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of
investigations to ensure accountability for human trafficking and other
related human rights issues. With regard to human trafficking, these
include efforts to: investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers,
including complicit officials and staff; ensure victims are not
penalized for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them to commit;
strengthen rules and regulations to ensure immigration enforcement does
not hinder human trafficking detection, criminal law enforcement, or
victim protections; ensure trafficking is investigated and prosecuted
to the fullest extent of the law; provide adequate funding for robust
trafficking investigations and victim services; train law enforcement
and prosecutors in proactively identifying, obtaining, preserving, and
corroborating evidence of trafficking; and improve cooperation between
the Counter Trafficking Unit , prosecutors, the judiciary, and NGOs to
increase the number of cases that proceed to trial. If confirmed, I
will also explore programmatic responses to assist the GoTT in
improving efficiency in investigations such as through the Caribbean
Basin Security Initiative (CBSI).
Question. In regards to refugees, many international agencies
expressed alarm at the response to Venezuelan refugees. How could you
work with the Trinidad Government to improve the standards of treatment
for refugees?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the GoTT to prosecute human
traffickers, and provide regularization and documentation of Venezuelan
refugees and migrants living in the country so they may access their
basic rights and services and reduce their vulnerability to human
trafficking. I will underscore the importance of humane treatment of
migrants and refugees, in line with international protection standards.
I will work with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to promote
greater security cooperation and training opportunities for their Coast
Guard and other border security agencies.
Finally, if confirmed, I will encourage the GoTT to regularly
screen this population for human trafficking indicators and refer
identified victims for adequate services.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, Trinidad and Tobago remained on the Tier 2 watch list for not
fully meeting the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking,
but is making significant efforts to do so. The Government has not
convicted a trafficker under its 2011 anti-trafficking law, corruption
and official complicity remain concerning in inhibiting law enforcement
action, and victim identification services have been weak.
If confirmed, how could you work with the host government to stymie
corruption and support law enforcement to take action against
traffickers?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Trinidad
and Tobago to increase efforts to investigate, prosecute, and convict
traffickers--including complicit officials and staff--and ensure
trafficking is investigated and prosecuted using the anti-trafficking
law and not as other or lesser crimes.
Question. What steps would you take to encourage the host
government to improve victim identification procedures and services?
Answer. As noted in the 2022 TIP Report, victim identification and
services in Trinidad and Tobago remains weak. If confirmed, I will
encourage the Government to: increase proactive victim identification,
screening, and protection among vulnerable communities, including
migrants, asylum-seekers, and refugees, especially Venezuelans; ensure
victims are not penalized for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them
to commit; strengthen rules and regulations to ensure immigration
enforcement does not hinder human trafficking detection, criminal law
enforcement, or victim protections; implement a formalized protocol and
a functioning and active coordinating committee for victim care;
improve the quality of victim care--especially for children--and
increase bilingual services; approve, fund, and implement the anti-
trafficking NAP for 2021-2023; and provide adequate funding for robust
trafficking investigations and victim services, including
accommodations; and increase trauma-informed training on trafficking
for NGO, shelter, social services, and law enforcement staff to improve
their ability to identify and care for potential trafficking victims.
Question. The Government did not formally adopt a National Action
Plan for 2021-2023, if confirmed, how could you urge the Government to
adopt a NAP?
Answer. National Action Plans are an important component of the
fight against human trafficking. If confirmed, I will encourage the
Government to approve, fund, and implement the anti-trafficking NAP for
2021-2023.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Trinidad's constitution provides for freedom of
conscience and religious belief or practice. US officials have engaged
the Government on the importance of religious freedom and tolerance and
funded programs in support of interfaith communication and cooperation.
What is your assessment of these efforts?
Answer. Trinidad and Tobago is a stable multi-cultural and multi-
religious democracy. The U.S. Embassy in Trinidad and Tobago works to
advance religious freedom and tolerance for religious diversity through
engagement with multi-faith communities, individual faith leaders, and
religious groups. This work helps strengthen interfaith understanding
of religious freedom and ensures that citizens continue to coexist
peacefully as they have since Trinidad and Tobago's independence. If
confirmed, I will stand by the Trinbagonian peoples' right to freedom
of religion or belief and ensure the Embassy continues to work to
address issues related to the discrimination of religious minorities
and other disenfranchised communities.
Question. If confirmed, how could you build upon these engagements
and programs to continue to improve the standing of religious freedom
and tolerance in the country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Embassy team, the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom (IRF), and
other stakeholders to ensure robust engagement with all faith
communities and credible inter-faith groups to advance religious
freedom and tolerance. Proper monitoring and evaluation of existing
programs will guide needed adjustments or changes to existing
programming.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Trinidad Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the State Department's
Bureau for International Organizations to identify qualified candidates
for the program by engaging civil society organizations and government
officers on issues of great importance in Trinidad and Tobago,
including but not limited to human rights, climate change, and drugs
and crime.
Question. Trinidad and Tobago has a low rate of voting coincidence
with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. In 2020, Trinidad and Tobago had a 24 percent voting
coincidence with the United States, reflecting the views of many
Caribbean Community (CARICOM) member states, which tend to vote as a
block. If confirmed, I will engage the highest level of the GoTT to
explain U.S. multilateral positions and strive to improve voting
coincidence, better reflecting our shared values.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Trinidad Government on anticipated votes in the U.N.
system that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Government on shared values
and interests to try to seek alignment in the U.N. system. I will lobby
the GoTT regularly in advance of critical votes and work to ensure
coordination in the U.N. and other multilateral fora.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Port of
Spain?
Answer. I understand that COVID-19 has caused considerable stress
for U.S. Embassy personnel--both Americans and locally employed staff,
and their families. In many instances, the pandemic has exacerbated
preexisting challenges such as staffing shortages. COVID-19 continues
to pose significant concerns for U.S. Embassy staff and their families
as less than 52 percent of Trinidad and Tobago's population is fully
vaccinated and the country is dealing with new variants that increase
susceptibility to the pandemic. Notwithstanding these challenges, I
understand that Embassy staff continue to work diligently to advance
U.S. foreign policy goals. If confirmed, I will make taking care of our
employees my first priority, while ensuring they have the necessary
resources and support to efficiently and effectively perform their
jobs.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Port of
Spain?
Answer. If confirmed, I will improve morale at U.S. Embassy Port of
Spain by implementing a collaborative leadership approach in which I
actively listen to the views and analyses of my staff on foreign policy
and workplace issues, provide training to all employees on cross-
cultural communication and leadership, and engage the Government of
Trinidad and Tobago to advance progress on issues that most affect
employee morale, such as timely receipt of value added tax
reimbursements and the establishment of a diplomatic post office.
One of my priorities will be to finalize the process to start
construction on a new embassy compound (NEC). U.S. Mission Port of
Spain has one of the oldest embassies in the region as it was built and
opened in the 1960s. A NEC would significantly improve staff morale. If
confirmed, I will work diligently to ensure that vacant positions in
the Embassy are filled, and our staffing reflects our bilateral
priorities. I will also continue to advocate with the Government of
Trinidad and Tobago to accredit same-sex spouses of U.S. diplomats and
administrative and technical staff to ensure the Embassy is able to
attract the best and brightest U.S. Government employees who are
currently excluded from serving in Trinidad and Tobago with their
families.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Port of Spain?
Answer. The morale, well-being, and safety of all mission employees
will be one of my top priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed. I intend
to create a unified mission and vision for U.S. Embassy Port of Spain
by clearly and consistently articulating the priority U.S. foreign
policy goals that our post will work diligently to accomplish, empower
my staff to lead and take ownership of accomplishing those goals,
frequently review our progress in advancing U.S. foreign policy goals
in Trinidad and Tobago, and when necessary, amend and modify our
strategies and tactics to ensure we implement innovative, coherent, and
sensible approaches commensurate with Embassy resources to achieve U.S.
foreign policy goals.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as consultative with
open communication. I believe good leadership is rooted in
collaboration and I am committed to the ongoing development of my
staff. If confirmed, I will seek to identify what motivates each
employee so as to identify their strengths and weaknesses and help them
to become better professionals.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate a
subordinate, in public or in private. I believe such conduct is
antithetical to creating a positive and productive workplace.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will implement and sustain a collaborative
leadership relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). I will
ensure that I work closely with my DCM to explain and share my vision
with staff to advance U.S. foreign policy goals, maintain strong
workplace morale, and provide the necessary resources and support so
that our employees efficiently and effectively perform their jobs. The
key to the close, collaborative leadership relationship that I will
sustain with my DCM, if confirmed, will be constant and consistent
communication. I will hold regular and frequent meetings to make sure
the DCM understands my vision and goals, and we articulate and execute
our leadership and management of the embassy based on the values of a
united, collaborative, one-mission/one-team effort.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM) to be responsible for managing the daily operations of the
embassy, while I serve as the U.S. Government's lead interlocutor with
the people and Government of Trinidad and Tobago to advance U.S.
foreign policy and public diplomacy goals. I will clearly articulate my
leadership and management vision and goals for the embassy to the DCM
and she/he will make sure to execute them in close collaboration with
the managers of sections and U.S. interagency offices working in
Trinidad and Tobago. Throughout my professional career, I have
maintained an open-door policy with my staff. I will continue to do so
with the DCM and Embassy employees. Finally, if confirmed, I will
consistently remind the DCM that taking care of our employees should
always be our first priority, while ensuring they have the necessary
resources and support to efficiently and effectively perform their
jobs.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe it is important to provide all employees
with accurate and constructive feedback. It is essential to their
professional development, and I am committed to making that a hallmark
of my service in Trinidad and Tobago, if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I believe clear, accurate, and direct feedback is
essential to the management of all employees. I want to ensure everyone
on our team is contributing to our success. That is only possible if
everyone receives the feedback they require.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Trinidad and Tobago.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I understand U.S. diplomats meet contacts outside the
embassy and assess local conditions despite the difficulties associated
with the pandemic. If confirmed, I will encourage Embassy staff to
continue to get beyond the walls as often as we can, within the bounds
of safety.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to get out as much as possible, to
share U.S. views and listen to concerns, and to highlight the great
programs that the U.S. Government is conducting in Trinidad and Tobago.
If confirmed, I will encourage embassy staff to interact with local
populations from all walks of life.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Trinidad and Tobago?
Answer. The law of Trinidad and Tobago provides for a high degree
of freedom of expression, including for members of the press and other
media. An independent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning
democratic political system combine to promote freedom of expression,
including for members of the media. Advertising supports the news
outlets in Trinidad and Tobago, and, with the exception of Trinidad and
Tobago Television (TTT), all claim to be politically independent. TTT
Limited is a state-owned enterprise launched in August 2018 by Prime
Minister Dr. Keith Rowley. Trinbagonians enjoy a high degree of
literacy and the public regularly engages in robust political debate.
The Embassy maintains a social media presence on Facebook, Twitter, and
Instagram, with content on each tailored to specific audiences that
follow each platform.
The Embassy provides grants to NGOs in support of the Mission's
Integrated Country Strategy (ICS) goals, including to support
education, at-risk youth, marginalized populations, and persons with
disabilities. The Embassy's Public Affairs Section encourages
Trinbagonian students to pursue higher education in the United States
through EducationUSA and an American Center that offers resources for
standardized testing, college selection, and pursuing scholarships.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The local press is free but tends to favor sensational
journalism. Journalists are sometimes sloppy in pursuit of being the
first to write a story. This makes it more challenging for the U.S.
Embassy to control its narrative in the press as journalists
occasionally misquote or misrepresent the United States' position.
However, the United States and the bilateral relationship enjoy a high
degree of attention among Trinbagonians and the media, and many U.S.
policies receive positive press coverage. In addition, combatting the
misinformation campaign currently undertaken by the PRC remains an
issue of paramount importance.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I understand the State Department's bureaus and overseas
missions work hand-in-hand on public diplomacy. In doing so, they
create messaging about key policy priorities that resonate with the
local audience and design educational and cultural programs that
further U.S. goals of economic growth, respect for human rights,
strengthening civil society, protecting the environment, and embracing
diversity.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who will work with me.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Port of Spain personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to speaking as openly as
possible to mission personnel and working with health and security
officials as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate
protocols and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans
and local staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Candace A. Bond by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. It should be clear to everyone in this administration
that the Chinese Communist Party is the most comprehensive military,
economic and political threat our nation faces today. Right now, in
Latin America and the Caribbean, it is working to undermine our
interests and our allies, whether that's by supplying the fentanyl
smuggled across our open border or assisting dictators that continue to
drive people to emigrate to the U.S.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Certain People's Republic of China (PRC) and Chinese
Communist Party activities represent a threat to U.S. interests in the
region, particularly in terms of investments in critical infrastructure
and sensitive sectors such as transportation facilities and
telecommunication projects.
As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, the United States must invest,
align, and compete with the PRC to defend our interests and build our
vision for the future. If confirmed, I will invest in our partnership
with Trinidad and Tobago, highlight the risks associated with PRC
engagement that could impact Trinidad and Tobago's security and
sovereignty and U.S. interests, and ensure that our vision of a
positive partnership and regional security and prosperity competes
successfully with the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to stop the expansion of
the CCP's influence in Trinidad and Tobago?
Answer. Trinidad and Tobago exports seven times more to the United
States than China. In addition to our significant trade relationship,
Trinidad and Tobago cooperates bilaterally with the United States on
counter-narcotics trafficking, by way of intelligence sharing of
origin, transit, and destination information. These are the strong
foundations on which our bilateral relationship is built. If confirmed,
I will continue to encourage bilateral cooperation on trade and drug
trafficking and will continue to promote shared democratic values.
Question. Crime is one of the major problems facing Trinidad and
Tobago. Last year, the homicide rate in Trinidad and Tobago was the 4th
highest in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the homicide rate
actually increased by 12 percent last year. If we truly want to help
the people of Trinidad and Tobago deal with the scourge of violent
crime, we need a U.S. Ambassador that fully committed to commonsense
solutions.
Do you now, or have you ever, supported the Defund the Police
movement?
Answer. No. I share your concern regarding rising violence and
insecurity in Trinidad and Tobago. If confirmed, I will work to
strengthen the partnership between the United States and the Trinidad
and Tobago Police Service through the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative (CBSI). Strengthening law enforcement and the justice
system, through activities like incorporating forensic evidence and
case management, remains crucial to Trinidad and Tobago's ability to
interdict narcotics and manage evidence to prosecute crimes, which
supports U.S. national interests.
Question. Do you believe Trinidad and Tobago's crime rates can be
solved with less police and less law enforcement assistance from the
United States?
Answer. No. Through CBSI, the United States provides critical
support to Trinidad and Tobago to fight corruption and strengthen
police services screening. Technical assistance from the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL), in addition to
critical support from the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the
Department of Defense, help disrupt the flow of narcotics to the United
States and have resulted in the seizure of large amounts of illicit
narcotics, especially cocaine. Combined with INL's community policing
efforts, and the recent deployment of U.S. Alcohol, Tobacco, and
Firearms (ATF) personnel to T&T, our assistance is making a decisive
difference in helping combat crime in Trinidad and Tobago.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support Trinidadian
efforts to counter violent crime?
Answer. In addition to the aforementioned CBSI programming, I
understand that the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID) implements essential programming to assist at-risk youth and
reforming the juvenile justice in Trinidad and Tobago as part of CBSI.
If confirmed, I will continue to support CBSI assistance, and work to
expand this programming.
Question. Due to its location just off the coast of Venezuela,
Trinidad and Tobago are one of the few countries that did not break
relations with the despotic regime of Nicolas Maduro. Some of this is
practical--there are issues that Trinidad and Tobago simply have to
work with Maduro on, like a shared maritime border--but the Rowley
Government has called for lifting sanctions and joint development of
oil and gas with the regime.
Is it still the policy of the U.S. Government not to recognize
Nicolas Maduro as the President of Venezuela?
Answer. The United States continues to recognize Juan Guaid? as
Interim President and the 2015 National Assembly as the last national
democratic institution in Venezuela.
Question. Is it still the policy of the United States to hold
Maduro accountable for his crimes against the people of Venezuela?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support holding accountable actors
that engage in corruption, violate U.S. laws, or abuse human rights in
connection with Venezuela. Free and fair elections are paramount to
stability in the region.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Trinidad and
Tobago to align with the U.S. stance towards Nicolas Maduro?
Answer. The United States will continue to work with the
international community to promote substantive, credible advancements
to restore democratic processes and institutions in Venezuela. If
confirmed, I will work with Trinidad and Tobago to continue seeking
opportunities to engage in spaces that focus on improving the lives of
Venezuelans.
Question. Trinidad and Tobago is currently struggling to revitalize
its economy as it emerges from the COVID-19 pandemic. You ended your
written testimony by ``pledging to dedicate your skills and energy to
strengthen our diplomatic and economic ties to Trinidad and Tobago,
advance U.S. interests in the world and to promote American democratic
values.'' Many Trinidadians reside in New York and Florida and have
links to families back home. If confirmed, what's your message to these
Trinidadian-Americans?
Answer. The Department of State has no greater priority than the
protection of the lives and interests of U.S. citizens abroad. My
message to Trinbagonian-Americans is that I value the deep and
extensive cultural and familial ties between the United States and the
twin islands. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage participation
for Trinidad and Tobago's civil society, government, and military
leaders in Department of State-sponsored professional development
exchanges to share best practices and build closer ties with U.S.
counterparts and institutions. I will also advocate on behalf of
American businesses, including those with linkages to the diaspora, to
compete for opportunities in Trinidad and Tobago.
Question. How will you strengthen our existing relations with
Trinidad and Tobago?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to increase public-private
partnerships and investment in Trinidad and Tobago. A strong economic
relationship is a hallmark of strong relations, and I will encourage
U.S. investment. If confirmed, I will also seek to strengthen
institutions and policies that help us achieve common goals of economic
and political partnerships.
Question. What is Trinidad and Tobago's post-recovery plan?
Answer. Trinidad and Tobago experienced record numbers of new
infections and deaths in 2021 and declining economic activity due to
public health restrictions and global conditions during the COVID-19
pandemic. Trinidad and Tobago's Ministry of Planning and Development
created the ``Roadmap for Trinidad and Tobago Post-COVID-19 Pandemic,''
which defines priority actions to address and mitigate the pandemic's
economic impact, restart the economy, and lay a foundation for
sustained economic recovery. While the Government continues to
implement these recommendations, current record global energy prices
indicate Trinidad and Tobago should experience economic growth in 2022
for the first time since 2015.
Question. How has the United States assisted in this recovery?
Answer. The United States donated nearly 685,000 doses of the
Pfizer vaccine to Trinidad and Tobago. The United States also donated
field hospitals, ventilators, and other medical supplies. The United
States remains Trinidad and Tobago's top trading partner and number one
destination for its energy exports, which generates most of the
country's export revenue. U.S. private sector technology, services, and
machinery power Trinidad and Tobago's industrial base.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Heide B. Fulton by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report,
Uruguay was noted for having harsh and potentially life-threatening
conditions in its prison and detention facilities across the country.
Despite that, the Government has taken steps to identify and punish
officials who commit human rights abuses, and there were no reports of
impunity.
What is your assessment of the effectiveness of these efforts by
the Government?
Answer. Uruguay enjoys an overall positive human rights record and
has a strong international reputation as a leader on international law
and democracy. The country has an independent press, an effective
judiciary, low levels of corruption, and a functioning democratic
political system. Uruguay established the National Institution for
Human Rights (INDDHH) in 2008 to defend, protect, and promote human
rights.
The Human Rights Report identifies prison conditions as an area of
concern, with approximately one-third of Uruguay's prison facilities
considered substandard, and the overall prison population high and
growing. The Government of Uruguay recognizes the improvements needed
in prisons and detention facilities and is taking steps to build new
prisons and renovate existing facilities. Uruguay has a special
rapporteur on the prison system, who advises parliament on compliance
with prison legislation and international standards, monitors prison
conditions, and provides in-depth, independent analysis of the prison
situation. Embassy Montevideo works closely with that rapporteur and
entities throughout the Government to support their efforts to improve
prison conditions. In July, a group of officials traveled to the United
States to learn from U.S. prison reform experiences. Uruguay's strong
institutions, efficient and independent justice system, and low levels
of corruption help prevent impunity for human rights violations within
prisons.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take with the host
government to address the conditions in prison facilities?
Answer. The State Department has engaged with the Government and
parliament on prison reform, including a program over the past two
years to connect Uruguayan officials with experts in the United States
for virtual exchanges on justice issues, including prison reform. If
confirmed, I look forward to bringing my experience as the Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Programs in the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs to
further our work on this important issue. If confirmed, I will also
support the ongoing efforts to support the Government of Uruguay's
efforts to improve prison conditions and outcomes and will raise this
issue in my interactions with Uruguayan Government officials.
Question. How could you work with the Government to continue to
build on and improve the country's human rights record?
Answer. If confirmed, I will look for ways to address the issues
raised in the Human Rights Report, including prison conditions as well
as gender-based violence and discrimination against vulnerable groups
such as afro-descendants, persons with disabilities, women, and the
LGBTQI+ population. Uruguay has a historically strong, democratic
governance structure and a positive record of upholding political
rights and civil liberties, and our work on these issues are respectful
exchanges between two countries striving to perfect the promise of
democracy and rule of law for their entire populations. Embassy
Montevideo also engages frequently with civil society organizations on
a broad range of issues, especially human rights. If confirmed, I will
work to support those civil society organizations working on human
rights, including through exchanges with the United States. Given
Uruguay's strong human rights record, if confirmed I will also
encourage Uruguay to serve as a model in the hemisphere and to share
its experiences with other countries in the region.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, Uruguay remained a Tier 2 country for not fully meeting the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, but is making
significant efforts to do so. However, the Government has failed to
provide adequate victim services or consistent access to shelters, law
enforcement did not proactively and systematically identify victims,
and the country's National Action Plan expired without replacement.
If confirmed, how could you encourage the host government to
improve upon victim services and access to shelters?
Answer. Uruguay remains a source, transit, and destination country
for men, women, and children subjected to forced labor and sex
trafficking. Uruguay has been designated as a Tier 2 country in the
Trafficking in Persons Report since 2015. Civil society organizations
have expressed concern about the suitability of the facilities where
the Government of Uruguay lodges trafficking victims and reported
challenges finding shelter for some trafficking victims. If confirmed,
I and my team will engage with Uruguayan officials to encourage the
Government to make provision for adequate shelter and services,
including daytime programming, whether directly or through partnerships
with civil society organizations.
Question. What steps would you take to help enhance law
enforcement's ability to identify victims?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage the Government of
Uruguay on victims' identification, prosecution of perpetrators, and
comprehensive victims' assistance. In my interactions with government
officials, if confirmed, I will highlight the recommendations from the
Trafficking in Persons report, including increased efforts to identify
victims of forced labor and sex trafficking; proactive screening to
detect trafficking indicators among vulnerable populations; providing
specialized services and shelter for all victims; and increasing
training for law enforcement officials, labor inspectors, coast guard
officers, prosecutors, judges, and social workers to understand human
trafficking.
Question. How could you urge the Government to replace its expired
NAP?
Answer. The Government has not renewed or replaced its national
action plan to combat trafficking since its expiration at the end of
2020. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Montevideo's engagement
with Uruguayan officials to encourage the Government to approve and
implement a new national action plan to combat trafficking in persons.
The Embassy has promoted engagement between U.S. and Uruguayan
authorities that helped improve communication and understanding between
our governments on this issue, and if confirmed I will work to increase
these kinds of exchanges. If confirmed, I will also look for
opportunities to bring non-governmental experts from the United States
to Uruguay to increase awareness of TIP and share best practices among
government and civil society experts.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Uruguay's constitution provides for freedom of religion
and affirms the state does not endorse any specific religion. The
commitment to secularism has created some controversy between religious
and political leaders. US officials have engaged the Government on its
interpretation of secularism, and worked on creating a Uruguayan
Government counterpart for religious issues.
What is your assessment of these efforts?
Answer. Uruguay's strong human rights record and international
reputation as a leader on human rights also extends to religious
freedom. Uruguay's constitution provides for religious freedom and
discrimination based on religion is prohibited. The International
Religious Freedom report for Uruguay raises some issues around the
interpretation of secularism, however, as some religious groups said
government authorities sometimes interpreted secularism as the absence
of religion, rather than as the coexistence of multiple religions and
the independence of religion from the state. Religious organizations
also encourage the establishment of more channels of communication with
the Government to discuss issues related to religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, how could you work with political and
religious leaders to increase cooperation amongst the groups?
Answer. Embassy Montevideo has taken important steps to bring
together a range of religious leaders, as well as academics, lawyers,
and human rights experts, to discuss interfaith collaboration and to
hear concerns about faith-related issues. These conversations help
bring attention to the importance of religious coexistence and
interfaith dialogue in Uruguay, and if confirmed I will continue these
dialogues.
Question. What steps could you take to help the country establish a
governmental counterpart to take responsibility of religious issues?
Answer. Embassy Montevideo officials have raised with government
officials the issues highlighted in the International Religious Freedom
report, including the Government's interpretation of secularism, and
establishing a government counterpart for religious issues, and
encouraged government representatives to engage in dialogue with
religious groups. If confirmed, I will continue to raise these issues
in my conversations with government officials to reinforce their
importance.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Uruguayan Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, I commit to demarching the Uruguayan Government to
encourage support for Ms. Bogdan's candidacy, if confirmed. Secretary
Blinken publicly endorsed Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy in March 2021.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bureau of International
Organization Affairs to support Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy and
encourage Uruguay to vote for her for ITU Secretary-General, as well as
the candidacies of other U.S. candidates endorsed by the Department to
fill critical positions at the U.N. and its specialized bodies. Embassy
Montevideo has engaged Government of Uruguay counterparts in support of
Ms. Bogdan-Martin, including both demarches and facilitating
conversations with the candidate, and if confirmed I will continue that
engagement as the vote approaches.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. I am committed to increasing the representation of
independent, qualified U.S. citizens in international organizations. If
confirmed, I will work actively with the IO bureau and other
stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and installing more
U.S. officials in positions at the U.N., including Junior Professional
Officer (JPO) positions.
Question. Uruguay has a low rate of voting coincidence with the
U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Uruguay is a respected member of many international
organizations and cooperates with the United States on issues such as
strengthening international peacekeeping and promoting human rights.
Uruguay strongly believes in multilateralism and dialogue to achieve
international peace and security and is among the world's top troop
contributing countries to U.N. peacekeeping operations per capita and
is the top in Latin America.
Uruguay has a lower voting coincidence with the United States in
the U.N. General Assembly than the global average, similar to the
voting coincidence of other countries in Latin America. In 2020,
however, Uruguay's voting coincidence rose significantly and was above
the region's average. Uruguay has voted repeatedly to condemn Russia's
invasion of Ukraine and voted to suspend Russia from the U.N. Human
Rights Council. If confirmed, I will work to build on this positive
trend and further align our positions in the U.N. and other
multilateral bodies.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Uruguayan Government on anticipated votes in the U.N.
system that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strive for early, consistent, and
high-level engagement with Government of Uruguay officials on critical
votes in U.N. bodies, to convey the U.S. position and encourage
alignment with Uruguay.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Montevideo?
Answer. Like all our missions around the world, Embassy Montevideo
faced challenges in 2020 and 2021 in responding to the COVID-19
pandemic. Through its policy of ``responsible liberty,'' the Government
of Uruguay did not impose the strict lockdowns seen in other countries
and was largely successful in navigating the pandemic. I understand
that Embassy morale has been resilient through these challenges and
remains strong.
I understand that Embassy Montevideo has been undergoing a major
renovation since 2018 that has had an impact on morale. Embassy
employees were not relocated to a new work site and are working in the
Chancery during the continued construction, leading to loud noise,
odors, dust, and other construction-related issues for staff.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Montevideo?
Answer. If confirmed, I will solicit feedback from Embassy
Montevideo personnel directly on factors that are having an impact on
morale and take steps to address them. I also plan, if confirmed, to
hold town hall forums and one-on-one meetings to listen to and engage
with our employees, including our Locally Employed Staff. If confirmed,
I look forward to building on the work of my predecessors to celebrate
and reward the accomplishments of our Embassy Montevideo team and to
support and strengthen the important work of our Community Liaison
Office.
Related to the rehabilitation project, if confirmed I will work
with the Overseas Building Operations and Diplomatic Security to
explore ways to minimize the impact on Embassy morale of the ongoing
construction work, including alternative work sites to allow work to
proceed free of the construction-related noise, odors, and dust.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Montevideo?
Answer. My leadership and management style are informed by my
formation as an Army officer. I believe in setting a clear direction in
our priorities, establishing left and right limits, and then providing
the resources my team needs to achieve our goals. I support this
approach through my style of frequent, open communication to ensure
understanding about the intent of our objectives and to work through
challenges as they arise. In my experience, clear direction, support,
and open communication forge strong teams.
I will also reinforce the integrated country strategy (ICS)
objectives for Embassy Montevideo, which incorporate the input of the
sections and agencies present in Uruguay, to align and unify our
objectives across the entire mission.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I take management seriously and carry out my management
style outlined above: set a clear direction, establish parameters, and
provide necessary resources, complemented by frequent, open
communication. If confirmed, I will treat all Embassy Montevideo team
members with respect and will help reinforce respectful workplace
culture.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either publicly or privately.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The relationship between the Chief of Mission and Deputy
Chief of Mission is the most important in the Mission, one that sets
the tenor for the work and ultimate success of the mission. If
confirmed, I would work closely with my DCM to ensure that together we
are articulating a clear vision and that we are effectively monitoring
and addressing challenges that our team faces, either internally or
externally.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate my DCM will function as the
chief operating officer of the Mission, charged with leading the
implementation of the vision that we have articulated in coordination
with Washington through the ICS and beyond. One of the most important
responsibilities of the DCM is the professional development and
mentorship of Embassy personnel, and if confirmed I will reaffirm the
importance of that work and actively engage in that process. If
confirmed, I will ask my DCM to lead a robust development program to
ensure our more junior team members have the tools and skills needed to
succeed and I would work closely with my DCM to support professional
development at all levels. If confirmed, I will also ask the DCM to
join me in strongly supporting the efforts of the Community Liaison
Office to maintain the well-being and morale of the embassy community,
including family members.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe that it is imperative to provide all
employees with accurate, constructive feedback in order to encourage
improvement and achieve peak performance. I view performance feedback
as a mechanism to enhance the functioning of the broader Mission, in
addition to supporting the personal growth, professional development,
and retention of our personnel. I also believe it is important to
recognize and celebrate the positive performance of team members who
succeed.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback at all levels, and would begin by
modeling this behavior.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Uruguay.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. As a Public Diplomacy-coned Foreign Service Officer with
experience in a range of public diplomacy positions around the world
throughout my career, I understand firsthand that U.S. diplomats abroad
are uniquely positioned to engage directly with representatives across
government and civil society to track and understand trends and
developments abroad. It is vital to engage directly with a range of
populations and hear a diverse range of voices, which requires a
dedicated commitment to engagement. If confirmed, I would seek to
support a robust outreach and travel schedule for myself and encourage
it from the full Embassy Montevideo team, while taking into account all
relevant health and security considerations. I understand that Embassy
Montevideo has been generally able to travel safely throughout Uruguay,
and if confirmed I will make it a priority to find ways for our team to
safely engage in outreach across the country and with a range of
interlocutors to support our objectives.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the fundamental
engagement and outreach aspect of our work, requiring us to adapt and
modernize. In addition to traditional in-person meetings and travel,
which have been ongoing in Uruguay since mid-2020, if confirmed, I will
leverage the new telecommunications technologies developed and adopted
during the pandemic to connect with new and wider audiences.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in the Uruguay?
Answer. Exchange programs such as Fulbright build connections
between our countries, especially future Uruguayan leaders who pursue
postgraduate study in the United States. In addition, professional
exchange programs play an important role in addressing issues related
to Uruguay's economic development, including promoting the value of
entrepreneurship among historically risk-averse Uruguayans.
Uruguayans have an affinity for the United States and are receptive
in general to U.S. points of view. In an October 2021 State Department-
led survey, Uruguayans expressed broadly positive views of the United
States and admiration for its economic power and strong educational
system. In explaining their positive views, Uruguayans pointed to the
United States' status as a world power, the benefit to Uruguay from
bilateral economic ties, family and friends living in the United
States, past U.S. help to Uruguay, the new U.S. administration or U.S.
democracy, and the high U.S. standard of living.
Uruguay has one of the oldest Fulbright Commissions in the region,
and the Uruguayan Government provides in-kind and monetary support
annually to support Fulbright and other exchange opportunities. There
are 39 American Spaces embedded in public spaces throughout the
country, which are supported by the Uruguayan Government. Programming
in these spaces reaches more than 15,000 individuals a year.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While public opinion of the United States is positive in
Uruguay, there is a strong tradition of anti-Americanism among some
leftist political groups. These groups are often enthusiastic to serve
as amplifiers of rival messaging, including that of non-democratic
states such as Cuba, Venezuela, Russia, and the People's Republic of
China (PRC).
In addition, the PRC continues efforts to increase its soft power
in Uruguay. The PRC Embassy in Uruguay is active, with significant
social media outreach by the ambassador and a robust media campaign
including paid advertising. As in other countries in the region, the
PRC has concluded numerous sister cities agreements and opened a
Confucius Institute.
Although fully free to operate under Uruguayan law, Uruguay's civil
society sector is less developed than other sectors of society. Civil
society organizations are frequently small and are often volunteer-led.
While this has created challenges for partnering with a diverse range
of well-established NGOs, it has also provided an opportunity for
partnership and capacity building in our public diplomacy efforts.
Uruguay's status as a high-income country also means there are limited
resources to provide direct assistance and support to Uruguay, a
restriction that other countries do not face and have taken advantage
of to bolster their soft power.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. As a Public Diplomacy-coned officer, I understand the
importance of coordinating a unified message. It is vital that the in-
country mission tailors the goals and messaging from Washington in a
way that reflects and references our many shared values with Uruguay.
The Embassy Montevideo Public Affairs team uses their expertise in the
media environment in Uruguay to convey U.S. policy objectives in a way
that maximizes the messaging impact with the Uruguayan public, ensuring
that our messaging is respectful of the historically strong bilateral
relationship. On the other hand, based on the topic and target
audience, some messages are more effective coming from Washington
voices. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in Washington
to craft effective messages and serve as an effective messenger to
further U.S. objectives.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who work with me, and I commit to taking the
threat of Anomalous Health Incidents (AHI) seriously. The interagency
community continues its examination of a range of hypotheses. Secretary
Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to AHI, setting clear
goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the
Department's communication with its workforce, and providing care for
affected employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Montevideo personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as
possible to Embassy Montevideo personnel about AHI, among other issues.
* * *
follow-up question submitted to
heide b. fulton by senator risch
Question. In your view, what steps can the United States take
to deepen law enforcement cooperation with Uruguay?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to applying the
expertise I have developed leading security cooperation in the
region as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere
Programs in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL). Uruguay has prioritized citizen
security and has taken steps to counter transnational criminal
organizations that are trying to make inroads across its
borders. If confirmed, preventing transnational organized crime
from using Uruguay as a bridge to transport drugs to Europe,
and the resulting violence in Uruguay, will be one of my
highest priorities. In response to Uruguay's recent requests
for capacity building, INL incorporated Uruguay in regional
programs that address our shared security priorities, such as
U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime's Container Control Program,
which established Uruguay's first inter-agency Port Control
Unit in Montevideo to address the increase in cocaine seizures
there in recent years. Additionally, we are including Uruguay
in regional anti-money laundering and cybercrime programs, to
strengthen Uruguay's capabilities to address these increasing
threats. At the same time, the Department of Defense has
increased military-military collaboration with Uruguay's armed
forces, including donations of badly needed patrol boats to the
Navy through the Excess Defense Articles program to support
increased patrols and interdiction efforts. With INL support,
DEA is cross-training Uruguayan officials with counterparts in
neighboring countries. DEA's Buenos Aires-based team spends a
good deal of time in Uruguay collaborating on counternarcotics
investigations. If confirmed, I will make the case for the DEA
to increase its resources dedicated to Uruguay.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Heide B. Fulton by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. It should be clear to everyone in this administration
that the Chinese Communist Party is the most comprehensive military,
economic and political threat our nation faces today. Right now, in
Latin America and the Caribbean, it is working to undermine our
interests and our allies, whether that's by supplying the fentanyl
smuggled across our open border or assisting dictators that continue to
drive people to emigrate to the U.S.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. Certain PRC
activities represent a challenge to U.S. interests in the region,
particularly investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive
sectors such as transportation facilities and telecommunication
projects. As Secretary Blinken noted, we will invest, align, and
compete with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for
the future. If confirmed, I will invest in our partnership with
Uruguay, highlight the risks associated with aspects of PRC engagement
that could impact Uruguay's security and sovereignty and U.S.
interests, and work to ensure that our vision of a positive bilateral
partnership in support of regional security and prosperity competes
successfully with the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to stop the expansion of
the CCP's influence in Uruguay?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead the effort to advance our
positive agenda for Uruguay, seeking out ways to remove impediments to
cooperation and to find new tools for deepening our support. If
confirmed, I will also work to ensure that we understand the People's
Republic of China's (PRC) initiatives and can effectively respond to
any threats to our interests. If confirmed, I will also raise concerns
about the potential long-term negative impact of risky PRC critical
infrastructure projects and investment.
In contrast to PRC economic entities, which have a limited presence
in Uruguay, U.S. companies represent some of the biggest sources of
foreign direct investment in Uruguay and have been for decades.
American farm machinery and biotechnology drive Uruguay's agricultural
industry, and if confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. companies are
well placed to take advantage of traditional and emerging
opportunities. If confirmed, I will also support high-quality
investment in infrastructure that meets international standards.
Question. Uruguay is a strong partner and supporter of democratic
values and human rights in our hemisphere. Uruguay has also denounced
the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a ``grave and unjustifiable
violation of international law.'' It has also supported the OAS
condemning the Maduro regime for its human rights violations. If
confirmed, will you continue to advocate for strong relations between
the United States and Uruguay in support of democracy and respect for
the rule of law?
Answer. I believe that Uruguay's strategic importance in the region
is clear, and that supporting Uruguay is and should be a priority for
the United States. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our
relationship. The United States and Uruguay have a strong and long-
standing relationship with over more than 150 years of uninterrupted
diplomatic ties. The strength of our historic relationship is based on
shared commitments to democracy, human rights, economic prosperity, the
rule of law, and security. Uruguay continues to serve as a global model
of democracy and has spoken out against autocratic leaders that
threaten freedom and democratic stability.
We have an important opportunity now to further strengthen our
extensive cooperation with Uruguay. I understand that we will launch
the first U.S.-Uruguay Annual Bilateral Inter-Ministerial Dialogue
later this year. Our governments will work together to identify time-
bound deliverables in areas of the bilateral relationship such as the
economy, climate, science and technology, democracy and human rights,
security, and education. If confirmed, I will use this new platform to
support Uruguay as a vital partner of the United States.
Question. In April, I wrote an op-ed making the case for why it is
important to continue to have closer relations with Uruguay in areas
such as trade, security, space, and counter-narcotics. I think it is
very important that we strengthen our bilateral relations with a
partner like Uruguay. If confirmed, what will be your main priorities
as Ambassador to Uruguay?
Answer. Trade, security and counter-narcotics, and space all
represent areas of potential additional bilateral cooperation. If
confirmed, I look forward to applying the expertise I have developed
leading security cooperation in the region as the Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Western Hemisphere Programs in the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL). Uruguay has
prioritized citizen security and has taken steps to combat
transnational criminal organizations that are trying to make inroads
across its borders. We are actively incorporating Uruguay into U.S.-
funded cross-training with neighboring countries in order to strengthen
our collective efforts to counter criminal networks. In response to
Uruguayan requests for capacity building, INL launched programs
tailored to Uruguay, including the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime's
Container Control Program, which enabled the establishment of Uruguay's
first inter-agency task force at the Port of Montevideo to address the
increase in cocaine seizures there in recent years. We are including
Uruguay in regional anti-money laundering and cybercrime programs, the
Department of Defense has increased its collaboration with their
military counterparts, and DEA is cross-training Uruguayan officials
with counterparts in neighboring countries. I understand that Uruguay
is in the early stages of building a national space program and a
satellite launch capability, and if confirmed, I will support
Department of Defense and State Department efforts to promote
international rules-based space cooperation and security.
Question. It is my understanding that Trade and Investment
Framework Agreement (TIFA) is under negotiation with Uruguay. What can
you tell me about the status of that agreement?
Answer. The United States has a robust and dynamic agenda in
Uruguay, including continuing to expand our strong trade relationship.
I understand the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) and the Uruguayan
Government are currently negotiating updates to modernize the Trade and
Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA). The updates promote sustainable
and inclusive trade policies that benefit the widest number of people,
and we are eager to see the negotiations successfully conclude. The
updates support competitiveness and economic recovery, specifically
focusing on the areas of trade facilitation, good regulatory practices,
anti-corruption, and digital trade. In his April 12 meeting with
Uruguay's Foreign Minister Bustillo in Washington, Secretary Blinken
called on the Government of Uruguay to use the final agreement on the
protocols to celebrate the U.S.-Uruguay trade relationship.
Question. What do you think that agreement should include
addressing both America's and Uruguay's priorities for our bilateral
trade?
Answer. I understand that at the most recent TIFA meeting, topics
for discussion included a decision to renegotiate the trade
facilitation protocol, as well as tax discussions, statements on
environmental issues such as illegal fishing and fishing subsidies,
forced labor, services, customs cooperation, and intellectual property,
especially geographical indications, and biotechnology. I believe that
updating the TIFA to include additional topics could bring benefits to
both the United States and Uruguay by increasing opportunities for U.S.
investors and small businesses, potentially bolstering our already
significant investment stock in Uruguay. If confirmed, I look forward
to working with the USTR and the Department of Commerce to help
successfully conclude the TIFA negotiations and further strengthen our
trade ties with Uruguay.
Question. Do you think this agreement will be sufficient to
dissuade Uruguay from negotiating a free trade agreement with China?
Answer. Uruguay will pursue relationships and partnerships in the
best interests of Uruguay, just as the United States does. The
administration of President Luis Lacalle Pou has sought to sign and
expand free trade agreements with many countries across the world,
including in Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. We want to be at the
table as a partner and friend of Uruguay, expanding on our shared
principles and values for the mutual benefit of both the United States
and Uruguay. Uruguay's strong institutions help drive trade and
investment, and we will encourage Uruguay to avoid taking any steps
through trade negotiations that would weaken the institutional strength
that has served it well. I believe that concluding TIFA negotiations
would be a positive next step in our trade relationship, as they
promote sustainable and inclusive trade policies that benefit a wide
swath of people. The updates to the TIFA support competitiveness and
economic recovery, specifically focusing on the areas of trade
facilitation, good regulatory practices, anti-corruption, and digital
trade.
Question. What is your proposal to counter China's investments in
Uruguay and make the United States the preferred partner of choice for
Uruguay?
Answer. In addition to conveying our concerns about the risks of
problematic PRC investment in sensitive sectors, if confirmed, I would
build on the existing advantages the United States has in the Uruguayan
market. While the PRC is Uruguay's top trading partner and a major
destination for goods exports, it is not a major investor in Uruguay.
Uruguay is keenly interested in the U.S. market and attracting U.S.
investment. The United States is Uruguay's third largest trading
partner in goods, after China, Brazil, and level with Argentina. There
is even more significant bilateral trade in services, particularly in
the IT sector, where Uruguayan IT exports to the U.S. are estimated at
over $1 billion. Accounting for trade in services would dramatically
impact the calculus on economic contributions to the Uruguayan economy
and could position the United States as Uruguay's largest trading
partner or a close second. Supporting Uruguay's sustainable economic
growth is strategic objective for the United States, and if confirmed,
I will continue to make that a priority.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert J. Faucher by Senator James E. Risch
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report,
Suriname was noted for cruel and degrading treatment of individuals by
police, widespread acts of corruption, and the existence of some of the
worst forms of child labor.
What is your assessment of the effectiveness of these efforts by
the Government?
Answer. The Republic of Suriname has taken steps to investigate,
prosecute, and punish officials who committed human rights abuses,
whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the Government. For
example, authorities prosecuted three police officers for suspected
complicity in child sex trafficking. However, resource and capacity
issues continue to pose challenges to the effectiveness of these
efforts. The Government has investigated cases of corruption and
implemented the laws on corruption unevenly. While the country lacks
inspectors solely dedicated to child labor, the Government has trained
all inspectors to identify child labor and instructed them how to
handle suspected cases. Half of inspectors received training on child
trafficking in previous reporting periods.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take with host
government to address the conditions in prison facilities?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the Government of Suriname
to address the conditions in prison facilities, which fall well short
of international standards. Resources permitting, I would work to
assist their government in gaining training and professionalization
assistance for its prison officials so that Suriname upgrades the
conditions of its prison facilities.
Question. How could you work with the Government to continue to
build on and improve the country's human rights record?
Answer. The Santokhi administration has made repeated public
commitments to upholding human rights and has taken concrete steps to
reduce its reporting backlog with the InterAmerican Court on Human
Rights. The Government assigned a former Attorney General to update its
required reporting (Suriname's last updates were made in 2017) and move
investigations forward on some longstanding cases such as the Moiwana
Massacre. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Suriname to
build on and improve Suriname's human rights record, particularly by
focusing attention on decades-long human rights cases such as the
December 8 murders and the killings in Tamanredjo. I will also maintain
Embassy Paramaribo's close collaboration with human rights
organizations and other civil society organizations concerned with
Suriname's human rights record.
Question. If confirmed, how can you direct your mission to better
support civil society actors to improve the human rights situation on
the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would reinforce post's long-standing
commitment to supporting civil society actors on human rights issues,
as well as ensure that all embassy staff, regardless of position,
consider human rights a mission priority. I would require all personnel
to complete the State Department's atrocities prevention training and
other human rights training, as appropriate. I would encourage U.S. and
local staff to communicate their concerns about human rights issues
occurring in Suriname, and I would ensure that our grant programming
supports human rights defenders and other relevant civil society
actors.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, Suriname remained a Tier 2 country for not fully meeting the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, but is making
significant efforts to do so. However, the Government did not convict
any traffickers during the year of the report, did not provide adequate
services for victims, and did not sufficiently fund anti-trafficking
efforts.
If confirmed, how could you work with the host government to
improve victims' services and overall anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Suriname
to continue to make progress against human trafficking in the areas of
prosecution, protection, and prevention by: increasing efforts to
convict traffickers, following due process, and sentencing convicted
traffickers to significant prison terms; increasing efforts to
investigate and prosecute alleged traffickers, including officials
complicit in trafficking crimes; providing vulnerable individuals with
trauma-informed assistance, reintegration support, and interpretation
in their language prior to, during, and after screening for
trafficking; providing adequate and dedicated funding for the National
Action Plan and government departments carrying out anti-trafficking
activities; prosecuting child sex and labor trafficking cases under the
trafficking statute and provide specialized child protection services
with trained providers; fully implementing the victim identification
and referral protocol and training officials in its use to identify
trafficking victims, especially among at-risk groups; training judges
at all levels of the judiciary in human trafficking and the trafficking
law and sensitizing judges and prosecutors to the issue of secondary
trauma; supporting NGOs and foreign embassies on victim identification
and service provision; incorporating survivor input into anti-
trafficking policies, developing and executing a robust monitoring and
evaluation framework, and publishing the results; and referring to care
victims identified through the hotline and reporting on the hotline's
effectiveness.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Suriname's constitution provides for freedom of
religion and the constitution and law prohibit discrimination based on
religion. U.S. officials have continued to highlight U.S. Government
policy on the importance of protecting religious freedom and tolerance.
What is your assessment of these efforts?
Answer. Suriname is proud of its rich multi-ethnic, multi-cultural,
multi-religious heritage. In 2022, President Santokhi held events at
the Presidential Palace marking days sacred to each of the major
religions, including a first-ever Iftar dinner held at the Palace. The
Government of Suriname remains strongly committed to ensuring religious
freedom. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. mission in Paramaribo
reinforces the importance of tolerance and religious freedom with the
Government of Suriname, religious leaders, and appropriate civil
society organizations.
Question. If confirmed, how could you work with political and
religious leaders to continue to build upon religious freedoms?
Answer. If confirmed, I would utilize the U.S.-Suriname Bilateral
Dialogue and personal engagement with government and religious leaders
to continue to build upon religious freedoms. I would ensure that all
stakeholders were aware of the importance that the United States places
on religious freedom and our continued collaboration to build upon
Suriname's firm foundation in this arena.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Suriname Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to demarching the Suriname
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage support of
Ms. Bogdan-Martin. As Director of the Office of Specialized and
Technical Agencies in the State Department's Bureau of International
Organizations (2013-2015), I led efforts to support Doreen Bogdan-
Martin's leadership of the ITU's Strategic Planning and Membership
Department. Ms. Bogdan-Martin is a global leader in the information and
communication technologies sector and would be an outstanding
Secretary-General of the International Telecommunications Union.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I would coordinate with the IO bureau to
assist it in casting as wide a net as possible to identify and recruit
appropriate qualified American candidates for positions at the U.N.
like the Junior Program Officer (JPO) program. I would also encourage
the American staff at Embassy Paramaribo and qualified Americans in
Suriname to consider such opportunities.
Question. Suriname has a low rate of voting coincidence with the
U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. In 2020 Suriname voted with the United States 22 percent of
the time. In 2021, the Suriname-U.S. voting coincidence improved on
some key votes such as on Nicaragua-related matters. Suriname was an
early, strong voice condemning the Russian invasion of Ukraine. At the
same time, Suriname tends to follow or coordinate its votes with
Caribbean Community (CARICOM) member states in this regard and often
abstains on critical votes. If confirmed, I will work assiduously to
improve Suriname's voting coincidence with the United States in the
U.N. General Assembly.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Suriname Government on anticipated votes in the U.N.
system that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. Suriname is a CARICOM member and coordinates its votes with
its fellow member states. Suriname currently holds the chair of
CARICOM, and if confirmed, I would work closely with the Bureau of
International Organizations, the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs,
and my fellow U.S. Ambassadors to CARICOM and CARICOM countries to
provide persuasive arguments to move individual members, such as
Suriname, to be reasoned, persuasive voices within the CARICOM internal
discussions.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Paramaribo?
Answer. I understand that the stress of the COVID-19 pandemic has
had a profound impact on Mission Paramaribo. Global U.S. staffing
shortages have placed additional stress on this already small post.
Nevertheless, the Mission staff, both direct hire and local staff, have
lived up to the highest standards of the Department by continuing to
perform at the very highest level, advocating for U.S. interests and
bilateral cooperation related to political and economic issues,
managing development programs, and providing routine and emergency
American citizen services in both Suriname and French Guiana. I applaud
what they have done and continue to do. If confirmed, it will be my
honor to lead such an outstanding group of public servants.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Paramaribo?
Answer. The morale, well-being, and safety of all mission employees
will be one of my top priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed. I will
work with Embassy leadership to ensure there are proper resources in
place for all employees to contribute to the Mission's success. I will
also make every effort to ensure that all employees are aware that I
care about them, that I want to hear from them, and that it is my duty
to work with them to address their concerns.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Paramaribo?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize the annual Suriname-U.S.
Bilateral Dialogue, as well as the Embassy's Integrated Country
Strategy and other guiding strategic documents to ensure that our staff
know and understand our mission. I will utilize regular meetings of the
Embassy's country team to empower the staff to carry out the vision of
these foundational strategic documents.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as empowering staff
while holding them accountable for performance and results. I seek to
foster open, frank communications among staff members, while providing
strategic leadership regarding mission goals and objectives.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive
to berate subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Deputy
Chief of Mission and establishing a relationship that will prove to be
mutually beneficial and provide the Embassy the leadership structure
required for success. An effective Embassy requires a strong,
complementary relationship between the Ambassador and the Deputy Chief
of Mission. I recognize that it will be my responsibility to work with
the DCM in a way that takes advantage of their talents and experience,
while continuing to support their professional development so that they
are prepared to assume roles of greater responsibility later in their
career. I envision my relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission as
including strong elements of mentoring for continued professional
development, delegation of responsibly for oversight of executive
operations, and reliance as an ``alter ego.''
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate the Deputy Chief of Mission to
play a key role on three Mission priorities: the effective
implementation of the Integrated Country Strategy by the Country Team;
advocating for U.S. interests and enhanced bilateral cooperation; and
serving as my principal counsel on matters relating to our staff and
their welfare. My DCM will also have responsibility for mentoring any
first or second tour officers and specialists at Embassy Paramaribo.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement, professional development, and reward those who
most succeeded in their roles. To that end, accurate and direct
employee evaluation reports for Foreign Service Officers are
imperative, and if confirmed, I will ensure the timely and accurate
completion of all employee evaluation processes at Embassy Paramaribo.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Suriname.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Yes, now that pandemic domestic restrictions have largely
lifted, I understand that our diplomats in Suriname do engage outside
the Embassy to great effect to accomplish their mission. Admittedly,
critical U.S. personnel staffing gaps limit the capacity to do so, and
the inaccessibility of some areas of the country except by small
aircraft or boat also pose challenges.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the fundamental
engagement and outreach aspect of our work, encouraging us to adapt and
modernize. In addition to traditional in-person meetings and travel,
which have been ongoing in Suriname since mid-2020, if confirmed, I
will leverage the new telecommunications technologies developed and
adopted during the pandemic to connect with new and wider audiences.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Suriname?
Answer. Facebook remains the largest platform for social media in
Suriname and therefore remains a high priority area for public
diplomacy efforts while also engaging with the much smaller audiences
on other services as warranted. Surinamers are largely receptive to the
United States and our messaging. Pre-pandemic, Embassy Paramaribo's
film festivals and events were well attended and well received. I
understand that the Embassy continued its work in those arenas in
alternate manners during the pandemic and has plans in place to return
to these popular programs in-person this fall as the country returns to
pre-COVID-19 levels of activity.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Language difficulties, particularly outside of Paramaribo,
pose a challenge as knowledge of Dutch and English is not universal.
Several other local and regional languages proliferate in the interior
and require interpretation for public diplomacy efforts.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. When it comes to tailoring public diplomacy messages in
Suriname, the key is to find the intersections between the global
messaging and the importance of that issue for the Surinamese public
and then express that importance in a manner that emphasizes the
relevance clearly and directly.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to take seriously the threat of
``anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as ``Havana
Syndrome.'' In preparation for assuming the position of Chief of
Mission Suriname, I have received several briefings concerning this
threat and the importance of providing care for, protecting, and
communicating with personnel under my authority about ``anomalous
health incidents.''
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Paramaribo personnel?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as
practicable to Mission Paramaribo personnel and their families
concerning the threat of ``anomalous health incidents'' and all other
matters.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, JULY 28, 2022--p.m.
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. James Cardin
presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Coons, Kaine, and
Hagerty.
Also present: Senator Cornyn
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. This Senate Foreign Relations Committee
will come to order. I want to thank the leadership of our
committee for entrusting to Senator Hagerty and myself the
honor of chairing and ranking on this particular nomination
hearing. I want to thank all of our nominees.
We are going to defer to Senator Cornyn who wants to do an
introduction.
Senator Cornyn. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is great to be
with you and colleagues here for a very important introduction
of Carrin Patman, nominated to serve as the Ambassador to the
Republic of Iceland.
I have known Carrin longer than either one of us would care
to admit. Our paths first crossed in Bear County, Texas, my
hometown, San Antonio, when I was a baby district judge, pretty
new to the bench, and Carrin was a young lawyer. She had just
finished law school at the University of Texas and was at the
starting line of what would be a long and distinguished career
as a litigator, a trial lawyer. Carrin spent three decades
practicing with international law firm Bracewell and became the
first women elected to the firm's seven-member management
committee.
After retiring from Bracewell in 2016, Carrin was appointed
to serve as the chair of the Board of the Metropolitan Transit
Authority of Houston, or Harris County, as we know it, called
METRO. Houston is the fourth-largest city in the country, and
Harris County is the third-largest county. METRO has a $1.3
billion budget, 4,100 employees, and it covers 1,300 square
miles. That is a long way of saying that chairing METRO is no
easy task. It requires diplomatic skills and an ability to
bring competing constituencies together.
Fortunately, Carrin has mastered those skills. She turned
them into an artform as the chair of Metro, and should the
Senate confirm her for this position I know she will use those
skills well and those experiences well to serve our country and
fight for our interests abroad.
In just a moment you will hear directly from Carrin about
her career, civic involvement, and her deep love for America.
You will see the passion, the skill, and the sound judgment
that has guided her throughout her career. And I hope you will
reach the same conclusion that I have, that Carrin Patman will
be an outstanding ambassador.
Four nearly four decades I have had the--I guess I
disclosed it--for nearly four decades I have had the pleasure
of knowing Carrin, as well as her husband Jim, who is here with
us today, and I have full confidence in her ability to serve
the American people as the ambassador to Iceland.
So thank you again, Chairman Cardin and Ranking Member
Hagerty, for giving me the opportunity to make this
introduction today, and thank you to all of my colleagues,
Senator Kaine, I saw Senator Coons earlier, for considering
this nominee. I look forward to supporting this nomination and
I hope you will too. Thanks so much.
Senator Cardin. Senator Cornyn, we appreciate you taking
the time to make these introductions. I know Senator Coons had
the pleasure of being with the nominee on a plane flight to
Washington, I was told. I do not know if that strategic
planning that you decided to check his flight schedule to do
that, but it was pretty good strategy.
Senator Cornyn. I told you she was good.
[Laughter.]
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator.
Today, as I said, we are going to have hearings on nominees
for some critically important ambassadors, ambassadors to the
Netherland, Iceland, Slovak Republic, North Macedonia, and
Namibia. Each one of these positions are critically important
to our national security. These are extremely challenging times
to be in global diplomacy and to represent the United States,
and we appreciate each of you making that decision to help our
country and to serve our nation. So first and foremost, I want
to thank you for your willingness to step forward in these
critically important roles.
And secondly, I want to acknowledge your families. I see
many sitting behind you today. You cannot do this without a
supportive family, and there are certainly a lot of sacrifices
that they make. So we thank them as well for sharing you with
our country and the important work that you are going to be
doing.
Let me just talk very briefly about each of you and then I
will let Senator Hagerty make his opening statements, and then
we will hear directly from you.
Shefali Razdan Duggal is a political activist, a women's
rights advocate, and a human rights campaigner. In 2014,
President Obama appointed her to the United States Holocaust
Memorial Museum Council, which I am also a member of that
council, so thank you very much.
Carrin Patman, as we heard from Senator Cornyn, is the
chair of the Metropolitan Transit Authority of Harris County,
Texas. She currently works as a partner at Bracewell LLP and
worked as a trial lawyer, handling litigation for commercial
disputes, antitrust, competition issues, and regulatory
compliance. Earlier commitments to public service include her
role as a founding board member of the Center for Women in Law
and as executive committee member of Girls Inc. of Greater
Houston, and Sheltering Arms Senior Services.
Gautam Rana currently serves as the Deputy Chief of Mission
at the U.S. Embassy in Algeria and was the embassy's Charge
d'Affaires from August 2020 to February 2022. Mr. Rana was
previously the Deputy Chief of Mission and also Charge
d'Affaires ad interim at the U.S. Embassy in Slovenia. Among
other positions, he was Director of Afghanistan and Pakistan on
the National Security Council staff and the Deputy Minister
Council for Political Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi.
Ms. Angela Price Aggeler is a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service with the rank of Minister-Council. She served
as the Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in
Islamabad, Pakistan, as well as its Charge d'Affaires. She
formerly served as Minister-Council for Public Affairs at the
U.S. Embassy in Paris, Acting Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian
Affairs, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Press and
Public Diplomacy in the Bureau of Press and Public Diplomacy.
She has held other diplomatic posts in Pakistan, North
Macedonia, Vietnam, France, and India.
And then Randy Berry, to be Ambassador of Namibia. Mr.
Berry served as U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. Prior of that he was
Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State Department of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and before that the State
Department's first Special Envoy for Human Rights of the LGBTI
Persons.
I understand that Senator Kaine will make an introduction
for Ms. Duggal, but first let me turn it over to the ranking
member, and then we will go Senator Kaine.
Senator Haggerty.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Cardin, and I want to
thank all the nominees for appearing here today. I also
appreciate your willingness to serve this great nation. I
cannot tell you what an honor it is to represent the most
exceptional nation in the world to any country, and you have
been nominated to do just that. So just being here is quite an
accomplishment, to have gotten to this point, and I hope that
we have a good hearing today to move you along the path.
I would like to start with the nominee to be the U.S.
Ambassador to the Netherlands. The United States and the
Netherlands share a long history of friendship and coordination
that goes back to the American Revolution. I look forward to
hearing from the nominee about how we can maintain a strong
partnership and work to counter China's malign influence in
Europe.
With respect to the nominee to be Ambassador to Iceland,
Iceland is a strategically important country, and both
President Trump and President Biden have pushed hard for
enhanced engagement on Arctic issues in light of concerns about
Russian and Chinese activities in the region. I look forward to
hearing from the nominee on this subject.
Next I would like to turn to the nomination to be the
Ambassador to the Slovak Republic. The U.S. and Slovakia share
a commitment to freedom and human rights, and I believe
Slovakia's experience can be a model for other emerging
democracies. I hope our next Ambassador can continue to build
our strong diplomatic ties and aid in fulfilling our
commitments to this ally.
For the nominee to be Ambassador to North Macedonia, the
U.S. and North Macedonia have good relations, and recently held
a Strategic Dialogue to take stock of the bilateral
relationship and outline areas for enhanced cooperation. I am
interested to know your thoughts on further areas of
cooperation between the U.S. and this Western Balkan country.
Last but certainly not least, I would like to focus on the
nomination to be Ambassador to Namibia. The United States and
Namibia share a friendly relationship, and I look forward to
hearing from the nominee about how we can strengthen the U.S.
partnership with Namibia in light of their close ties with
China.
And to all five nominees, again, thank you for serving our
nation and for answering the questions of the committee today.
I look forward to hearing your testimony.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
Senator Kaine for an introduction.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and to Senator
Hagerty. It is real treat to be with a panel and Carrin, it is
so good to see you as well. I do want to say just a few words
of introduction about my longtime friend, Shefali Duggal, and I
am really, really excited that she has been nominated for the
Ambassador position in the Netherlands.
Being in politics is tough. The travel is hard and
sometimes you wonder whether the T-account, does the plus and
minus come out on the right side. But one of the things that I
have certainly enjoyed from 28 years at the local, state, and
now Federal level is I have just met wonderful people that I
might not have met otherwise, and I put Shefali and her family
in that category.
In the early 2010s I met Shefali on the West Coast, and
came to know her. She is an immigrant to the United States from
Kashmir, India. She is an experienced political activist,
women's rights advocate, human rights campaigner, with a
wonderful family. She is a former presidential appointee to the
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Council, where she
acquitted herself in a very, very honorable way. She continues
to serve as a Western Regional Advisor for that important
American institution.
On the West Coast she is a San Francisco Committee member
on Human Rights Watch, passionate about human rights issues, a
member of the Wake Forest University Leadership and Character
Council, and she is has also served on the National Board of
Directors for Emily's List. Shefali has received numerous
awards from the Holocaust Museum, a Community Hero from the
California State Assembly, one of the Most Powerful Women in
California by the National Diversity Council.
Shefali is just the kind of a person who is able to be
passionate in her pride for this country. She will be a great
Ambassador. She is also a great diplomat. She believes there is
no challenge in life that a few Ghirardelli chocolate squares
will not make go much better.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. And I think there is some wisdom there that
we could all learn from.
But I am going to stay and ask questions as a member of the
committee, but I just wanted to introduce Shefali to my friends
on this side of the dais and recommend her highly.
Senator Cardin. Senator Kaine, thank you for this very fine
introduction. We now know her a lot better.
We are going to now hear from all of our witnesses. We
would ask that you try to summarize your statements in about 5
minutes. Your entire statement will be made part of the record.
So we will start with Mrs. Duggal.
STATEMENT OF SHEFALI RAZDAN DUGGAL OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS
Ms. Duggal. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Kaine. That was
so lovely. I appreciate it.
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished
committee members, it is a genuine honor to be with you today.
Senator Kaine, thank you so very much for the incredibly kind
introduction.
I am deeply appreciative to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for the nomination and confidence in my ability to
serve as Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. If
confirmed, I look forward to enthusiastically representing and
serving the American people as a force multiplier for good to
advance key U.S. foreign policy priorities.
If I may, I would also like to also thank my husband of 24
years, Rajat; my precious children, Tarak and Arya; my lifelong
friends who have always been a protective shield of love and
support; and the most resilient human I know, my mother, Veena
Razdan. I would also like to thank the talented team at U.S.
Embassy The Hague and Consulate General Amsterdam, who perform
vital diplomatic work every day. If confirmed, I look forward
to working with all of you closely.
As an immigrant, I represent the diverse face of the United
States and the generations of people throughout our history who
found opportunity in our great country. I was raised by a
single mom in Cincinnati, who worked two minimum-wage jobs to
support us. My father left us when I was very young, and this
profoundly and permanently affected the direction of my life.
Rather than dwell upon what I did not have, I embraced the
boundless opportunities that we are given here in the United
States. I attended college and graduate school with the help of
loans, grants, and scholarships.
As I faced some of my own challenges of being a minority
woman with limited resources, I became attuned to the values of
diversity and inclusion that continue to inspire me today. I
also focused on the rights of minorities and the critical
importance of being a voice of the oppressed. This motivated me
to pursue my years of work with Human Rights Watch and to serve
as a member of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council.
While my life was often not easy, I was always saved by the
Grace of God and the promise of the United States. I have full
confidence that kindness, empathy, honesty, and sweat equity
mean something in our country. It is the reason why people from
all over the world see us as a beacon of hope and freedom.
While my story is not unique, it is one that represents the
infinite possibilities of the American Spirit and the American
Dream.
The Netherlands was the second country to formally
recognize the new American republic, making the U.S.-Dutch
connection one of our longest, unbroken, peaceful friendships.
If confirmed, I will work, along with the talented mission
team, to deepen our bilateral relationship, and advance the
following three priorities.
First, deepen bilateral and global security. If confirmed,
my highest priority will always be the safety and security of
the over 47,000 Americans in the Netherlands, including the
300-plus mission personnel and their families, along with the
1.5 million Americans who annually visit the Netherlands. The
Netherlands has been a strong military ally of the United
States. I will build on decades of close bilateral and
multilateral relationships to face the global security
challenges of today and potentially those of the future.
Second, deepen our economic ties. The U.S.-Netherlands
economic relationship is one of our deepest and most important
trade relationships. The Netherlands is one of the largest
foreign investors in the United States, and Dutch investment
supports over 800,000 American jobs. If confirmed, I will work
to deepen our economic ties, promote American business,
encourage further Dutch investment in the United States, and
promote our shared prosperity.
Third, promote and defend our shared values of democracy
and human rights. Throughout our 240-year friendship, our
shared commitment to a rules-based international order forms
our enduring foundation, especially in promoting and defending
human rights, protecting democratic institutions, and
strengthening the rule of law. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with the Netherlands to meet ever-evolving new
challenges.
If confirmed, I will come to this position with humility
and commitment. I would serve as the first person of color as
the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
I am a grateful and loyal American who loves this country
deeply. I was born in India, but I was made in the United
States.
It would be an honor to follow in the footsteps of our
first ambassadorial envoy, John Adams. I wholeheartedly commit
to being available to members of this committee, members of
Congress, and staff, to work in partnership.
Thank you so very much for your time. I look forward to
answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Duggal follows:]
Prepared Statement of Shefali Razdan Duggal
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished committee
members, it is a genuine honor to be with you today. Senator Kaine,
thank you so very much for the incredibly kind introduction.
I am deeply appreciative to President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for the nomination and confidence in my ability to serve as Ambassador
to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. If confirmed, I look forward to
enthusiastically representing and serving the American people as a
force multiplier for good to advance key U.S. foreign policy
priorities.
If I may, I would also like to thank my husband of 24 years, Rajat;
my precious children Tarak and Arya; my lifelong friends who have
always been a protective shield of love and support; and the most
resilient human I know, my mother, Veena Razdan. I would also like to
thank the talented team at U.S. Embassy The Hague and Consulate General
Amsterdam, who perform vital diplomatic work every day. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with all of you closely.
As an immigrant, I represent the diverse face of the United States
and the generations of people throughout our history who found
opportunity in our great country. I was raised by a single mom in
Cincinnati, who worked two minimum wage jobs to support us. My father
left us when I was very young, and this profoundly and permanently
affected the direction of my life. Rather than dwell upon what I did
not have, I embraced the boundless opportunities that we are given here
in the United States. I attended college and graduate school with the
help of loans, grants, and scholarships. As I faced some of my own
challenges of being a minority woman with limited resources, I became
attuned to the values of diversity and inclusion that continue to
inspire me today. I also focused on the rights of minorities and the
critical importance of being a voice of the oppressed. This motivated
me to pursue my years of work with Human Rights Watch and to serve as a
member of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council. While my life
was often not easy, I was always saved by the grace of God and the
promise of the United States. I have full confidence that kindness,
empathy, honesty, and sweat equity mean something in our country. It is
the reason why people from all over the world see us as a beacon of
hope and freedom. While my story is not unique, it is one that
represents the infinite possibilities of the American spirit and the
American dream.
The Netherlands was the second country to formally recognize the
new American republic, making the U.S.-Dutch connection one of our
longest, unbroken, peaceful friendships. If confirmed, I will work,
along with the talented Mission team, to deepen our bilateral
relationship, and advance the following three priorities:
First, deepen bilateral and global security: If confirmed, my
highest priority will always be the safety and security of the over
47,000 Americans in the Netherlands, including the 300 Mission
personnel and their families, along with the 1.5 million Americans who
annually visit the Netherlands. The Netherlands has been a strong
military ally of the United States. I will build on decades of close
bilateral and multilateral relationships to face the global security
challenges of today and potentially those in the future.
Second, deepen our economic ties: The U.S.-Netherlands economic
relationship is one of our deepest and most important trade
partnerships. The Netherlands is one of the largest foreign investors
in the United States, and Dutch investment supports over 800,000
American jobs. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our economic ties,
promote American business, encourage further Dutch investment in the
United States, and promote our shared prosperity.
Third, promote and defend our shared values of democracy and human
rights: Throughout our 240-year friendship, our shared commitment to a
rules-based international order forms our enduring foundation,
especially in promoting and defending human rights, protecting
democratic institutions, and strengthening the rule of law. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Netherlands to meet ever-
evolving new challenges.
If confirmed, I will come to this position with humility and
commitment. I would serve as the first person of color as the U.S.
Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I am a grateful and loyal
American who loves this country deeply. I was born in India, but I was
made in the United States.
It would be an honor to follow in the footsteps of our first
Ambassadorial envoy, John Adams. I wholeheartedly commit to being
available to members of this committee, members of Congress (and staff)
to work in partnership. Thank you so very much for your time. I look
forward to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
We will now go to Ms. Patman.
STATEMENT OF CARRIN F. PATMAN OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ICELAND
Ms. Patman. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
distinguished committee members, it is the deepest honor to
appear before you today as the President's nominee for the
United States Ambassador to Iceland. I am honored and
profoundly grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for their confidence, and of course I am also deeply
appreciative for the support of my home state Senators, Senator
Cornyn, for his so very gracious introduction, and Senator Cruz
as well.
I am joined today by my husband, Jim Derrick, without whose
love and support I would not be before you.
This nomination is particularly special to me because I
grew up in a family of public servants. My dad, Bill Patman,
and my grandfather, Wright Patman, served in the United States
House for a total of 51 years, so I completely understand that
this role will require me to work in partnership with Congress
on the issues that I will face. In fact, both my dad and
granddad were in the audience when President Roosevelt
delivered his Day of Infamy speech, my grandfather as a
Congressman and my dad as a page.
My maternal grandfather, Fred Mauritz, whose parents
immigrated from Iceland's fellow Arctic country, Sweden, was a
Texas state senator also, and in honor of our Scandinavian
heritage my mother's Scandinavian heritage was so important to
her that she raised the money to establish the Swedish
Excellence Endowment at the University of Texas to be
established, for which she was awarded the Royal Order of the
Polar Star by the King of Sweden. So being nominated for this
public service role, and in a country representing my own
Nordic heritage, is deeply special.
As Senators Cardin and Hagerty have noted, it is a critical
time to serve in this role, and in Iceland. Iceland has long
been our highly valued ally, a strong democracy whose bedrock
values mirror our own, a founding member of NATO, a 70-year
security partner, a fellow Arctic nation, and a country of
enormous strategic importance as we all face threats from other
powers.
I have been blessed with opportunities that have prepared
me to be a Chief of Mission and to build consensus among
diverse stakeholders. And I will not repeat those from my
statement here because Senator Cornyn kindly set those forth in
his introduction.
But if confirmed, the following are top priorities I would
seek to advance. First, of course, to protect the safety and
security of U.S. citizens in Iceland, including those under
Chief of Mission authority, Embassy personnel and their
families, and U.S. tourists. More tourists visit Iceland from
the United States than from any other country, and I look
forward to welcoming all of you on codels, I hope.
Second, to advance our shared security interests. Iceland's
key location, between North America and Europe, and at the
center of two critical maritime passageways is even more
important as melting Arctic ice increases maritime traffic.
Russia and the People's Republic of China fully understand the
economic and military importance of Iceland, and if confirmed,
I will seek to deepen our security cooperation and support
Iceland in managing these challenges. Ranking Member Hagerty
had specifically discussed China, and yes, they, in fact, are
increasing their presence in the Arctic, and I look forward to
further discussing it in Iceland as well, if you want to
question me about it.
Third, if confirmed, I would seek to strengthen our
economic relationship. The United States is already Iceland's
most important single-country trading partner, with great
opportunities for additional trade and investment. I would work
with Iceland with respect to its vital role in sustaining our
planet and as a world leader in renewable energy and a pioneer
in carbon storage.
Fifth, we are both members of the Arctic Council, so I
would look forward to working with Iceland on Arctic issues.
Additionally, of course, I would prioritize people-to-
people ties through exchange programs, robust public diplomacy
efforts, and one-on-one contact with me and my husband, Jim. I
am blessed that it is a country relatively small in population,
so I hope to get to meet a lot of people in Iceland.
It would be a privilege and honor of a lifetime to serve as
the U.S. Ambassador to Iceland. Thank you for your time and
consideration, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Patman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Carrin F. Patman
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today as
the President's nominee for the United States Ambassador to Iceland. I
am honored and deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for their confidence in me.
I'm also deeply appreciative for the support of my home state
Senators, Senator Cornyn and Senator Cruz.
And I'm joined today by my husband, Jim Derrick, without whose love
and support I would not be before you.
This nomination is particularly meaningful to me because I grew up
in a family of public servants. My dad, Bill Patman, and my paternal
grandfather, Wright Patman, both served in the United States House of
Representatives. My maternal grandfather, Fred Mauritz, whose parents
immigrated from Iceland's fellow Arctic country, Sweden, was a Texas
State Senator. My mother's Scandinavian heritage was so important to
her that she raised the money to establish the Swedish Excellence
Endowment at the University of Texas and was awarded the Royal Order of
the Polar Star by the King of Sweden. So being nominated for this
public service role, and to a country representing my own Nordic
heritage, is deeply special.
Moreover, it is a critical time in which to serve in this role, and
in Iceland. Iceland has long been an important and highly valued ally.
It is a strong democracy whose bedrock values mirror our own, a
founding member of NATO, and a security partner with the United States
for over 70 years. Iceland is a fellow Arctic nation with whom we have
long cooperated on Arctic issues, and a country of great geostrategic
importance to us and the world, as we collectively face concerning
threats from other powers.
I have been blessed with opportunities that have prepared me to be
a chief of mission, and to build consensus among diverse stakeholders.
Most recently, I led the Houston region's $1 billion transit agency
serving almost 4 million people, bringing together the public and
private sectors to develop and then secure overwhelming voter approval
of a multi-billion-dollar plan to expand service, including to
traditionally underserved constituencies. During several decades as a
trial lawyer, I mastered complex and challenging cases, persuaded
decision makers and often resolved disputes out-of-court even among
antagonistic parties--one of my first cases was in then Judge Cornyn's
court!--and was elected to multiple terms on our international law
firm's management committee. And of course, I've had a lifelong
involvement in public service through my family's service as well as my
own.
I'm thrilled to be nominated to serve in Iceland. The United States
and Iceland cooperate on many important issues, from transatlantic
security, to protecting fundamental human rights, tocombating climate
change, to sustainably developing the Arctic. If confirmed, the
following are top priorities I would seek to advance:
First, to protect the safety and security of U.S. citizens in
Iceland, including those under Chief of Mission authority, Embassy
personnel and their families, and U.S. tourists. More tourists visit
Iceland from the United States than from any other country.
Second, to advance our shared security interests. Iceland's key
location right between North America and Europe, and at the center of
the critical maritime Greenland-Iceland-United Kingdom Gap, is now even
more important as melting ice increases maritime traffic in the Arctic.
Russia and the People's Republic of China understand the strategic
importance of Iceland, both economically and militarily, and if
confirmed, I will seek to deepen our security cooperation with Iceland
and support Iceland in managing these challenges.
Third, if confirmed, I would seek to strengthen our economic
relationship. The United States is Iceland's most important single-
country trading partner, with great opportunities for additional trade
and investment.
Fourth, Iceland plays a vital role in sustaining our planet, not
only as an important site for research and understanding of climate
developments, but also as a world leader in renewable hydropower and
geothermal energy, and a pioneer in carbon storage.
Fifth, as a fellow member of the Arctic Council, Iceland is an
instrumental partner in shaping Arctic policy, and if confirmed I will
work closely with Iceland on Arctic issues.
Additionally, if confirmed, I will promote and strengthen people-
to-people ties with Iceland through exchange programs and robust public
diplomacy efforts.
I also look forward to working with Congress to further U.S.
priorities in Iceland.
It would be a privilege and honor of a lifetime to serve as the
U.S. Ambassador to Iceland. Thank you for your time and consideration.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
We will now hear from Ms. Aggeler.
STATEMENT OF ANGELA PRICE AGGELER OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY
AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA
Ms. Aggeler. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
distinguished members of the committee, it is the honor of my
Foreign Service career to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
of North Macedonia. I am humbled by and grateful for the trust
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me to
represent the United States in Skopje. I hope to also earn your
trust, and if confirmed, would work closely with you to advance
U.S. foreign policy priorities in North Macedonia.
I would like to use this opportunity to recognize my
husband, Brian, also a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service and the Deputy Chief of Mission at our embassy in
Paris. I would not be here today were it not for his continuous
support. I would also like to thank my daughter, Madeleine, who
has come from Austin, Texas, to have my back today, as always.
I began my foreign service career in 1998, and have served
in Pakistan, Vietnam, France, and India. I am also no stranger
to North Macedonia. I served as Counselor for Public Affairs in
Skopje, where I focused on educating and empowering youth and
minority communities, good governance, and building a stronger
economy and more tolerant society. I would be deeply honored to
return to Skopje to serve as the U.S. Ambassador and to advance
our priorities with this important strategic partner.
NATO's newest ally, North Macedonia, will also assume the
chairmanship of the OSCE in 2023. We must continue to work
closely with North Macedonia in responding to the threats posed
to our security and the international order, most immediately
Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The urgency of this
moment underscores the importance of deeper political,
economic, cultural, security cooperation, and people-to-people
ties with North Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries as
they work to realize their strategic goals of European
integration.
The United States has supported North Macedonia's
longstanding goal of EU accession. We stand firmly behind the
EU enlargement process because it has advanced democratic
development and promoted peace, stability, and prosperity on
the European continent, building stronger strategic partners
for the United States. North Macedonia has overcome difficult
challenges and made tough choices to take historic steps
forward on its accession path. If confirmed, I will build on
these successes to secure that path forward.
The United States and North Macedonia have many shared
priorities, including fighting corruption, improving the rule
of law, and strengthening good governance. If confirmed, I will
encourage judicial reforms and urge the institutions of North
Macedonia to promote transparency, investigate allegations of
abuse, and decisively counter corruption to bolster public
confidence in governance. I will work with interagency partners
to help North Macedonia develop a national strategy that
effectively holds corrupt actors accountable.
If confirmed, I will work to support North Macedonia's
economic future through policies to bolster its investment
climate, strengthen infrastructure, improve energy diversity
and security, and build resistance to malign external
influence, including from Russia and China. I will work to
advance the country's integration into regional economic growth
initiatives based on EU standards, such as Open Balkan and
Common Regional Market. I will support American companies
exploring opportunities in North Macedonia.
North Macedonia needs to diversify energy sources and
routes and develop competitive, transparent, and efficient
energy markets. If confirmed, I will champion the country's
transition from coal towards cleaner alternatives and create
the market conditions that attract American investment that
will spur North Macedonia to become a regional energy hub.
Finally, if confirmed, I will build on the positive
momentum of June's bilateral Strategic Dialogue, which you
mentioned, Senator Hagerty, which touched on a range of issues,
including deepening military-to-military cooperation.
It would be an honor to lead our Embassy Skopje team and
work with the Government, citizens, and our international
partners on these priorities. Thank you again for the
opportunity to appear before you, and I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Aggeler follows:]
Prepared Statement of Angela Price Aggeler
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is the honor of my Foreign Service career to appear
before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of North Macedonia. I am humbled by and
grateful for the trust President Biden and Secretary Blinken have
placed in me to represent the United States in Skopje. I hope to also
earn your trust, and if confirmed, would work closely with you to
advance U.S. foreign policy priorities in North Macedonia.
I would like to use this opportunity to recognize my husband,
Brian, also a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, and the
Deputy Chief of Mission at our embassy in Paris. I would not be here
today were it not for his continuous support. I would also like to
thank my daughter, Madeleine, who has come from Austin, Texas, to have
my back today, as always. I began my foreign service career in 1998 and
have served in Pakistan, Vietnam, France, and India. I am also no
stranger to North Macedonia. I served as Counselor for Public Affairs
in Skopje, where I focused on educating and empowering youth and
minority communities, good governance, and building a stronger economy
and more tolerant society. I would be deeply honored to return to
Skopje to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to North Macedonia and to
advance our priorities with this important strategic partner.
NATO's newest ally, North Macedonia, will also assume the
chairmanship of the OSCE in 2023. We must continue to work closely with
North Macedonia in responding to the threats posed to our security and
the international order, most immediately Russia's full-scale invasion
of Ukraine. The urgency of this moment underscores the importance of
deeper political, economic, cultural, security cooperation, and people-
to-people ties with North Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries
as they work to realize their strategic goals of Western integration.
The United States has supported North Macedonia's longstanding goal
of EU accession. We stand firmly behind the EU enlargement process
because it has advanced democratic development and promoted peace,
stability, and prosperity on the European continent, building stronger
strategic partners for the United States. North Macedonia has overcome
difficult challenges and made tough choices to take historic steps
forward on its accession path. If confirmed, I will build on these
successes to secure the EU accession path of North Macedonia.
The United States and North Macedonia have many shared priorities,
including fighting corruption, improving the rule of law, and
strengthening good governance. If confirmed, I will encourage judicial
reforms and urge the institutions of North Macedonia to promote
transparency, investigate allegations of abuse, and decisively counter
corruption to bolster public confidence in governance. I will work with
interagency partners to help North Macedonia develop a national
strategy that effectively holds corrupt actors accountable.
If confirmed, I will work to support North Macedonia's economic
future through policies to bolster its investment climate, strengthen
infrastructure, improve energy diversity and security, and build
resilience to malign external influence, including from Russia and
China. I will work to advance the country's integration into regional
economic growth initiatives based on EU standards, such as Open Balkan
and Common Regional Market. I will support American companies exploring
opportunities in North Macedonia.
North Macedonia needs to diversify energy sources and routes and
develop competitive, transparent, and efficient energy markets. If
confirmed, I will champion the country's transition from coal towards
cleaner alternatives and create the market conditions that attract
American investment that will and spur North Macedonia to become a
regional energy hub.
Finally, if confirmed, I will build on the positive momentum of
June's bilateral strategic dialogue, which touched on a range of
issues, including deepening military-to-military cooperation.
It would be an honor to lead our Embassy Skopje team and work with
the Government, citizens, and our international partners on these
priorities. Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you. I
welcome your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for your testimony.
Mr. Rana.
STATEMENT OF GAUTAM A. RANA OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
Mr. Rana. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, Senator
Kaine, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the
position of Ambassador to the Slovak Republic. I am grateful
for the trust and confidence the President and Secretary
Blinken have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work with
you to advance our nation's interests in the Slovak Republic.
I first want to thank my wife, Alexsa Alonzo, and my sons
Rohan and Arjun. Alexsa and Rohan are here with me today, and
my younger son, Arjun, is watching from home with my wonderful
sister-in-law, Alicia Alonzo. I am so proud of them all, and I
am here before you today because of their love, sacrifice, and
support. As part of a diplomatic family that moves every few
years, I want to thank them for their own service to our
country.
My family and I are the embodiment of the American Dream,
thanks to the courage, vision, and sacrifice of my parents,
Amrat and Nirmala Rana. When I was only a year old, my father
departed his native India and arrived at JFK Airport with $20
dollars in his pocket. For 3 years, he worked a succession of
minimum-wage jobs before his wife and three children joined him
in New Jersey. My mother and father made tremendous sacrifices
for me, my sisters, and their extended family, believing in
their hearts that America truly was the land of opportunity and
that their hard work would be rewarded. They stressed to my
sisters and me the importance of education and how it could
liberate us to pursue our dreams. Thanks to my parents'
sacrifices and hard work, and my own journey as an immigrant, I
am deeply conscious of how privileged I am to be an American
citizen, and I am honored to have served and represented my
country as a diplomat for the last 20 years.
As a person with a disability, I am also immensely grateful
for the opportunities and freedom I have had as an American. I
contracted polio as a child in India and need to use a leg
brace and forearm crutches to walk. Between my time in the
Peace Corps and Foreign Service, I have lived and worked in
eight foreign countries on four continents. Though we still
have much to do in the United States to ensure all disabled
people can live full and dignified lives, I believe from my own
lived experience that we are doing much better than many other
countries. I sit before you today as an ambassador-nominee only
because my parents had the wisdom and foresight to come to the
United States.
As a Foreign Service Officer, I have advanced U.S.
interests all over the globe, including in Europe. Next year
marks the 30th anniversary of Slovakia's independence, and if
confirmed, I hope to continue strengthening our already close
relationship with the Slovak Republic.
If confirmed, I will have no greater priority than the
protection of my Embassy team and our citizens, from ensuring
the safety of individual American travelers to bolstering
homeland security through bilateral law enforcement
cooperation.
If confirmed, I will focus the Embassy on three priorities.
First, supporting Slovakia's capacity to become a more active
and capable partner in strengthening regional and global
security and stability. I will also prioritize supporting
Slovakia as it stands with Ukraine against Russia's aggression.
Slovakia has already provided more that 159 million euros in
humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine, including donating an
S-300 air defense system at a crucial time. Slovakia remains
one of the largest donors to Ukraine measured by aid as a share
of GDP, and since 2014, Slovakia has provided a critical link
for Ukraine to import natural gas from Europe.
Second, if confirmed, I will also focus on strengthening
bilateral trade and investment, including by increasing
opportunities for U.S. companies in the Slovak market and for
Slovak companies that want to invest in the United States. I
will promote U.S. exports, fight for transparency and the rule
of law as Slovakia improves its business environment, and press
for greater energy diversity and efficiency that will enhance
Slovak and European energy security while advancing their
climate change goals.
Third, if confirmed, as you noted, Senator Hagerty, I will
also focus on reinforcing Slovakia's commitment to the West and
on actively engaging the Slovak public to build support for our
shared commitment to democracy and human rights. This includes
working with our Slovak partners in addressing disinformation.
As demonstrated by the First Lady's visit to Slovakia in
May, the United States continues to deepen our partnership with
the Slovak Republic. If confirmed, it would be the honor of my
life to lead our outstanding team in Bratislava to advance our
country's interests there and across the region.
Mr. Chair, Ranking Member, Senator Kaine, thank you again
for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Rana follows:]
Prepared Statement of Gautam A. Rana
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the position of
Ambassador to the Slovak Republic. I am grateful for the trust and
confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our nation's interests
in the Slovak Republic.
I first want to thank my wife, Alexsa Alonzo, and my sons Rohan and
Arjun. Alexsa and Rohan are here with me today, and Arjun is watching
from home with my wonderful sister-in-law Alicia Alonzo. I am so proud
of them all, and I am here before you today because of their love,
sacrifice, and support. As part of a diplomatic family that moves every
few years, I want to thank them for their own service to our country.
My family and I are the embodiment of the American Dream, thanks to
the courage, vision, and sacrifice of my parents, Amrat and Nirmala
Rana. When I was only a year old, my father departed his native India
and arrived at JFK Airport with $20 dollars in his pocket. For three
years, he worked a succession of minimum wage jobs before his wife and
three children joined him in New Jersey. My mother and father made
tremendous sacrifices for me, my sisters, and their extended family,
believing in their hearts that America truly was the land of
opportunity and that their hard work would be rewarded. They stressed
to my sisters and me the importance of education and how it could
liberate us to pursue our dreams. Thanks to my parents' sacrifices and
hard work, and my own journey as an immigrant, I am deeply conscious of
how privileged I am to be an American citizen and I am honored to have
served and represented my country as a diplomat for the last twenty
years.
As a person with a disability, I am also immensely grateful for the
opportunities and freedom I have had as an American. I contracted polio
as an infant in India and need to use a leg brace and forearm crutches
to walk. Between my time in the Peace Corps and Foreign Service, I have
lived and worked in eight foreign countries on four continents. Though
we still have much to do in the United States to ensure all disabled
people can live full and dignified lives, I believe from my own lived
experience that we are doing much better than many other countries. I
sit before you today as an ambassador-nominee only because my parents
had the wisdom and foresight to come to the United States.
As a Foreign Service Officer, I have advanced U.S. interests all
over the globe, including in Europe. Next year marks the thirtieth
anniversary of Slovakia's independence, and if confirmed, I hope to
continue strengthening our already close relationship with the Slovak
Republic.
If confirmed, I will have no greater priority than the protection
of my Embassy team and our citizens--from ensuring the safety of
individual American travelers, to bolstering homeland security through
bilateral law enforcement cooperation.
If confirmed, I will also focus the Embassy on three priorities:
first, supporting Slovakia's capacity to become a more active and
capable partner in strengthening regional and global security and
stability. I will also prioritize supporting Slovakia as it stands with
Ukraine against Russia's aggression. Slovakia has already provided more
that 159 million euros in humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine,
including donating an S-300 air defense system at a crucial time.
Slovakia remains one of the largest donors to Ukraine measured by aid
as a share of GDP, and since 2014, Slovakia has provided a critical
link for Ukraine to import natural gas from Europe.
Second, if confirmed, I will also focus on strengthening bilateral
trade and investment, including by increasing opportunities for U.S.
companies in the Slovak market and for Slovak companies that want to
invest in the United States. I will promote U.S. exports, fight for
transparency and the rule of law as Slovakia improves its business
environment, and press for greater energy diversity and efficiency that
will enhance Slovak and European energy security while advancing their
climate change goals.
Third, if confirmed, I will also focus on reinforcing Slovakia's
commitment to the West and on actively engaging the Slovak public to
build support for our shared commitment to democracy and human rights.
This includes working with our Slovak partners in addressing
disinformation.
As demonstrated by the First Lady's visit to the Slovak Republic in
May, the United States continues to deepen our partnership with
Slovakia. If confirmed, it would be the honor of my life to lead our
outstanding team in Bratislava to advance our country's interests there
and across the region.
Mr. Chair, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank you
again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome your
questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for your testimony.
We will now hear from Ambassador Berry.
STATEMENT OF HON. RANDY W. BERRY OF COLORADO, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF NAMIBIA
Ambassador Berry. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty,
and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear
before you this afternoon as President Biden's nominee to be
the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Namibia. I thank
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence and
trust in this nomination, and if confirmed, look forward to
continuing my nearly 30 years of service to the United States
Government, this time to advance our relationship with the
Namibian Government and the Namibian people.
I am a proud sixth-generation son of the soil of the great
state of Colorado. My Foreign Service career has taken me from
a childhood on horseback on my family-run cattle ranch in the
shadow of the Rockies to my current office in Kathmandu, in the
shadow of the Himalayas, where I am now concluding 4-year
tenure as Ambassador soon. I have had the great opportunity,
however, to live and work on the African continent for nearly a
decade over my career, advancing U.S. interests and
relationships there.
As you are aware, and mentioned, Senator Cardin, the
Foreign Service life demands a full buy-in from our families
and those who love us, I want to acknowledge the enduring love
and support of my family in this career and really in all
things: my husband Pravesh Singh, who is seated behind me, and
my children Arya and Xander, who are also joining me today.
For the past 30 years, Namibia has been a stable,
democratic country and a model of U.S.-Africa partnership. It
has continued to build strong institutions and an independent
judiciary, and typically ranks right at the top in Africa for
press freedom. Namibia's Government and citizens share many of
the United States' priorities, including strengthening
democratic institutions, increasing free trade and investment
to grow an inclusive economy, promoting human rights, and
addressing global threats such as climate change. If confirmed,
I look forward to leading our dynamic team in Windhoek to
deepen our partnership and further our common interests and
values.
I would like to share with you the priorities that, if
confirmed, I would work hard every day to advance as U.S.
Ambassador. First and foremost, the welfare of U.S. mission
colleagues and American citizens is my paramount priority, and
I will work every day to ensure that our people are serving in
a workplace that is healthy, is inclusive, and is marked by
respect. I am excited also for the chance to move our team into
a new Chancery next year that will provide a better physical
work environment for all. Also, relationships of trust are a
key part of diplomacy, I believe, both inside and outside the
walls of an embassy, and I will invest heavily in building up
relationships based on respect that produce results for our
goals.
My mission team and I will support Namibia as it builds on
its tradition of good governance. Anti-corruption messaging and
assistance to fortify Namibia's democracy is a priority for
both for their government and for ours. Through advocacy and
partnerships, we will encourage Namibia to fully implement laws
and policies that respect human rights.
Namibia also faces threats to its abundant natural
resources, which are, like our own, vulnerable, in this case to
exploitation by transnational criminal organizations and
foreign powers due to insufficient social and legal
protections. We will partner with Namibia to minimize
opportunities for corruption and nature crimes and ensure that
Namibia's ambitions to become a regional transport hub via the
Walvis Bay Port include strong safeguards against illicit
activity.
Both the United States and Namibia seek increased bilateral
trade and investment. The U.S.-Namibia commercial relationship
is a growing one, and recent successes show that fostering
increased trade and investment through mechanisms like the
African Growth and Opportunity Act, Prosper Africa, Power
Africa, and other infrastructure and economic initiatives are
critical components of our efforts to accelerate economic
development in Namibia. If confirmed, I will facilitate
commercial relationships and call for a pro-business and pro-
innovation policy for U.S. and Namibian businesses and
accelerate equitable and inclusive development. Creating
opportunities for planning and security partnerships will allow
us to advance our priorities as Namibia grows in strategic
importance as an anchor for activity in the south Atlantic
Ocean.
Finally, if confirmed, I will focus on our continued
investment in people. Once facing one of the world's highest
HIV/AIDS prevalence rates, Namibia became a flagship country
for the U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or
PEPFAR, and it is now one of the few highly affected countries
in the world nearing epidemic control of HIV/AIDS. Our
investment of over USD $1 billion in PEPFAR funds to Namibia
since 2004 has saved lives of thousands and been a force
multiplier for our bilateral relationship, fostering
cooperation in many areas in addition to health.
The next chapter in our partnership with Namibia must
ensure a resilient, well-equipped, and civically engaged
population, especially among Namibia's youth. If confirmed, I
will use our resources to empower current and future
generations to partner with us to respond to global threats and
opportunities and to adapt to longer-term economic, social, and
environmental challenges.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I thank you
again aid I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Berry follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Randy W. Berry
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the committee, I
am honored to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to be U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Namibia. I thank President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their confidence and trust, and if confirmed,
look forward to continuing my nearly thirty years of service to the
United States Government to advance our relationship with the Namibian
Government and people.
I am a proud sixth-generation son of the great state of Colorado,
though my Foreign Service career has taken me from a childhood on
horseback on my family-run cattle ranch in the shadow of the Rockies to
the Himalayas, where I am concluding my service as Ambassador to Nepal.
I have had the opportunity to live and work on the African continent
for nearly a decade advancing U.S. interests and relationships. As you
are aware, the Foreign Service life demands a full family commitment. I
want to acknowledge the enduring love and support of my family in this
career and in all things: my husband Pravesh Singh, and my children
Arya and Xander, who are joining me today.
For the past 30 years, Namibia has been a stable, democratic
country and a model of U.S.-Africa partnership. It has built strong
institutions and an independent judiciary, and typically ranks at the
top in Africa for press freedom. Namibia's Government and citizens
share many of the United States' priorities, including strengthening
democratic institutions, increasing free trade and investment to grow
an inclusive economy, promoting human rights, and addressing global
threats such as climate change. If confirmed, I look forward to leading
our dynamic team to deepen our partnership and further our common
interests and values.
I would like to share with you the priorities that, if confirmed, I
would work to advance as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Namibia.
First and foremost, the welfare of U.S. Mission colleagues is my
paramount priority, and I will work to ensure that our people are
serving in a workplace that is healthy, inclusive, and marked by
respect. I am excited to move us into a new Chancery that will provide
a better physical work environment for all. Relationships of trust are
a key part of diplomacy, both inside and outside the Embassy, and I
will invest heavily in building relationships based on respect that
produce results on mutual goals.
My Mission team and I will support Namibia as it builds on its
tradition of good governance. Anti-corruption messaging and assistance
to fortify Namibia's democracy is a priority for both our government
and theirs. Through advocacy and partnerships, we will encourage
Namibia to fully implement laws and policies that respect human rights.
Namibia also faces threats to its abundant natural resources, which
are, like our own, vulnerable to exploitation by transnational criminal
organizations and foreign powers due to insufficient social and legal
protections. We will partner with Namibia to minimize opportunities for
corruption and nature crimes and ensure that Namibia's ambitions to
become a regional transport hub via the Walvis Bay Port include strong
safeguards against illicit activity.
Both the United States and Namibia seek increased bilateral trade
and investment. The U.S.-Namibia commercial relationship is growing,
and recent successes show that fostering increased trade and investment
through mechanisms like the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA),
Prosper Africa, Power Africa, and other infrastructure and economic
initiatives are critical components of our efforts to accelerate
economic development in Namibia. If confirmed, I will facilitate
commercial relationships and call for a pro-business and pro-innovation
policy environment. We will expand opportunities for U.S. and Namibian
businesses and accelerate equitable and inclusive development. Creating
opportunities for planning and security partnerships will allow us to
advance our priorities as Namibia grows in strategic importance as an
anchor for activity in the south Atlantic.
Finally, if confirmed, I will focus on our continued investment in
people. Once facing one of the world's highest HIV/AIDS prevalence
rates, Namibia became a flagship country for the U.S. President's
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) program. It is now one of the
few highly affected countries in the world nearing epidemic control of
HIV/AIDS. Our investment of over USD $1 billion in PEPFAR funds to
Namibia since 2004 has saved thousands of lives and been a force
multiplier for our bilateral relationship, fostering cooperation in
areas other than health. The next chapter in our partnership with
Namibia must ensure a resilient, well-equipped, civically engaged
population--especially among Namibia's youth. If confirmed, I will use
our resources to empower current and future generations to partner with
us to respond to global threats and opportunities and to adapt to
longer-term economic, social, and environmental challenges.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I thank you again for
this opportunity and look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. We thank all of you for your comments and
your observations. We appreciate that very much.
This committee has a tradition of asking all nominees
questions about their availability. Some of you have already
answered this in your presentations. You must have anticipated
these questions were going to be asked. That is good staff
work. But I am going to ask each of you to answer yes or no
individually on the four questions that are asked about
responsiveness to our committee.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Ms. Duggal. Yes.
Ms. Patman. Yes.
Ms. Aggeler. Yes.
Mr. Rana. Yes.
Ambassador Berry. Yes.
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Ms. Duggal. Yes.
Ms. Patman. Yes.
Ms. Aggeler. Yes.
Mr. Rana. Yes.
Ambassador Berry. Yes.
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation with policies that are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ms. Duggal. Yes.
Ms. Patman. Yes.
Ms. Aggeler. Yes.
Mr. Rana. Yes.
Ambassador Berry. Yes.
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Ms. Duggal. Yes.
Ms. Patman. Yes.
Ms. Aggeler. Yes.
Mr. Rana. Yes.
Ambassador Berry. Yes.
Senator Cardin. You all passed. Congratulations.
As I think has been observed, the five countries that you
have been nominated to be our representatives are all
democratic states. So we are dealing with countries that are
naturally allies of the United States but they have certain
challenges.
There are a couple of common concerns that we have. One is
the dependency on Russian oil, which is today a very important
consideration. As we know, Russia has weaponized the use of
energy, and these countries remain very dependent upon Russian
energy sources. It makes it more challenging for us to have the
type of leverage to keep unity in our support for Ukraine. In
the Slovak Republic, I understand 100 percent of their oil is
imported, and 85 percent of their natural gas. We know in North
Macedonia it is a large percentage, and in the Netherlands.
So let me start first with Mr. Rana. How would you go about
urging the importance of removing that dependency from the
point of view of the national security not only of the Slovak
Republic but also of our allies in Europe?
Mr. Rana. Thank you very much for that question, Senator
Cardin. You are absolutely right--100 percent of Slovakia's oil
and nuclear energy, or the fuel, is derived from Russia, and 85
percent of its natural gas. The most important thing that I
would do, if confirmed as Ambassador would be to encourage
Slovakia to integrate within the European Union's own internal
energy market and diversify fuel types, supply source
countries, and delivery routes.
What do we mean by that? One, with the nuclear fuel, try to
find new suppliers. Right now they are completely dependent on
the Russians. With natural gas Slovakia has already built
interconnectors with all of its neighbors. They have contracted
with the Norwegians to supply natural gas. They have also
brought in LNG, including from U.S. suppliers. So these are the
types of activities that we would continue to encourage
Slovakia and, frankly, all of the European allies, to continue
doing. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Ms. Aggeler, there is a similar
problem in North Macedonia, not quite as great, and as you
point out, North Macedonia is taking on a leadership within the
OSCE, which we are very pleased to see. But it also gives us a
chance for whoever assumes leadership in that organization to
demonstrate, by action, their commitment to the Helsinki
principles.
In North Macedonia the energy issue is one, but also they
have had some challenges in the rule of law and building that
capacity. Tell me how you could utilize our position in that
country, through our mission, particularly as North Macedonia
ascends in the OSCE.
Ms. Aggeler. Thank you so much for the question, Chairman
Cardin, and they are both critical important right now,
particularly as we look at the fact that just 12 days ago the
Parliament of North Macedonia passed the required motions to
begin its EU accession, to accept the French proposals for that
accession, and as we look to this country and to Albania moving
forward in the EU.
First of all, you are absolutely right about the energy
crisis. North Macedonia is on the verge of declaring an energy
crisis as of August because of their dependence largely on
Russian gas. We have already seen efforts throughout our
mission in Greece, for example, on a Greece-North Macedonia
interconnector LNG that would not only benefit North Macedonia
but also many of its neighbors. And there are a number of
initiatives on clean energy that would assist them to move away
from the dependency on Russia.
But your point also about not only OSCE leadership but also
their EU accession aspirations are critically important and I
believe offer us an opportunity. And if confirmed, I will do
everything in my power, Senator, to help them make so many of
the reforms in rule of law, for example, that will assist that
country in overall governance, which they so desperately need.
I was very pleased to read today that the Embassy in Skopje
announced $4.3 million in additional funding for rule-of-law
programs across North Macedonia that were a direct result of
the Strategic Dialogue that we had in June. So those reforms,
those necessary reforms, I would do everything I could to
support them. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Ms. Duggal, let me complete the issue in
regard to Russian dependency. There is a similar problem in
regard to Netherlands. Tell us how you would address that as
our Ambassador.
Ms. Duggal. Thank you for the question, Chairman Cardin.
That is absolutely such a critical thought, and Russia does use
energy as a weapon to attempt to weaken Europe. The Netherlands
is, in fact, less dependent on Russian energy than other
European countries, and the Netherlands does hope to cut
Russian oil and fossil fuels by the end of the year and aims to
halt coal imports by August 11th and expand wind and solar.
The steps they have already taken in the Netherlands, if I
could list a few, the EU has reached a plan, actually just very
recently, to cut natural gas by 15 percent between now and
spring of 2023. They are also using coal-fired stations to
operate at 35 percent maximum capacity. And there is an
emergency option in the Netherlands to tap into the Groningen
gas field, which is the largest in Europe, and reopen, if need.
And if confirmed, I would be helpful in that conversation.
Senator Cardin. And we are going to follow up on all these
issues.
One of the areas, and particularly as a Senator from
Maryland, we have an LNG export facility located in our state.
We know that American LNG is part of the solution of Europe to
remove their dependency on Russian energy sources, particularly
natural gas. So these are all areas that are going to have to
be put into fast gear because some of these issues take a while
to implement. And it could be a very cold winter in Europe this
year.
Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Cardin, and I want to
stay with you, Ms. Duggal, just to continue my concerns of what
is happening in the Netherlands. The Netherlands has proven to
be a significant swing vote in our technological competition
with the Chinese Communist Party and with China. There is a
tool company there called ASML. Are you familiar with is?
Ms. Duggal. Yes.
Senator Hagerty. ASML produces a special tool known as an
extreme ultraviolet lithography system. It basically cuts the
thinnest lines in the world on silicon wafers. These tools--I
think they cost $150 million a copy--Communist China would love
to get their hands on these tools. Huawei would like to
decrease its dependence on other countries because they would
like to have this capability internalized in China.
Thankfully, ASML has worked with us, and the Government of
the Netherlands has worked with us, and Communist China has not
received a single one of these machines. And that is because
the Government of the Netherlands has withheld export licenses
for this to China.
The Trump administration began this sort of coordination
between the United States and the Netherlands to persuade them
on national security grounds not to grant such an export
license, and the Biden administration has continued this
policy, which I am very pleased to see. And I would like to
know, if confirmed, Ms. Duggal, would you commit to fully
support our efforts to encourage in the Netherlands, and other
key countries for that matter, to adopt export controls on
national security grounds that will prevent Chinese companies
from obtaining and acquiring such critical tools and
technologies?
Ms. Duggal. Thank you for the question, sir. Yes, I
actually am aware of, in the Trump administration, the efforts
that were made and that were successful, and I also am aware
that in July of this year there has been lobbying for the older
DUV systems, and if confirmed, yes, I do commit to that, sir.
Senator Hagerty. I think it is going to be absolutely
critical to take every step that we can because the predatory
posture of China is becoming more and more evident to everyone
around the globe. But our technology competition is absolutely
vital. And if you have the opportunity to be confirmed, I think
your recognition of the national security threat that Communist
China poses and the fact that you will be representing us to a
nation that could play a critical role in denying Communist
China with that capability I think would be vitally important.
If I could turn my next question to Ms. Patman. As you
know, Iceland has no armed forces and it depends on the United
States and NATO for its defense. I am very concerned about
Russia's increased naval presence in the North Atlantic and I
am concerned about the frequency of their naval patrols. They
are levels that we have not seen since the Cold War.
In 2016, the United States and Iceland agreed on a new
Joint Defense Declaration. It was aimed at bolstering security
cooperation, and the United States has been upgrading its
facilities at Iceland's Keflavik military base. Although
Iceland's Government has been cooperating with U.S. authorities
and activities at Keflavik, some Icelandic officials and
parliamentarians are cautious about our increased presence
there.
So if confirmed, how would you work to strengthen the
defense relationship between the United States and Iceland?
Ms. Patman. Thank you so much for the question, Senator. I
would work at the highest levels of the Icelandic Government to
continue that cooperation and make sure that Iceland understood
how valued they are and have been for over 70 years as a
strategic partner. As I am sure you know, their location is so
pivotal that in World War II we had a base there with troops,
which we ultimately, thinking that the Cold War was over,
prematurely as it turns out, withdrew in 2006. But subsequent
to that time Keflavik, as you are obviously aware, has served
as a really critical military base for surveillance.
And in fact, on either side of Iceland are the two maritime
passages, collectively known as the Greenland-Iceland-UK Gap,
that are essential be used for NATO surveillance of Russian
submarines before they drop off into the North Atlantic and
become untraceable.
So I am very aware of the aggressions of Russia in that
region, of their recognition not only that the Arctic is of
critical importance to them economically, given their oilfields
and other interests, but they, along with China, are hoping to
open up the northern sea route and shorten shipping times, and
the northern sea route goes directly through the Greenland-
Iceland-UK Gap, which makes that surveillance so important and
makes allied control of that location so very important.
So I too have become extremely aware of all the different
Russian aggressions, military and economic, involving Iceland,
and I do commit to work very faithfully with the Icelandic
Government to manage those aggressions and make sure they do
not jeopardize either Icelandic or American security.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you for that response.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Berry, I want to talk a little bit
about Namibia. It is a bright spot on the African continent, so
let me start by acknowledging that. They are ranked 58 out of
180 in the ranking on the 2021 Corruption Index, which is the
sixth-best score in Africa. But as I assume you are aware, they
recently had a major scandal in their fishing quotas, dubbed
the ``Fishrot,'' in which government officials were engaged in
corruption.
We recognize that corruption is one of the major ways in
which democratic states become very vulnerable. So how can you
use the resources of our mission to help strengthen their
commitment for anti-corruption activities within their country?
Ambassador Berry. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for that
question. I think there is no doubt that corrupt practices,
particularly when they involve government officials who are
betraying the trust of the people, poses one of the greatest
threats to democracy, and I think the Fishrot scandal obviously
has laid bare some of the vulnerabilities that Namibia's young
democracy faces here.
I think there are a couple of things that I would point to
as encouraging signs there. First of all, the corruption was
largely uncovered through a free and independent media. Second
of all, the Government took positive action in sacking those
who were responsible or accused through that process and have
moved them to trial.
I think that as the United States Government we have a
grave and solemn commitment to help support them in those
efforts. I think through training, through our regional hub for
the International Law Enforcement Academy, through other types
of assistance to help ensure that sunshine and daylight,
transparency and accountability is really the coin of the
realm.
I think that by emphasizing in personal relationships and
engagements through our programmatic involvement as well,
emphasizing that which binds us most closely, these elements of
a democratic society, will be the best guarantee that we have
in helping them combat this scourge.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for that answer.
Ms. Patman, I want to follow up on the issue of Arctic
security because I really do think Senator Hagerty's point is
one that is of critical importance. Russia is anything but
predictable, other than we know that they want to bring down
democratic states and they want to expand their influence. That
we know. The Arctic is an area of major interest for Russia,
and Iceland depends upon NATO. They do not have a capacity
themselves, in armed forces. They do have some capacity on the
coast.
So how do you sort of help develop the strategies,
recognizing Russia's brazen aggression now, that nothing is off
the table? How do we strengthen that alliance so that we have a
greater Arctic defense than we currently have, recognizing that
Russia feels rather emboldened in that area?
Ms. Patman. Thank you for the question, and I certainly am
ready to meet that challenge, if confirmed as Ambassador to
Iceland. Iceland, as we talked earlier, does play a critical
geostrategic role, and the whole attitude toward Russia, in my
understanding in Iceland, has completely changed in light of
the aggression in Ukraine. I think the Foreign Minister spoke
at the Wilson Institute here in Washington recently, and talked
about how it has changed everything. They are absolutely on red
alert about the threat Russia poses and they are ready to
engage in all measures necessary to thwart that kind of
aggression. Not only have they have been totally supportive of
the sanctions, giving humanitarian aid, accepting refugees, and
a number of other ways to help in Ukraine, they also recognize,
and have actually acknowledged, the possible need for enhanced
security presence with respect to NATO security.
Now I will say that Iceland plays above its weight. Iceland
really does contribute to NATO in many incredibly valuable
ways. The Icelandic Coast Guard operates the Keflavik Air Base.
We have a number of installations in Iceland, including a radio
transmitter facility at Grindavik that the United States has
there, and there are military exercises in the Arctic to ensure
interoperability should there be a problem there, just to name
a few examples of how Iceland does contribute handsomely to
NATO.
So I would say that yes, it is true that under their
security agreement with the United States and under their
agreement with NATO we are responsible for their security, but
they also contribute to ours as well, and I always like to
recognize that.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. If I might just add one more question.
This is for Mr. Berry, and again a concern about China's
predatory presence in Africa, broadly speaking. They have
aggressively used their debt trap diplomacy to move into
Africa, and I am very concerned about the posture they are
adopting with regard to lithium. And China is on track, if
nothing is done about it, to control 75 percent of the world's
lithium supply in just a few more years, by 2030.
In Namibia, all the active uranium mines are majority
Chinese owned, and China has invested $4.7 billion in a uranium
mining project that is one of the largest investments that
China has in Africa. So I would love to hear what your
perspective is on the Chinese Communist Party's activities in
Namibia and what you would foresee, if you are confirmed, what
you would foresee as your response to that.
Ambassador Berry. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
You know, for the last 4 years I have been leading a team in a
country that shares a border with China so I have become
acutely familiar with many of the Chinese predatory policies,
its use of disinformation, for example, to target the
relationships through the predatory lending that I think has
troubled so many states around the world.
I think what I have learned from that is that the best
vaccination against those kinds of predatory or unhelpful
interventions in any country, Namibia included, is for full
transparency and full visibility on arrangements around deals
on the extractive industries, on any kind of investment. I
think that we lean very heavily into our shared role as
democracies around the world. I believe that, if confirmed,
what the United States can bring into looking at investment in
the extractive industries or bringing greater scrutiny and
greater clarity on the arrangements of those deals really is at
the core of what we can do there.
I believe that in Nepal we have seen the Chinese Government
really attack U.S. programming by the deployment of
misinformation, and if confirmed, I will work every day to
promote private sector engagement, to provide greater clarity
on these deals, and to engage in the common-sense and, I think,
extremely useful engagement of building up relationships. I
think that an investment of our time, our energy, our focus,
and working on the fundamentals of the extractive industries
there will give us some new insight on how we can compete. It
is, obviously, a great concern to me.
Senator Hagerty. To be clear, Ambassador, you would be
supportive them of U.S. private sector involvement in the
extractive industries there, in Namibia?
Ambassador Berry. Absolutely, Senator. I think whether you
look at Namibia's potential in developing its green power
sources, the rare earth minerals, the lithium, uranium that you
mentioned, or even to develop the potential of petroleum
discoveries, I would sure as heck rather see American companies
develop those resources, because I think that we can do it
better, I think the technology supports it, and I think we can
do it in a way that is environmentally sensitive, which is also
a high priority for the Namibian Government.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. And I would just urge you, in the
extractive industries, to recognize that it is utilized too
often for corruption. And I have been to Namibia and I think
they are committed to an honest system, but the more
transparency that we have in the process, the stronger that is
going to be as these relationships are developed.
Ambassador Berry. Thank you, Senator. I agree.
Senator Cardin. The committee record will remain open until
close of business on Friday, July 29, for members of the
committee that may have ask questions for the record. We would
urge you all to try to answer those questions as promptly and
as completely as possible because until that process is
completed the committee cannot schedule the next step in the
confirmation process. So we would ask that you cooperate with
the committee, and again we thank you very much for your
willingness to put up with this process and to serve our
nation.
And with that the committee stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:12 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Shefali Razdan Duggal by Senator James E. Risch
Democracy, and Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report, the
Netherlands was noted for violence or threats of violence against
journalists, crimes and threats motivated by anti-Semitism, threats of
racial violence, and threats of violence against LGBT communities.
Authorities of the kingdom identified, investigated, prosecuted, and
punished officials who committed abuses.
What is your assessment of the efficacy of the Government in
identifying and punishing officials committing human rights
abuses?
Answer. The Government of the Netherlands has demonstrated efficacy
and a strong commitment to promoting and protecting human rights,
including as a member state in the U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC). The
Netherlands has also worked hard to identify and punish officials who
commit human rights abuses. If confirmed, I intend to work with the
Government of Netherlands to keep the issues of human rights and
religious freedoms at the forefront of our bilateral agenda. I would
call upon the Government to hold accountable perpetrators of such
threats. I would also encourage the Dutch Government to continue to
support community-based initiatives promoting tolerance and
inclusivity.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take with host
government to address violations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would call upon the Government to hold
accountable perpetrators of human rights abuses. I would also encourage
the Dutch Government to continue to support community-based initiatives
promoting tolerance and inclusivity.
Question. If confirmed, how would you direct your mission to
bolster civil society and respect for human rights in country?
Answer. As President Biden has said, the United States is ready to
work with partners and allies to help lead the world toward a more
peaceful, prosperous future grounded in respect for human dignity. I
have been a long-time committee member of Human Rights Watch and
defending human rights has been a key priority of mine. If confirmed, I
would work with the relevant offices in the U.S. Mission, including
with the Public Affairs Section, to work with civil society
organizations that advocate for human rights. I would utilize our many
public diplomacy tools, such as exchanges, cultural programs, and media
engagement, to highlight and share best practices.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, the Netherlands remained a Tier 1 country for meeting the
standards for the elimination of trafficking, maintaining significant
efforts to do so. However, the Government's efforts on the Dutch
Caribbean islands remained weak, and the Government did not report
complete victim statistics for the reporting.
If confirmed, how could you work with the host government improve
efforts in the Dutch Caribbean islands?
Answer. Embassy The Hague works closely with the Dutch Government
to share our concerns about trafficking in persons in the Dutch
Caribbean, and the Embassy contributes to our Congressionally mandated
reporting on conditions there. If confirmed, I would coordinate with
U.S. Embassy leadership in the Caribbean, the Dutch Government, senior
State and Justice Department officials, and Congressional leadership to
encourage increased efforts against trafficking in the Dutch Caribbean.
Question. What steps could you take to encourage the host
government to increase the level of victim statistics reported?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the Government of the
Netherlands to provide accurate and comprehensive reporting and
statistics of their work to address trafficking problems. I would also
lead the U.S. Mission in the Netherlands to work with journalists,
civil society, advocates, academics, and survivors, who are vital
contributors to our understanding of this terrible crime.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, the Netherlands constitution prohibits religious
discrimination and protects the freedom of individuals to profess their
religion or beliefs. However, some local politicians have made anti-
Islamic and antisemitic statements. Some Jewish groups have expressed
concern over rising anti-Semitism through vandalism of Jewish
monuments, antisemitic chants at soccer matches, and vandalism
involving text sprayed with swastikas.
What is your assessment of anti-Semitism in the country?
Answer. The Dutch constitution prohibits religious discrimination
and protects the freedom of individuals to profess their religion or
belief. Dutch ministers have spoken out against antisemitism and have
appointed a National Coordinator for Countering Antisemitism. However,
there is still more to be done to address religious intolerance and
discrimination, including antisemitism. As a former member of the
United States Holocaust Museum Memorial Council, for which I continue
to serve as a Regional Western Advisor, confronting antisemitism and
defending human rights has been a primary focus and, if confirmed,
would be one of my highest priorities. If confirmed, I commit to
working closely with the Office of International Religious Freedom and
Special Envoys for Monitoring and Combating Antisemitism and for
Holocaust Issues to push back effectively on antisemitism.
Question. If confirmed, how could you work with the host government
to address these concerns?
Answer. Officials from U.S. Embassy The Hague and Consulate General
Amsterdam engage in interfaith dialogue, formally and informally, with
government officials, religious leaders, youth activists, and other
civil society groups to highlight the need for religious tolerance. If
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with these stakeholders and in
coordination with colleagues in Washington to highlight the need for
religious tolerance.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Netherlands
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage
their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Absolutely. If confirmed, I would encourage the Netherlands
to support Doreen Bogdan-Martin. It is vitally important that key
international organizations like the International Telecommunications
Union are led by capable individuals committed to upholding the
integrity of the rules-based international order. Ms. Bogdan-Martin is
clearly the most qualified candidate for Secretary-General of the ITU.
I will encourage the Netherlands not only to vote for Ms. Bogdan-Martin
at the upcoming ITU Plenipotentiary Conference in September, but to
encourage other ITU member states to do the same.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. Ensuring that the United States and our like-minded allies
and partners do not cede influence in the U.N. system to those who do
not share our values and are not committed to the foundational
principles of the U.N. is of vital importance to U.S. foreign policy
and national security interests. If confirmed, I will work hand-in-
glove with the International Organizations Bureau, the Government of
the Netherlands, and other stakeholders to augment the number of
Americans while encouraging citizens of likeminded nations to work
throughout the U.N. system. I would also work with the Embassy's Public
Affairs Section to identify, recruit, and install qualified Americans
to the U.N.
Europe and Eurasia
Question. The Netherlands has a high rate of voting coincidence
with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to engage with the
Netherlands Government on anticipated votes in the U.N. system
that would continue to build upon this record with the U.S.?
Answer. The Netherlands is closely aligned with the United States
across the spectrum of foreign policy, national security, and economic
issues, and we should take full advantage of this close alignment to
advance U.S. interests. If confirmed, I would ensure that my team and I
maintain regular contact with Dutch counterparts to ensure maximum
coordination on upcoming votes and other actions in the U.N. and other
multilateral bodies, including actions to stand with Ukraine and
further isolate Russia in the international system.
Question. The Netherlands hosts the International Criminal Court,
the main body that implements the Rome Statute. The United States is
not a party to the Rome Statute.
If confirmed, do you commit to working with the Ambassador for
Global Criminal Justice Van Schaak and Under Secretary Zeya to
protect American interests in the context of the ICC?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would absolutely work closely with
Ambassador Van Schaack and Under Secretary Zeya to protect our
interests in the context of the ICC. The Dutch are proud hosts of the
ICC and led efforts to hold Russia to account for human rights abuses
in Ukraine during a recent Accountability Conference. As a court of
last resort, the ICC has a critical role to play in the international
system of justice and the USG supports constructive engagement aimed at
supporting the Court's mandate, which is a key priority for the
President.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with Congress on ICC
issues, including any new or rumored investigations of the U.S.,
Israel, or other allies who are also not a party to the Rome Statue?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with Washington
colleagues, Global Criminal Justice Ambassador-at-Large Van Schaack,
Under Secretary Zeya, and with Embassy The Hague's Office of Legal
Counselor (OLC) to address any concerns related to the ICC. The United
States continues to maintain its longstanding objection to efforts by
the Court to assert jurisdiction over personnel of non-States, Parties
such as the United States and Israel, but believes that any concerns
are best addressed through engagement with all stakeholders.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Amsterdam?
Answer. Mission the Netherlands comprises our Embassy in The Hague
and the Consulate General in Amsterdam. My understanding is that our
Mission faces staffing shortages among our locally employed hires. Our
Consulate General in Amsterdam provides consular services for the
country including non-immigrant and immigrant visas and American
Citizen Services for both tourists and more than 45,000 Americans
citizens who reside in The Netherlands. If confirmed, I would make
every effort to regularly meet with the staff to understand any
concerns they may have and address any morale issues that may arise.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Amsterdam?
Answer. Mission Netherlands has very high morale. If confirmed, the
welfare of all Americans and my staff would be my top priority; I would
do my utmost to keep morale high at both posts, including by addressing
staffing gaps. I would seek frank input and feedback from the staff at
Consulate General Amsterdam, enthusiastically recognize their
contributions and accomplishments, and work assiduously with my Consul
General and my management team to address any concerns they may have.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Amsterdam?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my experience building bridges to
maintain close communication among staff at the Embassy and Consulate
General. In addition to the established, regular meetings between the
Embassy and Consulate General, I would work to communicate a unified
mission and vision, be inclusive and open, and encourage more frequent
interactions among staff. The Consulate General in Amsterdam is
uniquely located on Museumplein--the heart of a world-class city. We
have an opportunity to leverage this presence as a strategic platform
to advance Mission priorities.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have always striven to forge inclusive, open environments
where individuals feel empowered and develop a shared sense of
responsibility. When conflicts arise, I work to resolve them
professionally and with respect for all parties involved. I look to
delegate authority, but not responsibility, as often as possible. If
confirmed, I would bring my optimistic attitude along with a
collaborative and team-focused management style to the mission.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, this type of behavior is not acceptable. If confirmed,
I will work to resolve issues professionally and with respect for all
parties involved.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to build a relationship of trust
and respect with the Deputy Chief of Mission, delegating when
appropriate and ensuring the individual can cover for me in the event I
am not available.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to let my Deputy Chief of Mission
serve as the Embassy's chief management officer, responsible for the
day-to-day functions of the Mission. If confirmed and after I arrive at
post, I will work out the details with the Deputy Chief of Mission of
our respective portfolios to form the basis of a collaborative,
productive relationship.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. Candid and comprehensive performance reviews are
essential for employees to know where they stand and for them to
understand where they need to improve. Beyond the annual reviews, it is
also important for supervisors to set clear expectations and provide
continuous feedback.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. Ensuring clear, accurate, and direct feedback for
employees will raise their overall performance. I will enthusiastically
recognize the accomplishments of high-performing employees.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
the Netherlands.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Yes. Diplomats in Embassy The Hague enjoy a free range of
movement throughout the country to establish a breadth of contacts and
complete their work. If confirmed, I would commit to continue this
practice of getting outside of the Embassy to meet with local actors,
including host government officials, non-government organizations and
fellow foreign diplomats stationed in the Netherlands.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Diplomats working in Embassy The Hague already enjoy a free
range of movement throughout the country. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure they continue to leave the Embassy to meet with Dutch officials
and other citizens throughout the country as often as possible. I will
also work closely with Diplomatic Security to monitor the security
situation in case there are any changes to the permissive security
environment that allows Mission staff to travel throughout the
Netherlands. If confirmed, one of my key priorities will be to visit
each of the 12 provinces and substantively engage with the local Dutch
population to convey and exemplify our American ideals.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Netherlands?
Answer. Embassy The Hague uses the full array of public diplomacy
tools to engage with the Dutch public across all facets of society,
including educational and professional exchanges, cultural and sports
diplomacy programs, and grants to local non-governmental organizations
(NGOs).
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Working in a country such as the Netherlands, with an open
media environment, freedom of the press, and freedom of expression,
U.S. diplomats face few constraints. If confirmed, I will work to help
ensure that this trend continues and will work energetically with my
Public Diplomacy Section to ensure that our public diplomacy efforts
deepen our bilateral people-to-people ties and advance U.S. strategic
priorities in and with the Netherlands.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct my public diplomacy officers to
continue to shape and advance U.S. messages in country in a smart,
balanced manner, which will require them to coordinate and collaborate
closely with colleagues in Main State.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Absolutely. The issue of Anomalous Health Incidents--
including the interagency effort to protect and care for our personnel
and uncover the cause of these incidents--is an absolute priority for
the Department. AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken,
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to
strengthen the Department's communication with the workforce, provide
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect
against these events in the future as we work to uncover the cause. If
confirmed, I would have no higher priority than the safety of the
members of my Embassy team and their families.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Amsterdam personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to talking openly with Embassy
The Hague and Consulate General Amsterdam. I believe that we will be
better suited to advance our goals through frequent, honest, and
transparent communication.
* * *
follow-up questions submitted to
shefali razdan duggal by senator risch
Question. The Netherlands is a major hub for natural gas
trade, and has significant stores in the Groningen field that
could be used to alleviate gas shortages in Europe. If
confirmed to be ambassador, how will you work with the
Government of the Netherlands as it, and its European Union
partners, navigates the burgeoning European energy crisis?
Answer. The Netherlands has taken many important actions to
enhance European energy security and support diversification of
energy supplies. Raising production at the Groningen gas fields
is challenging because operations there trigger earthquakes. If
confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of the
Netherlands and colleagues in Washington to support bilateral
and multilateral efforts to improve European energy security
and reduce European dependence on Russian fossil fuels. I will
also support other bilateral and multilateral efforts to reduce
the use of fossil fuels in the long-term.
Question. How will you work with the Dutch Government to
modernize and diversify its gas and energy industry away from
Russia?
Answer. The Government of the Netherlands has been proactive
in seeking alternative energy sources to those supplied by
Russia, including by speeding up their transition to
sustainable sources of energy; increasing the use of hydrogen
and responsibly-sourced gas; installing additional wind
turbines in the North Sea; and securing additional
infrastructure to support diversification of natural gas
supplies. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Dutch
Government to further those important efforts.
Question. How will you work with the Netherlands' Government
and private sector to increase economic ties with the United
States?
Answer. The United States and the Netherlands have a robust
bilateral commercial and economic relationship, and in 2021 the
United States had an $18 billion trade surplus with the
Netherlands. The Netherlands is also one of the largest foreign
investors in the United States, supporting over 800,000 direct
and indirect American jobs. The Netherlands has invested in
many sectors of the U.S. economy, including electronics/high-
tech, life sciences and health, transportation, logistics,
financial services, petrochemicals, agriculture, horticulture,
energy, and water management. If confirmed, I will engage with
the Dutch Government and private sector to strengthen existing
relationships and identify new opportunities for trade and
investment.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-
to-people ties between the U.S. and the Netherlands?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
Public Diplomacy Section to strengthen the already deep and
enduring people-to-people ties between the United States and
the Netherlands. I believe deepening these ties will help to
advance the four priorities that the United States shares with
the Netherlands: 1) to enhance Transatlantic security
cooperation; 2) to promote our shared economic prosperity; 3)
to highlight the U.S.-Netherlands climate partnership; and 4)
to safeguard our shared democratic values, promote diversity,
equity, inclusion, and accessibility, and protect human rights.
If confirmed, one of my key priorities will be to visit each of
the 12 provinces and substantively engage with the local Dutch
population to convey and exemplify our American ideals.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Dutch
Government to protect critical industry, such as semiconductor
development and manufacturing, from foreign espionage and
intellectual property theft, especially from China?
Answer. The Netherlands is one of the most technologically-
advanced countries in Europe and one of the United States' most
like-minded partners on digital governance and cyber security.
If confirmed, I will continue our cooperation with the
Netherlands to promote and protect critical and emerging
technologies, such as semiconductor technology, in which the
Netherlands is a world leader.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government
of the Netherlands to coordinate and implement sanctions on
Russia and support aid to Ukraine? To ensure sanctions
compliance and crack down on any attempts to evade sanctions?
Answer. The Netherlands has emerged as a leader within Europe
to hold Russia to account for its war against Ukraine,
supporting several rounds of EU sanctions against the Kremlin,
supplying security and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, and
continuing to shape and mold a strong EU response to Russia's
aggression. Prime Minister Rutte has been a strong leader
within the EU, as well as in the region. If confirmed, I plan
to build upon sound U.S.-EU-Dutch coordination to deter Russian
malign influence globally, including through the provision of
security assistance to Ukraine, development of further economic
sanctions, and coordination in multilateral organizations to
hold Russia to account.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Shefali Razdan Duggal by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Our European allies and NATO members must recognize the
need to take the lead to counter Russia's aggression on their doorstep.
Officials from the past and current administrations have agreed that
the CCP is the only power willing and able to challenge U.S. leadership
on the global stage. In practice, this means undermining our open
system here at home and undermining our alliances and credibility
abroad. While CCP is most interested in becoming a regional hegemon in
the Indo-Pacific, they have global and European aspirations. In July
2019, the Dutch government decided to add additional vetting
requirements to their telecommunications companies regarding equipment
suppliers to fifth generation (5G) mobile networks.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
PRC as a strategic competitor that challenges the existing rules-based
international order. The Netherlands shares U.S. concerns with PRC
behavior that undermines international norms and European security. The
Netherlands does not allow untrusted vendors in their 5G network and
its parliament was the first to pass a resolution labeling the
situation in Xinjiang as a ``genocide.'' If confirmed, I will work with
the Netherlands to address the risks that could impact U.S. and Dutch
interests, so that we can better compete with the PRC.
Question. How have Dutch views of the CCP changed in recent years
given the significant trade between the two nations?
Answer. Dutch views increasingly reflect the threats posed by the
PRC to our economic security, regional stability, shared values, and
the international rules-based order. While the Dutch pursue cooperation
with the PRC where they have shared interests, they do so while
remaining mindful of security and economic concerns. They share our
concerns over the PRC's unfair trade practices, especially the use of
forced labor, and recognize the threat of strategic dependency on the
PRC.
Question. U.S. relations with the Netherlands are generally
regarded positively. How do you assess the current state of the
bilateral relationship and how can the U.S. utilize the Dutch
historical relationships in the Indo-Pacific region to counter CCP
further expansion?
Answer. The U.S.-Netherlands bilateral relationship is strong,
based on shared values and excellent people-to-people ties. The Dutch
share many of our views about the challenge the PRC poses to our vision
of a free, open and prosperous Indo Pacific as evidenced by their China
policy and their engagement in shaping the European Union's approach to
the region. If confirmed, I would work with the Netherlands to advance
our shared interests in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. The Netherlands strongly supports NATO and transatlantic
relations. Dutch forces continue to participate in NATO operations and
supported NATO efforts to support Ukraine's defense against Putin's war
by providing both lethal and non-lethal weapons. The Dutch are well
aware of the abuses that Russia is capable of given the downing of
flight MH17 over eastern Ukraine by pro-Russian separatists killing
close to 300 Dutch citizens. To what extent has Putin's aggression in
Ukraine boosted political momentum in the Netherlands toward meeting
NATO's requirement for members to spend at least 2 percent of their GDP
on defense spending?
Answer. The current Dutch governing coalition has already announced
that the Netherlands will meet the Wales Defense Investment pledge of
spending two percent of GDP on defense by 2024. If confirmed, I will
work with the Government of the Netherlands to sustain this commitment
and ensure that the Dutch continue to contribute substantially to
transatlantic security.
Question. Will you press the Netherlands to meet the 2 percent
requirement and sustain it over time?
Answer. The current Dutch governing coalition has already announced
that the Netherlands will meet the Wales Defense Investment pledge of
spending two percent of GDP on defense by 2024. If confirmed, I will
work with the Government of the Netherlands to sustain this commitment
and ensure that the Dutch continue to be a major contributor to
transatlantic security.
Question. If so, how will you be effective in this endeavor?
Answer. The United States continues to enjoy a close relationship
with the Netherlands, based on shared values and a shared vision for
the future. Like the United States, they are deeply committed to NATO.
If confirmed, I plan to rely on this incredibly close relationship to
advance U.S. goals and priorities with respect to the Netherlands.
Question. To what degree does the Netherlands support cooperation
with the United States, including at NATO and with the EU, to address
the strategic and economic challenges posed by CCP?
Answer. The Netherlands strongly supports cooperation with the
United States in NATO and with the EU to address strategic and economic
challenges posed by the PRC. They are a capable NATO ally and a strong
contributor to maritime security. They are also a strong voice in
shaping the EU's more critical approach to the PRC. They work closely
with the United States to promote and protect leading edge
technologies, and their parliament was the first in Europe to label the
situation in Xinjiang a genocide. If confirmed, I will work to deepen
this cooperation with the Dutch.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Carrin F. Patman by Senator James E. Risch
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report,
Iceland did not report any significant issues of human rights abuses.
The Government had mechanisms in place in order to prosecute and punish
officials who carried out these abuses or engaged in corruption.
How could you work with Icelandic Government to maintain their
human rights record?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Icelandic
Government to maintain its strong human rights record, through meetings
and outreach with counterparts in the Government and throughout civil
society. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly engages on this
issue.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take with the host
government to help spread these practices to neighboring countries and
around the world?
Answer. Iceland is a strong advocate for addressing global issues
in multilateral fora. If confirmed, I will work to leverage our strong
bilateral relationship and shared values to help share Iceland's strong
human rights practices with neighboring countries and around the world,
including through cooperation during the Summit for Democracy's Year of
Action. If confirmed, I would utilize public diplomacy tools to promote
the international rules-based order and bolster human rights.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, Iceland remained a Tier 1 country for meeting the standards for
the elimination of trafficking, maintaining significant efforts to do
so. However, the Government continued to charge suspected traffickers
under non-trafficking statutes such as smuggling, which carry more
lenient penalties and did not have a formal process for identifying
victims of child-trafficking.
If confirmed, how could you work with the host government to
continue to improve these efforts to eliminate trafficking?
Answer. From reviewing this year's TIP report, I understand that
the Government of Iceland fully meets the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking. According to the report, the Government
made key achievements during the reporting period, considering the
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Government prosecuted and
convicted one trafficker, marking the Government's first prosecution
and conviction in 12 years, and established a law enforcement advisory
panel. In addition, the Government identified and assisted more
potential trafficking victims and funded a new counseling and support
center for victims of gender-based violence, including trafficking
victims. The Government also funded and published a new online
emergency services portal with information on trafficking indicators
and assistance, developed standard operating procedures for emergency
services operators responding to suspected trafficking cases, and
financed production of educational videos to help workplace inspectors
detect potential incidents of human trafficking. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with Iceland to continue efforts on this important
issue.
Question. What steps could you take to increase the rate of
traffickers being charged under trafficking statutes?
Answer. Iceland has made key achievements in this past reporting
period, which if confirmed, I look forward to building on. As noted in
this year's TIP report, the Icelandic Government prosecuted and
convicted one trafficker, marking the Government's first prosecution
and conviction in 12 years. The Government also established a law
enforcement advisory panel that worked with foreign law enforcement
agencies and anti-trafficking organizations and cooperated with
international organizations on data collection regarding trafficking
trends and responses. If confirmed, I would leverage the TIP Report as
the primary guide for U.S. anti-trafficking policy and encourage the
Icelandic Government to implement the TIP Report's prioritized
recommendations, including to significantly increase efforts to convict
suspected traffickers and sentence them to significant prison terms,
investigate and prosecute trafficking cases under the trafficking
statute, and enhance training for investigating cases and collecting
evidence against suspected traffickers.
Question. How could you work with the Icelandic Government to
establish formal processes for identifying child-trafficking victims?
Answer. Although Iceland made key achievements in this past
reporting period, the Icelandic Government did not have a formal
identification and referral process for child trafficking victims. If
confirmed, I will engage with the Icelandic Government, civil society
organizations, and the State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons to encourage cooperation to establish formal
processes for Iceland to identify child-trafficking victims.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Iceland provides for freedom of religion. Religious
report generally good relations with the Government and society at
large, however Jewish community leaders have noticed an uptick in
antisemitic rhetoric on social media.
What is your assessment of anti-Semitism in the country?
Answer. As you note, according to the State Department's most
recent International Religious Freedom report, religious groups in
Iceland reported generally good relations with the Government and
society at large. However, Jewish community leaders noted a slight
uptick in antisemitic rhetoric on social media, and one incident
involving a verbal confrontation. If confirmed, I plan to meet with
community leaders of all faiths, civil society organizations, and
government officials in Iceland to discuss religious equality and
religious tolerance in Iceland, and I plan to utilize social media to
highlight the importance of religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, how could you work with the host government
to address these concerns?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Icelandic
Government to address any crimes against religious minorities, through
meetings and outreach with counterparts in the Government and
throughout society. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly engages
on this issue.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.S., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.S. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Iceland Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Icelandic
Government and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S.
support of Doreen Bogdan-Martin.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I would coordinate closely with and engage
the International Organizations bureau at the Department of State to
ensure that the United States is readily able to identify, recruit, and
install qualified Americans at the U.S. and in other specialized
international bodies. I believe in continued open communication and if
confirmed, I commit to meeting IO officials at the Department to
discuss ways I can be helpful in this regard.
Europe and Eurasia
Question. Iceland has a high rate of voting coincidence with the
U.S. in the U.S. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to engage with the
Iceland Government on anticipated votes in the U.S. system that
would continue to build upon this record with the U.S.?
Answer. Iceland is a U.S. ally that shares many values and
priorities, and is a stable and democratic country with longstanding
close ties to the United States. Iceland is also a strong advocate for
addressing global issues in multilateral fora. If confirmed, I commit
to continuously engaging with the Icelandic Government and will work to
leverage the strong bilateral relationship and shared values to
continue to build upon this record.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Reykjavik?
Answer. Mission Reykjavik has faced challenges posed by COVID-19,
and I am thankful for the staff's resilience and continued service. If
confirmed, the health and safety of the personnel and family members of
Mission Reykjavik will be my top priority, and I look forward to
working with the talented team of U.S. Direct Hires, locally employed
staff, and their families, and ensuring that everyone on my team
understands they are valued and has my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Reykjavik?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Icelandic relationship and
the interests of the United States and the American people.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Reykjavik?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and
continuous communication throughout the Mission. We are all one team
working together to advance the U.S.-Icelandic relationship and the
interests of the American people, so I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, I am committed to
supporting a diverse and inclusive workforce at U.S. Embassy Reykjavik.
Diversity makes the Mission strong by bringing different perspectives
and enhancing creativity and if confirmed, I look forward to working
with the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have been blessed with opportunities that have prepared
me to be a chief of mission, and to build consensus among diverse
stakeholders. I have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues of
all backgrounds and if confirmed, I will regularly engage with members
of my team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue and
diversity of thought. I also believe in leading by example. If
confirmed, I will work hard to foster an environment of respect as
Embassy Reykjavik carries out important work on behalf of the American
people.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). If confirmed, I
will work closely with the DCM to advance U.S. priorities in Iceland,
including protecting the safety and security of Americans, expanding
our economic relationship, and advancing shared priorities.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy Chief of Mission
with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the Mission and
serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence. If confirmed, I will consult
closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission on a range of issues and I
will value the institutional knowledge that career Foreign Service
officers provide.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles. If
confirmed, I hope to be an inspiring leader with an open-door policy to
discuss constructive and timely feedback to enhance and lift the
performance of the entire team.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Iceland.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get
outside of the Embassy to meet with local citizens, including host
government officials and non-governmental organizations. The COVID-19
pandemic has been a challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully
engage face-to-face with host country nationals, but as conditions
improve, I understand that U.S. diplomats have resumed in-person
engagements and programs again, as appropriate.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
Embassy public diplomacy section to use both social and traditional
media to reach people across Iceland. Diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility are also an important part of public diplomacy outreach
to ensure efforts reflect the diversity of U.S. society and societies
abroad and encourage the involvement of people from traditionally
underrepresented audiences. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy
team to leverage engagements with the media, cultural and educational
exchange organizations, and individual interactions to expand the
people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral
relationship.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Iceland?
Answer. The United States has strong academic, cultural, and
professional exchanges with the people of Iceland. As I understand it,
many government leaders are alumni of U.S. exchange programs with
Iceland. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to leverage
relationships with the media, cultural and educational exchange
organizations, and individuals to expand the people-to-people bonds
that are the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for U.S.
diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-face with host country
nationals. As conditions improve, U.S. diplomats have started in-person
engagements and programs again. If confirmed, I look forward to
utilizing both traditional and social media to engage with the
Icelandic public, in addition to in-person programs.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people and if confirmed, I look forward to working with the offices at
Main State to advance U.S. foreign policy goals in Iceland. If
confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance security
cooperation, strengthen collaboration on Arctic and climate issues,
expand economic and trade relations, defend democratic values, and
deepen people-to-people ties. I will work to counter adverse influence
and mis- and disinformation through engagements with traditional media,
communication via social media, institutional outreach, and personal
interactions, and through a variety of public diplomacy programming.
Working with the public diplomacy team, we will tailor our messaging in
a way that is most appropriate for Icelandic audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome.'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Reykjavik personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to sharing what information I
can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with Mission
Reykjavik personnel.
* * *
follow-up questions submitted to
carrin f. patman by senator risch
Bilateral Defense Relationship/Arctic
Question. The Arctic is becoming increasingly important to
global security. Russia and China have both stated interest in
the region, and through its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has
shown a new willingness to use its military to achieve its
geostrategic goals.
If confirmed, how will you work to strengthen the U.S.-Icelandic
security relationship, both bilaterally and with a mind to
our mutual security relationships with the other Arctic
nations?
Answer. Iceland considers its membership in NATO and its
defense agreement with the United States as the two main
pillars of its security policy. I understand that the United
States plans to maintain its presence on a rotational basis to
support its obligations to NATO and Iceland. The United States
works closely with the Government of Iceland on NATO and U.S.
activities, and U.S. military forces have received great
support at Keflavik Air Base in Iceland. This invaluable
cooperation is crucial to the defense of Iceland and the
broader North Atlantic region, especially given increased
tensions in the region. If confirmed, I will work to maintain
Icelandic contributions to transatlantic security and the
broader North Atlantic region, which is directly in the
interest of the United States and our Allies and partners.
Question. How will you work to counter Russian or Chinese
influence that may seek to undermine the United States' Arctic
interests in Iceland?
Answer. Iceland seeks to maintain commitment to the rules-
based international order and low tensions in the High North
and works with other NATO Allies to ensure the Alliance has a
credible deterrence and defense posture in the region. Iceland,
together with the United States and other likeminded Arctic
States, immediately and strongly condemned Putin's
premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified war in Ukraine. I
understand that Iceland is keenly aware of Russia's increased
military activities in the Arctic. Iceland is also taking
concrete steps to protect its critical infrastructure including
through the recent passage of a telecommunications law. If
confirmed, I will work with the Icelandic Government to ensure
Iceland and NATO's continued attention to security challenges
in the High North and share best practices on reducing
vulnerabilities and protecting critical infrastructure.
Further, if confirmed, I look forward to consulting with
Congress and the Department of Defense and the Department of
Treasury on this issue.
Question. Do you believe that Finland and Sweden's accession
to NATO will fundamentally change the security environment in
the Arctic? If so, please explain how?
Answer. The accession of Finland and Sweden would introduce
two new, highly capable Allies with deep Arctic expertise into
the Alliance. I believe this will contribute to greater
predictability and stability in the region. Iceland is a
founding member of NATO and has strongly welcomed Finland and
Sweden's decisions to apply for NATO membership. Iceland was
among the first group of countries to ratify Finland and
Sweden's applications. Page Break
Nuclear
Question. Public support for the Treaty of the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) in Iceland is high.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the Icelandic Government
to express the importance NATO's nuclear arsenal holds in
our collective defense and how joining the TPNW could
undermine our nuclear security?
Answer. As a member of the NATO Alliance, Iceland has
committed to ensuring that NATO's nuclear deterrent aligns with
the realities of the current security environment and remains
safe, secure, and effective. If confirmed, I will regularly
engage with the Icelandic Government on tangible, verifiable
measures to reduce strategic risk and enable progress on
nuclear disarmament.
Question. While Iceland is a member of NATO, it has refused
to store nuclear weapons within its territory.
Given a paradigm shift in the NATO's security with regard to
renewed Russian aggression, do you believe the conversation
about nuclear weapons in Iceland should be revisited, and
that the U.S. should have a role in that conversation?
Answer. Iceland has a longstanding policy against nuclear
weapons on Icelandic territory. However, as a member of the
NATO Alliance, Iceland is committed to ensuring NATO's nuclear
deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective. Nuclear weapons
are a core component of NATO's overall capabilities for
deterrence and defense and are the supreme guarantee of the
security of the Alliance. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with Iceland to maintain nuclear deterrence.
Economic Relations
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government
and private sector of Iceland to increase and improve economic
ties with the United States?
Answer. The United States enjoys an active trade and
investment partnership with Iceland and is Iceland's largest
trading partner. The United States and Iceland signed a Trade
and Investment Framework Agreement in 2009. If confirmed, I
will continue our promotion of U.S. exports to Iceland and
encourage Icelandic investment in U.S. companies by engaging
regularly with both the Government and the private sector in
Iceland.
Question. In what sectors do you believe exist the best
opportunities for increased U.S.-Iceland trade?
Answer. Key U.S. exports to Iceland include fuels and
lubricants, food and beverages, capital goods, and
transportation equipment. Key U.S. imports from Iceland include
fish and fish products, orthopedic equipment, and food and
beverages. The United States has an important opportunity to
work with Iceland in deploying innovative green technologies
that can help in our shared fight against climate change.
Iceland has been a leader in developing green technologies and
if confirmed, I look forward to continuing our cooperation in
this important field, including commercial opportunities for
U.S. firms.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Carrin F. Patman by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has sought to expand
its influence in Iceland and offered to develop a deep-sea port to gain
a larger footing in the Artic and North Atlantic, all while the U.S.
provides military defense for Iceland through NATO.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. As Secretary
Blinken said on May 26, we will invest in America, align with our
Allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our interests and build our
vision for the future. If confirmed, I will strengthen our partnership
with Iceland, including working with Iceland to implement investment
screening mechanisms to protect ports and other critical
infrastructure.
Question. How does Iceland view Moscow's and Beijing's activities
in the Arctic?
Answer. Iceland seeks to maintain commitment to the rules-based
international order and low tensions in the High North and works with
other NATO Allies to ensure the Alliance has a credible deterrence and
defense posture in the region. Iceland, together with the United States
and other likeminded Arctic States, immediately and strongly condemned
Putin's premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified war in Ukraine. I
understand that Iceland is keenly aware of Russia's increased military
activities in the Arctic. Climate change has increased strategic
competition in the Arctic region. Melting sea ice has created new
opportunities for the PRC and Russia to exploit the region--both
economically and militarily. Iceland is taking proactive steps to
protect its critical infrastructure, including by passing a recent
telecommunications bill to establish a new legal framework governing a
broad range of telecommunications issues, including national security.
At the NATO Summit in June 2021, all thirty Allies agreed to a Summit
Communique that referenced the High North for the first time,
demonstrating a commitment to bolstering NATO's deterrence and defense
in the region. NATO's new Strategic Concept reaffirms this commitment.
If confirmed, I will work with the Icelandic Government to ensure
Iceland and NATO's continued attention to security challenges in the
High North. Further, if confirmed, I look forward to consulting with
Congress and the Department of Defense on this issue.
Question. Since the 1951 signing of the U.S.-Iceland Defense
Agreement, Iceland has no armed forces and the United States, on behalf
of NATO, is responsible for its defense. In return, the U.S. military
possesses basing rights in Iceland, which it has not used since 2006.
In 2016, the United States and Iceland agreed on a new joint defense
declaration aimed at bolstering security cooperation, and the United
States has been upgrading its facilities at Iceland's Keflavik military
base. Should the 1951 Treaty be revised so Iceland can build up its own
capabilities and contribute to NATO's collective defense? Why or why
not?
Answer. Iceland is the only NATO ally without a standing military;
however, even without a military it provides invaluable contributions
to NATO's collective defense and transatlantic security. Iceland
provides 24/7 air surveillance through its four remote radar and
communication sites and hosts NATO Air Policing Missions, helping to
maintain NATO's crucial readiness in the Arctic and North Atlantic.
Furthermore, the United States and Iceland consult and cooperate
regularly on defense-related matters, including through an annual
Strategic Dialogue, regular consultations with U.S. European Command
(USEUCOM), and various joint exercises. I understand that under the
auspices of the annual Strategic Dialogue, security-related issues can
be discussed in a mutually beneficial manner, so while I cannot speak
to hypotheticals regarding the 1951 Treaty, the United States and
Iceland maintain an open dialogue on these issues. If confirmed, I will
work to maintain Icelandic contributions to transatlantic security,
which is directly in the interest of the United States and our Allies
and partners.
Question. In what ways are such measures contributing to the
defense of Iceland and the broader North Atlantic region, especially
given increased tensions between Russia, the West, and countering CCP
aspirations in the region?
Answer. Iceland lies in a key geostrategic location in the
Greenland-Iceland-UK (GIUK) Gap, and due to climate change opening
maritime routes through the Arctic, the North Atlantic is becoming more
critical in the realm of defense and security. The U.S. Department of
Defense maintains a rotational presence at Keflavik Air Base in Iceland
to support theater and anti-submarine warfare (ASW) and maritime domain
awareness. The U.S. Navy deploys P-8A aircraft and crews to Iceland to
support the ASW mission. Icelandic Coast Guard personnel also maintain
a central hub for the four radar stations around Iceland that provide
data to NATO and the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD),
providing a complete listing of all aircraft in the North Atlantic to
NATO and NORAD. This invaluable cooperation is crucial to the defense
of Iceland and the broader North Atlantic region, especially given
increased tensions in the region. If confirmed, I will work to maintain
Icelandic contributions to transatlantic security and the broader North
Atlantic region, which is directly in the interest of the United States
and our Allies and partners.
Question. Would Iceland welcome the U.S. deploying forces to
Iceland to help deter Chinese and Russian military activity in the
Arctic?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals or on behalf of the
Icelandic Government, I understand that Iceland considers its
membership in NATO and the defense agreement with the United States as
the two main pillars of its security policy. I understand that the
United States plans to maintain its presence on a rotational basis to
support its obligations to NATO and Iceland. The United States works
closely with the Government of Iceland on NATO and U.S. activities, and
U.S. military forces have received great support at Keflavik Air Base
in Iceland. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing this close
cooperation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Angela Price Aggeler by Senator James E. Risch
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report, North
Macedonia is noted for inhuman and degrading conditions in prisons,
violence and threats against journalists, serious government
corruption, lack of accountability for gender based and family
violence, and more.
How could you work with the North Macedonian government to address
issues of government corruption?
Answer. The United States recognizes and welcomes the steps the
current government has taken to fight corruption and impunity. There is
more work to be done, and anyone that has abused the public's trust
must be held to account no matter his or her party, background, or
position. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the government of North
Macedonia to hold its officials accountable, to thoroughly investigate
allegations of abuse of office, and to address corruption swiftly and
thoroughly. I will work to strengthen state institutions and bolster
public confidence in the government and the rule of law.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take with the host
government to mitigate the levels of violence or threats of violence
against journalists, and increase the accountability of family and
gender based violence?
Answer. If confirmed, I will promote the values of freedom,
democracy, individual liberty, and human dignity. U.S. assistance
includes grants to local groups that promote the protection of human
rights and fundamental freedoms of members of vulnerable or targeted
populations, including members of minority groups and journalists. If
confirmed, I will reinforce the importance of a free media with North
Macedonia's political leaders and public and will speak out publicly
and privately in defense of targeted journalists and media
organizations.. A free and independent media is critical for any
democratic society. I would also work with the Ministry of Justice to
increase accountability for acts of violence against journalists and
gender-based violence.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally raising these
issues with the host government?
Answer. Absolutely. The U.S. closely follows the state of North
Macedonia's democratic institutions and rule of law, as we do with all
countries. If confirmed, I will continue to work with North Macedonia
to uphold transatlantic values, including personally raising the issues
of violence against journalists and gender-based violence with the
government.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, North Macedonia remained a Tier 2 country for not fully meeting
the standards for the elimination of trafficking but maintaining
significant efforts to do so. However, the police maintain a lack of
funding and equipment to conduct proactive investigations, and local
teams and border security lack the ability to properly screen for
trafficking indicators.
If confirmed, how could you work with the host government to
increase the funding provided to properly conduct proactive
trafficking investigations?
Answer. The Embassy maintains close relationships with anti-
trafficking civil society groups and actively engages the government of
North Macedonia to address priority recommendations highlighted in the
2022 TIP Report, including investigating, prosecuting, and convicting
traffickers--including complicit officials--imposing adequate
penalties, and allocating sufficient resources to this important work.
If confirmed, I will encourage the government of North Macedonia to
increase assistance for victims, particularly among vulnerable groups,
and to allocate consistent and sufficient funding for victim services
and investigations.
Question. What steps could you take to improve the level of
training to better identify trafficking indicators?
Answer. The United States supports the government of North
Macedonia's work with international humanitarian organizations and has
contributed border security equipment and training for anti-trafficking
officials. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the government to
seek additional training opportunities for its officials and to work
closely with the United States as well as non-governmental
organizations to better identify trafficking indicators. I would also
work with the interagency to identify opportunities for American
experts to engage, train, and mentor the government on anti-trafficking
work, border security, resilience, information sharing, and prosecution
of traffickers.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, North Macedonia's constitution prohibits religious
discrimination and provides for freedom of religion and expression.
However, some members of religious communities such as the Orthodox
Archbishopric of Ohrid say their clergy and family members are targets
of insult and physical attack by individuals close to the Macedonian
Orthodox Church--Ohrid Archbishopric, which is considered to be a
governmental favorite of religious organizations.
What is your assessment of the level of religious tolerance in the
country?
Answer. North Macedonia's constitution guarantees equal rights for
all citizens regardless of national origin, and the country has an
active, independent ombudsman to protect human rights and freedoms of
individuals and groups of citizens. Smaller religious groups report
unequal government treatment compared with the five religious groups
named in the constitution, which automatically receive tax exemptions
and other benefits. Several communities have expressed concerns about
the religious property restitution process.
Question. If confirmed, how could you work with the host government
to address these concerns?
Answer. The Embassy in Skopje regularly meets with religious groups
and government representatives to discuss religious freedom issues,
including perceived government favoritism toward certain religious
groups and religious property restitution. If confirmed, I would
continue vigorous outreach efforts and work with the government to
address such concerns.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the UN, including in elections for
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the North Macedonian
government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage
their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes. I would continue to engage the Government of North
Macedonia to encourage support for American candidates at the UN,
including Doreen Bogdan-Martin who is seeking election as Secretary-
General of the ITU. This is an important election for leadership of a
U.N. agency that plays a critical role in technology and digital
policy, cybersecurity, internet governance, radio spectrum management,
telecommunication standards, and critical development initiatives to
close the digital divides.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the UN?
Answer. Embassy Skopje has a vibrant public affairs section. If
confirmed, I will work with IO, but also through public-facing Embassy
outreach, to identify and recruit qualified Americans to the UN,
including for the JPO Program. I would maintain close communication
with Washington to identify upcoming opportunities and amplify these
through Embassy channels.
Europe and Eurasia
Question. North Macedonia has a high rate of voting coincidence
with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to engage with
North Macedonians on anticipated votes in the U.N. system that
would continue to build upon this record with the U.S.?
Answer. The Embassy regularly engages the government in Skopje on
important issues, including but not limited to votes in the U.N.
system. If confirmed, I would uphold this practice and pursue open and
transparent conversations on our voting posture and its import for
democracy, security, economic growth, and human rights around the
world. Page Break
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Skopje?
Answer. The American and local employees at Embassy Skopje have
dealt with significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful for
their tremendous service in overcoming these challenges. If confirmed,
the health and safety of the personnel and family members of Embassy
Skopje will be my first priority. I will prioritize meeting with and
supporting Embassy employees to understand and mitigate the impact of
the pandemic on the mission. I look forward to working with the
incredibly talented team of locally employed staff, U.S. Direct Hires,
and their families, and to ensuring that everyone on my team
understands they are valued and have my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Skopje?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission
and senior staff to foster an atmosphere in which all employees know
that they can bring serious issues to us and are being heard at the
highest levels. If confirmed, I will work to ensure everyone on my
team, including our ethnically diverse local staff, is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, and they are safe and
secure. I will conduct personal outreach to Embassy staff when I
arrive. If confirmed, I will promote training and professional
development, and work to ensure that all staff members are aware of the
employee and family support resources that the Department offers to
assist employees.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Skopje?
Answer. Having served as Charge d'Affaires of Mission Pakistan for
two years, I understand the imperative of a unified team with a shared
strategic vision to meeting policy priorities. If confirmed, I will
foster a strong team with a clear understanding of our goals and
objectives; maintain clear and transparent communications throughout
the Mission through regular information sharing; promote diversity and
inclusion; seek ways to build and sustain morale; and support and
ensure the safety and community of the Mission community--including
both American and local staff. I will treat the team with the respect
and professionalism they deserve and work to provide them the tools
they need to do their jobs. We are all one team, working together to
advance U.S. policy goals and the U.S.-North Macedonia relationship, in
the interests of the American people; I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I value respect, professionalism, open communication, and
creative thinking. I welcome divergent points of view. I strive to
provide clear decisions and guidance as needed. I am committed to
fostering a diverse and inclusive workforce that fully represents and
supports many different cultures, backgrounds, and perspectives to
provide a productive and effective workplace for all that advances U.S.
policy goals.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, never. Berating subordinates is offensive,
counterproductive, and unacceptable. If confirmed, I will treat all my
employees with the utmost respect and professionalism that each one
deserves.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to build a relationship of mutual
trust and respect with the Deputy Chief of Mission, delegating when
appropriate and ensuring he or she can step in for me in the event I am
not available.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I see the role of the Deputy Chief of Mission as both a
chief operating officer and the alter-ego of the ambassador. If
confirmed and after I arrive at post, I will work out with the Deputy
Chief of Mission which responsibilities rest with whom.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. Candid, constructive, and comprehensive performance
reviews are essential for employees to know where they stand and
understand where they need to improve. In between formal annual
reviews, it is also important for supervisors to clearly communicate
what expectations are and to provide regular feedback to employees on
meeting these goals.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Absolutely. Ensuring clear, accurate, and direct feedback
will help improve mission performance, and I will recognize the
accomplishments of high-performing employees as deserved.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
North Macedonia. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. In my time as Charge at the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan, I
encouraged our diplomats to engage as security situations allowed. If
confirmed, I hope to exchange ideas with people from all parts of North
Macedonia's society to hear their views, promote our shared goals, and
expand the people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our strong
bilateral partnership. I will encourage colleagues and official
visitors to do the same.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomats under
my authority can travel and meet the people they need to accomplish
their jobs. My understanding is that in North Macedonia this has not
been an issue.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in North
Macedonia?
Answer. Embassy Skopje's Public Diplomacy Section uses the full
array of public diplomacy tools to engage with citizens of North
Macedonia across all facets of society, including media engagement; the
U.S. Speaker Program; English language instruction; educational and
professional exchanges; alumni outreach; cultural and sports diplomacy
programs; grants to local non-governmental organizations (NGOs); and
educational advising.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Disinformation, malign foreign influence, and the COVID-19
pandemic pose challenges to public diplomacy outreach in North
Macedonia, as it has globally. If confirmed, I look forward to using
traditional and social media, in addition to in-person programs, to
engage with the public in North Macedonia and push back on
disinformation from malign actors and a shrinking space for independent
media.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to closely coordinate the efforts of public diplomacy professionals in
both Washington and Skopje to ensure that there is a unified approach
to highlighting key U.S. messages and policies in North Macedonia. I
will leverage public diplomacy tools to engage on a variety of
different social media platforms in English, Macedonian, and Albanian
to deliver tailored messages on U.S. foreign policy; promote Embassy
activities and events; provide information on security, economy,
voting, and other topics of interest to U.S. citizens; and communicate
with the public in North Macedonia in an impactful way that advances
U.S. priorities out of Washington.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Absolutely. The issue of Anomalous Health Incidents--
including the interagency effort to protect and care for our personnel
and uncover the cause of these incidents--is an absolute priority for
the Department. AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken,
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to
strengthen the Department's communication with the workforce, provide
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect
against these events in the future as we work to uncover the cause. I
have no higher priority than the safety of the members of my embassy
team and their families.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Skopje personnel?
Answer. Absolutely. I believe open and transparent communication is
critical for a workplace to function well, and leadership should set
the example for that within the bounds of privacy and security
concerns.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Angela Price Aggeler by Senator James E. Risch
Europe and Eurasia
Question. If confirmed to be Ambassador, how will you work with the
Government of North Macedonia on key domestic issues like legal reform
and education as they move toward EU accession?
Answer. For 18 years, the United States has supported North
Macedonia as it has worked to achieve the democratic and economic
reforms necessary to join the European Union. The EU has been clear
that in addition to making required legal changes, it expects strong
implementation of reforms across the board. U.S. Government programs
focus on helping to create and sustain an enabling environment for the
Government of North Macedonia to address EU recommendations. The State
Department also focuses on improving basic competencies and the
efficiency, transparency, and accountability of justice sector and law
enforcement institutions, in line with North Macedonia's goals of
integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. If confirmed, I will
continue to advocate for reforms and their full implementation.
Question. Should the U.S. play a role in helping negotiate North
Macedonia's prospective EU membership with its neighbors? How can the
U.S. contribute to regional stability?
Answer. Although not a member state, the United States continues to
strongly support the EU accession process and related reforms for all
Western Balkan countries, which will contribute to the long-term
stability and prosperity of the region. As part of this, we are
supporting continued, constructive dialogue between North Macedonia, EU
institutions, and EU member states, including Bulgaria. If confirmed, I
would urge flexibility and cooperation by both Skopje and Sofia as they
work on resolving their bilateral issues. The United States contributes
further to regional stability through its support for robust and
inclusive regional initiatives based on EU rules and regulations, such
as Open Balkan and Common Regional Market. Initiatives like these are
energizing Western Balkan economies, moving the region closer to the EU
single market, and promoting peace and stability through implementation
of the EU Four Freedoms: goods, capital, services, and people.
Question. 100 percent of North Macedonia's natural gas imports come
from Russia. What vulnerabilities does this monopoly place on North
Macedonia, and how can the U.S. help reduce them?
Answer. North Macedonia has been hit hard by the energy crisis in
Europe this spring. For example, the city of Skopje relies on Russian
natural gas to power the central heating system, and Gazprom took
advantage of its monopoly to quadruple its prices last winter.
Additionally, energy prices have risen by 10-20 percent since the
Russian invasion of Ukraine, leading the Government to temporarily
reduce value-added tax (VAT) and excise duties on fuels to lessen the
hardship on citizens. We are encouraging diversification of energy
sources to address these vulnerabilities. North Macedonia is determined
to move forward on a gas interconnector with Greece, currently awaiting
final loan financing, which would diversify North Macedonia's supply,
introduce competition, and potentially open the market to U.S. LNG
suppliers. The Government's focus on renewable energy sources also
brings opportunities for U.S. investment.
Question. How will you work with North Macedonia's Government and
private sector to increase economic ties with the United States?
Answer. North Macedonia's legal framework for foreign investors is
generally in line with international standards. U.S. Embassy Skopje
works to defend the rights of U.S. exporters, suppliers, and investors
doing business in North Macedonia, including protecting intellectual
property rights and identifying and addressing trade barriers that
interfere with the growth of U.S. exports, including agriculture
commodities. If confirmed, I will continue to support American
companies exploring opportunities in North Macedonia; protect the
rights of U.S. exporters, suppliers, and investors; and identify and
work with the Government to address trade barriers that interfere with
U.S. exports.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-to-
people ties between the U.S. and North Macedonia, particularly to
counter Russian influence?
Answer. During June's bilateral strategic dialogue in Washington,
DC, North Macedonia's Minister of Culture Stojcevska identified
protection of cultural heritage and youth engagement as her Ministry's
top two priorities for bilateral people-to-people engagement. People-
to-people relationships are essential to strengthening cooperation on
global challenges, especially with respect to disinformation and
foreign malign influence. Between 2018 and 2022, five Fulbright English
Teaching Assistants received ``Countering State Disinformation and
Pressure'' funding from Congress and are promoting media literacy and
critical thinking in schools and universities throughout North
Macedonia. If confirmed, I will focus on raising media standards,
bolstering public education about disinformation, especially among
youth, and encouraging capacity-building to improve the Government of
North Macedonia's communications capabilities.
If confirmed, I would also continue efforts to deter illicit
trafficking of antiquities and encourage bilateral cultural,
scientific, and educational exchanges, and work to preserve North
Macedonia's cultural heritage, including through the U.S. Ambassadors
Fund for Cultural Preservation.
Question. If confirmed, how will you promote democratic and anti-
corruption reforms in North Macedonia, and in what areas of government
is progress most viable?
Answer. The U.S. recognizes and welcomes the steps the current
government has taken to fight corruption and impunity. There is more
work to be done. Anyone that has abused the public's trust must be held
to account, no matter his or her party, background, or position. If
confirmed, I will urge North Macedonia's Government to hold officials
accountable, thoroughly investigate allegations of abuse of office, and
combat corruption vigorously, to strengthen government institutions and
bolster public confidence in the Government and the rule of law. The
current government is making strides on good governance reforms. In
January 2021, it appointed a new Deputy Prime Minister for Good
Governance Policies to focus on structural and procedural reforms that
reduce opportunities for corruption.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Angela Price Aggeler by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. North Macedonia is very reliant upon energy imports,
including Russian natural gas. They have been very supportive of U.S.
and NATO responses to Russia's war in Ukraine, but have been added to a
list of Moscow's ``enemy states.''
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. The Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) presents itself in the Western Balkan region as
an alternative to EU financing and other international financial and
development organizations. It is a threat not only to solid economic
and democratic practices and international standards, but also to U.S.
companies seeking fair entry into the market. If confirmed, I would
bolster U.S. ability to respond to the economic and political threats
the CCP and other malign actors pose in the region.
Question. North Macedonia does not currently meet the 2 percent GDP
goal but is heading in the right direction. What will you do to press
North Macedonia to meet the 2 percent requirement and sustain it over
time?
Answer. As NATO's newest ally, North Macedonia has been responsive
and is implementing its plan to reach 2 percent by 2024. The country
intends to spend more than $750 million through 2028 toward military
modernization to meet its NATO capability target requirements and
actively seeks U.S. assistance and training. If confirmed, I will
champion strong military to military cooperation to help North
Macedonia to meet its 2 percent commitment.
Question. How has Putin's war on Ukraine impacted North Macedonia's
energy security and economy?
Answer. The Balkans energy sector has long been plagued by chronic
underinvestment, over-dependence on Russian supply, structural
weaknesses, heavy subsidization of coal and electricity, and
inefficient market mechanisms. Putin's war against Ukraine has
exacerbated North Macedonia's energy security and economic challenges,
including food security. North Macedonia already faced inflation in
energy costs. The Government's clear alignment with EU sanctions
packages led Russia to label North Macedonia an ``unfriendly state,''
and this spring Moscow shut off supply to Bulgaria--through which North
Macedonia receive its gas--further elevating gas prices. The Government
expects key commodity and energy prices to continue rising and
investments to be delayed.
Question. In what ways can the United States support
diversification of their energy imports?
Answer. North Macedonia needs to further diversify its energy
sources and routes; develop competitive, transparent, and efficient
energy markets; and better integrate its domestic energy market with
regional energy markets. North Macedonia currently relies on one
pipeline for its limited quantities of natural gas, which come from
Russia. A proposed gas interconnector connecting North Macedonia with
Greece could help diversify gas routes and supplies and allow
gasification of other parts of the country. In the long term, the
proposed interconnector could also provide alternatives to Kosovo and
Serbia and help turn North Macedonia into a regional energy hub. If
confirmed, I will work to facilitate private sector participation in
renewable energy policymaking and encourage U.S. companies to bid on
renewable energy projects.
Question. Would this include construction of the proposed East
Mediterranean Pipeline?
Answer. Energy sector diversification in this heavily coal-reliant
region will require more rapid implementation of renewable and clean
energy technologies and the optimized application of lower-carbon fuel
alternatives, including potential natural gas applications. If
confirmed, I would work to help North Macedonia diversify away from
Russian gas and support economically viable projects that connect North
Macedonia with non-Russian energy supplies.
Question. To what extent does the Chinese Communist Party wield
economic or political influence in North Macedonia?
Answer. The PRC presents itself in the Western Balkan region as an
alternative to EU financing and other international financial and
development organizations. In North Macedonia, PRC investments are
primarily focused on road construction and other infrastructure
projects. Two major PRC road construction projects are currently
underway, funded by the PRC's ExIm Bank. Not surprisingly, the largest
of these projects has been plagued by delays, design flaws, quality
control problems, and additional expenses. This, along with
disappointing results from procurement contracts for city buses, rail
cars, and computers for school children, have made the Government
appropriately wary of pursuing future PRC contracts. If confirmed, I
would work with the current government to raise awareness of the risks
associated with such projects and encourage other private and
government financing options.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you help North Macedonia build
resilience to external authoritarian influence?
Answer. Our goals align with the aspirations of the people of North
Macedonia and their Government for a stable, prosperous, and democratic
future. External authoritarian elements actively seek to undermine the
democratic and Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations of the country, by
stoking tensions, spreading disinformation, and sowing corruption. If
confirmed, I would champion strong, democratic institutions, a vibrant
and independent media environment, and work to crack down on external
influences seeking to corrupt government actors. Embassy Skopje is also
pressing the Government to create a national security investment
screening mechanism to protect key assets from malign external
influence. If confirmed, I would press forward ongoing technical
consultations to see that these measures are put in place.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Gautam A. Rana by Senator James E. Risch
Europe and Eurasia
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Slovakian
Government to navigate the impending European energy crisis? What
elements of this impending crisis concern you most vis-a-vis Slovakia?
Answer. Obstacles to greater Slovak energy independence include
geography, a legacy of dependence on cheap Russian energy and
associated infrastructure, and a need to increase and accelerate
programs to enhance renewable energy sources. To their credit, the
Slovak leadership has the high-level political will to take difficult
decisions to advance energy security. The United States is committed to
advancing European energy security through an integrated European
energy market and through diversification--of fuel types, supply source
countries, and delivery routes. We continue to encourage Slovakia to
work within EU structures to promote greater integration within the
EU's own internal energy market. If confirmed, I will work with my
counterparts across the region to promote this type of regional
collaboration. My intent would be to urge the Slovak Government to
remain on its pathway to energy diversification, prioritizing reliable
and politically stable partners across fuel types.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of
Slovakia to continue to coordinate and implement sanctions on Russia?
How will you work with the Government of Slovakia to help them foil
attempts at evasion of U.S. and EU sanctions on Russia?
Answer. Following Russia's unprovoked further invasion of Ukraine
in February 2022, Slovakia's government has been unequivocal in
condemning the Russian Federation and supporting U.S. and EU sanctions
against it. Slovakia also significantly reduced the size of the Russian
embassy in Bratislava by imposing a cap on the number of Russians with
diplomatic status allowed in the country. I understand that Slovakia's
leaders have strongly advocated for the implementation and coordination
of strong sanctions on Russia. If confirmed, I will work with the
Slovak government to diminish Russia's capacity to foil U.S. and EU
sanctions, including through the sharing of U.S. knowhow.
Question. Slovakia has been a significant provider of military aid
to Ukraine. If confirmed, how will you ensure Slovakia receives proper
support from the U.S., most particularly on the question of assistance
to backfill the equipment they donated to Ukraine?
Answer. I understand that, to date, the Slovak government has
provided more than ?159 million in both humanitarian and military aid
to Ukraine, including its S-300 air defense system, valued by the
government at ?68 million. Slovakia remains one of the largest donors
to Ukraine measured by aid as a share of GDP. Russia's unprovoked,
full-scale invasion of Ukraine has stretched Slovakia's resources, as
it has the resources of many countries in the region. Slovakia would
benefit from U.S. assistance, above all to support Foreign Military
Financing. Assistance would also be useful to address disinformation,
bolster civil society, and fight corruption. If confirmed as
Ambassador, I would advocate for appropriate U.S. support for Slovakia,
and I will ensure that any U.S. assistance is impactful and spent well.
Question. Slovakia has housed over 85,000 Ukrainian refugees since
the Russian invasion in February. If confirmed, how will you assist the
Slovakia government in their efforts provide for these refugees and
their security?
Answer. Following Russia's February 2022 further invasion of
Ukraine, I understand that Slovakia was among the first EU member
states to create a temporary protective status for Ukrainian refugees,
providing them immediate access to critical services, support, and the
right to work in Slovakia. The outpouring of support by Slovaks for
their Ukrainian neighbors has been inspiring. Slovaks have opened their
hearts and their homes to Ukrainians. Through the State Department's
Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, the United States has
provided nearly $22 million to international humanitarian organizations
in Slovakia supporting refugees from Ukraine. If confirmed as
Ambassador, I will continue to prioritize these and other avenues of
support and ensure that any U.S. assistance is impactful and spent
well.
Question. How will you work with Slovakia's government and private
sector to increase economic ties with the United States?
Answer. Slovakia presents significant opportunities for U.S.
business, such as suppliers in the automotive parts industry. Slovakia
is also focusing on supporting innovative small and medium-sized
enterprises that are an attractive segment for U.S. investors,
especially venture capitalists, private equity, and pension funds. If
confirmed, I will work closely with the U.S. Department of Commerce to
ensure that the full resources of the U.S. Government are used to
advocate for U.S. businesses exporting to Slovakia and promote
opportunities for Slovak firms seeking to invest in the United States.
I will also partner with the local American Chamber of Commerce, if
confirmed, to keep a pulse on the health of Slovakia's business
climate, with a focus on continuing to improve transparency,
predictability, stability, and the transfer of best practices from the
United States.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-to-
people ties between the U.S. and Slovakia?
Answer. I understand that one of the Embassy's key goals is
expanding people-to-people ties in order to build support for shared
values and reinforce Slovakia's commitment to the West and our common
transatlantic goals. If confirmed, I will prioritize sending Embassy
and visiting speakers out to engage Slovak audiences on the full range
of Mission priorities, and by organizing regular, creative public
outreach engagements designed for a variety of audiences that allow us
to engage with a wide range of Slovaks across the country. The Embassy
is working to strengthen education in Slovakia through its small grants
program and by providing support to English-language teachers. The
Embassy has given small grants to support a variety of initiatives that
help build critical thinking skills, support the integration of
minorities, and encourage the greater participation of girls in
science, technology, engineering and math. The Embassy also supports
English-language education through teacher training courses and
workshops, and by providing resources, materials, online course
opportunities, and strong support for teachers.
Often once someone has had the chance to experience the United
States in person, the United States has a supporter and ally for life.
One of the challenges with a smaller country like Slovakia is that it
is not always offered the number of positions commensurate with demand.
If confirmed, I will explore how to increase space for Slovaks in U.S.
programs so we can offer more of them a first-hand introduction to the
United States.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Bratislava?
Answer. My understanding from the State Department is that morale
is strong and the mission is well-run. Following Russia's invasion of
neighboring Ukraine, I understand the mission has been called upon to
do much more and has met the challenge. One area to which I will give
attention is the salaries of the Locally Employed staff. If confirmed,
I will work with Washington colleagues to ensure that Locally Employed
staff salaries keep up with the labor market. I would also work to
ensure that the mission has the personnel and tools necessary to carry
out its expanded responsibilities, if confirmed.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Bratislava?
Answer. Having served as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge
d'Affaires, a.i., in two posts, ensuring high morale was one of my
chief priorities. I worked closely with the Community Liaison Officer
(CLO), Management Team, and senior staff to instill a ``One Team''
culture where everyone's voice was heard and valued. If confirmed, I
would utilize similar management techniques in Bratislava and seek to
foster a workplace of empowerment and open, transparent communication.
I pledge to hold regular Town Hall meetings, consult with all staff
(Americans and Locally Employed staff), and convey to them my
appreciation for the work they do to advance U.S. foreign policy goals.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bratislava?
Answer. In my two assignments as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge
d'Affaires, a.i., I emphasized that two of my management principles
were respect and One Team. In regard to the first, I expected all staff
to treat everyone in the Mission--no matter their nationality or job--
with respect. The latter, that all staff members--no matter their
agency or section--were part of ``One Team'' working on behalf of the
American people to further U.S. national interests. I stated these
principles on my first day in the job, reiterated them to the Country
Team, and repeated them to every new staff member who joined my
embassies. If confirmed, I will begin my first speech to the Mission
Bratislava workforce emphasizing these values, and I will work hard to
ensure Mission Bratislava's workforce is cohesive, respectful of each
other, and working as One Team towards our goals and priorities.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As a manager, I value open communication, empowering my
team, and holding staff members to high standards. As we work for the
American people, we have a responsibility to produce on their behalf.
As a manager, I have a responsibility to my team to create the optimal
work environment so that we can successfully execute our mission.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never appropriate to berate subordinates, either in
public or private. Such behavior undermines morale, reduces
productivity, and is never acceptable from any manger. In multiple
embassies where I have served as a manager, I have always treated
subordinates (and all colleagues) with respect. If confirmed, I pledge
to treat all staff at Mission Bratislava with the utmost respect.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having served as Deputy Chief of Mission at two embassies
with three different ambassadors, I know firsthand that it is the most
important relationship to ensuring an effective and productive embassy.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission to
ensure the effective management of Mission Bratislava. I would work to
develop a relationship of trust and respect, empowering the deputy to
serve as the Mission's chief operating officer, delegating when
appropriate, and ensuring he or she can step in for me if I am not
available. If confirmed, I will work closely with my Deputy Chief of
Mission to ensure his or her success.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having served as Deputy Chief of Mission at two different
embassies, I believe the role of the Deputy Chief of Mission is to
serve as the embassy's chief operating officer and as the alter-ego of
the ambassador. An effective Deputy Chief of Mission ensures the smooth
operations of the embassy, while also serving as the ambassador's
senior policy advisor. If confirmed, I will work closely with my Deputy
Chief of Mission to ensure his or her success.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. As a manager, I have always prioritized providing
constructive feedback to my team and working closely with them to write
effective evaluations. In my last two assignments as Deputy Chief of
Mission, I have led numerous workshops on EER writing, bidding
strategies, and other career development issues. In my last post, I
provided feedback on every State Department employee's EER. If
confirmed, I will continue to place a high priority in proactively
managing my team and providing them accurate, constructive feedback.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. I fully support these principles and if confirmed, I pledge
to provide my employees clear, accurate, and direct feedback. I have
done so in my previous Foreign Service assignments as a manager,
including when I served as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge
d'Affaires.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Slovakia.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I have served in some of the most dangerous places in the
world including Mosul, Iraq, Peshawar, Pakistan, and Khost,
Afghanistan. My experiences taught me it was imperative to balance risk
with the necessity to engage local populations and authorities to
advance U.S. national security interests. In these posts, and all of my
other assignments in the United Arab Emirates, India, Algeria, and
Slovenia, I have regularly gone outside of the Embassy walls and
strongly encouraged my teams to do so also.
My sense from Mission Slovakia is that diplomats are encouraged to
get out and meet as many people as possible. In fact, my understanding
is that one of the Embassy themes for the post-COVID era is ``Back to
the Regions,'' focused specifically on getting out from behind desks
and our embassy walls and into regions outside the capital of
Bratislava. If confirmed, I pledge to interact with a wide array of
Slovaks across the country, and I will encourage the Embassy team to
follow my example.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. In all of my previous assignments, I have encouraged my
teams to learn as much as possible about the local populations,
including their history, culture, religion, and at a minimum, a few
words of the local language. Most importantly, I have always instructed
them that it is imperative they learn about local issues from the local
population, and not just our government interlocutors and other elites.
If confirmed, I will emphasize these same points to the Mission
Bratislava team to ensure that the U.S. diplomats under my authority
travel and meet a wide range of people so they can effectively do their
jobs. My understanding is that the team in Slovakia regularly travels
throughout the country, which assisted their efforts to serve U.S.
citizens and refugees from Ukraine on the border after Putin's invasion
of Ukraine.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Slovakia?
Answer. I am told that Slovakia is home to a thriving, professional
journalist community, and the U.S. Embassy is able to connect and reach
audiences. Public diplomacy is a core component of our efforts to
advance U.S. foreign policy priorities in Slovakia, and if I am
confirmed, that focus will continue. While there is considerable
interest in the United States across the country and great willingness
among our partners to support outreach, I understand that polls show
many Slovaks remain skeptical of the United States and the
Transatlantic relationship. If confirmed, I pledge to meet regularly
with a wide range of Slovaks across all fora--in person, on social
media, via the traditional press--to improve their views of the United
States and the importance of the transatlantic relationship.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. I understand that COVID-19 has been a significant challenge
and has impacted in-person public diplomacy and exchange programming in
Slovakia, as it has everywhere. I am told other challenges to U.S.
public diplomacy in Slovakia include widespread disinformation from
malign actors and a public skeptical of the United States and the
Transatlantic relationship. If confirmed, I pledge to work with the
Mission's public diplomacy team to increase our outreach to all
Slovaks, and improve their views of the United States and the
transatlantic relationship.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. As a long-term Charge d'Affaires at my last two posts in
Slovenia and Algeria, I worked regularly with colleagues at Main State
and the embassies' public diplomacy teams to tailor our messages to
foreign audiences. In Algeria, I led the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau's
top-ranked public diplomacy team that had 75 percent of all social
media interactions for the entire bureau (across 19 countries, and over
25 posts). If confirmed, Mission Bratislava's messaging and engagement
will be aligned with State Department policy priorities, including
support for the Transatlantic relationship, strong person-to-person
outreach and engagement, robust anti-corruption programming, countering
disinformation and extremism, maintaining and supporting defense
cooperation, and growing U.S. businesses. As I did in Slovenia and
Algeria, I will work with the Mission Bratislava team to tailor our
messages to most effectively reach the local audience.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. I have previously received classified and unclassified
briefings on the issue of Anomalous Health Incidents--including the
interagency effort to protect and care for our personnel and uncover
the cause of these incidents. These Incidents are an absolute priority
for the Department, and it would be an absolute priority for me if I am
confirmed.
As the President has said, the health and well-being of American
public servants is of paramount importance to the Administration. On a
personal level, I have no higher priority than the safety of the
members of my Embassy team and their family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Bratislava personnel?
Answer. Absolutely. In my recent assignments as Deputy Chief of
Mission and Charge d'Affaires, I regularly held Town Halls and executed
a ``management by walking around'' approach. I believe open and
transparent communication is critical for a workplace to function well,
and leadership should set the example for that. If confirmed, I pledge
to bring the same approach to Mission Bratislava.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Gautam A. Rana by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Whether we want it or not, the United States is currently
engaged in a great power competition with the Chinese Communist Party.
Our European allies and NATO members must recognize the need to take
the lead to counter Russia's aggression on their doorstep. While
Slovakia does not yet meet NATO's requirement for members to spend at
least 2 percent of their GDP on defense spending, it has drastically
increased its defense spending, including a 40 percent increase in
2019. Earlier this year, Slovakia's Defense Minister announced that
Slovakia would treat the 2 percent requirement as a floor and that even
spending 3 percent of GDP would be necessary. The United States needs
more NATO members to meet, or exceed, this requirement for their own
defense to deter Russian aggression.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President has made it clear the United States views the
People's Republic of China (PRC) as a strategic competitor that
challenges the existing rules-based international order. As Secretary
Blinken said on May 26, we will invest at home, align our efforts with
partners and allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our interests
and build our vision for the future. The United States, our Allies, and
partners have been clear-eyed on the threat the PRC poses, and Slovakia
is no exception. For example, Slovakia's Parliament approved a National
Security Strategy identifying potential challenges posed by China. If
confirmed, I would work to deepen ties between Washington and
Bratislava and ensure we leverage the inherent advantages of our
democracies to ensure the international system remains rooted in
democratic values, not authoritarian ones.
Question. How would you describe the role and contributions of
Slovakia as a NATO ally and how will you press Slovakia to reach the 2
percent goal and sustain it over time?
Answer. The United States and Slovakia have a strong defense and
security relationship that continues to deepen. Slovakia is a stalwart
NATO ally and has been since joining the Alliance in 2004. Slovakia has
a strong record of participation in NATO missions within Europe and
throughout the world, and the Slovak contingent was the last ally on
the ground in Afghanistan. Following Russia's unprovoked full-scale
invasion of Ukraine, Slovakia agreed to host a NATO Enhanced Vigilance
Activities (eVA) battlegroup, within which U.S. troops are currently
participating. Slovakia takes its burden sharing commitments seriously
and is in the process of a historic defense modernization effort.
Slovak leaders have committed to reaching their two percent spending
goal ahead of 2024--Slovakia's Defense Minister announced earlier this
year that Slovakia would treat the 2 percent requirement as a floor--
and, if confirmed, I will advocate for sustaining this commitment over
time.
Question. While the 2 percent spending goal is a good target, it's
not the whole story. NATO does not need its members to increase
spending on pensions, or increasing salaries--we need member states to
develop new and modern capabilities to keep pace with the threats
presented by Putin's and the CCP's military.
To what extent has Putin's invasion of Ukraine bolstered public
support for NATO in Slovakia?
Answer. Russia's February 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine has
underscored for all allies the importance of the NATO Alliance. Even
before the invasion of neighboring Ukraine, Slovakia had embarked upon
a historic military modernization project, including purchasing F-16
fighter jets for $1.8 billion and Blackhawk helicopters. Slovakia is
hosting a NATO Enhanced Vigilance Activities (eVA) battlegroup, in
which the United States is participating and could result in up to
3,000 NATO troops eventually deploying to the Slovak Republic. Most
public polling in Slovakia shows that public support for NATO has been
increasing. I understand that shortly after Putin's invasion of
Ukraine, 80 percent of Slovaks support the Government's response to the
invasion, and a comprehensive poll released in May showed that 72
percent of Slovaks perceive Slovakia's membership in NATO positively,
an almost ten percent increase from the year before. This is Slovakia's
highest level of support for NATO since at least 2018.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Randy W. Berry by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation,
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in Namibia and
counter the influence of China and other malign actors?
Answer. The United States has a number of opportunities to partner
with European countries to build on likeminded interests, particularly
in support of democratic principles and practices, the international
rules-based order, accountability and transparency, and the trade and
investment sectors. Namibia has vast natural resources from world class
mineral riches such as diamonds, uranium, and rare earths to high value
timber and endangered wildlife species. Namibia's mining industry is
largely undeveloped and would benefit from international investment.
Namibia also has bold ambitions to develop renewable energy and green
hydrogen that could advance decarbonization and energy security goals
in the region and of likeminded partners, notably those in Europe. If
confirmed, I would work closely with my counterparts from these
countries to promote trade and investment between Namibia and the
United States and European countries, thus filling a gap often filled
by malign actors.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), Namibia remained the only sub-Saharan African country
ranked Tier 1 for meeting minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking. Although the Government met minimum standards, it
prosecuted fewer victims and initiated fewer investigations through the
reporting year and did not provide specialized training to law
enforcement for human trafficking practices.
How will you work with the Namibians to maintain progress as a Tier
1 country and to serve as an example among peers in the
Southern Africa region if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Maintaining its Tier 1 ranking on the annual trafficking in
persons (TIP) report is a serious policy priority for the Government of
Namibia. Youth unemployment, extraordinary socioeconomic disparities
exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the influx of Angolan climate
migrants into Namibia have increased TIP vulnerabilities. However,
Namibia is taking proactive steps to address many of the concerns, as
encapsulated in the Government of Namibia's revised draft National
Trafficking in Persons Strategy (2021-2026) and demonstrated by recent
efforts to repatriate TIP victims from Oman. If confirmed, I will
leverage USG resources to support the continued development of
Namibia's judiciary and law enforcement mechanisms to strengthen its
ability to protect vulnerable persons.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Namibia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage available USG resources to
continue support for training law enforcement and other front-line
responders to identify and respond to TIP cases. This includes training
and exchange programs, such as those offered by the International Law
Enforcement Academy (ILEA), identifying foreign assistance mechanisms
to bolster Namibia's home-grown efforts to prosecute traffickers,
protect TIP victims, and prevent TIP altogether. My team and I will
also amplify messages that aim to raise awareness about TIP and
encourage accountability--both in private meetings and on public
platforms.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Namibia was identified as having credible reports of serious government
corruption and poor prison conditions, including overcrowding from
lengthy pre-trail detentions. The Government has taken steps to
prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, but some officials
engaged in corrupt practices with impunity.
Do you commit to raising the issue of corruption with the host
government?
Answer. Yes. Corruption is increasingly a threat to the stability
of Namibia's democratic institutions, the vitality of its economy, and
the ability of the U.S. Government (USG) to safeguard our investments
and achieve our strategic goals in Namibia. Though President Geingob
has strongly messaged the importance of democratic institutions and
systems and the need for leaders to combat corruption and tribalism,
recent polls in Namibia indicate shaken faith in democratic leadership
and serious corruption concerns.
In line with the anti-corruption call in President Biden's National
Security Study Memorandum, Embassy Windhoek created an anti-corruption
plan of action targeting both the public and government to
simultaneously empower, equip, and advocate to combat corruption.
Embassy Windhoek has already partnered with civil society to set up a
National Anti-Corruption Network and online whistleblower portal;
supported anti-corruption trainings for law enforcement; mentored
investigative journalists; [designated under section 7031(c) of the
annual appropriations act and] imposed visa restrictions on officials
implicated in corruption scandals; and highlighted budgetary loopholes
for corruption through a fiscal transparency study. If confirmed, I
plan to build on this foundation, including through frank conversations
with the host government.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Namibian
Government on prison conditions and improving the efficiency of the
legal system to reduce the length of pre-trial detentions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage available USG resources to
continue support for rule of law and human rights in Namibia. This
includes training and exchange programs, such as those offered by the
International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA), as well as identifying
foreign assistance mechanisms to bolster Namibia's home-grown efforts
to build a more efficient and equitable legal system. My team and I
will, if confirmed, also encourage progress in private meetings with
government officials and empower civil society advocates to continue to
hold Namibia, a member of the U.N Human Rights Council, to a high
standard in this area.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, Namibia's constitution provides for freedom of belief
and right to practice, profess, and promote any religion. The
nongovernmental Interfaith Council consisting of members of various
Christian and Muslims groups regularly met to discuss and coordinate
their approach to the Government to address the needs of their
respective congregations.
What actions would you take with the host government to continue to
promote religious tolerance and freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Namibian Government,
both publicly and privately, to build on the provisions in its
constitution that prohibit religious discrimination and provide for
freedom of belief and the right to practice, profess, and promote any
religion. I will meet with religious leaders of all faiths, and I will
also work with members of civil society on this issue.
Question. How could you engage with the Interfaith Council and
government to further understand the country's religious environment to
best prevent possible areas of religious discrimination?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting regularly and developing
strong relationships with all members of the nongovernmental Interfaith
Council to discuss what actions the United States can take to support
the provisions in Namibia's constitution that provide for freedom of
belief and the right to practice, profess, and promote any religion.
Namibia in the United Nations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (UN), including
in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Namibian Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, I commit to continuing to build on previous
discussions that have already been held between U.S. Embassy Windhoek
and members of the Namibian Government on Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy
for Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication Union.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N?
Answer. The U.N's Junior Professional Officer program supports
young professionals interested in serving in international
organizations by providing them with hands-on experience across various
U.N agencies. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bureau of
International Organizations to identify qualified and diverse
candidates for the JPO program. I will advise and support the work of
Washington-based colleagues in the Bureau of African Affairs in efforts
to use their engagements with Namibian officials in Washington, New
York, Geneva, and elsewhere to advance these goals.
Question. Namibia has a low rate of voting coincidence with the
U.S. in the U.N General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Thirty-two years after independence, many top government
positions are filled with SWAPO's liberation-era fighters who continue
to harbor Cold War-era suspicions about U.S. intentions in Namibia.
These suspicions--and in some instances antipathy--are rooted in
resentment for the United States' previous friendly relations with
apartheid South Africa and a belief that the United States' negotiating
posture in the 1980s unnecessarily delayed Namibia's independence by a
decade.
In multilateral fora, the Government of Namibia advocates for
conflict resolution through peaceful dialogue and democratic process
``anchored on respect of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of
nations.'' President Geingob has stressed that ``Namibia does not want
to be put in an awkward position between two competing superpowers.''
While Namibia's rhetoric still favors liberation struggle allies, in
practice the Government is slowly adjusting its policies to be in line
with international standards and often U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Namibians on anticipated votes in the U.N.system that
would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. Namibian leaders stress that the country fought hard for
its independence and places high value on the ability of Namibia to
shape its own policy. If confirmed, I would work with my team and
interagency partners to build a true partnership with Namibia that
advances our common interests and allows the United States to be viewed
as a reliable partner. On this foundation, we can build a relationship
in which our shared values are also reflected in our U.N voting
records. My team and I will engage with Namibian officials to place
increased value on taking positions and voting in a manner that
benefits Namibia. We will also continue to encourage Namibia's foreign
affairs officials to vote for human rights resolutions, even if they
are single-country resolutions, in line with Namibia's principles--
rather than abstaining.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Windhoek?
Answer. Morale at Mission Windhoek, despite the global challenges
posed by the global COVID-19 pandemic, remains high. Dedication to the
Mission, strong and consultative leadership by the Charge d'Affaires,
and good communication have been key, and if confirmed, I look forward
to using my own leadership to advance positive morale.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Windhoek?
Answer. I believe that positive morale and the well-being and
productivity of staff stems from the creation of a respectful,
consultative environment that allows for the best ideas, concepts, and
innovations to emerge. Promoting and maintaining a Mission where open
communication, the free expression of alternative ideas and dissent,
and community-based initiatives and activities flourish are all key
elements. The most vital among these principles is treating the team of
professionals that make up our Mission with respect and trust, and to
ensure their viewpoints, ideas, and concerns are heard and acted upon.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Windhoek?
Answer. Common purpose and a unified team are critical, and
effective communication is the vital foundation. I intend to create
this environment of ``One Mission, One Team'' by consulting and drawing
upon four key elements essential to my conception and demonstration of
leadership. First, adopting a jointly understood vision of USG goals
and targets is vital, and that is a team effort, produced through
ongoing and effective communication. Second, a consistent articulation
of that vision ensures the team remains on a unified track--in Country
Team meetings, in Town Hall formats, and in our vital planning
documents. Third, ensuring our team understands how program and
external engagement supports underlying policy and goals--essentially
how we turn aspiration into results--is vital. And finally, focusing on
implementation and achievement built upon that foundation is key. Our
greatest asset in our Missions overseas are our people, and effective
communication at all levels is the greatest imperative.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Over the course of my career, I have relied heavily on the
components of consultative and servant leadership, and I believe this
approach to be the most beneficial in delivering a positive work
environment and tangible achievements for the Mission team, for USG
policy priorities and for the American people. I believe leaders carry
the mantle of outlining a vision, based on consultation, and in the
creation of a management environment that values and rewards
innovation, bold thinking, and achievement. I believe strongly that
accessibility, approachability, and understanding that effective
communication doesn't simply lie in speaking well, but in listening
well, are the key components of success.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates in any setting, public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Leadership is a true team effort, and the relationship
between a Chief of Mission and Deputy Chief of Mission, the most vital
in the Mission, depends heavily on trust, open communication, and a
shared approach and vision. Collaborative and consultative leadership
requires the DCM to speak openly and honestly on issues facing the
Mission, both in policy and operational terms. I will invest my support
and trust to my DCM and ensure that our Mission team understands we
speak with one voice on issues facing the community and our policy
priorities. Essential for the success of that approach is a
professional relationship where honest and open dialogue forms the
foundation.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Though the ultimate responsibility for defining leadership
rests on the shoulders of the Chief of Mission, the most generous
sharing of responsibilities is vital as we look to develop the next
generation of Foreign Service Officers. I intend to partner fully with
my DCM to define and deliver the type of collaborative leadership that
creates the type of professional environment most conducive to
professional growth and achievement. Leadership at its core is a team
sport, and effective communication is vital.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Not only do I believe it is important; I believe it is
absolutely critical to do so to achieve our common Mission goals, and
also to shape and prepare the next generation of Foreign Service
professionals to lead and succeed. Over many years of service, I have
used constructive and clear feedback and discussion with employees at
all levels to improve performance, establish new targets for
achievement, and create opportunity. Vital in that is also the ability
to identify, cite, and recognize achievement through awards,
promotions, and recognition.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit fully to supporting and encouraging
clear, accurate and direct feedback. I have found this to be a
critically important skill as I have assumed roles of greater
responsibility throughout my nearly 30-year career with the State
Department.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Namibia.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I firmly believe that the key imperative for our diplomats
posted overseas is to get to know the country of assignment as
thoroughly as possible, and that cannot be done adequately by remaining
in the office. Engagement, relationship-building, and understanding is
only possible through personal contact and experience. Diplomacy is a
full-contact sport, and if confirmed, I will make this approach a
priority for myself and my team, so that we can most faithfully execute
on our goals--because we know and understand our environment.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Regional
Security Officer and team at Post to ensure that the staff at Embassy
Windhoek have the means and resources to safely travel and access all
local populations in order to further USG priorities. I will always
seek to balance the importance of person-to-person engagements with the
safety of my staff.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Namibia?
Answer. Historically, suspicion of the United States for the role
it played during the liberation struggle dominated public sentiment.
With a new generation, that narrative is starting to fade, but
Namibians are wary of dueling U.S.-China relationships in their
country. However, in a country with 50 percent youth unemployment and
one of the world's highest levels of inequality, economic and social
concerns far outweigh political ideology for young people. Young
Namibians increasingly want to go to the United States, not to
immigrate, but to create professional and social opportunities for
themselves. American freedom, lifestyles, and culture are very
compelling for the new generation of Namibians. There is renewed
interest in participating in U.S. exchange programs, and, if confirmed
I will strive to utilize the full gambit of public diplomacy tools,
including though social media outreach, cultural and social diplomacy,
and new media.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Namibians are somewhat skeptical of our message, and there
is some sentiment that the U.S.-Namibia relationship is in effect more
about countering China than building a genuine partnership with
Namibia. Exchange programs, as well as continued investment in people--
whether in the health or education sectors, among others--will continue
to move the needle with the Namibian public. High-level meetings and
visits also matter; they demonstrate that our stated commitment to
U.S.-Africa collaboration on shared global priorities, including ending
the COVID-19 pandemic and building back to a more inclusive global
economy, combatting the climate crisis, revitalizing our democracies,
and advancing peace and security is more than just words.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Public diplomacy messages should have an objective and an
intended audience. Determining the source, content, or method of
delivering those messages, requires a nuanced assessment of the
audience(s), their orientation, how to influence them, and potential
unintended reactions by primary or other audiences. The issue,
circumstance, and audience should inform whether the in-country Mission
or Main State is better positioned to achieve the objective. Often,
messaging from Post/in-country Mission has the benefit of more
targeted, time-responsive messaging, and is met with greater
authenticity, as long as it is coordinated and within Department of
State guidance. Accessibility, engagement, and authenticity enhance our
ability to connect and inform, and if confirmed, I intend to engage
substantially across our platforms and using all our tools, to
communicate America's story, and our USG priorities.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I
will make the health and safety of my staff my top priority, including
contributing to the extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into
the cause of these incidents and how we can best protect our people.
Reported cases will be taken seriously, and proper treatment and
support from the USG will be provided. If confirmed, the health,
safety, and security of Embassy Windhoek staff and all those supporting
the Mission will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Windhoek personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit fully to leading our team in Mission
Windhoek through effective and frequent communication, driven by honest
and clear discussions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Randy W. Berry by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Namibia and the People's Republic of China maintain close
trade ties and warm relations. The CCP enjoys a prominent role in
Namibia's mining sector and have financed major infrastructure, to
include a major shipping port. Namibia's president Geingob has praised
Beijing and signed a number of agreements to increase bilateral
partnerships. Namibia's ruling party has particularly strong relations
with the CCP, conducting regular party-to-party trainings. The CCP is
filling a vacuum left by the United States' indifference as a partner.
Reportedly, Beijing has been in discussion with Namibia to open a naval
base in Walvis Bay, which would significantly increase the PLA Navy's
power projection capabilities.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. Certain activities by the People's Republic of China (PRC)
and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represent significant challenges to
U.S. economic, political, and security interests globally and in the
Africa region. The PRC has used its influence abroad in ways that
undermine laws, agreements, and institutions which has the effect of
undermining rule of law and democratic principles. The port of Walvis
Bay is a significant nexus for southern Atlantic security and could be
an important opportunity for partnership with the United States. As
Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest, align, and compete
with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for the
future. If confirmed, I will invest in our partnership with Namibia,
align our concerns highlighting the risks associated with PRC
engagement that could impact Namibia's security, democratic principles,
sovereignty, and U.S. interests, and ensure that our vision of a
positive partnership and regional security and prosperity competes
successfully with the PRC.
Question. What is the nature and extent of CCP ties with Namibia
and what are their implications for U.S. interests?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains strong and
rapidly growing economic ties to Namibia; in 2021, the PRC was
Namibia's second largest export destination and second largest source
of imports. Additionally, Namibia is home to vast amounts of natural
resources and mineral wealth; in addition to uranium, diamonds, gold,
copper, and zinc, Namibia has rich deposits of critical minerals, all
of which are of great interest to the PRC. While Namibia recognizes
U.S. global engagement and appreciates U.S. support in the health and
conservation fields, Namibia sees its relationship to the PRC through
the lens of ``friend to all, enemy to none,'' particularly given
historic support from the PRC in the struggle for Namibia's
independence. Namibia values its hard-built democracy and independent
institutions, and our common commitment to democratic principles,
transparency, and the fundamental freedoms should guide our efforts. If
confirmed, I commit to building key relationships with senior
leadership and others to emphasize the values, interests, and
commitment of the USG to act as a key partner for the Namibian
Government and people.
Question. What can the U.S. do to counter the CCP's influence in
Namibia?
Answer. There are a number of opportunities for the United States
to counter the PRC's influence in Namibia. First and foremost, being a
present and active partner is key, guided by foundational democratic
principles and fundamental freedoms. While the United States and
Namibia currently have a limited commercial relationship, largely due
to Namibia's small market, there are growing possibilities for U.S.
businesses to invest in renewable energy, green hydrogen, critical
minerals, transportation infrastructure, specialized business services,
and tourism. Continued investment in Namibia's conservation and health
sectors could also play a significant role as the United States seeks
to counter the PRC's influence in Namibia.
It is vital, as well, to articulate U.S. engagement and values
through effective public outreach, and to ensure that transparency and
accountability are key standards defining any democracy's external
engagements. A free and independent media, and environment in which
public tenders and contracts are fully examined and visible to the
press and public are vital. That environment also creates opportunities
for the power of the U.S. private sector to engage more fully and
engage in economic activities that benefit inclusive development with
respect for the environment, a key interest for the country. If Namibia
is to succeed in the development of its economy, that development
should come with support to her democratic institutions and practices,
to her people through expanded training and employment, and support her
sovereignty.
Question. Please assess the Namibian Government's record on human
rights. How free and fair are elections in Namibia?
Answer. Since independence, the Namibian Government has maintained
a strong record on human rights, though some challenges obviously
remain, as outlined in the State Department's historical human rights
reports. Namibia has made combatting trafficking in persons a key
policy priority and has maintained its Tier 1 ranking on the USG annual
trafficking in persons (TIP) report. Namibia also ranks at the very top
consistently in terms of press freedoms--an essential component for the
health of a democracy and a force for transparency, accountability, and
anti-corruption efforts. Religious freedoms are also generally
respected and valued.
Namibia has been a stable democracy since independence from South
Africa in 1990, and its elections since independence have met
international standards for free and fair administration. It has a
democratically elected parliament, an independent judiciary, free
media, and a military that is fully subordinate to civilian leadership.
President Hage Geingob was re-elected to his second and final five-year
term in free and fair elections held peacefully in November 2019. His
party, SWAPO, is the only political party to lead Namibia in its 32-
year history.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 3, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Cory A.
Booker presiding.
Present: Senators Booker [presiding], Menendez, Cardin,
Murphy, Kaine, Van Hollen, Portman, Young, and Rounds.
Also Present: Senator King and Representative Norton.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Booker. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee
hearing will come to order now.
I cannot tell you how excited I am. We have an
extraordinary group of people who have dedicated their lives to
public service, folks who are so talented they have many other
options.
Each and every one of you sitting before me and the ranking
member right now are defining patriotism in the sense of your
willingness to sacrifice in the name of service to country, and
I greet you in that spirit and I am very excited.
This is not just a perfunctory process. This is a
celebration of what we are about as a country, a country run by
our citizens who step forward to serve in difficult times.
I am honored to be here today next to Senator Rounds, a
ranking member who gives me great confidence and hope for our
Senate to be able to actually function and I am sure this is
going to be a very functional hearing.
I want to just jump right in. The five people before us
right now are Nathaniel Fick, who is to be the Ambassador-at-
Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy. I am so happy that we
are looking at cyberspace and digital policy and having someone
up to lead that. We thank the President for that nomination.
We also have Mr. Michael Schiffer to be Assistant
Administrator for Asia and U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) and we are very excited about that.
Perhaps at this point there should be a hush in the crowd
because we are about to introduce someone from New Jersey. I
want to introduce Ms. Rachna Korhonen, who is from, of course,
the Garden State to be Ambassador to the Republic of Mali.
And then we have Lucy--Ms. Lucy Tamlyn to be Ambassador to
the Democratic Republic of the Congo and, finally, Ms. Jessica
Davis Ba to be Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire.
And I am very happy to see--some of you have already seen
one of my favorite people in the United States Senate, Senator
Angus King from Maine. He is going to be introducing the man to
his right, Mr. Nathaniel Fick.
Senator King, you are recognized. You can give your
remarks. I know that we are in one of the most demanding weeks
in the United States Senate. So after your remarks, no one will
look askance at you if you leave and duck out.
You are recognized.
STATEMENT OF HON. ANGUS KING,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MAINE
Senator King. Senator, thank you very much.
I was excited when you said I was one of your favorite
people. But then you qualified by saying, in the United States
Senate.
[Laughter.]
Senator King. So that narrowed it somewhat substantially.
I am delighted to be with you this morning and to introduce
Nate Fick. But I want to begin by a little bit of a description
of the office that he is going to be taking and how important
it is.
As you and the Vice Chair know, I worked for several years
on cybersecurity policy for this country as part of the
Cyberspace Solarium Commission.
One of our principal recommendations was the creation of an
office or a bureau in the State Department to deal with
international issues relating to cyber and they can be anything
from coordinating international response to a cyber attack to
establishing norms and standards in cyberspace--a kind of
Geneva Convention of cyber--and also participating in
international panels that set standards for the internet that,
frankly, this country has not been as active in as we should
be.
This recommendation has been turned into something called
the Cyber Diplomacy Act, which has passed the House and is
going to be considered in the near future by this committee.
I commend it to you as an urgent piece of legislation. What
it does is codify the concept of an office within the office of
the State Department to confront and deal with these issues.
The idea is we want someone who gets up every morning
thinking about the international ramifications of cyber and
that is what this office will do.
Mr. Fick has been appointed to head a bureau of cyber
policy in the State Department. But this is a creation of the
Administration.
I commend the Administration for taking the initiative to
create this office within the State Department. But I believe
we also need legislation to codify the existence of the office
so it is not something that may come and go with the whim of a
particular Administration.
So you are going to be seeing the Cyber Diplomacy Act. I
believe it was scheduled originally for today. It has been
postponed because of the NATO activity this afternoon.
But I hope that you will give prompt consideration to that
bill. It has been--has a lot of work gone into it and I look
forward to working with you on it, hopefully, prompt enactment.
Let me introduce Nate Fick. He is from Maine.
[Laughter.]
Senator King. Oh, sorry. Oh, yeah, there are some other
things.
Actually, if you took a blank sheet of paper and tried to
design a person to fit this new position, you would have come
up with someone of Nate Fick's extraordinary qualifications and
background.
A Marine--I made the mistake once of calling Senator
Roberts a former Marine. He informed me there is no such thing
as a former Marine. If you are a Marine, you are a Marine.
And he served in Iraq and Afghanistan, later served as the
CEO of a nonprofit, Center for New American Security, at which
time he dealt with issues of cyber and international
ramifications of cyber.
He then has worked in the private sector as the CEO of a
software company--again, involved in issues of cyber. He has a
degree in policy from the Kennedy School and also business from
the Harvard Business School. Immensely well qualified, very
thoughtful, engaged in this issue, and I think, as I said, I
cannot imagine a better candidate to fulfill this position and
the fact that he is from the state of Maine is simply gravy.
But, Mr. Chairman, I commend Nathan Fick to you, and I
apologize, I do have to go off to a hearing of the Rules
Committee on the Electoral Count Act, which is a matter of some
concern to all of us.
I appreciate your courtesy this morning and I look forward
to working with the committee to advance this nomination.
Thank you.
Senator Booker. We are honored that you are here. The
spirit of Joshua Chamberlain, one of the greatest American
heroes who happens to be from Maine, is looking down upon the
two of you with pride.
I now want to move on to a person of the 535 of us that
serve in the United States Senate and Congress. This is one of
the handful that when they walk in the room people take note.
We are very fortunate to have Representative Eleanor Holmes
Norton here and she will be introducing--and forgive me, I have
been sitting on the dock of the bay too long but Ms. Jessica
Davis Ba, forgive me right now.
Ms. Norton, you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF HON. ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON,
U.S. DELEGATE FROM WASHINGTON, DC.
Ms. Norton. Thank you. Can you hear me?
Senator Booker. I can. I am not sure if the microphone is
on. Yes. You are good to go.
Ms. Norton. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, I appreciate
the opportunity to introduce my constituent, Jessica Davis Ba,
to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire.
She brings the experience and credentials to be an
excellent ambassador. A fifth-generation Washingtonian who grew
up in the Shepherd Park neighborhood of the District of
Columbia, Ms. Davis Ba has worked for the last 20 years in the
State Department.
She currently serves as the senior adviser to the Bureau of
African Affairs where she focuses on recruitment, selection,
and retention of Foreign Service officers, in particular,
officers of color.
Prior to this assignment, she served in Nigeria, Guinea,
Kenya, Somalia, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, and Chad. She
also worked in the office of Vice President Kamala Harris as
her special advisor for Africa and senior coordinator of the
National Security Affairs team where she coordinated the work
of advisers on national security and global issues and engaged
on the Vice President's behalf with the National Security
Council to develop U.S. foreign policy.
Ms. Davis Ba has been awarded numerous academic fellowships
and State Department awards, including the One Team award and
was named a, quote, ``top 50 among 50'', a U.S. national
security and foreign affairs leader by the Center for Strategic
and International Studies and the Diversity in National
Security Network in 2021.
A graduate of the University of Pennsylvania, Ms. Davis Ba
received a bachelor's degree in international relations and
environmental studies and a master's degree in communications,
specializing in the use of media to empower underrepresented
people to make their own image and have their voices heard.
I very much appreciate the committee for moving on Mr.
Davis Ba's nomination.
Senator Booker. Congresswoman, we, again, appreciate your
presence here before us. We all take note of that and we thank
you for that eloquent introduction.
You may take your leave at any time. I know there are a lot
of demands on your time in a very busy day. So thank you very
much for being here.
I would like to proceed now with the remainder of the
introductions, if I may. The first, it is an absolute pleasure
to introduce a particularly special nominee to every member and
staffer on this committee today and that is Michael Schiffer,
the President's nominee to be the assistant administrator for
the Asia Bureau of USAID.
I would like to think that we on this committee taught him
every single thing that he knows. But really, unfortunately, I
must confess publicly it is probably the other way around. He
has been an extraordinary staffer. He has been a senior advisor
and counselor on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff
coordinating Asia-related policy.
Mr. Schiffer brings a wealth of knowledge and experience to
his job, where he has shown an extraordinary commitment to this
committee, its mission, and to ensuring that U.S. foreign
policy represents the best of our collective shared American
values.
No matter how many rounds of text negotiations we put him
through, he somehow has survived and is better for it.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Chairman, could I ask you to just yield
for one moment?
Senator Booker. I will yield to you at any time, Senator
Cardin.
Senator Cardin. I just want to add my appreciation to Mike
Schiffer.
I chaired the East Asia and Pacific Subcommittee and he was
the principal staff person. And you are right, it was just the
reverse. We have learned so much from his experience. He is
such a dedicated public servant.
I know he will do well in the executive branch. We are
going to miss him in the legislative branch. I just really want
to thank him for his service on this committee and to the
members of our committee.
Senator Booker. I thank you for that added hallelujah and
amen we would call it in my church. I appreciate that
testifying.
I just want to continue and say Mr. Schiffer served as the
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia and worked
for the Honorable Dianne Feinstein, senator from California, as
senior national security adviser and legislative director.
Prior to working for the Department of Defense, Mr.
Schiffer worked for the Stanley Foundation where he was a
program officer responsible for Asia programs. He was a Council
on Foreign Relations Hitachi International Affairs Fellow in
Japan, and he served as director of the International
Securities Program at New York University's Center for War,
Peace, and News Media.
In addition to his public service, Mr. Schiffer has also
had some colorful life experiences, including managing a bed
and breakfast in--I do not know why not New Jersey but in
Hawaii. I look forward to quizzing the nominee on the best
bagel spots for this New Jersey boy if I visit the island.
Mr. Schiffer's regional experience and intricate knowledge
of Congress make him an excellent candidate to oversee the Asia
Bureau's development assistance program's budget and allocation
of resources.
As the U.S. grapples with complex challenges, immense
opportunities in the Indo-Pacific region from strategic
competition with China to the current global food crisis, from
mitigating the impact of climate change to combating emerging
infectious diseases, from preventing democratic backsliding to
protecting the human rights of minority communities, there is a
lot to do.
I look forward to hearing from him on the importance of
U.S. engagement in the region and how USAID can foster
sustainable, resilient, and innovative development.
I want to congratulate you on your nomination, and before I
move on to the next nominee you should know that usually the
tradition is that Chris Murphy on his birthday usually runs a
marathon, but instead of doing the 27 miles today he is here to
be here for you. So that is a particular honor.
All right. We now move to the great--we put her in the
center to mark her importance--from New Jersey, I want to--
again, Rachna Sachdeva Korhonen, I want to thank you for being
here.
You hale from Hunterdon County, the mighty Hunterdon
County, and you are joined today by your beautiful family, who
I had a chance to briefly meet--your husband, Juha, your
mother, Meena, and your two sons. I am grateful for them being
here.
You are a career member of the Senior Foreign Service. You
are currently serving as the executive director of the combined
executive offices of the State Department's Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs and Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs.
Previously, you were the counsel general and principal
officer for the U.S. Consulate to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
Your experience is vast. You led the management section of the
U.S. Embassy in Sri Lanka and in Washington you served as a
special assistant to the Undersecretary for Management.
Among your other assignments you served in various
capacities at embassies all across the Middle East. Before
joining the State Department you worked in multiple leadership
positions in the private sector and you bring that rare
combination of private and public center experience at the
highest of levels.
Now that I have listed your resume, let me say this. Once
confirmed, you will bring leadership, experience, character,
and a dedication and passion to this nation's security and
economic success.
It is so valuable that you are before us right now, and
Mali especially was once seen as a democratic leader. It has
now become the epicenter of conflict and instability over the
past decade, exemplifying the challenges we are having in the
Sahel region.
Military officers we have seen have led to the overthrow of
an elected president just as recently as August of 2020, which
seemed, unfortunately, to be that part of a trend really
fueling governance challenges in that entire region.
We know the crisis that we are seeing in the Sahel region
and we know that in May of 2021 soldiers overthrew the civilian
transitional leaders whom they had put in place and put in a
transition president in 2021.
We know that Islamist insurgents affiliated with al-Qaeda
and the Islamic State are active in much of central and
northern Mali.
Further, the conflict has affected parts of the country and
parts of the country are experiencing serious crisis level food
insecurity.
Mali has one of the world's highest rates of acute
malnutrition. It is clear that the U.N. peacekeeping mission in
Mali is not enough to prevent mass suffering, instability, and
death and, potentially, the spread of greater and greater
terrorist activities.
It is clear that the U.S. must do more and we must have the
most talented people possible serving in our efforts in Mali.
So I want to congratulate you on your nomination. I am
sobered by the challenges before you but I am looking forward
to hearing from you on how you will assess the United States'
priorities in Mali, how you will meet the challenges and bring
your inner Jersey to bear on a difficult situation.
I now am grateful to have a privilege of introducing
another person going to another very challenging region, Ms.
Lucy Tamlyn.
Ms. Tamlyn is the nominee to be the Ambassador to the
Democratic Republic of Congo. She is a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service and is currently the Charge d'Affaires
for the U.S. Embassy in Sudan. We are very, very grateful for
your work there currently.
Previously, she served as the U.S. Ambassador to the
Central Africa Republic, U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Benin, and as Deputy Chief of Mission in the U.S. embassies in
Portugal and in Chad.
In addition, she has experience at U.S. missions to the
United States--to the United Nations and its specialized
agencies as economic counselor at the U.S. mission to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and as a
provincial reconstruction team leader in Erbil.
I will spare the committee this incredible resume I,
literally, could read for another 10 more minutes. You have an
extensive degree of service under presidents of both parties.
You are a testimony, in my opinion, to what it means to
dedicate your life to this nation's well being, its safety, and
relationships around the world.
We know the challenges in the DRC. Under former President
Kabila they were characterized by human rights abuses,
corruptions, and impunity.
The new president vowed to address these issues. Yet, three
years later, several senior military officers responsible for
gross, gross violations of human rights remain at their posts
and cooperation, again, appears--corruption, again, appears
rampant.
I am looking forward to hearing your thoughts on how the
U.S. can compete strategically in this incredibly important
nation because we know that China is the largest consumer of
DRC-mined cobalt and copper and the DRC's largest trading
partner.
China firms reportedly control the majority of the DRC
copper and cobalt mining projects and output. DRC is a critical
supplier of rare earth metals and other materials for things
like batteries for electric cars.
And so I am confident that Ms. Tamlyn's extensive
experience as part of the Foreign Service make her eminently
qualified, make you a great asset and an excellent choice by
the President of the United States for this role.
Congratulations on your nomination. I look forward to
hearing from you as well.
And, again, I am honored to be sitting next to my Ranking
Member Rounds. I would like to turn to him for his thoughtful
opening statement as well.
STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to
all of our nominees and to your families for your service to
our country.
All of you have served our nation as either a service
member, senior political appointee, or a career diplomat. You
have made sacrifices in the service of your country and, in
some cases, with much of your lives and sometimes those of your
families spent away from home. I thank you for your service to
our nation.
Mr. Fick, thank you for your service in the Marine Corps
and your eagerness to continue to serve as our first ever
Ambassador-at-Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy. Thank
you for the opportunity to visit yesterday. It was very
enlightening.
Cyberspace presents myriad opportunities and challenges for
our national security, economy, and foreign policy. The United
States, our allies, and partners face an increasingly complex
and interconnected global security environment with threats in
cyberspace posed by state actors, most notably Russia and the
People's Republic of China, as well as nonstate actors.
We need to take a hard look at our foreign policy as it
relates to cyberspace and how we can be proactively engaged to
defend U.S. interests. I appreciate your willingness to serve
as the first leader of the State Department's newly created
Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy, a very challenging
assignment.
Mr. Schiffer, thank you for your service in the Department
of Defense and your long service as a congressional staff
member. I am glad to see an experienced senior advisor like you
as the nominee for Assistant Administrator for Asia in USAID.
Across Asia, USAID plays an important role in helping
countries achieve sustainable long-term growth and success.
Through development partnerships such as the Quad between
Australia, India, Japan, and the United States and with the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, USAID supports
developing countries in Asia to realize their development goals
and contribute to a more prosperous and, hopefully, peaceful
world.
USAID is a critical pillar of the U.S. foreign policy and I
look forward to hearing how you plan to further U.S.-Asian
relationships and provide development assistance to developing
countries in Asia.
Ms. Korhonen, Mali, like other nations in the Sahel, faces
the rise of Islamist militancy and other troubling trends. The
eighth largest country in Africa, Mali, over the last few
years, has had two coups, persistent insecurity, significant
challenges in implementing the Algiers Accords, and the
intervention of malign actors including the Wagner Group.
Mali will remain central to the Administration's strategy
for the Sahel and to broader U.S. interests in the region.
Beyond engagement with the current military junta in Mali and
the other domestic challenges that Mali faces, the U.S. must
also balance complex regional and multilateral interests
related to the U.N. peacekeeping mission, counterterrorism
operations, and the role of France as it draws down its
presence, along with other Western partners.
So you have your work cut out for you, and I thank you, Ms.
Korhonen, for being willing to serve the United States in Mali.
I look forward to hearing how you will approach the complex
issues you will face as a U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed.
Ambassador Tamlyn, you have served the United States in a
number of challenging posts, including several in Africa. Your
next post in the Democratic Republic of Congo, if confirmed,
will be no less challenging.
I thank you for being willing to serve in the places we
most need experienced ambassadors who understand Africa as well
as the U.S. priorities and challenges on the continent.
In the DRC, the United States has been a strong partner to
the Administration of President Tshisekedi since the
controversial elections in 2018 that saw the end to more than
two decades of rule by the Kabila family.
While there have been some efforts at reform, progress has
been slow to deeply entrenched interests and power dynamics in
the DRC as well as ongoing insecurity in eastern Congo that has
become even more worrying in recent weeks with the resurgence
of M-23.
Ambassador Tamlyn, I look forward to hearing from you and
how you plan to pursue U.S. priorities in the DRC, if
confirmed, particularly with the elections expected late next
year and, once again, I most certainly appreciated your visit
yesterday and look forward to your discussion with us today.
Ms. Davis Ba, you have had a long career serving the United
States in some of the most challenging posts on the African
continent. Your experience serving in both Chad and Nigeria,
both important players in the continent, will serve us well in
your new role as the U.S. Ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire, if
confirmed.
If confirmed, you will need to engage our Ivoirian partners
on a number of important issues to include preventing and
countering violent extremism, trade and investment, global
health, and the implementation of the Millennium Challenge
Corporation compact.
I thank you, Ms. Davis Ba, for your willingness to continue
to serve the United States in Africa in a country that is
important to U.S. policy objectives for the entire region.
I am delighted to meet with all of you today and look
forward to your comments.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. Thank you to my ranking member.
We are going to now proceed through your introductory
comments. We are going to go from my left, actually, to my
right, starting with Ms. Ba, ending with Mr. Fick.
A pro tip, though, as you prepare to go. Please introduce
your family and friends behind you. If there is anything I know
about getting on the good side of Tim Kaine there are three
things he likes. In fact, there is three things he loves:
family, friends, and big bald senators from New Jersey.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. Ms. Ba, please proceed with your opening
statement.
STATEMENT OF JESSICA DAVIS BA OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF COTE D'IVOIRE
Ms. Ba. Thank you so much, Senator.
Well, first, then I would like to introduce my family. I am
joined with me today by my husband, Amadu Mahtar Ba, by my son,
Alioune--he is the oldest of my five sons representing all of
the Ba boys here today--and my mom, Janice Davis.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of this
committee, it is the greatest honor of my diplomatic career to
appear before you this morning as President Biden's nominee to
be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire.
I appreciate the confidence of the President and Secretary
Blinken for entrusting me with this opportunity of a lifetime.
If confirmed, I will advance our bilateral relationship and
build upon our enduring partnership for the benefit of all
Americans and all Ivoirians.
I am here today to continue my family's legacy of service.
We are Washingtonians. We are educators, public servants, and
veterans. We are patriots who have chosen life in our nation's
capital dedicated to improving our country and our global
community.
I made my first solo trip overseas in high school to
volunteer with Operation Crossroads Africa and decided then to
pursue life in the international community.
If confirmed, I will serve and lead to empower all people
to achieve their greatest potential and make a difference in
our world. I recognize the enormity of this moment that I share
with my family, who support me every step of this journey. I
have introduced to you already my husband, Mahtar, and our five
sons, and if confirmed they will accompany me to Abidjan.
We have served to advance common values in the interests of
the United States in Nigeria, Guinea, Somalia, Kenya, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, and Chad. My late grandmother, Doris
Haynes, a retired D.C. public school principal, accompanied us,
celebrating her 90th birthday in Nairobi.
Through our service, my parents, Janice and Joseph Davis,
my brother, Jay, and his family and our friends discover the
world through our lived experience.
This is an important moment for the people of Cote
d'Ivoire. They have taken bold strides to strengthen democracy
through political dialogue and reconciliation. With its
national development plan, the country is building the
foundation for a prosperous future.
Ivoirians are investing to reap democratic dividends and,
if confirmed, I will prioritize partnerships to achieve our
common goals, aspirations, and vision for the future.
I will encourage Cote d'Ivoire's political leaders to
continue on the path towards peace, fortifying democratic
institutions with every single step. Through our embassy
programs we are prioritizing freedom of expression, political
competition, and universal human rights. We will emphasize
greater participation of women in the economic, political, and
social fabric of the nation.
The partnership between the United States and Cote d'Ivoire
is vital to meet the unprecedented global and regional
challenges of this moment. Terrorist activity is on the rise in
west Africa as violent extremist organizations in the Sahel
seek to expand their influence into coastal states.
Cote d'Ivoire's neighbors are besieged by
extraconstitutional changes in power and disinformation is
prevalent in Ivoirian social media. The unjustifiable war in
Ukraine has increased food and fuel prices for the people of
Cote d'Ivoire and around the world.
Yet, through all these challenges, our partnerships remain
strong. Together, we strengthen democracy, expand economic
prosperity, and increase security.
Cote d'Ivoire's economic performance is extraordinary, with
enormous potential for increased trade and U.S. commercial
investment and, if confirmed, I will expand opportunities for
American companies to unleash innovation and contribute to a
private sector that encourages transparency, entrepreneurship,
and inclusive growth.
A country is strongest when its citizens experience safety
and security. If confirmed, I will work closely with you,
members of this committee, and colleagues across the U.S.
Government to increase health security, enhance Ivoirian
military capabilities, and strengthen community resilience.
I will capitalize on new opportunities provided by the
Global Fragility Act, landmark legislation made possible
through bipartisan congressional support.
If confirmed, I will lead our mission to strengthen
democratic institutions, deepen economic and cultural ties, and
expand partnerships based on mutual respect between the United
States and Cote d'Ivoire.
Thank you so much for your consideration, and I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Ba follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jessica Davis Ba
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, it is the greatest honor of my diplomatic career to appear
before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. I appreciate the
confidence of the President and Secretary Blinken for entrusting me
with this opportunity of a lifetime. If confirmed, I will advance our
bilateral relationship and build upon our enduring partnership for the
benefit of all Americans and all Ivoirians.
I am here today to continue my family's legacy of service. We are
Washingtonians. We are educators, public servants, and veterans. We are
patriots who have chosen a life in our nation's capital dedicated to
improving our country and our global community. I made my first solo
trip overseas in high school to volunteer with Operation Crossroads
Africa and decided then to pursue life in the international community.
If confirmed, I will serve--and lead--to empower all people to
achieve their greatest potential and make a difference in our world.
I recognize the enormity of this moment that I share with my family
who support me on this journey. My husband Mahtar and our five sons--
Alioune, Ibrahim, Omar, Ismael and Soulayman. We have served to advance
common values and the interests of the United States in Nigeria,
Guinea, Somalia, Kenya, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, and Chad. My late
grandmother, Doris Haynes, a retired D.C. public school principal
joined us, celebrating her 90th birthday in Nairobi. Through our
service, my parents--Janice and Joseph Davis, my brother Jay and his
family, and our friends discover the world through our lived
experience.
This is an important moment for the people of Cote d'Ivoire. They
have taken bold strides to strengthen democracy through political
dialogue and reconciliation. With its National Development Plan, the
country is building the foundation for a prosperous future. Ivoirians
are investing to reap democratic dividends.
If confirmed, I will prioritize partnerships to achieve our common
goals, aspirations, and vision for the future.
I will encourage Cote d'Ivoire's political leaders to continue on
the path toward peace, fortifying democratic institutions with every
step. Through our Embassy programs, I will encourage political
competition and respect for human rights, including freedom of
expression. We will emphasize greater participation of women in the
economic, political and social fabric of the nation.
The partnership between the United States and Cote d'Ivoire is
vital to meet the unprecedented global and regional challenges of this
moment. Terrorist activity is on the rise in West Africa as violent
extremist organizations in the Sahel seek to expand their influence
into coastal states.
Cote d'Ivoire's neighbors are besieged by extra-constitutional
changes in power. Disinformation is prevalent in Ivoirian social media.
The unjustifiable war in Ukraine has increased food and fuel prices for
the people of Cote d'Ivoire and around the world.
Yet through these challenges, our partnerships remain strong.
Together, we strengthen democracy, expand economic prosperity, and
increase security.
Cote d'Ivoire's economic performance is extraordinary with enormous
potential for increased trade and U.S. commercial investment. If
confirmed, I will expand opportunities for American companies to
unleash innovation and contribute to a private sector that encourages
transparency, entrepreneurship, and inclusive growth.
A country is strongest when its citizens experience safety and
security. If confirmed, I will work closely with you and colleagues
across the U.S. Government to increase health security, enhance
Ivoirian military capabilities, and strengthen community resilience. I
will capitalize on new opportunities provided by the Global Fragility
Act, landmark legislation made possible with bipartisan Congressional
support. If confirmed, I will lead our mission to strengthen democratic
institutions, deepen economic and cultural ties, and expand
partnerships based on mutual respect between the United States and Cote
d'Ivoire.
Thank you for your consideration and I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Booker. We thank you for that presentation.
And I would like to now move to Ms. Lucy Tamlyn.
STATEMENT OF HON. LUCY TAMLYN OF RHODE ISLAND, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINSTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE
CONGO
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you, Senator.
To start off, I would like to introduce my cousins, Jessie
and Kevin, who are here behind me.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
it is an honor for me to appear before you today. I am grateful
to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence
that they have placed in me as their nominee for the Ambassador
to the Democratic Republic of the Congo--that is, DRC.
Representing the United States abroad is something that I
have done together with my husband, Jorge Serpa, and children,
Ben and Filipa, who, unfortunately, were not able to be here
today. I thank them for their unwavering support and their
enthusiasm across many continents.
In a career spanning 40 years of service, I have most
recently served as Charge d'Affaires in Sudan, Ambassador to
the Central African Republic, and Ambassador to the Republic of
Benin.
I feel privileged to have served in the countries where we
are, literally, on the front lines, where U.S. diplomacy really
matters, and side by side with colleagues who answer the call,
despite the personal, family, and health sacrifices entailed.
Looking after the safety of the embassy community and
ensuring that each and every American or local employee can
flourish and bring his or her best to the job in an environment
free of harassment and discrimination is my highest priority as
a leader.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, the United States
has important interests in the DRC. This enormous country is
home to 47 percent of Africa's tropical rainforests. The
minerals and metals under its soil, if responsibly extracted,
will help power the globe's transition to clean energy.
The DRC's dynamic, entrepreneurial, and creative population
of over 100 million are eager to engage with the United States.
Our cooperation with the DRC has strengthened dramatically
under the tenure of former Ambassador Mike Hammer. African
Growth and Opportunity Act access has been reinstated.
Through the Privileged Partnership for Peace, Prosperity,
and Preservation of the Environment, we are broadening our
engagement with President Tshisekedi's Government across the
full range of issues to include security, democracy and human
rights, anti-corruption, the environment, health, and business
climate.
If confirmed, I commit to nurturing and strengthening this
ambitious agenda which is good both for the DRC and for the
United States' health, economy, and the environment.
In this continent sized country, U.S. assistance is helping
tackle persistent health threats, notably Ebola, working to
advance shared climate goals, and promoting responsible and
accountable mineral supply chains.
We are supporting efforts to fight the pervasive
trafficking of persons, natural resources, and wildlife, which
feeds corruption and violence.
Other countries, notably the People's Republic of China,
fully grasp the DRC's potential. We want the Congolese people
to know that corrupt mineral exploitation deals, illegal
logging, and environmental devastation is not inevitable and
that there are alternatives.
If confirmed, I commit to using all our diplomatic tools
including leveraging visa ineligibilities and sanctions to help
the Congolese fight corruption.
Right now, reducing violence in the DRC's eastern region is
critical. The region must not be allowed to stumble into
another devastating interstate conflict.
If confirmed, I will work closely with regional
institutions and partners to deescalate tensions and pressure
nonstate armed groups to stand down.
The DRC is also home to the world's largest U.N.
peacekeeping mission. This investment, of which the United
States carries a quarter of the cost, must be held to the
highest standards of performance and demonstrate its ability to
protect civilians and conduct proactive operations against
armed groups.
I take this opportunity to express my condolences to the
families of the three U.N. personnel killed in Butembo on July
26.
Finally, free and fair elections held in 2023 will be a
particular focus of my diplomatic engagement, if confirmed. The
future leaders of the DRC are for its citizens to decide, but
the international community can play an important role in
helping to strengthen democratic institutions, supporting civil
society, and calling out without hesitation when we see signs
of democratic backsliding.
I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be assuming
leadership of a post in a country of enormous size, complexity,
and promise. The large portfolio of U.S. assistance requires
astute direction, prioritization, and coordination. Chronic
staffing shortages, a situation not unique to Kinshasa, need to
be managed to ensure that we do not burn out and lose the next
generation of Africa hands.
Across all of these activities, I commit to ensuring the
efficient and effective use of the resources entrusted to us by
the U.S. taxpayer.
I look forward to your advice and counsel on these
challenging tasks and I am very happy to take your questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Tamlyn follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Lucy Tamlyn
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, it is
an honor for me to appear before you today. I am grateful to President
Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me
as their nominee for Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC).
Representing the United States is something that I have done
together with my husband, Jorge Serpa, and children Ben and Filipa. I
thank them for their unwavering support and enthusiasm across many
continents.
In a career spanning 40 years of service, I have most recently
served as Charge d'Affaires in Sudan, Ambassador to the Central African
Republic, and Ambassador to the Republic of Benin. I feel privileged to
have served in countries where we are literally on the front lines,
where U.S. diplomacy really matters, and side by side with colleagues
who answer the call despite the personal, family, and health sacrifices
entailed. Looking after the safety of the Embassy community and
ensuring that each and every American or local employee can flourish
and bring his or her best to the job in an environment free of
harassment and discrimination, is my highest priority as a leader.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the United States has
important interests in the DRC. This enormous country is home to 47
percent of Africa's tropical rainforests. The minerals and metals under
its soil, if responsibly extracted, will help power the globe's
transition to clean energy. The DRC's dynamic, entrepreneurial, and
creative population of over 100 million are eager to engage with the
United States.
Our cooperation with the DRC has strengthened dramatically under
the tenure of former Ambassador Mike Hammer. African Growth and
Opportunity Act (AGOA) access has been reinstated. Through the
Privileged Partnership for Peace, Prosperity, and Preservation of the
Environment we are broadening our engagement with President
Tshisekedi's Government across the full range of issues, to include
security, democracy and human rights, anti-corruption, the environment,
health, and business climate. If confirmed, I commit to nurturing and
strengthening this ambitious agenda which is good for both the DRC and
the United States' health, economy, and environment.
In this continent-sized country, U.S. assistance is helping tackle
persistent health threats, notably Ebola, working to advance shared
climate goals, and promoting responsible and accountable mineral supply
chains. We are supporting efforts to fight the pervasive trafficking of
persons, natural resources, and wildlife, which feeds corruption and
violence.
Other countries, notably the People's Republic of China, fully
grasp the DRC's potential. We want the Congolese people to know that
corrupt mineral exploitation deals, illegal logging and environmental
devastation is not inevitable, and that there are alternatives. If
confirmed, I commit to using all our diplomatic tools, including
leveraging visa ineligibilities and sanctions, to help the Congolese
fight corruption.
Right now, reducing violence in the DRC's eastern region is
critical. The region must not be allowed to stumble into another
devastating inter-state conflict. If confirmed, I will work closely
with regional institutions and partners to deescalate tensions with
neighbors and pressure non-state armed groups to stand down.
The DRC is also home to the world's largest U.N. peacekeeping
mission. This investment, of which the United States carries a quarter
of the cost, must be held to the highest standards of performance and
demonstrate its ability to protect civilians and conduct proactive
operations against armed groups. I take this opportunity to express my
condolences to the families of the three U.N. personnel killed in
Butembo on July 26.
Finally, free and fair elections held in 2023 will be a particular
focus of my diplomatic engagement, if confirmed. The future leaders of
the DRC are for its citizens to decide, but the international community
can play an important role in helping to strengthen democratic
institutions, supporting civil society, and calling out--without
hesitation--when we see signs of democratic backsliding.
I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be assuming leadership of a
post in a country of enormous size, complexity, and promise. The large
portfolio of U.S. assistance--which cuts across every conceivable area
from security to health to conservation--requires astute direction,
prioritization, and coordination. Chronic staffing shortages--a
situation not unique to Kinshasa--need to be managed to ensure that we
do not burn out and lose the next generation of Africa hands. Across
all these activities, I commit to ensuring the efficient and effective
use of the resources entrusted to us by the U.S. taxpayer.
I look forward to your advice and counsel on these challenging
tasks and I am very happy to take your questions.
Senator Booker. Thank you for that important and
informative opening statement.
We now are going to turn to Ms. Korhonen and your opening
statement.
Thank you.
STATEMENT OF RACHNA SACHDEVA KORHONEN OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALI
Ms. Korhonen. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
and distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the
next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Mali. I appreciate the
confidence he and Secretary Blinken have shown in me through
this nomination.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, other
members of Congress, and staff to advance U.S. interests in
Mali.
Mr. Chairman, I joined the Foreign Service because of 9/11.
That eventful day woke the need for service in me. I did not
choose the Foreign Service. It chose me. It has taken me to
India, Kuwait, Sri Lanka, Iraq, Saudi Arabia twice, and, if
confirmed, hopefully, to Mali.
A few months ago, Secretary Blinken appropriately observed
that Mali remains a linchpin for future stability in the Sahel.
We have deep concerns about that stability and deep concerns
about the extremism and terrorism that is spreading tentacles
in the region.
This is, ultimately, about the people of Mali and their
aspirations for peace, their aspirations for development, and
respect for human rights. Security partnerships in Mali have
shifted in the last year with the departure of European
counterterrorism forces and the arrival of the Kremlin-backed
Wagner Group. The human rights violations and abuses allegedly
committed are not only horrific but will push aggrieved
civilians into the ranks of terrorist groups.
If confirmed, I will work to counter Russian disinformation
attempts to veil the true harm and cost of Wagner's actions.
Additionally, the United Nations' Multidimensional
Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali--MINUSMA--is facing
unprecedented challenges due to restrictions placed on it.
I will advocate for the free movement of MINUSMA
peacekeepers and for conditions that allow resumption of
accountable international security assistance to counter the
spread of terrorism across the country.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading Embassy Bamako in
advancing U.S. interests in Mali. Our main interests include
bringing the country back to a constitutional democracy that
helps all of its citizens, furthering economic development, and
countering the incursion of terrorism that threatens not only
Mali but the rest of the Sahel.
We welcome the agreement to a 24-month timeline between the
Economic Community of West African States--ECOWAS--and the
transition government. If confirmed, I look forward to shaping
U.S. activities to encourage constructive participation in
Mali's democratic transition and 2024 elections.
Malians have shown before that they can be the shining
light of the region. U.S. assistance in Mali promotes democracy
and improves governance while supporting sustainable
livelihoods. USAID's health programs reach 80 percent of Mali's
population--80 percent.
NIH, CDC, have built solid public health systems that met
the Ebola challenge in the past, helped mitigate the impact of
COVID, and promise to make inroads in the global fight against
malaria.
These programs are closely integrated with our democracy
and counterterrorism goals in a well coordinated interagency
effort.
If confirmed, I will work together with our interagency and
our international partners to maintain strong partnerships for
development and stability. We are committed to the Malian
people and their aspiration for responsive democratic
governance.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my highest priority will be the
protection of Americans and American interests, including all
mission personnel.
Moreover, I will carefully and diligently ensure
responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars through effective
leadership of U.S. Embassy Bamako's strong interagency team.
Mr. Chairman, you see sitting before you the ultimate
American dream. I am a proud immigrant girl from New Jersey who
has had the good fortune to be nominated to represent the best
country on Earth.
So much of who I am belongs to my parents, Paul and Meena
Sachdeva. Dad is watching me from New Jersey. Mom is right
behind me. I wish my grandfather was alive. He would have been
so proud.
But the most important person in my life is my husband,
Juha, also sitting behind me. I would not be here today without
him. He and our three children--Varun, Vicram, both of whom are
here, and Veera, who is hanging out somewhere in Europe, are
what really make my life worth living.
I am deeply grateful to them for their support and their
love. I could not have done this without them.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member and members of the committee,
if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with all of you
and would hope to welcome you to Bamako during my tenure.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Korhonen follows:]
Prepared Statement of Rachna Sachdeva Korhonen
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee: I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Mali. I
appreciate the confidence he and Secretary Blinken have shown in me
through this nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
you and other Members of Congress and staff to advance U.S. interests
in Mali.
Mr. Chairman, I joined the Foreign Service because of 9/11. That
eventful day woke the need for service in me. I did not choose the
Foreign Service; it chose me. It has taken me to India, Iraq, Kuwait,
Sri Lanka, and Saudi Arabia (twice) and, if confirmed, to Mali.
A few months ago, Secretary Blinken appropriately observed that
``Mali remains a linchpin for future stability in the Sahel and we have
deep concerns about that stability and deep concerns about the
extremism and terrorism that is spreading tentacles in the region. This
is ultimately about the people of Mali and their aspirations for peace,
their aspirations for development and respect for human rights.''
Security partnerships in Mali have shifted in the last year with
the departure of European counterterrorism forces and the arrival of
the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group. The human rights violations and abuses
allegedly committed are not only horrific but will push aggrieved
civilians into the ranks of terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will work
to counter Russian disinformation attempts to veil the true harm and
cost of Wagner's actions. Additionally, the United Nations
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) is
facing unprecedented challenges due to restrictions placed on it. I
will advocate for the free movement of MINUSMA peacekeepers, and for
conditions that allow the resumption of accountable international
security assistance to counter the spread of terrorism across the
country.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading Embassy Bamako in advancing
U.S. interests in Mali. Our main interests include bringing the country
back to a constitutional democracy that helps all its citizens;
furthering economic development; and countering the incursion of
terrorism that threatens not only Mali but the rest of the Sahel. We
welcome the agreement to a 24-month timeline between the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the transition
government. If confirmed, I look forward to shaping U.S. activities to
encourage constructive participation in Mali's democratic transition
and 2024 elections. Malians have shown before that they can be the
shining light of the region.
U.S. assistance in Mali promotes democracy and improved governance
while supporting sustainable livelihoods. USAID's health programs reach
80 percent of Mali's population. NIH and CDC have built solid public
health systems that met the Ebola challenge in the past, helped
mitigate the impact of COVID, and promise to make inroads in the global
fight against malaria. These programs are closely integrated with our
democracy and counterterrorism goals in a well-coordinated interagency
effort. If confirmed, I will work together with our interagency and
international partners to maintain strong partnerships for development
and stability. We are committed to the Malian people and their
aspiration for responsive democratic governance.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my highest priority will be the
protection of Americans and American interests, including Mission
personnel. Moreover, I will carefully and diligently ensure responsible
stewardship of taxpayer dollars through effective leadership of U.S.
Embassy Bamako's strong interagency team.
Mr. Chairman, you see sitting before you the ultimate American
dream. I am a proud immigrant girl from New Jersey who has had the good
fortune to be nominated to represent these United States. So much of
who I am belongs to my parents Paul and Meena Sachdeva. I wish my
grandfather were alive; he would have been so proud. But the most
important person in my life is sitting behind me, my husband, Juha. I
would not be here today without him. He and our three children, Varun,
Vicram, and Veera are what make life worth living. I am deeply grateful
to them for their support and love.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with all of you and would
hope to welcome you to Bamako during my tenure. Thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome your questions.
Senator Booker. Thank you for, frankly, that inspiring
opening statement about your life and your appreciation of the
gravity of the work that you are doing.
Mr. Schiffer, we are turning to you. This could be a very
brutal hearing for you because, as I learned from studying the
Gospels, you are really not appreciated when you come home.
So if you would like to try to do anything you can to
prepare the ground for what--the tilling that might happen
after your opening statement, you may go ahead.
[Laughter.]
STATEMENT OF ROLFE MICHAEL SCHIFFER OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO
BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Schiffer. I am not entirely sure how to follow up on
that, Mr. Chairman. I am wondering if I can get under the table
as opposed to be sitting here on this side of the dais.
But my thanks to you, my thanks to Ranking Member Rounds.
It is, indeed, a much less pleasant experience being on this
side than where I am used to sitting behind all of you. But,
hopefully, I will manage to survive.
I am deeply humbled to be coming before this committee
today to serve as the nominee as Assistant Administrator of the
Asia Bureau at USAID and I am deeply humbled also by the trust
placed in me by President Biden and Administrator Power.
If confirmed, I will seek to contribute to USAID's efforts
to build an enduring U.S. diplomatic and development presence
in the Indo-Pacific, the most strategically vital region of the
globe, and I am honored to be here today seeking your trust to
join with the dedicated staff of USAID to undertake this
important work on behalf of the American people.
I am joined today by my former wife and friend, Wendy
Wasserman, and my daughter, Josie. Josie's support and
encouragement and all that she has had to put up with over the
years, including this right now, means everything to me.
My partner, Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt, and her son are not
able to join me today. But Stephanie's wisdom has contributed
much to making me capable of seeking your advice and consent to
undertake this task and I owe her a debt which can never be
repaid.
So, too, my mother and sister, and my father, who is no
longer with us, but whose ethical teachings and moral guidance
have long been my lodestar.
I also want to express my appreciation and support for
Chairman Menendez and all that he has provided me with over the
years. His tireless commitment to building a nation in a world
consistent with our highest values and aspirations, especially
at times when those values have been uniquely stressed both at
home and abroad, has been nothing short of inspirational.
And last but, certainly, not least, I want to express my
thanks to all the members and the staff of this committee. You
all know how strongly I feel about the work that you all do,
that we all do--I think I can still say that--and how torn I am
to leave.
If confirmed, I pledge that I will work with you in genuine
consultation and partnership and I trust that you will keep me
honest should I falter in that pledge.
As we face the challenges of the 21st century, including
the realities of strategic competition with China, I can think
of few undertakings more important than extending USAID's
mission to drive sustainable and inclusive development,
regional prosperity, and stability in Asia.
It is central to our national interest to help meet the
region's humanitarian needs, contribute to free and open
regional architecture, and to work with the people and
governments of the region to safeguard their sovereignty, build
vital civil societies, and to promote democratic governance,
confront human rights violations, and to combat gender
inequality, corruption, and kleptocracy.
And, as I know members of this committee appreciate, we do
this work not just because it is the right thing to do,
although it is certainly that, but because working alongside
allies and partners in the region to build a more capable and
connected Indo-Pacific community is vital for America and
benefits American workers and families.
As the President's Indo-Pacific strategy states, the United
States has long recognized the Indo-Pacific as vital to our
security and prosperity, and we have pursued partnership in the
region since our very founding as a nation.
There is no shortage of challenges in the region. Climate
change poses an existential threat across Asia, from Pacific
islands threatened with rising tides to the fragile ecosystem
of the Tibetan Plateau.
More than 300 million still live in extreme poverty and
food insecurity threatens the lives and livelihoods of
millions. Unmet basic education and health care needs,
democratic backsliding, and immense infrastructure requirements
are just a few of the challenges the region faces.
But just as there is no shortage of challenges so, too,
there is no shortage of opportunities to foster deeper local
partnerships, greater innovation through localization, and more
meaningful results to drive development progress, not simply
development programs.
If confirmed, I look forward to pursuing opportunities to
work with our partners, particularly in the Pacific, on climate
adaptation, disaster preparedness and resilience, and a
sustainable future, as well as opportunities to enable high-
quality development finance and public-private partnerships to
further the President's Partnership for Global Infrastructure
and Investment.
Equally important will be furthering good governance, anti-
corruption, human rights, and supporting civil society actors
in the region. We can do this by building deeper relationships
with our development partners, including the Quad, so that
together we are more efficient and effective in meeting
regional needs.
Likewise, we can strengthen our work with our ASEAN
partners to build real functional problem-solving architecture.
Thank you all for the opportunity to appear before you
today and for your consideration of my nomination. I look
forward to any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Schiffer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Rolfe Michael Schiffer
Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds. I have to say, it is
a much less pleasant feeling to be on this side of the dais than the
one that I am accustomed to, sitting behind you. I am deeply humbled
and honored to come before the committee today as the nominee to serve
as Assistant Administrator of the Asia Bureau at USAID, and by the
trust placed in me by President Biden and Administrator Power.
If confirmed, I will seek to contribute to USAID's efforts to build
an enduring US diplomatic and development presence in the Indo-Pacific,
the most strategically vital region of the globe. And I am honored to
be here today seeking your trust to join with the dedicated staff of
the USAID to undertake this important work on behalf of the American
people.
I am joined by my former wife Wendy Wasserman and my daughter,
Josie. My partner, Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt, and her son, Adrian, are
not able to join me today, but Stephanie's wisdom has contributed much
to make me capable of the challenge I seek your advice and consent to
undertake--and I owe her a debt that can never be repaid. So too my
mother and sister, and my father, who is no longer with us--and whose
ethical and moral teachings are my lodestar.
I also want to express my appreciation for the support that
Chairman Menendez has provided me over the years. His tireless
commitment to building a nation and a world consistent with our highest
values--even at times when those values have been uniquely stressed
both at home and abroad--has been nothing short of inspirational
And last, but certainly not least, I want to express my thanks to
all the members and staff of this committee that I have served with for
the past decade. You know how strongly I believe in the work of this
committee and how torn I am to leave. If confirmed, I give you my
pledge to work with you in genuine consultation and partnership, and I
trust that you will keep me honest should I falter.
As we face the challenges of the twenty-first century--including
the realities of strategic competition with China--I can think of few
undertakings more important than extending USAID's mission to drive
sustainable and inclusive development, regional prosperity, and
stability in the Asia Region. It is central to our U.S. national
interest to help to meet the region's humanitarian needs, contribute to
a free and open regional architecture, and work with the people and
governments of the region to safeguard their sovereignty, build vital
civil societies and to promote democratic governance, confront human
rights violations, and to combat gender inequality, corruption and
kleptocracy.
And, as I know the members of this committee appreciate, we do this
work not just because it is the right thing to do--although it is
certainly that--but because working alongside allies and partners in
the region to build a more capable and connected Indo-Pacific community
is vital for American security and prosperity and benefits American
workers and families.
As the President's Indo-Pacific Strategy states, ``the United
States has long recognized the Indo-Pacific as vital to our security
and prosperity,'' and we have pursued partnership in the region since
our very founding as a nation.
There is no shortage of challenges in the region: climate change
poses an existential threat across Asia, from Pacific Island countries
threatened with rising tides to the fragile ecosystem of the Tibetan
Plateau. More than 300 million still live in extreme poverty, and food
insecurity threatens the lives and livelihoods of millions. Unmet basic
education and healthcare needs, democratic backsliding, and immense
infrastructure requirements are a few of the challenges that the region
faces.
But just as there is no shortage of challenges, so too there is
also no shortage of opportunities to foster deeper local partnerships,
greater innovation through localization, and more meaningful results to
drive development progress, not simply development programs.
If confirmed, I look forward to pursuing opportunities to work with
our partners, particularly in the Pacific, on climate adaptation,
disaster preparedness and resilience, and a sustainable future; as well
as opportunities to enable high-quality development finance and public-
private partnerships to further the President's Partnership for Global
Infrastructure and Investment. Equally important will be furthering
good governance, anti-corruption, human rights and supporting civil
society actors in the region. We can do this by building deeper
relationships with our development partners like the Quad so together
we are more efficient and effective in meeting regional needs.
Likewise, we can strengthen partnerships with our ASEAN partners to
build real functional problem solving architecture.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and for
your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to any questions
that you may have.
Senator Booker. We are grateful for that opening testimony.
We are going to now turn to Mr. Fick for his opening
testimony.
STATEMENT OF NATHANIEL FICK OF MAINE, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR CYBERSPACE AND DIGITAL POLICY
Mr. Fick. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
committee members, I am honored to appear before you today as
nominee to be the first ever U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for
Cyberspace and Digital Policy.
Joining me behind me, both physically and metaphorically,
are my wife, Margaret, and our daughters, Ella and Kate. They
are constant proof for me that, despite the digital world's
importance, life's true rewards are found right here in the
physical one.
My parents, Neil and Jane, are watching from Maine. They
instilled in me a strong sense of family, of integrity, and of
public service.
I feel as if all the threads of my professional life come
together in this role, from combat service as a Marine Corps
infantry officer, to leading a national security research
organization, to building and leading a cybersecurity software
company.
American technology leadership is critical to the credible
promotion of our values, to sustaining our economic strength,
and to our national security. It is the next frontier of
American diplomacy.
Our future will be shaped by the infrastructure, standards,
norms, and policies that determine how digital technologies are
developed, deployed, and used. We are in a global contest for a
democratic future in which we can all use technology to reach
our full potential and against an authoritarian future in which
technology is harnessed to repress free expression and
destabilize open democratic societies.
Countries such as the People's Republic of China and Russia
have a very different vision for cyberspace and the use of
digital technologies, which is why American leadership matters
in this arena alongside like-minded allies and partners.
Recognizing this context and building on the ongoing work
of the Department, Secretary Blinken established the Bureau of
Cyberspace and Digital Policy earlier this year with the strong
bipartisan support of this committee and others.
If confirmed, I pledge to partner with the committee and
with all of Congress to further elevate and integrate cyber and
digital policy in U.S. diplomacy and diplomacy in U.S. cyber
and digital policy.
There are three key areas where, if confirmed, I would
partner with the committee to make progress.
First, we must strengthen adherence to the framework of
responsible state behavior that all U.N. member states have
endorsed. This framework affirms that international law applies
to state conduct in cyberspace and lays out norms that,
although voluntary and nonbinding, guide what states should and
should not do in cyberspace.
And yet, norms are more effective in binding together our
allies than they are in dissuading our adversaries. To reduce
the frequency and severity of damaging cyber incidents, we must
collaborate across the U.S. Government and with partners around
the world to deter malicious cyber activity and impose
meaningful consequences on states that engage in it and those
that willfully harbor cyber criminal organizations.
Second, we must promote a global digital economy that lets
U.S. companies and their workers compete on an equal playing
field around the world. This includes preserving the free flow
of data across international borders while protecting users'
privacy and the confidentiality and integrity of the data.
We must support open transparent standards in the multi-
stakeholder model of Internet governance that has enabled
decades of innovation, and we must promote new innovations,
such as Open Radio Access Networks, and work to ensure the
security of the entire telecommunications ecosystem upon which
we all rely.
Third, we must at every turn champion a positive vision for
digital freedom and digital inclusion while working to combat
digital authoritarianism. This means partnering with civil
society, the private sector, and other governments to
understand how digital technologies can help people exercise
their human rights and reach their full potential.
We must harness these technologies to strengthen democratic
governance instead of allowing them to be used for repression.
I approach each of these missions with great respect for the
dedicated public servants at the Department of State, who have
ably championed U.S. interests as cyber and digital issues have
become a foreign policy imperative.
If confirmed, I will dedicate my time and energy to
building the new bureau into an enduring institution with the
talent and resources it needs to advance U.S. interests around
the world through diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance.
I appreciate the trust President Biden and Secretary
Blinken have expressed in asking me to serve in this new role.
I thank you for the opportunity to be here today and I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Fick follows:]
Prepared Statement for Nathaniel Fick
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished committee members,
I am honored to appear before you today as nominee to be the first-ever
U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy. Thank you
for considering my nomination.
Joining me here are my wife, Margaret Angell, and our daughters,
Ella, and Kate. They are constant proof for me that, despite the
digital world's importance, life's true rewards are found in the
physical one.
I feel as if all the threads of my professional background--from
combat service as a Marine Corps infantry officer, to leadership of the
Center for a New American Security, to building and leading a
cybersecurity software company--come together in this role.
American technology leadership is critical to the credible
promotion of our values, to sustaining our economic strength, and to
safeguarding our national security. It is the next frontier of American
diplomacy.
The infrastructure, standards, norms, and policies that determine
how digital technologies are developed, deployed, and used shape our
future. We are in a global contest for a democratic future in which we
can all use technology to reach our full potential and against an
authoritarian future in which technology is harnessed to repress free
expression and destabilize open, democratic societies. Countries such
as the People's Republic of China and Russia have a very different
vision for cyberspace and the use of digital technologies, which is why
American leadership matters in this arena, alongside like-minded Allies
and partners.
Recognizing this context and building on the ongoing work of the
Department, Secretary Blinken established the Bureau of Cyberspace and
Digital Policy earlier this year with the strong bipartisan support of
this committee and others. If confirmed, I pledge to partner with this
committee and all of Congress to further elevate and integrate cyber
and digital policy in U.S. diplomacy--and diplomacy in U.S. cyber and
digital policy. And I will continue to build a State Department team
that has the expertise and experience to advance national security,
economic prosperity, and human rights in this digital age.
There are three key areas where, if confirmed, I would partner with
the committee to make progress. First, we must strengthen adherence to
the framework of responsible state behavior that all U.N. member states
have endorsed. This framework affirms that international law applies to
state conduct in cyberspace and lays out norms that--although voluntary
and non-binding--guide what states should and should not do in
cyberspace. And yet, norms are more effective in binding together our
allies than they are in dissuading our adversaries. To reduce the
frequency and severity of damaging cyber incidents, we must collaborate
across the U.S. Government and with partners around the world to deter
malicious cyber activity and impose meaningful consequences on states
that engage in it and those that willfully harbor cybercriminal
organizations.
Second, we must promote a global digital economy that lets U.S.
companies and their workers compete on an equal playing field around
the world. This includes preserving the free flow of data across
international borders--while protecting users' privacy and the
confidentiality and integrity of their data. We must support open,
transparent standards and the multistakeholder model of Internet
governance that has enabled decades of innovation. And we must promote
new innovations such as Open Radio Access Networks and work to ensure
the security of the entire telecommunications ecosystem upon which we
rely.
Third, we must, at every turn, champion a positive vision for
digital freedom and digital inclusion while working to combat digital
authoritarianism. This means partnering with civil society, the private
sector, and other governments to understand how digital technologies
can help people exercise their human rights and reach their full
potential. We must harness these technologies to strengthen democratic
governance instead of allowing them to be used for repression. We must
help more people--including those coming online for the first time--
build resilience to threats they may face, including abuse or foreign
influence operations.
I approach each of these missions with great respect for the
dedicated public servants who work at the Department of State who have
ably championed U.S. interests as cyber and digital issues have become
a foreign policy imperative. If confirmed, I will dedicate time and
energy to building the new Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy into
a strong institution, with the talent and resources it needs to advance
U.S. interests around the world through diplomatic engagement and
foreign assistance programs.
I appreciate the trust President Biden and Secretary Blinken have
expressed in asking me to serve in this new role, one so important for
the future of the American people and our shared global future. I thank
you for the opportunity to be here today and I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Booker. Mr. Fick, we thank you so much for your
opening statement. I would like to, without any objection from
my ranking member, to defer to Senator Menendez for his opening
round of questions.
Then we are going to come back to the ranking member. Then
we are going to proceed to Senator Kaine. I am going to be here
for the duration so I can save my questions for last, depending
on who shows up.
And with that, I would like to turn to my senior senator,
senior to me in time in the Senate but also senior to me in
sagacity, tenacity, and audacity.
[Laughter.]
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. Okay. I am going to record these comments.
Anyhow, let me thank you, Mr. Chairman, and the ranking
member for presiding over this nomination hearing. One of the
most important things we do as members of the committee is
oversee nominations and we need the help of all of our
colleagues in getting through the nominees.
I appreciate both you and the ranking member for doing it
and thank you for the courtesy of being able to go first. I
have some other issues.
Congratulations to the nominees before us today. We thank
you and all of your families for your service to our country.
Let me take a few minutes of personal privilege to speak
about Michael Schiffer, who has been my longtime senior advisor
and counselor on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
He is one of the leading foreign policy minds in
Washington, having also served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Defense for East Asia. He is a respected expert on Asia with a
network of relationships across the continent.
I never forgot when I first started visiting Asia when I
was on the committee in 2006 and started going with Michael to
visit Asia, and it would be very interesting to me when heads
of state, including when I was chairman of the committee
previously, would say hello, Mr. Schiffer, before they would
say hello to me. So it just goes to the depth of relationships
he has.
I have long relied on Michael's counsel, expertise, and
judgment and dealing with some of the most vexing issues facing
the committee, and no one is more qualified or more deserving
of this nomination than he is.
He is dedicated and committed to a values-based foreign
policy that champions freedom, human rights, and democracy, and
he will be a strong advocate for those principles across the
continent and will work to ensure that AID's programming
reflect our values and our interests.
And he is someone who does not hesitate to speak his mind.
Stories about his willingness to speak truth to power abound.
But do not worry, Michael, I will not share them here today.
But it is an important quality that will serve him well in
the executive branch as he ensures that USAID has a seat at the
table and a voice in the interagency process. It is precisely
that kind of leadership that we need in the Administration
today, someone that knows the right approach on assistance to
Asia and how to get it there.
So I appreciate all of those great assets and I will not
continue with my remarks on you because then my time will be
eaten up for questions. So I will include them for the record.
Michael, thank you for your excellent work with us.
Mr. Fick, to be the Ambassador-at-Large for Cyberspace and
Digital Diplomacy is the new frontier for us. The State
Department unveiled the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital
Diplomacy in April this year.
Last week, the committee introduced the State Department
authorization of 2022 which contains a version of the Cyber
Diplomacy Act that would authorize the CDP bureau in statute
and thus support its long-term viability.
What would be your top priorities as Ambassador-at-Large
for the bureau as it finds its footing in the department?
Mr. Fick. Thank you, Senator, for the question and also for
having me here today.
I have three immediate top priorities and I think of them
as concentric rings moving from innermost to outermost. Because
the bureau is new, the first and innermost priority is building
the team and establishing a culture both in the bureau and in
the Department where a fluency and expertise in digital
technologies is seen as important to the careers and futures of
career Foreign Service Officers and members of the civil
service.
I can imagine a future where any candidate to be a chief of
mission is expected to have an understanding of these issues
because they are a substrate that cut across every aspect of
our foreign policy.
The second priority,this second ring, moving outward, is to
assert the State Department's rightful place in the interagency
process on topics of cybersecurity and digital policy.
And then third are all the policy challenges out there in
the world. The wolf closest to the door, so to speak, in my
view, is the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the threats and
opportunities it provides in the digital space for us; and then
I believe our strategic competition with China along digital
lines is probably the defining strategic question of my
generation.
The Chairman. I am glad to hear you say about making sure
that the equities of the State Department at the table in the
interagency process are owned because, from my perspective,
sometimes the State Department does not get its due as it
relates to its critical role in the context of the interagency
process. So that will be an important one.
And I hope that you will, upon confirmation, create a
productive relationship with this committee. This committee has
members that are very interested in this domain and want to
engage with you in the days ahead.
Mr. Fick. I commit to that, sir.
The Chairman. And if I may, Mr. Chairman, one other
question.
Ms. Korhonen--did I pronounce it correctly? Okay.
The Trans-Sahel Counterterrorism Partnership Program Act of
2021, which is law, which I sponsored, not only calls for a
strategy for the Sahel, it calls for a specific strategy for
Mali as part of the overall approach.
We had a hearing where representatives from State, DOD, and
USAID shared the Administration's approach, and as I mentioned
at that time we look to have input into the strategy as a
result of that hearing.
Could you briefly outline for me the draft five-year
strategy for Mali? How does that strategy differ from the
approach of previous Administrations with respect to balancing
the so-called three Ds in Mali?
Ms. Korhonen. Thank you. I have not seen a five-year
strategy for Mali.
I, however, do know that the department and our interagency
partners are working together on multiple issues in Mali and I
would say that, if confirmed, my priorities will be that we
help and support the transition government to come to
democratic governance, to elections that they promised with
ECOWAS in March 2024. Really happy to see that deadline.
I also know that this--just this past Sunday, the Algerian
President Tebboune called for the Malian transition government
to hold elections and, in fact, on Monday there was a meeting--
a decisional meeting for the Algiers Accord.
So I would say elections, transition to democratic
governance, working through the Algerian Peace Accords, support
of MINUSMA is--are the things that I would really be looking at
in terms of what should be happening in Mali in the next five
years.
I believe that is kind of where the department is going at
this point.
The Chairman. We look forward to working with you because
the law that we authored, ultimately, seeks to create a clear
vision of where we go and a strategy to achieve it versus
working ad hoc.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the courtesy. I have questions
for all of the nominees. I am going to submit them for the
record in deference to my colleagues.
I would ask you to give me substantive answers. If you do,
then you will advance to a business meeting. If you do not, we
are going to have to wait for the substantive answers.
So I do hope you will give me substantive answers to the
questions that we will propound to you and, again,
congratulations to all of you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Ranking Member?
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Once again, it is good to see the qualifications of the
members in front of us here at this time.
Mr. Fick, the deployment of secure fifth-generation, or 5G,
networks is critical not only for U.S. networks but throughout
the world with our allies and partners. Meanwhile, countries
like China pose a serious threat to our foreign allies and
partners through companies such as Huawei.
The fiscal year '21 NDAA established a multilateral
telecommunications security fund executed by the Secretary of
State to support the development and adoption of secure and
trusted telecommunications technologies with our partners and
allies. Appropriations for this fund were passed as part of the
CHIPS legislation last week.
If confirmed, how do you plan to use this fund to work with
our partners and allies to develop secure and trusted
alternatives to Huawei and how will you leverage this fund to
encourage development of innovative new technologies like Open
Radio Access Networks known as ORAN?
Mr. Fick. Thank you, Senator.
I strongly share the sentiment expressed in your question
and believe very strongly that global telecom security is
essential. I believe that the U.S. cannot do it alone. By its
very nature this is a global network of hardware and
infrastructure and, if confirmed, I would work to deploy the
resources appropriated in the CHIPS Act.
I think from my seat still on the outside looking in I
applaud the passage of the Act. Two particular examples for
consideration might be partnering with the European Commission
under the Trade and Technology Council in order to finance the
deployment of secure infrastructure to third countries. That is
something that I would very quickly want to explore.
Another example would be expanding work with the Quad
countries in order to promote Open RAN deployments in the Indo-
Pacific, and you have my commitment that I would engage with
the committee and with Congress before and during any
implementation.
Senator Rounds. Very good. Thank you.
Ms. Korhonen, just last week the State Department ordered
the departure of nonemergency U.S. Government personnel from
Mali due to heightened risk of terrorist attacks.
Regardless of how long this ordered departure persists, if
confirmed, you will serve as chief of mission at a high risk
post for U.S. personnel. How will you approach your role as
chief of mission in this environment where, despite significant
challenges, the staff of the U.S. embassy have important work
to do?
Ms. Korhonen. Thank you, sir.
My first priority absolutely will be the safety and
security of American citizens and mission personnel.
The attack on July 22nd was just about 10 miles from the
embassy. The situation is serious and we must proceed with an
abundance of caution.
I believe my experiences in serving--in the past serving at
high threat posts will serve me well, if I am confirmed. I also
understand that Mission Bamako enjoys high morale and, if
confirmed, it will be my goal to sustain that positive work and
life experience while we navigate Mali's myriad challenges
together.
Thank you.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Ambassador Tamlyn, what is your view on the prospects for
credible elections in DRC next year?
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you, sir.
The Congolese have the right to free, fair, and on time
elections and they want that, and we know that the path to a
more prosperous and stable DRC lies through a good election and
a consolidation of their democratic experience.
It is a country with immense challenges because of its size
and the logistics that are needed. The institutions, we know,
are weak. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities would be
to immediately review the planning that is underway to prepare
ourselves and the country for elections and there are three
things in particular that we need to look at.
The first is progress on national preparations--how are
they doing in terms of voter rolls, procurement, and the census
that may need to take place.
The second thing is how is our assistance helping in the
right places, and then, finally, what is the enabling
environment. You cannot have a credible election if there is
not an even playing field for all of the candidates and if
rights of freedom of assembly or freedom of expression are not
fully supported.
Finally, a credible election does not just happen
overnight. It is something that you need to be preparing for,
and planning for, for a good period of time in advance and that
includes messaging to the Government clearly what our
expectations are.
So I hope to be able to do that and also work closely with
international partners so their messaging is strong and
consistent across the board.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I do have questions for the other nominees,
but in the interests of allowing our other members to move
forward I think I will defer them and allow the other members
to ask questions first.
Senator Booker. I recognize Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Senator
Rounds.
I could ask questions for about an hour of this panel
because I think I could learn a tremendous amount. But let me
make two comments and then, really, one question that will be
for you, Ambassador Tamlyn.
First, to Nathaniel Fick, when my son, Nathaniel, was a
senior in high school in December of 2007 and came to me and
said, Mom and Dad, I want you to know that I have been talking
to a Marine recruiter for the last few months, I noticed that
he had your book ``One Bullet Away'' on his bookshelf, and I
think--it was a surprise to us when he told us this--I think
your writing was influential in his decision.
He had an eight-year career as a infantry officer with two
deployments, is now a reservist. But I just wanted to say you
have influenced a lot of people in a lot of your previous
capacities, but that book in particular, and maybe just--maybe
even the Nathaniel coincidence was one--helped create a really
talented Marine officer in my oldest son.
Mr. Fick. Thank you, sir.
Senator Kaine. And then, Mr. Schiffer, I will just say it
is really a treat to see you back. You performed such good
service during my time on this committee and you are so well
suited for the position.
Ambassador Tamlyn, I am going to take my questions to you
in a completely different direction because I feel like the
five of you are very qualified for the positions that you are
going to be going to and I am going to support you all.
But when we have foreign relations folks who are posted in
countries right now that I am concerned about, I often ask
about your current post rather than the one to which you will
be nominated and I am very, very worried about Sudan and I
think I am going to just talk to you a little bit about that.
The reports just within the last few days from CNN that
Sudanese gold has been plundered by Russians to support the
Ukrainian war has led to street protests in Sudan, and I am
interested that the Sudanese Government has reacted to these
reports by cracking down on plunderers? No. Cracking down on
those who revealed the information that demonstrated that
Russia was plundering their gold reserves.
What do you think this very shocking reporting portends for
Sudan and what advice would you have for the committee about
the way we should approach the U.S.-Sudanese relationship,
given the significant number of challenges in Sudan right now?
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you, Senator.
I think that the path ahead to deal with this and other
issues is supporting a civilian-led transitional government.
What we have seen following the revolution is that only a
civilian-led government is capable of tackling these issues, of
bringing transparency to bear on the events happening in the
country, putting in place more responsible government
institutions, and thinking about these issues and trying to
figure out a better way of doing them.
So that is our major focus right now. We are working very
closely with all of the stakeholders involved to support a
civilian-led transitional government, and what we have made
clear as well is that until there is a credible civilian-led
transitional government that has the broad support of the
Sudanese people, U.S. assistance will not be available.
Senator Kaine. The reporting is just a few days old and,
again, it is really shocking. I would encourage all my
colleagues to read it--I mentioned many have--and I applaud CNN
for doing such good work on it.
Do you think thus far the reaction in Sudan of the public
would suggest that it would increase the public demand for a
stable civilian government that could, hopefully, avoid just
shocking malfeasance of the kind that has been reported?
Ms. Tamlyn. There is no debating this issue. I would say
about 100 percent of the Sudanese population seek a civilian-
led government. There is very clear consensus across the board
for many reasons but including this one because I think there
is a great concern about the natural resources of the country
not being used for the benefit of the people.
I think it simply underscores the importance of moving
swiftly forward on this transition.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. With that, I yield back, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Booker. I am grateful for that yielding of about a
minute of your time. I am sure Senator Portman respects that
tremendously.
Senator Portman. Yes.
Senator Booker. Sir, we yield to you now for your
questions.
Senator Portman. It is a good model to emulate.
Senator Booker. Yes.
Senator Portman. First of all, I want to thank Chairman
Booker and Ranking Member Rounds for holding this hearing, and
I know that these nominees have all served their country
already but I want to thank you for stepping up to serve again.
And with regard to Africa, enormous potential often
overlooked, and so for our nominees heading to African
countries we need your U.S. presence there.
I am heading to Africa, to east Africa mostly, with Senator
Coons in a couple of weeks and we look forward to that visit.
But there are so many questions I could ask about that.
But I am going to focus on something else, which is Mr.
Fick and, again, appreciate your service including in the
Marine Corps.
What I am concerned about is that we have overlapping
responsibilities and authorities with regard to our cyber
defense and this has been something I have worked on for a
while with very little result, actually.
We seem to keep adding more and more top cybersecurity
positions to our Government and the org chart troubles me. More
importantly, what troubles me is that without accountability I
am worried that things will happen and it is too easy to point
fingers. As we saw after the Colonial Pipeline incident, you
probably recall, everyone was pointing fingers.
So we have this top position of the deputy national
security adviser for cyber already, which is obviously
international in orientation. We have the federal CISO, of
course, at OMB. We have the National Cyber Directorate, which
was established by this Congress after a commission report that
indicated we needed a national director.
We have the CISA director at Department of Homeland
Security. One could argue that we also have at every agency and
department others but, in effect, they are reporting up at
least to somebody.
But your position that you are being nominated for is a new
one and I think it overlaps with the Office of the National
Cyber Director. The legislation says that that director ``shall
serve as the principal advisor to the President relating to
coordination of diplomatic and other efforts to develop norms
and international consensus around responsible state behavior
in cyberspace,'' end quote.
So I just want to know from you, one, are you sensitive to
this issue and aware of it. And, again, as someone with a
military background, I imagine you share some of my concerns
and I would like to hear those if you do and how you intend to
conduct yourself in this role so that you can fit into this
construct.
Congress is not very good at org charts so it really will
be the responsibility of the individuals who have these jobs to
work together and to not allow the gaps in accountability, in
particular, with regard to the National Cyber Director's role,
which seems to overlap directly with the State Department Cyber
and Digital Policy Bureau functions, responsibilities.
How would you work collaboratively across all departments
to assure that we are not being duplicative and ensure that we
have accountability?
Mr. Fick. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate the question and
the sentiment behind it.
I think in addition to my military experience, my
experience building and leading a business instilled in me an
appreciation for a clear chain of command and appreciation for
clear and well defined swim lanes, an appreciation for
accountability, and kind of a wry sense that it is always easy
to add but it is hard to subtract, and so I come to this role
with a heightened sense of concern about the issue that you
raise.
And that said, I have had--I have a strong conviction that
this role actually fills a gap that has existed in our
Government.
When I was leading a business and working with the
Government in this space, CISA has a strong presence here. The
White House has a strong presence here. The Defense Department
has a strong presence here, and the State Department has not,
and I believe that diplomacy should be our tool of first
resort. I believe in the intrinsic value of diplomacy.
And so I think this role actually does fill an important
gap in the cyber and tech responsibilities across the
Government. I have known Director Inglis and Anne Neuberger and
Jen Easterly in different capacities for more than a decade.
I have full confidence that we can carve out the right swim
lanes and I hope that as the--if confirmed as the inaugural
ambassador leading this office, we could create clear lines of
responsibility that outlive any individual.
Senator Portman. Thank you. I appreciate the fact you
recognize the overlap and the potential conflicts and most
importantly, again, just the notion that accountability is
necessary for us to be sure we are covering our bases with
regard to this growing threat that we face as a country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. We are going to go now to Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
appreciate it. I also appreciate the manner in which you
conduct this hearing.
Senator Booker. I am very grateful for that, sir.
Senator Cardin. I am glad that you are grateful.
[Laughter.]
Senator Cardin. Let me also acknowledge what Senator Rounds
indicated during his opening comments that all five of our
nominees have a career of public service and you have dedicated
yourselves to helping our country.
We know that is a family sacrifice and we thank you and
your families for your incredible service to our nation, and we
are very pleased that you are willing to take on these
incredibly important responsibilities, in one case a new
position, in other cases some critically important countries,
and the position at USAID.
Mr. Schiffer, as I said earlier as you were being eulogized
by our chairman because you are leaving us--that is the
reason--your service here was incredible. I thank you very
much. I enjoyed all of our opportunities together and you have
some real challenges at USAID, and I want to talk a little bit
about Burma, if I might.
It is a tragic situation. The current government there and
its--the human rights records are horrible. So how do we help
the people who have been victimized by what has happened in
Burma?
How does the United States play a constructive role to try
to get help out to the people that have been dislocated and
abused as a result of Burmese Government?
Mr. Schiffer. Senator Cardin, thank you for your kind
comments and let me also thank you for your leadership on Burma
over the years.
I share, as you know, your sense in the tragedy that has
befallen that country since the coup in 2021 and the challenges
that we have in Burma right now.
I think it is absolutely vital that the United States
stands with the people of Burma and that we do all that we can,
working with our partners in the region--our ASEAN partners--to
assure that there is humanitarian access so that we can provide
assistance to those who are in the country as well as to
provide assistance, whether it is shelter, nutritional
assistance, food assistance, educational opportunities, to
those that have been displaced to camps either in Thailand or
in Bangladesh. I think there is a deep moral obligation.
And then, secondly, I think we have a continued obligation
to work with civil society actors who remain in Burma who are
trying valiantly to create additional space so that democracy
and genuine ethnic and national reconciliation might once again
get traction in that country, and to work with them to try to
lead Burma back to a path of democracy and responsible
governance.
I have no illusions about how tough it is. I have no
illusions about the challenges that we face with the military
junta in Naypyidaw.
But this is important work and, if confirmed, it is one of
the issues I intend to throw myself into.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Ms. Tamlyn, I want to talk a little bit about DRC. There
has been, obviously, a challenge in the past. The Government
appears to want to make a commitment to fight corruption and I
would be interested as to how we can assist in that regard.
They also have an election coming up in 2023 that we would
like to see how we could be--assist to make sure that is a free
and fair election.
So just tell me your strategies and commitment to the human
rights agenda and the democracy agenda to assist in regards to
what is necessary to fight corruption and to ensure that we
have free and fair elections, the best that we can in that
country.
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you, Senator.
Those would, certainly, be among my highest priorities if
confirmed, because we know that human rights abuses and
corruption actually eat away at any prospects for the DRC to
emerge as a prosperous and stable country. So it is in their
interests and it also has to be the sine qua non of our
partnership with them that they are making progress on that.
Through what we call the Privileged Partnership for Peace,
Prosperity, and Preservation of the Environment, which is kind
of a portmanteau for a lot of activities that are undergoing,
we have a strong human rights and democracy component and we
also, of course, are working to support the elections.
I just mentioned a couple of things that we are doing. But
let me note that after the last elections we did not fail to
call out actors who had been engaged in corrupt practices and
undermining the elections, and I think that that stands out as
quite the warning, and we, certainly, need to make sure that we
keep those tools ready if we see the same kind of circumstances
repeating themselves as far as corruption or bad actors that
threaten the integrity of the elections.
And similarly, on human rights and corruption we need to
hold the leaders accountable for that and I think that is
something that, if confirmed, would be part of my dialogue with
leaders of the country to make sure that they understand how it
is not just a question of words but actions in terms of
addressing problems of corruption whether it is in the military
or in other parts of the Government.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. I agree. You have our support here in the
Senate to amplify those issues, particularly if we believe that
attention is needed in order to get the right results. So thank
you.
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. We thank the stalwart senator from Maryland
and now we move to the one senator in the entire United States
Senate who is, indeed, forever young.
[Laughter.]
Senator Young. With apologies to Rod Stewart, thank you,
Chairman.
Mr. Fick, last year I introduced legislation with Senator
Warner and the Chairman of this committee that would establish
an interagency tech partnership office housed at the State
Department.
This office would spearhead the United States' global
efforts to forge robust technology partnerships with like-
minded partners and allies with a special focus on norms and
standards, joint research, and export controls and investment
screens.
I believe that if America is to truly compete and exceed
the Chinese Communist Party's whole-of-government approach to
tech domination we must harness all the tools of allies and
partners and work together.
Consistent with the bipartisan vision of the CHIPS and
Science Act, which just passed Congress and the President of
the United States will sign into law in a few weeks, we are
trying to formalize this effort to crowd in the talent and
treasure of other countries in co-developing technologies so
that we can have common standards and really marshal all of the
collective wherewithal that we have as we think about this
generational competition with the CCP.
Do you believe that the State Department is best positioned
within the federal government to lead creation of this
interagency tech partnership office? Does the State Department
have the resources and the ability to harness the necessary
expertise within State and beyond to spearhead this effort?
Mr. Fick. Thank you, Senator.
I do believe that the State Department as the nation's lead
foreign policy agency should lead on the partnership aspects of
technology collaboration.
I appreciate also that this is a cross cutting issue
inherently. It has defense elements, it has intelligence
elements, it has economic elements, et cetera. And so I would
not expect these efforts to sit exclusively in the State
Department.
But I do think as far as partnerships go the State
Department is properly positioned to lead and I think--I
believe that the creation of this role helps to elevate and
integrate those functions at the State Department, and if I am
confirmed I would welcome the opportunity to work with you on
this vision. I share a strong sense of its importance and do
not believe that we can do it alone.
Senator Young. Thank you for that. I would look forward to
that opportunity, sir.
I have also noted with great interest the conclusions of
the report of the independent task force that you co-chaired
for the Council on Foreign Relations, ``Confronting Reality in
Cyberspace.'' The report calls for more cohesive links between
our national security strategy and our policy for digital
competition.
Could you comment on where the U.S. can make meaningful
progress on this aspect of our foreign policy and where you
envision your role to be in making that policy and implementing
it, if confirmed?
Mr. Fick. Yes, Senator.
As I said in my opening statement, I believe that
technology is the next frontier of diplomacy. I believe that
diplomacy is our tool of first resort in international
relations, and so by extension I think that this is a cross-
cutting substrate that is part of every aspect of our national
security strategy and foreign policy.
And so my hope, if confirmed in this role, is to provide
kindkind of coherence to our tech diplomacy and ensure that we
as a government first,and we as a leader of like-minded allies
and partners are coordinating our efforts because we have a
competitor out there with a very different vision of what our
global technology future should look like. I look behind me
here at my children and think that this is fundamental to
shaping the world that they will grow up in.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir. Got some mic issues here.
And, lastly, I will just ask you and if you can answer in
fairly short order, going back to the report I referenced, in
lieu of sanctions what tools are available to the United States
to strengthen adherence to a framework of responsible state
behavior in cyberspace?
Mr. Fick. Senator, I believe that we have not fully
extended deterrence into the cyber domain. I believe that
American power has been a force for stability in the world
since the end of World War II and our adversaries seek to do
mischief or harm us using digital means because they know what
the consequences are in the physical world and we should be
marshaling every ounce of our diplomatic, economic,
informational, and if necessary military power to ensure that
we extend deterrence into this new domain.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Senator Booker. Mr. Young?
Senator Young. Yes, I am through.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much for your questions.
Thank you very much. Yes, I will get a staffer to help you with
your microphone next time.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. Thank you, my friend. As always, your
thorough questions are informative and important. So thank you.
I want to start and jump in.
Ms. Ba, you have been spared the scorn in questioning of my
colleagues. So I want to jump in with you on some really--what
I think are really important issues.
I have great concern that we are heading as a globe
spiraling into the greatest food insecurity our planet has ever
seen, affecting more people than ever and, obviously, this is
an issue for Cote d'Ivoire.
And so I would like to know from you what is the largest
impact of Russia's war in Ukraine on the agricultural sector in
the country and what are some thoughts of yours to help to deal
with any food insecurity that is going to result?
Ms. Ba. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
Indeed, the impact of the war has made--exacerbated foods
insecurity in Cote d'Ivoire and across Africa. Agriculture is
one of the most important sectors for Cote d'Ivoire. It is one
of the largest exporters of cocoa--the largest exporters of
cocoa in the world.
And so we are looking to continue and to deepen these
partnerships in the agricultural sector with the U.S. companies
that are already active in the country but also to set and to
strengthen a business climate to encourage other American
companies, because when American companies are working in
partnership in Cote d'Ivoire and across the region we see
innovation.
And so, if confirmed, I would be focused on strengthening
the role of American companies--the American model--to be able
to look at how to not only deal with the immediate crisis of
food security but also to be able to create the conditions so
that small-scale farmers, larger farmers, women, young people,
can have livelihoods in the agricultural sector and to be able
to feed themselves and to be able to sustain their lives in the
long term.
Senator Booker. I want to ask you just a personal issue. I
worry about our economic relationships often with African
nations when we are often sustaining relationships that reflect
the colonization of the past.
And so when you look at Cote d'Ivoire, the Government's
National Development Plan emphasizes efforts to diversify
beyond raw commodity exports, which I think is really important
for the development of countries and their strength.
They look to promote domestic processing of cocoa beans or
raw cashews into more finished products, which I think is a
very healthy economic evolution.
How can the U.S. support this initiative in diversifying
their agricultural sector while also ensuring that the other
priorities--human rights and more--continue to be sustained for
the evolution of their economy?
Ms. Ba. Thank you for that as well, Senator.
Economic opportunity is really the foundation of security
very often. They go hand in hand, and good governance,
transparency, accountability is also part and parcel.
So, if confirmed, I would be looking at how to have
integrated approaches in all that we do and, really, to bring
the best of the United States to bear in Cote d'Ivoire, to be
able to engage with young people, because very often young
people--77 percent of the population of Cote d'Ivoire are below
the age of 35--they need to be able to see opportunity and they
need to be able to see what is possible.
And the American model is different than a colonial model
and traditional models, and we have incredible companies. We
can help Cote d'Ivoire diversify their economy, looking into
other industries as well like cultural industries.
But when we look at American companies encouraging
different models that can look at corporate social
responsibility and to be able to broaden from an integrated
perspective, economics, good governance, as well as security.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much.
I would like to go quickly to Mr. Fick. We often look at
the issues of cyberspace, digital policy, in terms of our
fears, concerns, and understandable worries.
But I would like to maybe frame my question in the
opportunity side and really ask you that--about the April 28th
Biden administration's announcement that 61 nations joining
with them, really, for the Declaration of the Future of the
Internet, which really affirms the U.S. and other signatories'
commitments to an open, free, global, interoperable, reliable,
secure Internet that also protects human rights.
And I guess I would like to know how do you envision the
CDP Bureau's role in pursuit of this new global partnership and
what aspects of the declaration you are going to be
prioritizing.
Mr. Fick. Senator, thank you for taking us from thinking
about this issue solely in terms of strategic competition and
affording an opportunity to talk about the positive affirmative
vision for what technology can do globally, and I think the
Declaration for the Future of the Internet is exactly that.
It is an aspirational framework and it is one that has a
lot of power as a galvanizing set of principles to help build a
voluntary coalition of like-minded partners and allies who
share our view of an open, free, interoperable, secure digital
future.
If confirmed, I would use this role to try to expand the
number of states who are signatories to that document and do it
by telling a positive--again, affirmative story of the power of
technology.
And I think about my colleagues down the table who may be
representing the United States in parts of the world where for
the first time in human history, literally, at their fingertips
young people can have all of the world's information available
to them and that is--that is an incredibly powerful
transformative force.
Senator Booker. All right.
I made a mistake. I am going to end my questioning--I tend
to leave my questions till the very end. We are going to go to
Senator Van Hollen, who is an extraordinary partner and
important member of this committee.
Then we are going to go back to some procedural questions I
have for the entire panel that I should have asked at the top.
Then I have some of the most grueling, brutal questions I have
ever asked somebody for Mr. Schiffer, and then we are done. I
think everybody else is going to submit for the record.
Mr. Schiffer, please get ready for me to come at you hard.
But, Mr. Van Hollen, go ahead.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to all of you and I look forward to supporting
all of your nominations. You have already been committed to
public service in various forms and I think you will all do a
terrific job in the posts for which you have been nominated.
Mr. Schiffer, we are going to miss you here but look
forward to working with you.
Mr. Fick, I was really glad to see Secretary Blinken
announce the establishment--the formal establishment of the
Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy. I understand the
concerns raised by Senator Portman but I think you addressed
them well and I do believe that you will establish those lanes
of responsibility.
And I was glad to hear the Chairman talk about the upside
of the Internet. I mean, there are places all over the world
where it has become a forum that brings people together to
support freedom of expression, human rights.
Of course, authoritarian regimes recognize that, which is
why they are so determined to block off access to that kind of
information. We have seen Putin doing that in Russia. We have
seen President Xi do it in China.
And so it is a challenge for us to make sure that that
model is not exported to countries around the world, which
China is, certainly, trying to do in places like Africa where
we have many nominees appointed to be ambassador.
So I just look forward to following up with you. I also
serve on the Appropriations Committee. The authorizers have, I
think, on a bipartisan basis supported this mission and I want
to make sure that the appropriators do so.
In the interests of time I look forward to continuing the
conversation with you down the road.
Mr. Fick. Thank you, Senator. It is mutual.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Let me turn, if I could, to you, Ambassador Tamlyn, and I
heard your opening statement from my office and appreciate your
answers to questions here.
So the DRC, as you well know, is an incredibly complicated
place with all sorts of rivalries and conflicts, especially in
the east, and my question for you is what do you think is at
the heart of those conflicts and what can you do as a U.S.
Ambassador to try to address them in the long-term interests of
stability in the DRC?
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you, Senator. That is a really important
question because I think too often we get derailed by saying he
did something, they did something, somebody did something, who
is to blame, and you really have to look at the root causes of
the conflict.
And in my view, it has to do with lack of governance and it
has to do with a very valuable part of the country in terms of
its natural resources. So there is, inevitably, competition
both inside the country as well as outside the country for
access to those resources.
And in the absence of a strong government providing
services to the people you have instead a whole network of
armed groups, which provide some form of local governance but
usually not a very good form of local governance.
So what can we do to tackle this situation? We need to work
very closely with regional organizations and with leaders in
the region to make sure that tension is deescalated, that the
region does not fall into another conflict because we have seen
how devastating that was.
So it is very important that leaders get the message and,
believe me, the State Department has been messaging recently to
leaders on the importance of reducing tensions, of cooperating
and having dialogue with neighbors and using those regional
bodies and mechanisms to try to resolve conflicts.
I think also some of our programming, which tries to
address root causes of conflict, which can be traced to
exploitation of minerals in a nonsustainable and a
nonaccountable, nontransparent way, if we can address that,
that helps some of those local grievances and, again,
supporting the Government to be the kind of government that
provides the security and services to the people that they
aspire to.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for hitting on all those
points, and I know that Senator Booker raised the issue of rare
earth minerals in his opening statement. That, obviously, is
part of what is at the heart of this--a lot of these conflicts,
and so look forward to working with you on that as well.
I do want to bring to your attention a great Marylander who
has been very involved in the DRC. His name is Pastor Weaver.
He is the pastor of one of the largest AME churches in
Maryland. He is the president of the Pan African Collective. He
has established a school, the Weaver School, in the DRC that
has over 900 students in primary and secondary school, 20
percent of them orphans.
Our former ambassador, Mike Hammer, visited the school, and
so my ask of you is once you get settled there if you would
also go out to see the school. I think it is a great example of
the faith-based community here in the United States supporting
important humanitarian educational efforts in Africa.
Ms. Tamlyn. Thank you, Senator.
If confirmed, it would be my pleasure to go and visit.
Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Booker. I am very grateful for you, Senator Cardin.
So I am going to get my Schiffer questions done. Prepare
yourself, sir. There will be five questions. I hope you can
answer them as quickly as possible. Then we will have
procedural questions and then, I think, we are a wrap.
So, Mr. Schiffer, obviously, there is a crisis in Sri Lanka
right now. The president fled and resigned amongst a really
full-scale economic crisis and protests. There was a new Sri
Lankan president that was elected by the parliament very
closely affiliated, unfortunately or fortunately, depending on
your views here, but I imagine it is unfortunately, that does
not have public confidence.
I am really wondering about USAID and what we could do to
sort of guide or alter our policies there and how we might
respond quickly to support any meaningful democratic process,
institution capacity building, civil society bolstering, in the
weeks and months ahead.
Mr. Schiffer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I mean, the situation in Sri Lanka has been, truly, in a
different way but similar to Burma tragic over the past several
months.
My understanding is that USAID has sought to engage to
provide for the immediate humanitarian assistance, given the
economic crisis on the ground and in Sri Lanka, and that we--
the USAID is part of the larger set of activities to coordinate
with other partners in the region, including through the Quad,
to look to support proper governance in Sri Lanka.
I think this is a long-term rebuilding process. It is an
issue that, if confirmed, I do intend to look at closely and
come back to this committee and to you to consult and to get
your guidance.
Senator Booker. I really hope we can have that
conversation.
All right, sir. This is the speed round, four last
questions, the last chance this committee is going to have to
verbally question you before you leave us. We all have
abandonment issues as senators so prepare yourself.
Your first question--you are an Asia expert, correct?
Mr. Schiffer. Allegedly.
Senator Booker. Then you will be able to tell me, sir, the
Han Dynasty from--in China from the year 200 BC to the year 220
AD, what were the three biggest accomplishments of the Han
Dynasty?
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. Let the record show you could not answer.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. Number two, sir. There is a significant
movement going on in parts of Asia that you, I am sure, have
heard of that is called K-pop. Could you please tell me your
three favorite male K-pop bands?
Mr. Schiffer. There is only one K-pop band and that is BTS.
So that is my answer.
Senator Booker. That is wrong, and let the record show that
you got yet another answer wrong.
And then, finally, you know that modern mathematics was
really innovated in Asia--the extraordinary accomplishments in
math and science.
So my final question for you, sir--three wrong answers for
an Asia expert--but my final question for you, sir, is what is
the square root of 1,256?
Mr. Schiffer. Am I allowed to call on a family member?
Senator Booker. You cannot phone a friend, sir.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. Let the record show you are 0 for 3 in your
final moments before the United States Senate highest--longest
serving committee, the Foreign Relations Committee. What an
ignominious way to end, sir, and I am very disappointed in you.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. But, however, you are greatly still loved
by people on both sides of the aisle. Your service has been
extraordinary.
I want to say right now I have got to do these perfunctory
questions. They are important, though. I would hope that there
would be a hearty yes from all of you in unison. You do not
have to harmonize your yeses but I would like to hear them, if
possible.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. Let the record show I heard yeses from all
of them.
Number two, do you commit to keep this committee fully and
currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. Let the record show I heard all the yeses.
Number three, do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. That was not as loud and vocal but I did
hear everyone.
[Laughter.]
Senator Booker. The last question is do you commit to
promptly responding to requests for briefing and information
requested by the committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Booker. Thank you very much.
I want to conclude by saying what I said at the top, Mr.
Ranking Member. These are extraordinary Americans. You all have
very distinguished service under your belt in the public and
the private sector.
You are now taking posts of critical importance that are
not only of critical strategic national security and economic
possibility importance for our nation but also, as leaders on
this planet, really important for humanity.
There is a story about Abraham Lincoln at a time when he
was trying to hold our nation together--another time of
crisis--and he finished this incredible speech that you all
know, the second inaugural address--``with malice towards none,
with charity towards all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right.''
Afterwards, he was at a reception and people were crowding
around him, pulling him in different directions. But he was
pushing through the crowd to find his friend. The friend almost
did not get in--he was an African-American man--until someone
recognized this regal man yet humble in spirit and they brought
him into the reception.
Lincoln found this Black man and said to him, ``I must know
what you thought of my speech.'' And the man, again, regal in
stature but humble of spirit, said, ``Mr. President, you should
attend to your other guests,'' and he waved him off and said,
``I need to know what you thought of my speech. My friend,
please tell me.''
Now, this would be the last time in American history these
two men would ever speak to each other, and as Lincoln waited
the great Frederick Douglass spoke up and he said, ``Mr.
President, it was a sacred effort.'' A sacred effort.
You all, should you be confirmed, are continuing that
spirit in this country. The work you do is sacred. The
difference that you can make will be extraordinary.
I wish you and your families the best on the journey that
you are about to embark upon and may God bless you and always
bless the United States of America.
There will be questions for the record. I thank my ranking
member, and now I need to enter two letters into the record
before gaveling out, and they are here.
I would like to, without objection from my colleague and my
friend--I would like to introduce two letters for the record in
support of Mr. Fick's nomination.
No objection being heard, it is so ordered.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this transcript.]
Senator Booker. Again, the record will remain--for this
hearing will remain open until the close of business on
Thursday, August 4th. Please ensure that questions for the
record are submitted no later than that date, and as you heard
from Senator Menendez, please make them thorough.
Again, congratulations to the nominees' families.
Senator Rounds. May I----
Senator Booker. Please. Please.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would just say, look, the United States Senate has not
only the responsibility for advice and consent but also for the
oversight and, thus, the reason for the questions by the
Chairman as to being able to appear and it is a very important
part of the job that we have here.
I thank you for your answers in that specific regard but
also for, once again, as we have all tried to express, your
interest in serving our country and, in particular, your
families' participation as well, which is sometimes very, very
challenging.
And with that, Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you for
the hairless, or I should say, errorless way in which you
conducted yourself today with this committee hearing.
[Laughter.]
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Senator Booker. With that final dad joke, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:56 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jessica Davis Ba by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Two years ago, President Ouattara made the decision to
run for a third term in office, triggering the most serious unrest in
Cote d'Ivoire since the conflict in 2011. His main political rivals,
like him, are from an older generation of political elites. How would
you assess the state of democracy in Cote d'Ivoire, and what will you
do as ambassador, if confirmed, to empower democratic voices-especially
from the youth and marginalized communities-and improve governance in
the country?
Answer. Ivoirians overwhelmingly prefer democracy to any other form
of government--a conclusion based on independent polling by
Afrobarometer. If confirmed, I will stress the common democratic values
shared by the Americans and Ivoirians--participation, inclusion,
transparency, and accountability--assured through the democratic
process. Although the 2020 presidential election period was marked by
several incidents of violence, the national legislative elections in
March 2021 were conducted freely and fairly with broad participation
from opposition parties. The next election cycle is expected to begin
in 2023 for municipal and regional seats, followed by presidential and
legislative elections in 2025 and 2026, respectively. If confirmed, I
will prioritize U.S. support throughout the election process, expanding
outreach and coordination with partners in country and with
multilateral institutions like the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) and the African Union. I will urge all actors to
participate peacefully and to hold those responsible for any violence
accountable. Cote d'Ivoire's future depends on free and fair elections
that are held peacefully with an inclusive and transparent electoral
process. If confirmed, I will urge the Government and political parties
to engage in a real process of reconciliation through continuation of
their own National Political Dialogue. To champion participation,
especially by women young people, and marginalized communities, I will
encourage Ivoirians to get their national ID cards and register to
vote. Our Embassy will continue to support the culmination of a larger
voter literacy effort that ensures increased civic awareness and
involvement for the average citizen, particularly women, youth, and
other marginalized communities. If confirmed, I will also urge the
Government to make voter registration as easy as possible for all
eligible voters to ensure robust participation. I will prioritize
opportunities to leverage our programs and convening power to support
democratic institutions and the democratic process.
Cote d'Ivoire, like other countries in coastal West Africa, is
vulnerable to the spread of violent extremism from the Sahel. In
response to this threat, the Administration has targeted five countries
in coastal West Africa, including Cote d'Ivoire, priorities under the
Global Fragility Act. While these countries face some similar
challenges, there are also marked differences between them, including
very different systems of governance. For example, Ghana is a
relatively strong democracy, and Guinea is currently under military
rule. The five countries also vary in terms of income level, social
cohesion, and state capacity.
Question. How does the violent extremist threat manifest itself in
Cote d'Ivoire? Do you believe that our current assistance programming
to counter violent extremism in Cote d'Ivoire is appropriately balanced
between defense, diplomacy, and development?
Answer. Violent extremist organizations based in the Sahel have
announced their intention to target Cote d'Ivoire and other coastal
West African states. In the last two years, over 20 attacks, mainly
targeting security services have occurred in the northern region of
Cote d'Ivoire along the border with Burkina Faso. If confirmed as U.S.
Ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire, I will work with a broad range of
stakeholders within the Ivoirian Government and civil society to ensure
that implementation of the U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and
Promote Stability (SPCPS) includes the appropriate balance of defense,
diplomacy, and development tools to support Cote d'Ivoire's National
Development Plan and government-community cooperation to build
resilience against this threat. If confirmed, I will work with the
interagency Embassy team as well as our regional partners at the USAID-
West Africa regional mission, USAFRICOM, and my counterparts in Guinea,
Ghana, Togo, and Benin to support the Ivoirian people at the community,
national, and regional level. In implementing the SPCPS, I will
prioritize constant evaluation of our investment of U.S. assistance,
re-balancing any emphasis of our approach to build on opportunities to
counter violent extremism.
Question. How will you ensure that resources and programming
implemented through the Global Fragility Act are appropriately tailored
to the requirements of Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with various stakeholders within
the Ivoirian Government and civil society to ensure programming through
the Global Fragility Act, implemented according to the U.S. Strategy to
Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS), is aligned with Cote
d'Ivoire's National Development Plan and facilitates meaningful
government-community cooperation. Specifically, the tools we will use
to implement the SPCPS can reinforce local and national early warning
systems and action plans to prevent the spread of violent extremism;
support existing community-led platforms, such as civilian-military
committees to foster trust between marginalized communities and
security forces; professionalize law enforcement and other government
officials to engender trust with the communities they serve; and
strengthen legal capabilities to hold violent extremist actors
accountable. If confirmed, I will also emphasize the unique tools each
of our interagency partners brings to the challenges in Cote d'Ivoire
to ensure efficient and effective whole-of-government action to achieve
the U.S. objective of long-term peace and stability. Under my
leadership, through interagency coordination and planning, U.S. Embassy
Abidjan will tailor USG assistance to the specific needs of local
communities to reinforce their resilience against the threat of violent
extremism, while creating opportunities to build trust with state
authorities. To implement this long-term plan, U.S. Embassy Abidjan
plans to hire additional staff to collect and analyze data to ensure
that USG resources and programming are contextually relevant, most
effectively to the requirements of communities in various regions of
Cote d'Ivoire.
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have been dedicated to championing
democracy and respect for human rights. Most of my overseas tours were
in countries in which the U.S. Government focused on building
government and civil society capacity, where I worked to advance
democracy and respect for human rights. I learned that individual
actions can make a difference to shape outcomes that support others in
defending their rights when they may not have the resources or freedom
to do alone in constrained democratic space. In Guinea, I led our
Embassy's effort to empower trade unions through the creative use of
the Human Rights and Democracy Fund. U.S. assistance helped bring
unions together across sectors in a country where the authoritarian
regime curtailed human rights and weakened civil society. The labor
coalition organized and began peaceful protests against then-President
Lansana Conte. When the regime responded with violence, the labor
leaders continued to mobilize Guineans to demand change. When security
forces stormed the headquarters of one of the unions, I mobilized our
Embassy colleagues across agencies who weighed in with their
counterparts to ensure due process. The labor leaders credited our
embassy with saving their lives. We continued to support the unions and
I shared best practices from American labor and civil rights movements.
When the Government responded with violence, we urged the Government to
engage its citizens in peaceful dialogue. The labor movement led
general nationwide strikes that eventually pushed the president to
appoint a more inclusive cabinet and they won a promise for democratic
elections for the Guinean people to chart their own future.
From this experience, I recognized that my actions to support
democratic coalitions and build partnerships to advance universal human
rights could make a difference. U.S. support inspired confidence in
Guinea's citizens to stand up for their rights and build a movement
that opened new opportunities for democratic renewal. I took lessons
from Guinea to each of my subsequent assignments. For example, in
Somalia, I negotiated among warring parties in the Djibouti Peace
Process for the election of a new transitional federal government
integrating wider representation of moderate voices. In Kenya, I
engaged women, youth groups, and the private sector to support a
peaceful referendum and electoral process. In Iraq, I insisted that the
U.S. police training program include human rights instruction in every
aspect of our engagement, even when the Iraqi Government requested that
we remove these program components. I worked with the African Union to
strengthen its elections monitoring and collaborated with partners and
AU member states to invest more resources to support elections across
the African continent. In Chad, I engaged at the highest level of the
Government to link our assistance to accountability for human rights
violations. We centered all partnerships for security sector reform on
building more transparent institutions for the benefit of the people of
Chad. I consistently open space for those seeking to make their voices
heard and create opportunities to leverage U.S. assistance resources to
support human rights and advance democracy. If confirmed, I will bring
this experience to support the aspirations of the people of Cote
d'Ivoire.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Cote d'Ivoire? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights, and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. One of the biggest challenges to democratic development in
Cote d'Ivoire is ensuring that the Government can meet the needs of all
its citizens, particularly vulnerable groups in the North of the
country. The United States is deeply concerned about increased violent
extremism along the northern Ivoirian border. The Government of Cote
d'Ivoire has expressed its support for the U.S. Strategy to Prevent
Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS), the implementation of which
will support the Government's efforts to address many of these needs in
the region. One of the main lines of effort for the U.S. Strategy is to
focus on building trust between security forces and the communities
they serve.
More broadly, Cote d'Ivoire has never experienced a peaceful
transition of power. The 2021 legislative elections were a significant
step towards reconciliation and socio-political cohesion. The ongoing
national political dialogue is making important progress. However, this
progress remains fragile and if confirmed, I will ensure the United
States supports the people of Cote d'Ivoire as the country moves
towards the 2023 local elections and the 2025 presidential election.
As part of the effort to build social cohesion, the United States
has called on the Government of Cote d'Ivoire to respect the human
rights of all individuals in Cote d'Ivoire, notably freedoms of
expression and peaceful assembly, and to ensure that all those arrested
are afforded fair trials. Through implementation of the SPCPS, Embassy
Abidjan is planning to support a judicial advisor to support Cote
d'Ivoire's justice sector reforms. If confirmed, I will continue to
speak out for democratic pluralism, rule of law, press freedom, and
respect for human rights.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in of Cote d'Ivoire? What do you hope to accomplish through
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the
specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Supporting good governance and democracy in Cote d'Ivoire
is a key goal of our bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I will
continue to urge the Government of Cote d'Ivoire to capitalize on their
advancements towards increasing respect for democracy, and human rights
and fundamental freedoms through their National Dialogue and
Reconciliation plan. I will also work with Ivoirian civil society and
opposition groups to encourage their participation in the democratic
process. If confirmed, I will address potential impediments to
democratic ideals and institutions, including security concerns and
economic inequality. I will engage personally with the Ivoirian
Government, civil society, and opposition groups to ensure that all
voices are heard, and all interests are represented at the local and
national government level. Specifically, through an interagency
collaborative effort with State and USAID, I will promote fairer voter
registration processes through civic education, voter list analysis,
and efforts to increase the accessibility of electoral data for all
citizens of Cote d'Ivoire.
If confirmed, I will collaborate with the Government of Cote
d'Ivoire, political parties, civil society organizations, and other
diplomatic missions to promote political reforms, reinforce democratic
institutions, and strengthen electoral institutions and processes to
promote free and fair elections. I will also support the right to
freedom of peaceful assembly and association and encourage all
Ivoirians to participate in local and national elections as low voter
confidence and participation could become an impediment to a robust
democracy.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I would utilize all available U.S. assistance
tools and programs to support democracy and governance in Cote d'Ivoire
and prioritize programs that best support U.S. goals in the country.
The continued use of available State Department and USAID regional and
centrally managed resources are crucial to advancing democracy and
respect for human rights in Cote d'Ivoire. If confirmed, I would also
seek to leverage the Government of Cote d'Ivoire's strong MCC Compact
to encourage further reforms that improve transparency and reduce
corruption. In 2019, A Compact Program between Cote d'Ivoire and MCC to
improve transportation conditions and to promote new employability and
productivity skills entered into force. U.S. assistance and the
partnerships forged through the MCC Compact will be critical to driving
economic growth and reducing poverty in the country, particularly for
women and youth.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Cote d'Ivoire? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regularly meeting and hearing
directly from civil society and political actors who support
strengthening Cote d'Ivoire's democracy and civil society. I would
build on interagency Embassy efforts to urge the Government to
incorporate opposition voices and civil society in their political
dialogue and national reconciliation plan. I would also continue to
encourage the Government to build trust by allowing NGOs and civil
society true freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing and strengthening the
relationships our mission has built with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the
efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive
political environment in Cote d'Ivoire, including their participation
in the government-initiated dialogue with opposition parties. I will
urge the Government to ensure the freedom of association and peaceful
assembly for all political actors, even those with whom they do not
agree. The upcoming 2023 local elections are a key steppingstone for
young people, women, and minorities, in particular, who want to enter
politics because they offer more opportunities for seats than national-
level elections. Through public statements, State Public Diplomacy and
USAID programming, and direct engagements, I will advocate for a
political environment that is inclusive of women, youth, minorities,
and people throughout Cote d'Ivoire who might otherwise be
marginalized.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Cote
d'Ivoire on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. Restrictions on the press, politically motivated arrests,
excessive limitations on applications for political gatherings, self-
censorship, and suspensions of press outlets have no place in a strong
democracy. If confirmed, I would, along with the rest of my Embassy
team, prioritize work with the Government of Cote d'Ivoire to prevent
restrictions on media outlets and reporters and to remind the
Government and all people that freedom of expression, including for
members of the press is key to maintaining a healthy democracy. If
confirmed, I will commit to meeting regularly with independent and
local press outlets in Cote d'Ivoire as a visible sign of support for
freedom of expression, including for members of the press.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage civil society and government
counterparts to build on the embassy team's progress and programs to
combat disinformation and propaganda perpetuated by foreign state and
non-state actors. A well-informed population is required for a
functioning democracy, and I will prioritize our efforts to build a
stronger information and media ecosystem to combat misinformation and
disinformation. I will support embassy programs to educate journalists
about the dangers of disinformation, including training that offers
recent examples like the disinformation circulated on the efficacy and
safety of COVID-19 vaccines and on Russia's war in Ukraine. USAID and
State Public Diplomacy will continue to work with social media
influencers, local radio stations, and community storytellers to
deconstruct misinformation and disinformation, particularly in northern
communities, to address issues pertaining to violent extremism and
attempts to distance the population from the state.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with Cote
d'Ivoire on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Cote d'Ivoire's law, including related regulations and
statutory instruments, provides for the right of workers, except
members of police and military services, to form or join unions of
their choice; provides for the right to conduct legal strikes and
bargain collectively; and prohibits discrimination by employers or
others against union members or organizers. It further prohibits firing
workers for union activities and provides for the reinstatement of
dismissed workers within eight days of winning a wrongful dismissal
claim. The law protects unions' ability to conduct their activities
without interference. Worker organizations in Cote d'Ivoire have been
independent of the Government and political parties. Despite strong
legal frameworks, forced labor and labor trafficking have been
documented in key economic sectors. Concerns regarding government
enforcement of worker rights' protections, including on child labor and
forced labor, remain. If confirmed, I and my team will encourage the
Government of Cote d'Ivoire to enforce the legal rights of organized
labor, civil society, and workers. By putting the right tools in the
hands of labor inspectors, business owners, workers, and service
providers, we can advance greater transparency and accountability,
prevent bad actors from profiting on the backs of workers, and better
identify when grueling or poorly paid work becomes involuntary forced
labor, thus violating international standards and national laws.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Cote d'Ivoire, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support the human rights
of all residents of Cote d'Ivoire and their ability to live free from
discrimination based on their identity, ethnicity, or medical status.
Through collaboration with Ivoirian NGOs, the Embassy supports
programming that promotes the human rights and representation of women
and LGBTQI+ persons in politics, increases their access to the Ivoirian
economy, and increases public-private partnerships to encourage citizen
participation and local governance. Embassy Abidjan's PEPFAR program
directly improves access to and quality of HIV services for members of
the LGBTQI+ population through engagement with the Ministry of Health,
LGBTQI+-led organizations, and external stakeholders, including UNAIDS.
Under my leadership, we will not compromise on these important American
and global ideals. If confirmed, I will work hard to encourage Cote
d'Ivoire to continue this positive trajectory.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. Violence and discrimination targeting LGBTQI+ persons
remain a challenge in the country, primarily due to societal norms.
Homosexuality is not illegal, but it is not widely accepted. Same-sex
marriages are not recognized as legal unions in Cote d'Ivoire, and
legal protections against discrimination do not exist. A 2022 effort in
parliament to provide legal protections against discrimination was
withdrawn in the face of public opposition. LGBTQI+ persons in Cote
d'Ivoire report being stigmatized by their families, communities,
religious leaders, and health providers.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. If confirmed, I will call on the Government of Cote
d'Ivoire to investigate allegations of violence and discrimination
targeting LGBTQI+ persons. I also commit to continuing the Embassy's
strong slate of programming around LGBTQI+ issues in Cote d'Ivoire. I
will pledge to work with the LGBTQI+ community and follow their lead,
under the principle of ``do no harm,'' to promote respect for the human
rights of LGBTQI+ persons. PEPFAR's ongoing engagement with Ivoirian
civil society to improve HIV/TB services and respect for the human
rights of every member of the LGBTQI+ community presents an additional
opportunity for my direct engagement and advocacy.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief members of congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all
appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this
Committee. Congress has an important role to play in foreign policy
legislation and during the implementation process. Our foreign policy
is stronger when the two branches of government coordinate, and I look
forward to strengthening the coordination between our two branches.
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility
Question. Last week we held a hearing on the important work of the
State Department's Chief Diversity Officer and the important role
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility efforts play in
maintaining our countries' competitive edge on the global stage. How do
you anticipate fostering diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility at Embassy Abidjan?
Answer. Throughout my State Department career, I have championed a
diverse, inclusive, and equitable work environment and have encouraged
policies that advance these values. If confirmed, I intend to bring
that same spirit to Embassy Abidjan by supporting post's inclusive
hiring and selection procedures and to expand recruiting to ensure we
have the greatest expertise and diversity of experience represented in
our mission. I will ensure active community participation in Embassy
Abidjan's Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility Council and
support initiatives the Council proposes. I will also encourage every
member of the Embassy to make recommendations on how we can be more
inclusive and equitable in our operations, practices, and policies.
Embassy Abidjan has already been active in this area, with monthly
dialogues on these issues, and institutional innovations such as cross-
cultural training, Mission-wide mentorship programs, and targeted
hiring for persons with disabilities. I commit to listening to both
local and U.S. colleagues to ensure that we continue to make progress
on these gains.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that Embassy Abidjan will
have a zero-tolerance policy for racism and discrimination, in keeping
with Equal Employment Opportunity laws. I intend to ensure that all
employees working in Embassy Abidjan, whether they are locally employed
staff, eligible family members, or U.S. direct hires, feel supported
and have the tools and opportunities they need to contribute to our
priorities. I will seek input on ways to make our operations, programs,
and outreach more equitable including by maintaining an open office
policy and welcoming the contributions and ideas of all working in our
mission. I will also actively support Embassy Abidjan's existing
mentorship programs for First and Second Tour Officers, Mid-level U.S.
Direct Hires, and our Locally Engaged Staff. I will ensure our Embassy
meets the professional development needs of staff and that everyone
feels safe, welcome, and empowered to contribute to our mission
objectives.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with partners and
communities that have been traditionally marginalized, underrepresented
or excluded in donor or partnership efforts. Throughout my State
Department career, I have expanded outreach and encouraged new
partnerships through U.S. programs to communities that have
historically been marginalized. I will bring this commitment to
Abidjan, working across U.S. Government agencies to evaluate existing
operations and programs to identify opportunities where our assistance
and partnerships can be more inclusive. In particular, I will focus on
integrating women and young people, ensuring we reach all regions of
Cote d'Ivoire, including through creative deployment of the internet,
including social media. Learning from local expertise and knowledge is
critical to building successful programs and to advance U.S. foreign
policy goals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jessica Davis Ba by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In December 2020, President Ouattara was sworn in for a
controversial 3rd term as president of Cote d'Ivoire. The issue of the
3rd term was a significant issue in Cote d'Ivoire, and taken against a
backdrop of multiple coups in the region since 2020 is part of a
worrying trend.
As U.S. Ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire, how will you engage with
Ivorian stakeholders ahead of the 2024 elections to ensure a
peaceful democratic transfer of power?
Answer. Ivoirians overwhelmingly prefer democracy than any other
form of government--a conclusion based on independent polling by
Afrobarometer. If confirmed, I will stress the common democratic values
shared by the Americans and Ivoirians--participation, inclusion,
transparency, and accountability--assured through the democratic
process. Although the 2020 presidential election period was marked by
several incidents of violence, the nationwide legislative elections in
March 2021 were conducted freely and fairly with broad participation
from opposition parties. The next election cycle is expected to begin
in 2023 for municipal and regional seats, followed by presidential and
legislative elections due in 2025 and 2026, respectively. I will
prioritize U.S. support throughout the election process, expanding
outreach and coordination with partners in country and with
multilateral institutions like the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) and the African Union. If confirmed, I will urge all
actors to participate peacefully and to hold those responsible for
violence accountable. Cote d'Ivoire's future depends on free and fair
elections that are inclusive, transparent, and peaceful.
If confirmed, I will urge the Government and political parties to
engage in a real process of reconciliation through continuation of
their own National Political Dialogue. To champion participation,
especially by women, young people, and marginalized communities, I will
encourage Ivoirians to get their national ID cards and register to
vote. I will also urge the Government to make registering as easy as
possible for all eligible voters to ensure participation is as high and
robust as possible. I will ensure Embassy efforts around political
participation and inclusivity continue through the election cycles,
such as the ongoing USAID programming to encourage political
reconciliation in communities affected by the election-related violence
of 2020 and State and USAID efforts to increase political participation
among historically underrepresented groups, in particular youth and
women. I will prioritize opportunities to leverage our programs and
convening power to support democratic institutions and the democratic
process.
As concerns about the spread of violent extremist organizations
across the Sahel increases, U.S. strategy for preventing violent
extremism has shifted focus to the countries of coastal West Africa,
including Cote d'Ivoire. As part of this strategy, coastal West Africa,
including Cote d'Ivoire, was selected as a target for implementation of
the Global Fragility Act.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, how will you balance engaging with
Ivorian stakeholders on important domestic issues while also
recognizing that Cote d'Ivoire is part of a broader U.S. strategy to
prevent violent extremism?
Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire, I will
work with various stakeholders within the Ivoirian Government and civil
society to support efforts to address domestic issues, such as uneven
economic growth and access to basic services, while also encouraging
meaningful Ivoirian participation in multilateral bodies such as the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African
Union. Together, these approaches will help Cote d'Ivoire improve its
resilience to the threat of violent extremism emanating from the Sahel.
If confirmed, I will work with the entire Embassy team to ensure that
we achieve the correct balance of supporting the people inside Cote
d'Ivoire, while maintaining an active role and voice in regional
engagement and strategies.
Question. Cote d'Ivoire is the world's largest producer of cocoa,
and Cote d'Ivoire and its immediate neighbor Ghana produce
approximately 60 percent of the world's cocoa. While Cote d'Ivoire is a
source of cocoa for numerous American and European chocolate companies,
the industry is also working to combat worrying levels of child labor
in the production of cocoa in Cote d'Ivoire and Ghana.
As U.S. Ambassador to Cote d'Ivoire, how will you engage with both
the Government of Cote d'Ivoire and American chocolate
companies to address the issue of child labor, while also
balancing the important role cocoa plays in the Ivorian economy
and to American companies?
Answer. Cote d'Ivoire has made significant efforts to eliminate the
worst forms of child labor. The Government has addressed child labor
conditions through the adoption, elaboration, and amendment of several
policies, laws, and programs. These efforts included finalizing the
National Action Plan for the Fight Against the Worst Forms of Child
Labor, revising the Labor Code, adopting an Anti-Trafficking law in
2016, signing a cross-border cooperation agreement with Ghana, drafting
a document specifying types of permitted light work, and revising the
list of hazardous work.
I am aware of heightened concerns about child labor in the cocoa
sector and, if confirmed, I and my Embassy Team as well as interagency
colleagues will work closely with the Ivoirian Government, other
countries, NGOs, and the chocolate industry to address them. I will
continue to work with the Ivoirian Government and the U.S. Department
of Labor (DOL) through the Child Labor Cocoa Coordinating Group
(CLCCG). U.S. companies expressed concern about the expiration of the
Harkin-Engel Protocol, which offered a forum for public and private
sector engagement on efforts to reduce child labor in the production of
cocoa.
I am also aware of the important place that the cocoa sector has in
the Ivoirian economy and of the investment that U.S. companies have
made in the cocoa sector, which is improving livelihoods in this
region. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's close dialogue and
coordination with U.S. and international cocoa companies which do
business in Cote d'Ivoire. Realizing that poverty and limited access to
education are significant drivers of child labor, if confirmed, I will
continue our active support of sustainable and resilient economic
growth, women's economic empowerment, improving access to education,
and improving health services. Our efforts to increase law enforcement
capacity will help Cote d'Ivoire deal with those who use and traffic in
child labor. Together, we can incorporate holistic solutions to combat
the worst forms of child labor in the cocoa sector.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Abidjan?
Answer. Embassy Abidjan's strong morale has been driven by
community-led investments in the mission's institutions, including
mentorship programs for both local and U.S. employees, its Diversity,
Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility Council, greening initiatives, and
active employee associations. I intend to continue supporting these
vital organizations and making the most out of employee and family
member contributions along the way. However, maintaining this positive
momentum in the face of external challenges and rapid growth will
require additional resources to ensure we can build upon our promising
relationship with the host government.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Abidjan?
Answer. If confirmed, maintaining morale of all members of Mission
Abidjan will be of utmost importance for me. I intend to work closely
with my staff, understand their concerns and seek ways to find
immediate remedies for issues that we can address in Abidjan. For those
issues where our community requires additional support, I will
communicate staff needs back to Department leadership. I believe that
the best work comes from well-resourced teams that support one another
towards achieving common goals and advancing U.S. policies. I will work
across the interagency and with Washington to ensure that future growth
meets U.S. strategic objectives and can be supported effectively by
post's management platform.
Recent growth has dramatically increased the number of eligible
family members resident at Embassy Abidjan. Our Foreign Service family
members contribute directly to mission morale, and if confirmed, I will
ensure that those family members are also supported by improving
educational options in country and ensuring that eligible family
members who wish to work find meaningful employment at Embassy Abidjan.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Abidjan?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to ensure that all employees working
in Embassy Abidjan, whether they are Locally Engaged Staff, eligible
family members, or U.S. direct hires, feel supported and heard in their
work. I maintain an open office policy and welcome the contributions
and ideas of those working in our mission. I will also actively support
Embassy Abidjan's existing mentorship programs for First and Second
Tour Officers, mid-level U.S. Direct Hires, and our Locally Employed
Staff and ensure that they meet the professional development needs of
staff. Throughout my State Department career, I have valued and
encouraged a diverse and inclusive work environment, and if confirmed,
I intend to bring that same spirit to Embassy Abidjan by supporting
post's inclusive hiring and selection procedures and active community
participation in Embassy Abidjan's Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and
Accessibility Council events. Most important, I will convene regular
conversations across the Mission to reinforce a shared vision by
listening to the input of our staff and assessing progress on our
Integrated Country Strategy.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as collaborative. Over
the last two decades, I have created diverse teams to develop a shared
vision for how we collectively implement U.S. policy priorities. I seek
input broad input from colleagues, stakeholders, and partners to inform
the most effective strategies to achieve our policy priorities and
integrate these perspectives into plans that I share with all those
consulted. My leadership and management style is focused on empowering
staff, delegating responsibilities to experts, and removing roadblocks
to achieve results. I prioritize communication to gain the benefit of
regular feedback and to facilitate decision-making. If confirmed, I
will prioritize collaboration and partnerships, including from
Congressional representatives, to achieve U.S. policy priorities in
Cote d'Ivoire.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not. Under no circumstances is that ever
acceptable. And, if confirmed, I will not tolerate that behavior by any
member of the Embassy Abidjan community. I will clearly emphasize my
expectation that all members of our team treat one another and all
people with whom we come into contact with mutual respect.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The relationship between an Ambassador and Deputy Chief of
Mission is fundamental to the success of an Embassy. From my experience
serving as a DCM, I recognize the importance of establishing the
positive and productive leadership necessary for the Mission to achieve
its goals. If confirmed, I will build a relationship of trust with my
primary advisor--the Deputy Chief of Mission. As the Embassy's
leadership team, I envision a partnership focused on ensuring every
member of our Mission has the tools and support they need to protect
Americans and advance American interests in Cote d'Ivoire. I will
prioritize communication, teamwork, and ensure my Deputy Chief of
Mission is prepared to serve as Charge d'affaires, a.i. as required.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to entrust my Deputy Chief of
Mission (DCM) with the responsibilities akin to those of a Chief
Operating Officer (COO). I will model the Embassy Front Office on
Department bureaus, building on best practices in which the Assistant
Secretary functions as Chief Executive Officer and the Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary as COO. I will entrust the DCM to manage the
effective operations of the Embassy. To ensure the entire Mission is
engaged in crisis preparedness and emergency planning, I will entrust
the DCM to chair the interagency Emergency Action Committee to make
considered recommendations on the safety and security of our Embassy
and all Americans in Cote d'Ivoire. While both the DCM and I will have
responsibility for coaching and mentoring the Embassy Team, if
confirmed, I will also ask the DCM to play the primary role in building
on existing initiatives to create an inclusive, safe culture for our
community. It will be my priority to ensure my DCM feels empowered to
strengthen management controls and oversight on all aspects of Embassy
operations so that we are deploying taxpayer resources to the greatest
effect.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that providing accurate and constructive
feedback is important, both through formal evaluations and continuously
as we carry out our mission. This kind of dialogue is important both
for Locally Engaged Staff and U.S. Direct Hire employees, and I hope to
build that culture in Abidjan. I will ensure that each Foreign Service
Officer has accurate and timely EERs and that all staff have the
appropriate evaluations of their performance. I will require all
managers to offer direct feedback about the performance of their staff,
listening actively to what their team needs to contribute more to
priority embassy goals. If confirmed, I fully intend to reward those
who succeed in their roles in the mission, providing an incentive for
all to achieve their work objectives.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I would support and encourage clear, accurate, and
direct feedback to employees to improve performance and reward high
achievers. I also want employees to feel comfortable taking calculated
risks and pursuing innovative approaches to advancing our policy. This
requires honest dialogue and a culture of trust between employees and
supervisors. I intend to promote this approach, if confirmed.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Cote d'Ivoire. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. In my experience, it is imperative that U.S. diplomats
leave their office space and meet business, civil society, development,
media, and government leaders in the country in which they work. If
confirmed, I will compel my staff to work safely and responsibly in the
economic capital of Abidjan, and throughout Cote d'Ivoire, to achieve
our foreign policy goals. For example, to fulfill their roles in
technical and financial oversight of USG funds, it is critical for
Embassy staff to regularly engage with field-level beneficiaries and
implementing partners. As such, the management, logistical, and
security support to facilitate this field presence will be among my
priorities. Throughout my career I have valued, both personally and
professionally, the relationships I have fostered outside the office to
achieve Mission goals. Therefore, I also intend to travel throughout
Cote d'Ivoire, inviting members of the mission team across sections to
join me, to ensure that the United States is visible outside of
Abidjan.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. While the COVID-19 pandemic has limited our ability to meet
local populations in person, face-to-face contact is vital to the
successful advancement of U.S. policy goals in Cote d'Ivoire. If
confirmed, I will listen to my team to understand what personnel,
financial, or technological resources they need from the Department to
carry out our mission effectively. I will advocate to obtain these
resources to support engagement, including creative use of media
platforms to amplify and sustain access and engagement with local
populations.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Cote
d'Ivoire?
Answer. The population in Cote d'Ivoire is generally receptive to
U.S. messaging, and our team continues developing creative ways to
reach all populations in the country. Challenges include the COVID-19
pandemic, poor transportation options, and greater insecurity in
certain parts of the country. Populations outside of the economic
capital of Abidjan feel isolated and marginalized. As such, I
understand the Public Diplomacy team in Cote d'Ivoire is focused on
programming in remote areas, both at our American Spaces in the
northern parts of the country and by optimizing travel by all Mission
members to different regions of Cote d'Ivoire. I understand the team
also creatively employs technology to reach populations that are not
easily accessible in person. As in many other parts of the world, our
Mission team is attentive to activity in the public diplomacy arena
from global competitors.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has made getting out of the office
for Public Diplomacy work very challenging, but I understand Mission
members have been traveling more widely in recent months as conditions
in Cote d'Ivoire have improved. Poor transportation infrastructure and
security concerns in the country make travel even more of an
undertaking, but Mission members understand it is critical to get
outside the walls of the Embassy to perform public diplomacy work
effectively. I understand the Country Team coordinates very well
together to make sure Mission members can move throughout Cote d'Ivoire
to ensure outreach, including to marginalized communities. The media
environment in the country continues to develop positively, and our
team is actively engaged in supporting those efforts to ensure free and
equal access to information for all persons in Cote d'Ivoire. It is
critical to link life-saving interventions, such as those supported by
PEPFAR and the Global Health Security Agenda, with Public Diplomacy to
ensure appropriate communication of USG funding impact. I will
encourage coordination and communication among sections such that the
Public Affairs Office is well-positioned to disseminate the myriad
examples of fruitful USG collaboration in Cote d'Ivoire. If confirmed,
I will encourage and support all members of the Mission to take part in
public diplomacy to engage Ivoirians across sectors and regions.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I believe it is critical for our public diplomacy team to
remain in close touch with colleagues at the State Department in
Washington, balancing the requirements and guidance from Washington
with the priorities `in the field' to tailor messaging to local
realities. Our Public Diplomacy teams must develop and maintain
excellent relationships with colleagues in Washington and across the
region in order to ensure that messaging is coordinated and that there
are no surprises on either side. I understand our team in Cote d'Ivoire
works hard with Washington and regional colleagues to ensure
synchronized and accurate messaging around all of the U.S. Government's
work.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, I commit to addressing this threat. I am deeply
troubled by potential anomalous health incidents that have affected
U.S. Government personnel and their family members. Serving one's
country overseas should not come at the cost of one's health. I agree
that such incidents may pose a threat to the well-being of U.S.
personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. I understand Embassy
Abidjan has put in place standard operating procedures and communicated
them widely to the mission community so action can be taken swiftly and
seamlessly if any AHIs are reported. If confirmed, the health, safety,
and security of Embassy staff, their family members, and all those
supporting the mission will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Abidjan personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations. I commit to ensuring that our staff have the
resources they need to remain safe and resilient in the face of these
challenges.
Human Rights and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Report on Human Rights,
Cote d'Ivoire is noted for significant human rights issues including
arbitrary killings; harsh or life-threatening prison conditions;
arbitrary arrests; politically motived reprisals; problems with an
independent judiciary, restrictions on freedoms of expression;
corruption; and more.
If confirmed, how would you work with the host government to
address these issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government
of Cote d'Ivoire to address human rights issues by directly supporting
and advocating on behalf of both local civil society organizations and
international human rights organizations. Furthermore, the United
States has called on the Government of Cote d'Ivoire to respect the
human rights of all individuals in Cote d'Ivoire, notably freedoms of
expression and peaceful assembly, and to ensure that all those arrested
are afforded fair trials. If confirmed, I will continue to speak out
for democratic pluralism, rule of law, and respect for human rights.
Question. What steps could you take with prison authorities of the
state to improve life-threatening prison conditions?
Answer. There are several programs from the Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) that facilitate the
development and improvement of correctional systems. If confirmed, I
intend to thoroughly review our current programs and consider others
that will support the transformation of Cote d'Ivoire's prison systems.
Question. The report additionally notes that within prisons, human
rights groups report that security officers subject prisoners to abuse
such as denial of needed medicine and medical attention, electric
shock, and beatings. Authorities acknowledge that abuse might happen
and go unreported due to prisoners' fear of reprisal, and impunity was
a problem with security forces.
How could you engage with security officials to improve upon
reporting practices to address prisoner abuse?
Answer. While INL programs are designed to create accountability
with correctional system leadership, I understand there are ongoing
Embassy efforts to increase engagement with Government of Cote d'Ivoire
leadership to increase familiarity with policies and practices that are
consistent with international human rights law.
In the State Department's 2022 Report on Trafficking in Persons,
Cote d'Ivoire is currently Tier 2, showing efforts to improve towards
meeting minimum requirements to eliminate trafficking. However, the
Government is lacking in key areas such as a lack of law enforcement
training to investigate and identify victims, national anti-trafficking
committee meetings did not meet or coordinate anti-trafficking
activities, and the Government did not allocate a dedicated budget for
the anti-trafficking committee for the third year in a row.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with government officials
to implement a specialized system of training to develop anti-
trafficking law enforcement officers?
Answer. Noting that Cote d'Ivoire acknowledges the problem of human
trafficking and has demonstrated political will to combat it, with
several high-profile events, I am committed to supporting their efforts
to combat this devastating practice.
Question. What steps would you take to encourage the host
government to address the lack of resources allocated to the anti-
trafficking committee in order to facilitate more operational capacity?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for increased
Government of Cote d'Ivoire investment in its anti-trafficking
committee. Simultaneously, I commit to supporting the growth and
development of anti-trafficking civil society organizations (CSOs).
Through advocacy to the Government of Cote d'Ivoire and creative
efforts to spotlight effective Ivorian anti-trafficking CSOs, our
Embassy will continue to support awareness and action to combat
trafficking. I will encourage expanded partnership with the anti-
trafficking committee and other institutions committed to address this
scourge.
Question. Cote d'Ivoire has constitutional provisions for freedom
of religious belief and prohibition of religious discrimination, as
well as emphasizing religious tolerance as fundamental to the nation's
unity. Religious leaders and local law enforcement partner with
subnational governmental groups to try to prevent violent extremism and
protect communities from the growing threat of terrorism in the Sahel
region.
If confirmed, how could you work with these groups to continue to
develop relations that counter violent extremism in the region?
Answer. Faith-based communities have a powerful role to play in
supporting democratic institutions, advancing human rights, and
promoting peace. If confirmed, I will work to support these efforts
through positive U.S. messaging, direct support for cooperation and
coordination between these parties, and funding for innovative anti-
extremism strategies. I will continue my predecessor's ongoing
engagement with religious leaders across faith communities to ensure
open communication about the threat of violent extremism, respect for
human rights, and global health.
Question. Embassy officials have met with the Government to discuss
the state of religious freedom and tolerance to gather insight on
levels of violence or discrimination and promote cooperation amongst
Christian and Muslim groups.
What is your assessment of the state of religious tolerance in the
country?
Answer. The constitution provides for freedom of religious belief
and worship, consistent with law and order, and prohibits religious
discrimination. It emphasizes that religious tolerance is fundamental
to the nation's unity, peace, reconciliation, and social cohesion and
forbids speech that encourages religious hatred. Religious leaders
regularly come together for issues related to social cohesion and
public health. For example, they partnered with local law enforcement
and subnational government leadership on security matters to prevent
violent extremism and protect their communities from the growing
terrorist threat emanating from the Sahel.
Question. How could you continue to build upon these discussions
with the host government to further improve religious tolerance?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our long history of engaging
at all levels of Embassy Abidjan with various religious communities to
demonstrate U.S. support for religious tolerance. I will also use
public diplomacy, including around religious holidays, to demonstrate
respect for all faiths.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Cote d'Ivoire
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage
their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarching the Government of Cote
d'Ivoire and others in support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin. It is vital that
we continue to engage on behalf of American candidates in multilateral
institutions.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. I have always encouraged Americans of all backgrounds to
pursue work in the international community, recruiting new members of
the U.S. Foreign Service while also encouraging opportunities to serve
in the U.N. and in other international organizations. If confirmed, I
will continue to recruit and mentor to retain excellent officers in our
unique careers. I have extensive experience coordinating with the IO
Bureau to advocate for U.S. candidates in senior positions in the U.N.
and its specialized agencies. At the U.S. Mission to the African Union,
we used this multilateral platform to advocate for U.S. policy
priorities and American candidates. If confirmed, I will continue to
coordinate with the IO Bureau to encourage Americans to secure more
opportunities at every level of the U.N. and its specialized agencies.
I will also continue to recruit Americans to serve internationally,
including through the U.N. Junior Program Officer program, to have more
American leaders in these organizations that are vital to advancing
U.S. interests.
Question. Cote d'Ivoire has a low rate of voting coincidence with
the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council. What
is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Although African states find themselves in a difficult
situation when it comes to voting patterns, this is a problematic trend
that must be addressed through relationship building, increased
bilateral ties, and effective short- and long-term messaging. Cote
d'Ivoire was one of very few African countries to vote at least three
times with the United States on Russia's invasion of Ukraine,
demonstrating courage and conviction.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Government on anticipated votes in the U.N. system that
would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Government of Cote d'Ivoire
to deepen our partnership on multilateral priorities, including
upcoming votes in the U.N. system. I will foster initiatives designed
to improve trust and relationships between the Government of Cote
d'Ivoire and U.S. leadership in Abidjan, New York, and Washington, D.C.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jessica Davis Ba by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Certain activities by the People's Republic of China (PRC)
and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represent a challenge to U.S.
economic, political, and security interests globally and on the African
continent. The PRC has used its influence abroad in ways that undermine
laws, agreements, and institutions which has the effect of undermining
rule of law and democratic principles. Our engagement with Africa is
neither influenced by, nor a reaction to, China or any other third
party. The U.S. Strategy Toward Africa recognizes the tremendous
opportunities that exist to advance shared interests alongside our
African partners. Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest,
align, and compete with the PRC to defend our interests and build our
vision for the future. If confirmed, I will invest in our partnership
with Cote d'Ivoire; align our concerns, including by highlighting the
risks associated with PRC engagement that could impact Cote d'Ivoire's
security, democracy, and sovereignty and U.S. interests. I will ensure
that our vision of regional security and prosperity provides the basis
for a positive U.S.-Cote d'Ivoire partnership that competes
successfully with the type of relationship offered by the PRC.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. We are prepared to work together with the People's Republic
of China (PRC) where our interests intersect, in Cote d'Ivoire and
elsewhere, and where it is essential for global peace and prosperity.
Issues like climate change, the global drug trade, and COVID-19
directly threaten our prosperity and security, and we need to work with
the PRC--just as much as the PRC needs to work with us--to solve these
problems without borders. This is especially true in Cote d'Ivoire.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. If confirmed, I am prepared to work together with the
People's Republic of China (PRC) where our interests intersect in Cote
d'Ivoire and remain in line with core U.S. values, including where it
is essential for global peace and prosperity. Issues like climate
change, the global drug trade, and COVID-19 directly threaten our
prosperity and security, and we need to work with the PRC--just as much
as the PRC needs to work with us--to solve these problems without
borders. As Secretary Blinken has said, we cannot allow the
disagreements that divide us stop us from moving forward on the
priorities that demand that we work together, for the good of our
people and for the good of the world.
Question. Cote d'Ivoire, like other African countries, is dependent
on food imports from Russia and Ukraine. While the United States has
diligently worked to release Ukrainian grain through means other than
Black Sea ports currently under Russian attack, Cote d'Ivoire and other
countries are struggling with the impact of reduced food resources.
Cote d'Ivoire also uses Chinese technology for digital surveillance,
raising human rights concerns.
How do you assess Cote d'Ivoire's efforts to secure reliable
sources of food for its people?
Answer. Ivoirian authorities have imposed a set of temporary
measures to control rising living costs and improve food security,
including price ceilings on staple foods and a suspension of custom
duties on wheat imports. These measures will mostly benefit the poorest
Ivoirians, who spend a larger share of their incomes on essential
goods. Also, the above actions will enable Cote d'Ivoire to source food
from different places; however, with commodity prices expected to
remain high into 2023, further measures by the government to respond to
the rising cost of food and inflation may be necessary.
Question. How would you highlight to Cote d'Ivoire's Government the
dangers of using Chinese technology?
Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize American technology and
other options for the Government of Cote d'Ivoire to consider as it
expands its infrastructure to meet the needs of the Ivoirian people. We
know the People's Republic of China is determined to become the world's
technology leader by any means necessary and has a well-resourced and
comprehensive plan to achieve that ambition. The State Department is
working with allies and partners to build secure, resilient, and
diverse supply chains; to protect sensitive technologies, data, and
critical infrastructure; and to ensure strategic competitors cannot
exploit our own innovative ecosystems to gain military or national
security advantage.
Question. What would be the impact to the United States of a
prolonged food security crisis in Cote d'Ivoire and the rest of sub-
Saharan Africa?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with public and private sector
partners and across U.S. Government agencies to help Cote d'Ivoire
avert a prolonged food security crisis. Cote d'Ivoire has been
experiencing a level of political stability for the past decade that
has enabled the country to make great economic progress and effectively
address the country's once daunting food insecurity and malnutrition
issues. A prolonged food security crisis could result in loss of life
and productivity and endanger Cote d'Ivoire's stability, making it more
vulnerable to insecurity, democratic backsliding, and malign influence.
A food security crisis would result in an increased need for
humanitarian and development assistance, which could then put a higher
burden on the United States as one of the Cote d'Ivoire's most
important partners to advance sustainable development goals. Likewise,
much of the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa could see similar struggles with
a prolonged food security crisis precipitating more instability in the
region and loss of previous food security and nutrition gains. A result
could be increased needs for humanitarian assistance as well as other
unforeseen consequences of increased food security-related instability.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that Cote
d'Ivoire reduces its dependence on Russia for food and fertilizer so
that it is more resilient to food shocks in the future?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize partnerships to strengthen
the agricultural sector that supports the livelihoods of millions of
Ivoirians. Investments by the United States through initiatives like
the McGovern-Dole school program in Cote d'Ivoire, which feeds over
125,000 children in rural northern areas every day, help reduce
dependence on Russia. Resiliency to food shocks begins with consistent
programming that meets essential food security needs and draws from a
state's agricultural strengths. If confirmed, I will seek to develop
and expand programs that harness and build upon Cote d'Ivoire's most
traditional food crops, such as yam, cassava, and plantains, that are
geared towards increasing domestic food production and security. Cote
d'Ivoire has tremendous potential to become a net food exporter, and I
will work to identify productive partnership opportunities to further
the United States' interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jessica Davis Ba by Senator Todd Young
Question. The State Department has a number of posts in its Bureau
of African Affairs that are classified as ``historically difficult to
staff''; if confirmed, how would you engage the Foreign Service
workforce to encourage qualified individuals to serve in Abidjan or
other posts in Africa?
Answer. I believe that the best work comes from well-resourced
teams that support one another towards achieving common goals and
advancing U.S. policies. Embassy Abidjan has experienced rapid growth
in the last two years, presenting additional challenges as the post
also continues to grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, I
will work across the interagency and with Washington to ensure that
future growth meets U.S. strategic objectives and can be supported
effectively by post's management platform.
The Bureau of African affairs continues to engage with the
Department at the highest levels to improve incentives for working at
our most difficult posts, including Abidjan. Throughout my State
Department career, I have valued and created a diverse and inclusive
work environment where every member of our team has the opportunities
to contribute to our shared goals. If confirmed, I will work with my
colleagues in Abidjan and Washington to nourish such an environment and
recruit from a diverse and inclusive talent pool--the best that the
State Department has to offer. If confirmed, I will continue to support
efforts to ensure meaningful family employment at Embassy Abidjan,
which helps with recruitment, morale, and to close staffing gaps at
this historically difficult to staff post.
Question. With Cote d'Ivoire as a signatory to Beijing's Belt and
Road initiative, how do you see the trade relationship evolving between
Beijing and Abidjan?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities will be to
deepen the trade relationship between the United States and Cote
d'Ivoire. The role of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Cote
d'Ivoire's economy is growing and the Government of Cote d'Ivoire
welcomes investment, including from the PRC. Cote d'Ivoire imports
nearly $2.3 billion worth of PRC goods a year but exports only about
$576 million in Ivoirian goods to the PRC, mostly raw rubber. Ivoirian
complaints regarding PRC-Cote d'Ivoire trade mainly concern the quality
of PRC workmanship and the lack of technology transfer. In addition,
there is evidence that increased Chinese activity has led to a greater
demand for trafficked animals. The Ivoirians recently rejected a PRC
overture to begin negotiations on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), as
officials worried it would disturb Cote d'Ivoire's relationship with
ECOWAS. I will work with our interagency team and Washington to
leverage U.S. Government tools to support American companies to
demonstrate best practices and to make trade with the United States
more attractive than our competitors.
President Ouattara and his ministers openly welcome American
investment. They remain very pro-American but are pragmatic considering
the country's massive need for foreign direct investment (FDI),
resulting in an open-for-business attitude towards the PRC and others.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the expansion of U.S.
investment in Cote d'Ivoire to provide an alternative to PRC offers.
Question. What kinds of opportunities and potential do you see for
American companies within the Ivoirian private sector, and where should
we first focus our efforts?
Answer. The Government of Cote d'Ivoire is eager for more U.S.
private sector investment. With total bilateral trade in 2021 almost
$1.6 billion, Cote d'Ivoire is currently the United States' largest
francophone Africa trading partner, and the United States is Cote
d'Ivoire's fifth largest trading partner. The most promising areas for
U.S. investment are currently in energy, including renewables,
construction equipment and material, agro-processing, agricultural
services and products, and telecommunication equipment and services.
Opportunities in the energy sector are abundant. Cote d'Ivoire has
oil and gas reserves and has also committed to increase renewable
energy generation to 42 percent by 2030. The Ivoirian Government is
also focused on expanding infrastructure projects to make the country's
economic growth more inclusive and not focused on the Abidjan area in
the South. Finally, Cote d'Ivoire's leadership is anxious to improve
the value chain capabilities for the country's massive output of
agricultural products. The U.S. Government can use tools such as
Prosper Africa to support U.S. and Ivoirian businesses in this area.
Secretary Blinken met with Ivoirian Prime Minister Patrick Achi in
March 2022 to discuss ways in which the United States and Cote d'Ivoire
can strengthen the bilateral economic partnership. If confirmed, I will
work closely with private sector partners and the Government of Cote
d'Ivoire to expand opportunities for U.S. private investment.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica Davis Ba by Senator Mike Rounds
Question. What does Cote d'Ivoire need to do to prevent the spread
of violent extremism within its borders? What tools and lessons of the
Global Fragility Act will you draw on to help the Ivoirian Government
and society become resilient in the face of these challenges?
Answer. Cote d'Ivoire must take a holistic approach to prevent the
spread of violent extremism. Security investments alone are
insufficient. Such an approach should include targeted investments in
democratic governance, private sector solutions, and social services,
as well as in the security sector. Cote d'Ivoire's top leaders have
expressed a commitment to values such as accountability, democratic
governance, social peace, and earning the support of the population, to
withstand the strains imposed by violent extremism spreading from the
country's northern neighbors, especially Mali and Burkina Faso. Cote
d'Ivoire has taken progressive steps to invest in the north through new
social programs focused on youth, major infrastructure development, and
expanding the presence of security forces in at-risk areas for
terrorist attacks.
If confirmed, I will work with various Ivoirian Government and
civil society stakeholders to ensure that the U.S. Strategy to Prevent
Conflict and Promote Stability (SPCPS), under the Global Fragility Act,
is aligned with Cote d'Ivoire's National Development Plan and
facilitates meaningful government-community cooperation. Specifically,
the tools offered by the SPCPS can reinforce local and national early
warning systems and action plans to prevent the spread of violent
extremism; support existing community-led platforms, such as civilian-
military committees to foster trust between marginalized communities
and security forces; professionalize law enforcement and other
government officials to engender trust with the communities they serve;
and strengthen legal capabilities to hold violent extremist actors
accountable.
If confirmed, I will encourage the Government to continue these
efforts and to explore opportunities, including with the private
sector, for partnerships to expand services and livelihoods. I will
lead our interagency team in Abidjan to use all of our diplomatic,
development, and defense tools to support the Government's efforts to
build resilience to violent extremism in the northern region and
throughout the country.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Lucy Tamlyn by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Is DRC on track to hold elections in 2023 as required?
Answer. Under prevailing conditions, there is no reason why free
and fair elections cannot be held as scheduled in December 2023 in
accordance with the DRC's constitutional deadline. Some important steps
have been taken, but Congolese officials across the country will have
to accelerate preparations--both technical and political--over the next
several months to ensure the elections are free and fair including in
eastern DRC.
The DRC conducted gubernatorial elections in May in 14 of 26
provinces, which were largely peaceful and included accredited national
and international observers, including U.S. Embassy staff and
representatives from other diplomatic missions. This election was an
encouraging, if limited, sign for the ability of DRC authorities to
conduct elections in December 2023. In June, the DRC parliament adopted
revisions to the DRC's 2006 electoral law, but measures aimed at
ensuring transparency in 2023 and preventing the irregularities that
marred previous election cycles failed to pass. Key issues in the
process ahead include voter registration, the identification of the
voting centers, publication of the electoral calendar, the
appropriation and release of an adequate budget, and invitation and
accreditation of electoral observers. While there is no doubt that
greater progress needs to be made, particularly on political measures,
there is still time for free and fair elections to be held.
Question. What is the U.S. doing to support timely, credible,
transparent, and peaceful elections in DRC in 2023?
Answer. One of the Administration's top policy priorities in the
DRC is to support long-term stability through free and fair elections.
The Department continues to press the DRC Government and National
Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) to adhere to the planned
electoral timeline, to maximize opportunities to be transparent on
electoral processes and outcomes, and to ensure an open political
environment for the Congolese people to express their views peacefully.
Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Molly Phee and Acting Assistant
Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) Lisa Peterson
both stressed this message in meetings with CENI President Denis Kadima
during a visit to Washington, D.C. in late February.
We are employing the full range of foreign policy tools in support
of the elections in 2023. This includes international pressure in
coordination with European and African partners as well as the U.N.;
public messaging; diplomatic engagement, including senior-level visits;
and technical assistance to support a transparent and credible process.
DRL is actively expanding its suite of human rights and democracy
programs in the DRC to lay the groundwork for increased citizen
participation in and understanding of the electoral process. Total U.S.
Government support for the elections and election observation is over
$13 million.
Question. How are these activities different from what we did in
2018, when U.S. support for domestic election observers and other
election support activity did not result in a timely, transparent, or
credible process?
Answer. Unlike in 2018, President Tshisekedi and his top aides have
publicly committed to conducting free and fair elections in accordance
with constitutional deadlines. Although there are deficiencies, the
current President of the National Independent Electoral Commission
(CENI) Denis Kadima has also committed to well-managed elections in
2023 that are free and fair.
Embassy Kinshasa and other U.S. representatives have consistently
messaged that the United States expects the DRC to conduct elections in
accordance with constitutional deadlines that are free and fair and
that reflect the will of the Congolese people. The United States is
working alongside other likeminded countries to ensure a consistent
message on the importance of these elections to help consolidate DRC's
democratic transition. USAID is providing technical support to CENI,
countering disinformation, and improving access to accurate information
about electoral processes, and supporting civil society led civic and
voter education. USAID is also readying plans to assist independent
domestic and international observation efforts to improve confidence in
the integrity of the outcomes. The United States has also encouraged
President Tshisekedi to make a formal request to the United Nations to
provide logistical and technical support to the elections.
Question. Will you commit to briefing the committee on your
election strategy 90 days after arriving at Post, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, I will work with the Bureau of Legislative Affairs to
keep the committee apprised of developments.
Question. Under former President Kabila, the DRC was characterized
by human rights abuses, corruption, and impunity. President Tshisekedi
vowed to address these issues. Three years later, however, several
senior military officers responsible for gross violations of human
rights remain at their posts and corruption again appears rampant.
Has the human rights situation and fight against corruption and
impunity improved since the 2018 elections?
Answer. President Tshisekedi has taken steps to promote respect for
human rights. Since the beginning of his term, he has freed Kabila-era
political prisoners, promoted respect for human rights, including for
people living with disabilities and vulnerable persons, and affirmed
the freedom of peaceful assembly. In July 2022, the Government of the
DRC promulgated a new law on the protection of Indigenous Peoples'
rights. In 2020, the DRC achieved the ranking of Tier 2 Watch List in
the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report after making key
achievements that year. Despite enormous institutional hurdles,
including limited awareness of TIP and an ineffective judicial system,
DRC's law enforcement and victim protection authorities have secured
important victories in the fight against human trafficking. In the past
two years, the Government broke up a transnational child trafficking
ring, convicted perpetrators of sex trafficking in Kinshasa, and
launched a national TIP awareness campaign. The Congolese military
(FARDC) has taken significant and successful strides to eliminate the
recruitment and use of children in its ranks.
Significant challenges do remain in the DRC, but unlike during the
Kabila era, the United States is the Tshisekedi administration's
partner of choice, and it is aware that our partnership relies on
respect for human rights.
Question. What actions will you take if confirmed to make it clear
to the DRC Government that respect for human rights and the rule of law
are essential for DRC's future and DRC's ability to partner with the
U.S. and U.S. companies looking to invest in DRC?
Answer. If confirmed, advancing the protection of human rights and
the rule of law would be among my highest priorities. We know that
allegations of human rights violations and abuses and corruption eat
away at any prospects for the DRC to emerge as a prosperous and stable
country. Respect for human rights and a strong focus on anti-corruption
efforts are in the DRC's interest. Embassy Kinshasa has consistently
stressed the importance of respecting human rights, including freedom
of expression (including for members of the press) and the right of
peaceful assembly. For eastern DRC especially, the Embassy has
continually and strongly urged armed groups and Congolese security
forces to end all human rights violations and abuses, end all attacks
on civilians, and ensure that those responsible for such acts be held
accountable. The United States and the DRC also held its first
bilateral Human Rights Dialogue in 2021. If confirmed, I would continue
partnering closely with the DRC Government to make progress on these
key issues.
Question. Preserving what is left of the Congo forest basin is
essential for the health of our planet. The DRC Government has
previously emerged as a leader in Africa on preservation of the
environment. In July, however, the DRC Government announced its
intention to sell 30 oil blocks in forested areas. If drilling occurs
in these areas, it could release disastrous amounts of carbon into the
atmosphere. Until recently the DRC Government appeared committed to
preserving the environment and the Congo forest basin which is home to
rainforest, peat bogs, and carbon sinks essential for the health of the
planet. In July however the DRC Government's policy seemed to shift
with the announcement of the sale of 30 oil and gas prospecting blocks
throughout the rainforest.
How do you explain this shift?
Answer. The DRC Government is attempting to balance achieving long-
term global climate goals such as their COP26 commitments with
addressing immediate pressing development needs including poverty and
hunger. Embassy Kinshasa is discussing the auction of the oil and gas
prospecting blocks with the Ministry of Hydrocarbons, the Ministry of
the Environment, and the Presidency, urging that verifiable
environmental impact assessments be conducted prior to any oil
exploration. In the past, the Government has acknowledged the potential
for oil in these sensitive areas but has foregone plans to exploit
potential reserves in the interest of the environment. Embassy Kinshasa
is hoping to partner with the DRC to pursue alternative development
pathways that help secure improved livelihoods for the Congolese people
and help DRC meet its climate and environmental commitments.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to work with the Congolese
to balance the necessary preservation of what is left of Congo Forest
basin and the DRC's economic development objectives and needs?
Answer. In February 2021, in line with President Biden's
prioritization of combatting the climate crisis, the U.S.-DRC
Privileged Partnership for Peace and Prosperity added ``Preservation of
the Environment'' to its core pillars. To advance his environmental
agenda, President Tshisekedi elevated the position of Minister of the
Environment and Sustainable Development to one of four Vice-Prime
Minister positions in the cabinet. To this role he appointed Eve
Bazaiba, an experienced activist and politician.
The DRC could contribute significantly to the fight against climate
change if it follows President Tshisekedi's declared intention to take
bold steps to combat deforestation and strengthen environmental
protections. The DRC is home to 47 percent of Africa's tropical
rainforests. The U.S. Government has a wide range of programs across
agencies to support both the necessary conservation of the Congo Basin
forest and the DRC's economic development objectives and needs. A few
examples include the SilvaCarbon program, jointly funded with the
Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) and implemented by the U.S. Forest Service, U.S. Geological
Survey, and other agencies which mobilizes private sector finance for
activities aligned with forest conservation and restoration, including
through carbon markets and results-based payments programs; USAID's
Central African Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE) that
focuses on using a people-centered approach to biodiversity and habitat
protection, using protected areas (PAs) as anchors for sustainable
development, fostering public private partnerships (PPPs) for PA
management, and leveraging natural capital to promote green economies;
and the Public-Private Alliance for Responsible Minerals Trade (PPA), a
multi-stakeholder forum created in 2011 to support the creation of
conflict-free supply chains from the DRC/Great Lakes region. The United
States also engages with other like-minded donor countries through the
Congo Basin Forest Partnership, which helps coordinate conservation and
sustainable management of Congo Basin forest ecosystems.
If confirmed, I will leverage these programs and others to work
with the Congolese to balance the necessary preservation of sensitive
areas of the Congo Forest basin and the DRC's economic development
objectives and needs.
Question. The recent re-emergence of the M23 rebel group has
significantly destabilized eastern DRC. In June, the U.N. peacekeeping
mission (MONUSCO) reported that the M23 is surprisingly well armed and
may outgun U.N. peacekeepers. U.N. experts reported that Rwandan troops
are operating alongside M23 inside DRC. In addition to executing
civilians and displacing tens of thousands, the group has shot down a
U.N. helicopter, killing U.N. troops. MONUSCO's inability to
effectively contain M23 has heightened tensions between MONUSCO, the
Congolese people and the Congolese Government resulting in the tragic
deaths of civilians and U.N. peacekeepers.
The last time M23 emerged in DRC, in 2012, they did so with Rwandan
support. Do you agree that Rwandan support for M23 or the
presence of Rwandan troops inside DRC is unacceptable?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, should the United States speak out publicly
against Rwanda's support for the M23 and the presence of Rwandan troops
in DRC?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What steps is the Administration taking to reduce
tensions between MONUSCO and the Congolese, and bolster MONUSCO's
effectiveness with regard to combatting armed groups and providing
civilian protection?
Answer. I am deeply concerned that recent anti-MONUSCO protests
have turned violent and included attacks on MONUSCO facilities and
resulted in peacekeeper and protester casualties. At the same time, I
was appalled by the July 31 shooting of civilians by peacekeepers in
Kasindi and welcomed the Secretary-General's swift response and strong
statement calling for accountability. MONUSCO is by no means perfect,
but it is an essential part of creating conditions for peace in eastern
DRC.
For decades, the people of eastern DRC have suffered violence and
insecurity, primarily perpetrated in recent years by armed groups and
sometimes by DRC's own security forces. Corrupt networks have profited
from the illicit exploitation of the region's natural resources.
Currently, the M23 armed group with reported backing by the Government
of Rwanda is controlling territory near the Uganda border and killing
civilians. Addressing the current crisis, and the long-standing
underlying issues including the role of DRC's neighbors, is a priority
for the State Department. The State Department has maintained steady
engagement with senior host nation officials as well as key partners to
encourage de-escalation of regional tensions, the termination of the
M23 offensive, and progress on the demobilization of all armed groups.
Secretary Blinken visited Kinshasa August 9-10 and Kigali August 10-11,
following Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield's travel August 4-5 to Uganda.
The Bureau of African Affairs' Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary
Massinga discussed this issue in depth with the Foreign Ministers of
the DRC, Rwanda, and Angola at the African Union (AU) mid-year
coordination meeting in Lusaka from July 17-18. Our key message is
reinforcing the need to respect the DRC's territorial integrity and to
terminate any proxy support to armed groups on all sides. The United
States is supportive of the African-led mediation efforts, which have
provided important venues for direct discussions among regional heads
of state. If confirmed, I will work closely with Washington to ensure
that our engagement in Bujumbura, Kampala, Kigali, and elsewhere is
coordinated and responds to the regional dynamics that have long
influenced the crisis.
MONUSCO has an important role to play in improving the situation.
The U.N. Mission continues to carry out its mandate for the protection
of civilians. If confirmed, I look forward to frequent interactions
with MONUSCO leadership and close coordination with USUN as plans for
the Mission's transition move forward.
Question. Will you commit to briefing the committee 30 days after
you arrive at post on your assessment as to Rwandan presence in eastern
Congo and its support for the M23 along with your recommendations for a
set of diplomatic interventions to address such if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, I will work with the Bureau of Legislative Affairs to
keep the committee apprised of developments.
Question. The DRC has vast critical mineral reserves, with reserves
of cobalt, a necessary component of batteries. As we turn to new
technologies like electric vehicles, which require batteries, to
address the worsening climate crisis, we face new security risks as
China controls significant parts of clean energy supply chain. I am
especially concerned about critical minerals in countries like the DRC,
as I outlined in a letter I sent to Under Secretary Fernandez back in
January.
What has State done to address the issues outlined in the letter I
sent in January about concerns with Chinese monopolization of
critical minerals in the DRC?
Answer. The Department shares your concerns regarding the issues
identified in your letter, including the People's Republic of China's
(PRC) concentrated influence over mining and processing of clean-energy
minerals. In May 2021, President Tshisekedi announced his intention to
review mining deals with the PRC that include unfavorable terms for the
DRC. This is an ongoing process, and the United States has informed the
DRC Government of our support for its decision to review contracts and
pursue greater accountability in the sector. Economic development
should promote democratic governance, respect for human rights, and
transparency. The United States is providing more than $30 million in
assistance to help the DRC promote responsible and sustainable mining
practices and is actively looking at new engagements in the sector.
To elevate bilateral diplomacy around critical minerals, the State
Department has worked closely with other agencies and encouraged them
to engage with the DRC. In the past year, high-level delegations from
the National Security Council, Department of Labor, and Department of
the Treasury have visited the DRC to engage on critical minerals.
Additionally, during a visit to Washington, DC by DRC Minister of Mines
Antoinette N'Samba Kalambayi in mid-March, Under Secretary of State for
Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose Fernandez signed with
the Minister a Memorandum of Understanding for the Department's Bureau
of Energy Resources to support Congolese efforts to strengthen sector
governance and predictability for investors and maximize benefits of
mineral resource development for the Congolese people.
We echo the long-standing calls from African capitals that PRC
actions must respect host country laws, particularly regarding human
and labor rights, the rule of law, and protections for the environment.
I am confident that, in a level playing field, U.S. companies will be a
partner of choice for the DRC. By elevating environmental, social, and
governance standards and advancing mining-sector reforms in key
countries, we aim to reduce the advantage gained by PRC companies that
benefit from lax standards. By focusing on the entire supply chain,
from mining to refining and processing to end uses, as well as
recycling, we provide a holistic approach to securing the critical
minerals needed for the energy transition. Finally, through increased
information sharing, attention to financing, and minerals-focused
diplomacy and commercial engagement, we are taking a forward-looking
rather than reactive approach to working with likeminded countries with
collective interests toward countering PRC influence and meeting
climate and sustainability goals.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As Ambassador in Benin, I used my access to senior
government officials to highlight growing limitations on freedom of
expression, including for members of the press, and to advocate for a
regulatory framework which would not disadvantage the independent
media. As Ambassador in the Central African Republic, I worked closely
with a group of like-minded countries and institutions to warn against
efforts to amend the constitution prior to the 2020 elections which
could have potentially extended the term of the incumbent president. As
Charge d'Affaires in Sudan, I repeatedly urged the highest authorities
to release opposition leaders held under questionable detention terms,
cease violence against protestors, and investigate allegations of
gender-based violence. These actions made clear to the host country
interlocutors the importance of respect for human rights and democracy
for advancing our partnership with the country in question and sent a
clear message to human rights defenders that we would stand with them.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in DRC? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights, and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. The most pressing challenge to democracy and democratic
development in the DRC is the protracted insecurity in the East. It is
the overriding concern of the DRC Government and public with increased
calls from civil society for greater U.S. engagement. In May 2021, to
deliver on his promise to restore security in eastern DRC, President
Tshisekedi declared a ``State of Siege''--effectively martial law--in
two of the most troubled provinces, North Kivu and Ituri, installing
military governors and ramping up Congolese military (FARDC) operations
against ISIS-DRC and armed groups in the region. Reports of human
rights violations and abuses have accompanied the State of Siege. The
U.N. and human rights groups have documented continued violations
including extrajudicial killings by FARDC and police while military
governments have restricted civil society and political activists and
prosecuted some for criticizing the State of Siege. Despite President
Tshisekedi's efforts to pursue constructive relationships with eastern
neighbors, the resurgence of the March 23 Movement (M23) armed group
with reported backing by the Government of Rwanda has strained DRC-
Rwanda relations to crisis levels. The U.N. Stabilization Mission in
the DRC (MONUSCO) and other stakeholders' efforts have been
insufficient to stem the persistent armed conflict. Amid growing
tensions over regional conflict, violent protests in late July have
resulted in deaths of MONUSCO peacekeepers and demonstrators alike amid
belated calls for calm from Congolese authorities.
Responsibility for organizing the presidential and parliamentary
elections due by the end of 2023 falls on the DRC's National
Independent Electoral Commission (CENI). Preparations are late in large
part due to the delayed formation of a new CENI leadership team. A new
CENI board took office in October 2021 led by President Denis Kadima.
Since his appointment, Kadima has earned cautious praise from erstwhile
opponents for frank and open communication and indications of
independence, but broader concerns on CENI management and integrity
persist. A revised electoral law promulgated in July includes slight
improvements for transparency and gender; however, a series of broader
proposed reforms were rejected by Tshisekedi's Sacred Union
supermajority, further fanning opposition concerns about electoral
process.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in DRC? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific obstacles
you have identified?
Answer. We know that democracy is more than just free and fair
elections and we are employing the full range of foreign policy tools
in support of the elections in 2023 given their critical importance to
the DRC's democratic trajectory. This includes international pressure
in coordination with European and African partners as well as the U.N.;
public messaging; diplomatic engagement, including senior-level visits;
and technical assistance to support a transparent and credible process.
The Department continues to press the DRC Government and National
Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) to adhere to the planned
electoral timeline, to maximize opportunities to be transparent on
electoral processes and outcomes, and to ensure an open political
environment for the Congolese people to express their views peacefully.
Secretary Blinken also stressed the need for free, fair, transparent,
and on-time election during his visit. Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs Molly Phee and Acting Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor (DRL) Lisa Peterson both stressed this message in
meetings with CENI President Denis Kadima during his visit to
Washington, DC in late February.
DRL is actively expanding its suite of human rights and democracy
programs in the DRC to lay the groundwork for increased citizen
participation in and understanding of the electoral process. Ensuring
the success of commitments on the elections process will require
sustained attention to financial logistical technical and political
challenges. USAID is the largest donor working in elections and is
currently the only donor providing technical support to CENI. Recently
USAID announced $13 million to finance international and domestic
election observation and other election activities. More broadly, the
Department seeks to engage the DRC on supporting its democratic
aspirations through its participation in the Summit for Democracy, the
U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, and bilateral Human Rights Dialogue.
If confirmed, I will leverage and expand these efforts where
possible to support democracy in DRC. Through these actions, I hope to
see DRC on a positive trajectory that enables it to realize its
democracy and its vast potential for the benefit of the Congolese and
American people, as well as Central Africa and the world.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. U.S. Government assistance resources, including the
Democracy Commission Small Grants program and other sources of State
Department and USAID funding, are important tools to support democracy,
human rights, and governance (DRG). DRG programs strengthen the ability
of the Government of the DRC and civil society organizations to deliver
basic services, mobilize domestic resources, and encourage greater
citizen participation in political processes. U.S. assistance supports
free and fair elections, improves transparent and accountable
government processes and rule of law, and improves access to
information so that citizens may participate fully in the democratic
process and make more informed decisions. DRG programs contribute to
citizen's empowerment to hold institutions accountable and
effectiveness of public and private institutions to deliver public
services. If confirmed, I will leverage these resources to support
democracy, respect for human rights, and good governance. If confirmed,
my priorities will include strengthening transparency and electoral
administration; improving civic and voter education; empowering the
population, including women and youth, to meaningfully participate in
elections; and helping marginalized communities to understand and
access political processes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in DRC? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society members,
human rights, and other NGOs in the United States, and with local human
rights NGOs and other members of civil society in DRC.
Embassy Kinshasa regularly meets and engages with NGOs and civil
society groups, hosting roundtables and leveraging these relationships
for outreach and to advance policy goals. Embassy Kinshasa has
continually engaged with counterparts in Ministries of Human Rights,
Justice, Defense, Interior, and Communications to discuss human rights
issues, including freedom of expression (including for members of the
press) and the right of peaceful assembly. If confirmed, I will
continue this engagement and expand where possible to proactively
address any efforts by the DRC Government to restrict or penalize NGOs
and civil society via legal or regulatory measures.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties?
Answer. Embassy Kinshasa regularly meets with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties, both to seek their
perspectives and to make clear that the U.S. priority is for the DRC to
conduct free and fair elections that reflect the will of the Congolese
people in accordance with constitutional deadlines. Embassy Kinshasa
has also continually engaged with relevant ministries to advocate for
specific measures to encourage genuine political competition, including
revisions to the electoral law aimed at ensuring transparency and the
invitation and accreditation of electoral observers. Total U.S.
Government support for the elections and election observation is over
$13 million.
If confirmed, I commit to continuing these efforts and expand them
where possible, and to meet with democratically oriented political
opposition figures and parties. If confirmed, I will advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with DRC
on freedom of the press and address any government efforts designed to
control or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory, or other
measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent, local
press in DRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage alongside my embassy
team with DRC on freedom of expression, including for members of the
press, and address any government efforts designed to control or
undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory, or other measures.
If confirmed, I commit to meeting regularly with independent, local
press in DRC.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in DRC, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in DRC?
Answer. Legally, LGBTQI+ status or conduct is not criminalized in
the DRC, but the law also does not expressly protect LGBTQI+ persons;
some LGBTQI+ persons have been subjected to selective enforcement of
``public indecency'' mechanisms that are not applied to heterosexual
adults. Authorities rarely take steps to investigate, prosecute, or
punish officials who committed violence or abuse against LGBTQI+
persons, whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the Government.
Freedom of association for members of the LGBTQI+ community is
poorly guaranteed. Activists have noted that the process for
registering NGOs was burdensome and very slow, and LGBTQI+ groups were
denied registration. LGBTQI+ activists assert that other human rights
organizations exclude LGBTQI+ rights organizations, due either to
religious belief or a belief that LGBTQI+ rights are not human rights.
LGBTQI+ persons are vulnerable within the health system. LGBTQI+
activists reported that there were many cases of ``corrective'' rape
against both men and women. When the survivors went to a health clinic
for care, they were either rejected for being LGBTQI+ or the staff at
the health clinic practiced so-called ``conversion therapy'' practices
and tried to ``dissuade'' them from being LGBTQI+.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in DRC?
Answer. In the spirit of ``do no harm'' and ``nothing about us
without us,'' if confirmed, I will work to ensure Embassy Kinshasa
consults with members of local LGBTQI+ civil society so that U.S.
Government efforts will not inadvertently cause backlash or negative
repercussions for members of the local LGBTQI+ community. If confirmed,
I commit to promoting respect for human rights, including for members
of the LGBTQI+ community, with relevant government officials, such as
the Human Rights Minister and the Minister of the Interior. If
confirmed, I also commit to engaging with other like-minded Embassies
to create a coalition that can take steps to advocate for the
protection and inclusion of members of the LGBTQI+ community, encourage
the inclusion of LGBTQI+ identity groups in the broader human rights
community in the DRC, and discuss the human rights of members of the
LGBTQI+ community with religious leaders.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief members of congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to DRC?
Answer. Yes, I will work with the Bureau of Legislative Affairs to
keep the committee apprised of developments.
Question. Last week I convened a hearing on the important work of
the State Department's Chief Diversity Officer and the important role
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility efforts play in
maintaining our countries' competitive edge on the global stage. How do
you anticipate fostering diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility at Embassy Kinshasa?
Answer. In June 2020 Embassy Kinshasa established a Diversity,
Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA) Council. A survey conducted
by the council revealed a desire for increased mentorship at the
Mission, especially among locally employed staff, as well as concerns
about weak social and collegial bonds between locally employed staff
and U.S. Direct Hires (USDH). In response, the DEIA Council created
programming to bring the community together, using Pride Month as a
trial run. Since these first steps the DEIA council has strengthened
locally employed staff unity by assisting with the local staff
committee leadership elections, as well as strengthened Congolese-
American bonds within the Embassy through new social programming
focused on sharing local meals and stories. To address the demand for
mentorship, Embassy Kinshasa instituted a mission-wide mentorship
program and put an emphasis on greater cross-cultural activities.
Looking after the safety of the Embassy community and ensuring that
all American and locally employed staff members can flourish and bring
their best to the job in an environment where they feel included and
equal is my highest priority as a leader. If confirmed, I will
prioritize recruiting and retaining staff to meet our mission's
objectives, supporting the physical and mental health of the Embassy
community, and setting expectations for how to accomplish mission
priorities while maintaining work/life balance. If confirmed, I commit
to strong two-way communication with all Mission personnel, including
locally employed staff on this subject.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
DRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with Embassy Kinshasa's
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA) Council to
promote their efforts and make clear that combatting racism,
discrimination, and inequality for all members of the mission is a
priority for me and my leadership team. If confirmed, I look forward to
fostering the council's mentorship program and participating in cross-
cultural activities. Ensuring that all members of the mission team can
flourish and bring their best to the job in an environment where they
feel included and equal is my highest priority as a leader. If
confirmed, I commit to strong two-way communication with all Mission
personnel, including locally employed staff on this subject.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. Our locally employed staff and other local partners are
invaluable resources to implement U.S. foreign policy objectives. Their
local expertise, knowledge, and capacity are essential to understanding
the dynamics in DRC. If confirmed, I will rely on this expertise to
maximize our impact. If confirmed, I commit to engaging more equitably
in operations and programming, particularly with potential partners and
communities that traditionally have been marginalized, excluded, or
underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Lucy Tamlyn by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your perspective on the situation in Eastern
Congo and the role of the United States in addressing the persistent
insecurity challenges and complex regional dynamics, both bilaterally
and through multilateral organizations, namely the U.N. Peacekeeping
Mission MONUSCO?
Answer. For decades, the people of eastern DRC have suffered
violence and insecurity, primarily perpetrated in recent years by armed
groups and sometimes by DRC's own security forces. Corrupt networks
have profited from the illicit exploitation of the region's natural
resources. Currently, the M23 armed group allegedly supported by Rwanda
is controlling territory near the Uganda border and killing civilians.
Addressing the current crisis, and the long-standing underlying issues
including the role of DRC's neighbors, is a priority for the State
Department. We have maintained steady engagement with senior host
nation officials as well as key partners to encourage de-escalation of
regional tensions, the termination of the M23 offensive, and progress
on the demobilization of all armed groups. Secretary Blinken will visit
Kinshasa August 9-10 and Kigali August 10-11, following Ambassador
Thomas-Greenfield's travel August 4-5 to Uganda. The Bureau of African
Affairs' Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Massinga discussed this
issue in depth with the Foreign Ministers of DRC, Rwanda, and Angola at
the African Union (AU) mid-year coordination meeting in Lusaka from
July 17-18. Our key message is reinforcing the need to respect the
DRC's territorial integrity and to terminate any proxy support to armed
groups on all sides. The United States is supportive of the African-led
mediation efforts, which have provided important venues for direct
discussions among regional heads of state. If confirmed, I will work
closely with Washington to ensure that our engagement in Bujumbura,
Kampala, Kigali, and elsewhere is coordinated and responds to the
regional dynamics that have long influenced the crisis.
MONUSCO has an important role to play in improving the situation.
The U.N. Mission continues to carry out its mandate for the protection
of civilians. I am deeply concerned that recent anti-MONUSCO protests
have turned violent and included attacks on MONUSCO facilities and
resulted in peacekeeper and protester casualties. At the same time, I
was appalled by the July 31 shooting of civilians by peacekeepers in
Kasindi and welcomed the Secretary-General's swift response and strong
statement calling for accountability. MONUSCO is by no means perfect,
but it is an essential part of creating conditions for peace in eastern
DRC. If confirmed, I look forward to frequent interactions with MONUSCO
leadership and close coordination with USUN as plans for the Mission's
transition move forward.
Question. What lessons were learned from the 2018-2020 Ebola
outbreak and more recent experiences with COVID-19 in DRC that we must
apply to future outbreaks of infectious disease in DRC? How will you
approach coordinating multiple U.S. departments and agencies responding
to such an outbreak as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. The Congolese, international health professionals, NGOs,
and U.S. Government responders all made heroic contributions to defeat
the 2018-2020 Ebola outbreak in eastern DRC--the second largest in
history. Applying lessons learned from this outbreak--whether
understanding the epidemiological threat, quickly cementing a response
structure and plan, or early and locally driven community engagement,
including preventing exploitation within the response--is critical for
responding to future outbreaks in the DRC and region, whether Ebola or
COVID-19. Addressing these and other types of outbreaks require
continued investment in the health system, leveraging our interagency
health platforms that focus on capacity building at national and
provincial level governments. With U.S. Government support, the DRC has
contained six Ebola outbreaks in the past four years alone, declaring
the most recent outbreak over in July.
If confirmed, I will work to maintain the U.S. role as the DRC's
most trusted partner on health. Our contributions to the 2018-2020
Ebola response were a natural expansion of our longstanding support for
the Congolese health system. The United States has provided over $1.7
billion in health assistance to the DRC over the past 20 years. In
2019, the DRC was designated as a U.S. Global Health Security Agenda
(GHSA) intensive support partner country, increasing the DRC's longer-
term preparedness capacity to combat health-security threats. Since
September 2021, the United States has provided over 3.9 million COVID-
19 vaccine doses with the people of the DRC, both in partnership with
COVAX and through the African Union's African Vaccine Acquisition Trust
(AVAT).
U.S. support to the Congolese health sector has been a whole-of-
government approach, bringing together the Departments of State,
Defense, Health and Human Services (HHS), Centers for Disease Control
(CDC), and USAID. If confirmed, I will work across all U.S. Government
departments and agencies to respond to outbreaks and strengthen
Congolese health systems. As we did with previous outbreaks, if
confirmed, I would welcome CDC, National Institute of Health (NIH), and
USAID health and disaster response experts to the DRC for quick
engagement with our Congolese and international organization partners.
If confirmed, I would support the wide variety of U.S. Government
health assistance programs. For example, the CDC has trained more than
300 Congolese field epidemiologists, ``disease detectives'' who respond
to COVID-19 and other outbreaks. USAID led a public-private partnership
with the Merieux Foundation to construct a state-of-the-art biomedical
lab in eastern DRC that serves as a regional lab to address global
health issues such as Ebola and COVID-19. I understand more than one-
third of the Congolese population is covered by U.S. Government
programs in HIV/AIDS, maternal and child health, nutrition, malaria,
and TB interventions reaching at-risk communities. Outbreak response
requires constant vigilance and constant coordination, and if confirmed
I will work across U.S. Government partners to communicate and align
for the most effective response.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Kinshasa?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Kinshasa is doing important work in a
challenging environment. The Embassy is historically difficult to
staff, with multiple staffing vacancies. This means many people are
assuming the work of multiple employees working in outdated, inadequate
office facilities. New facilities for our personnel are long overdue;
groundbreaking for construction of a New Embassy Compound to replace
and consolidate Kinshasa's three separate compounds is expected to
begin in early 2023. In the meantime, Embassy Kinshasa is pursuing
upgrades across its three current sites. Infrastructure challenges such
as telecommunications are very real, for both U.S. and local personnel.
Travel times to and from the United States also affect our staff's
well-being. Embassy staff, including locally employed staff, face
physical and mental health hazards, including losses due to COVID-19.
Throughout, this team has shown great resilience. I understand
Embassy Kinshasa prioritizes improving morale through the community
liaison office's outreach, field trips, town halls, and social events
for staff to connect with leadership.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kinshasa?
Answer. Looking after the safety of the embassy community and
ensuring that each and every American and local employee can flourish
and bring his or her best to the job in an environment free of
harassment and discrimination is my highest priority as a leader. If
confirmed, I will prioritize recruiting and retaining staff to meet our
mission's objectives, supporting the physical and mental health of the
Embassy community, and setting expectations for how to accomplish
mission priorities while maintaining work/life balance. I commit to
strong two-way communication with all Mission personnel, including
locally employed staff on this subject.
Question. How do you intend to create unified mission and vision at
Mission Kinshasa?
Answer. I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be assuming
leadership of a post in a country of enormous size, complexity, and
promise. The large portfolio of U.S. assistance requires astute
direction, prioritization, and coordination. Chronic staffing
shortages, a situation not unique to Kinshasa, need to be managed to
ensure that we do not burn out and lose the next generation of Foreign
Service Africa experts. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions
with all agencies present at post to establish and review goals,
develop strategies and tactics to achieve objectives, and ask that
section leaders perform similar reviews with their staff.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style starts with listening to individuals,
understanding their strengths and communicating my expectations
clearly. I seek to ensure that all staff have the support, resources,
and training necessary to do their jobs. I also seek to ensure that
staff understand their responsibilities to do their best every day and
adhere to the highest standards of ethical behavior in an environment
of respect. If confirmed, I will bring special attention to ensuring
that new entrants and first-time section heads have the support and
mentoring necessary to succeed.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with and rely on
my Deputy Chief of Mission for strategic planning, counsel, management
of personnel, and implementation of U.S. activities and policy
engagement to accomplish strategic objectives. If confirmed, I will
work with my Deputy Chief of Mission to articulate and maintain high
ethical standards and create a culture of diversity, inclusion, and
respect.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the Deputy Chief of Mission to
ensure coordination and collaboration across sections and agencies to
support Integrated Country Strategy (ICS) objectives. I will ask the
Deputy Chief of Mission to oversee post management with a focus on
workforce planning and performance. I will also ask the Deputy Chief of
Mission to lead recruitment efforts for our embassy positions and work
with other agencies to ensure that their personnel feel fully
integrated into Embassy Kinshasa's policy formulation and
implementation. If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with the
Deputy Chief of Mission on policy implementation and ensure that in my
absence, the Deputy Chief of Mission has the knowledge, skills, and
confidence to fully take on the responsibilities of the chief of
mission.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
the DRC. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Mission Kinshasa will be most effective if it can engage
with Congolese populations outside of the capital, while respecting the
safety standards determined by embassy security personnel. Despite
limited infrastructure in the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa,
Embassy Kinshasa staff routinely overcome significant logistical
challenges to travel outside of the capital to engage DRC Government
officials, civil society, international organizations, nongovernmental
organizations, media, and members of the international community
throughout the country. I understand Embassy Kinshasa's Eastern Congo
Unit, for example, travels monthly to the East to, among other things,
provide U.S. Government oversight for the $1.16 billion U.N.
peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO). USAID officers travel countrywide to
oversee hundreds of millions of dollars in U.S. development and
humanitarian assistance. This travel is critical to ensuring a full
understanding of the political, economic, and security challenges in
this zone which has been a flashpoint for conflict. Other section
personnel need to travel to learn about consular, economic, and
political issues across the DRC and to provide oversight of U.S.
assistance. In my previous assignments, I have made sure that a robust
regional security officer-approved travel plan was fully integrated
into mission planning. I understand that Embassy Kinshasa's Travel
Security Working Group routinely evaluates security conditions
throughout the country to determine suitability for mission travel, and
RSO puts in place security mitigation measures to overcome security
challenges. If confirmed, I intend to continue these best practices.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed and as security and health conditions permit,
I will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly, and in-
person with local populations in and outside Kinshasa. If confirmed, I
will encourage active engagement through social and virtual media to
supplement this outreach. If confirmed, I intend to travel regularly
throughout the DRC and use those visits to facilitate contacts for the
rest of my team.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
DRC?
Answer. The Congolese public has embraced social media and public
diplomacy, and in turn these have been strategic tools for advancing
U.S. policy objectives and amplifying key messages. For example,
following President Felix Tshisekedi's April 2019 visit to Washington
the United States and DRC launched a ``Privileged Partnership for Peace
and Prosperity,'' with a fifth ``P'' (Preservation of the Environment)
added in February 2021. Over the years #PP4PP then #PP4PPP has become
not just a hashtag, but the signature framework for strengthening U.S.-
DRC ties, advancing common values and objectives, and capturing
comprehensive bilateral engagement and activities. If confirmed, I am
committed to using public diplomacy as one of the many tools to connect
with Congolese populations and advance U.S. foreign policy.
Our colleagues at Embassy Kinshasa regularly use our network of
American Spaces in Kinshasa, Matadi, Lubumbashi, Goma to support
programming (virtual and in person) to extend our reach. Embassy
Kinshasa's LOBA USA podcast, now in its second season, is available
online and broadcast on 45 community radio stations throughout the
country. The Embassy leverages its robust network of exchange alumni
through alumni engagement grants and activities. Our cultural
programming has partnered with popular music stars to amplify strategic
priorities such as COVID vaccination and conflict resolution. Finally,
our innovative use of virtual English instruction in conjunction with
our spaces has reached a new generation of Congolese youth.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The DRC's population is overwhelmingly young and many
either do not have access to quality education or must leave school
because of economic hardship. Telecommunications infrastructure is
poor. The limited access to internet or other telecommunications
infrastructure by many Congolese limits the opportunities for and
impact of virtual engagements which would be especially valuable in a
country as large as DRC, where travel for in-person engagements is
often difficult. Women in particular often do not have access to
technology. The difficult educational landscape also impacts the
acquisition of English, which in turn impacts the ability of Embassy
Kinshasa to leverage opportunities such as exchanges or study abroad
programs that require English proficiency. If confirmed I will seek to
find opportunities to overcome these challenges and attract a new
generation of Congolese to our programs and platforms.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with Main State and the
interagency to appropriately amplify our messages to advance U.S.
foreign policy objectives.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Kinshasa personnel?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report, the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was noted as having numerous
significant human rights issues such as unlawful killings,
disappearances, torture, political prisoners, issues of judiciary
independence, serious abuses in conflict to include civilian harm,
enforced abductions, use of child soldiers, restrictions of expression,
corruption, and more. If confirmed, do you commit to directly
addressing these issues with the host government?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how could you work with the DRC,
international organizations, and NGOs, to improve the human rights
situation in the country?
Answer. If confirmed, the human rights and democracy agenda would
be among my highest priorities. We know that allegations of human
rights violations and abuses and corruption eat away at any prospects
for the DRC to emerge as a prosperous and stable country. Respect for
human rights and a strong focus on anti-corruption efforts are in the
DRC's interest. I understand the Embassy has consistently stressed the
importance of respecting human rights, including freedom of expression
(including for members of the press) and the right of peaceful
assembly. For eastern DRC especially, I understand the Embassy has
continually and strongly urged armed groups and Congolese security
forces to end all human rights violations and abuses, end all attacks
on civilians, and ensure that those responsible for such acts be held
accountable. The United States and the DRC also held its first
bilateral Human Rights Dialogue in 2021. If confirmed, I would continue
partnering closely with the DRC Government to make progress on these
key issues.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, the DRC remained on the Tier 2 watch list for not meeting the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. The Government
did not demonstrate increasing efforts compared with previous reporting
periods; the Congolese National Army (FARDC) officers unlawfully
recruited and used children, including in combat roles; authorities
penalized victims of acts traffickers compelled them to commit; no
anti-trafficking legislation was drafted for a third straight year; and
only due to a written plan that, if implemented, would constitute a
significant effort to eliminate trafficking was the DRC granted a
waiver from being downgraded to Tier 3. If confirmed, how could you
work with the DRC to implement its written plan?
Answer. The United States is the Tshisekedi administration's
partner of choice, and it is aware that our partnership relies on
respect for human rights, including doing all they can to hold
traffickers criminally accountable, protect trafficking victims, and
prevent trafficking in persons. Through USAID's Counter Trafficking in
Person's $3 million activity, implemented by the Organization for
International Migration (IOM), the U.S. Government continues to work
with the Tshisekedi administration's Agency for the Fight Against
Trafficking in Persons, other government institutions, the judiciary,
law enforcement, and civil society organizations to implement the DRC's
National Strategy on Countering Trafficking in Persons. This includes
strengthening the DRC Government's ability to collect data, investigate
and prosecute traffickers, protect and provide services to victims of
trafficking, and sensitize the public and officials to trafficking in
persons in the DRC. State and USAID have also supported the DRC
Government's comprehensive draft legislation on trafficking in persons.
USG agencies continue to advocate at all levels of government for its
immediate passage.
Following the DRC's third consecutive Tier 2 Watch List ranking in
2022, it will be subject to an automatic downgrade to Tier 3 in the
2023 TIP Report if it does not meet the criteria for an upgrade to Tier
2 or Tier 1. If confirmed, I will support the DRC Government's
implementation of its anti-trafficking national action plan and
continue to urge action on the prioritized recommendations in the 2022
TIP Report.
Question. How would you engage with the host government to reduce
the recruitment and use of children in combat and other military
related positions?
Answer. Embassy Kinshasa has continually engaged with the DRC
Government on the need to improve respect for human rights and
explained the risks to our bilateral relationship if unlawful
recruitment and use of children is not addressed. At the same time, the
U.S. Government implements a variety of programs designed to assist the
DRC military on this path. Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) and
International Military Education and Training (IMET) funding for DRC
enables the United States to continue increasing professionalization of
the military, allowing it to provide security within its territory
while respecting human rights and international humanitarian law (IHL).
In addition, PKO and IMET funding has supported areas such as military
justice, civil-military relations, human rights training, IHL training,
English language training, military engineering, and resource
management and logistics for security forces in DRC. These efforts not
only enhance security provision, but also helps make the security
forces a more transparent, accountable institution. Building on this
successful cooperation, the United States signed a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) with the DRC Government in August 2020 to launch
new cooperation in civil military operations (CMO), strategic
communications, engineering, and English language training. We are also
working with the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) to revamp its human
resources infrastructure which, among other things, would allow for
enhanced accountability.
These efforts have produced results. The number of prosecutions of
both state and armed group actors for crimes involving human rights
violations and abuses, including unlawful recruitment and use of
children, remains high, as are the number of children separated from
armed groups. This past July, the U.N. Secretary-General, in his annual
report on children and armed conflict, welcomed ``the commitment of the
[DRC Government] to sustain the gains made in preventing child
recruitment and use, including through screening mechanisms.'' He also
commended the DRC ``for its efforts to hold perpetrators of grave
violations accountable and urge them to continue to do so, including
for cases of child recruitment and use, and for cases of sexual
violence.'' If confirmed, I will leverage these tools and our close
relationship with the DRC to aid its commitment to reduce the unlawful
recruitment and use of children.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, the DRC remains a country of operation for ISIS,
attacking civilians in the North Kivu and Ituri provinces. U.S.
officials have met with government authorities, urging security forces
and political leaders to refrain from violence and respect the civil
rights of society. What actions would you take with the host government
to build on previous U.S. engagement and promote religious freedom and
tolerance?
Answer. The United States and DRC are dedicated to the defeat of
ISIS. In March 2021, the U.S. designated ISIS-DRC (also known as Allied
Democratic Forces) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) and
Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT). The Allied Democratic
Forces is designated under the U.N. 1533 DRC Sanctions Regime. In
November 2021, Secretary Blinken also designated ISIS an Entity of
Particular Concern for the fifth consecutive year, as a non-state actor
that has engaged in particularly severe violations of religious
freedom. The DRC joined the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS in 2019 and
is increasingly engaged with the Coalition, having participated in the
2022 D-ISIS Ministerial as well as the most recent Communication
Working Group meeting held in Washington in July.
With their influence on a wide range of civil and political issues,
including elections, religious leaders throughout the DRC are close
partners of our embassy in Kinshasa. Embassy Kinshasa has continually
engaged with counterparts in Ministries of Human Rights, Justice,
Defense, and Interior to discuss issues of freedom of religion or
belief, including government relations with religious organizations.
U.S. engagement prioritizes ensuring that the DRC Government respects
human rights, including the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of
peaceful assembly, and to freedom of religion or belief. Ambassador
Hammer met with religious leaders frequently and, if confirmed, I would
continue these efforts to engage with government representatives and
civil society groups to help ensure freedom of religion or belief for
the people of the DRC.
Question. How could you work with security forces to increase
pressure towards removal of ISIS operation within the country?
Answer. Starting last November, the Ugandan defense forces (UPDF)
have been conducting a military intervention in eastern DRC targeting
ISIS-DRC, named Operation Shuja. The Ugandans are conducting this
mission with the DRC Government approval. MONUSCO is not mandated to
work alongside the UPDF, but we have constantly urged and tried to
ensure operations are deconflicted with MONUSCO and the Congolese armed
forces (FARDC) and that all forces operating in DRC respect human
rights.
The DRC joined the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS in 2019 and is
increasingly engaged with the Coalition; having participated in the
2022 D-ISIS Ministerial as well as the most recent Communication
Working Group meeting held in Washington in July. Closer coordination
with DRC security forces will require reform within the FARDC. U.S.
training for the FARDC and increased military to military cooperation
are items very high on the agenda of the Government of the DRC but
deepening our ties will require commensurate commitment to reform by
the Government. To strengthen DRC's ability to prevent and respond to
violent conflict, I will, if confirmed, continue to engage with the DRC
Government on the need for security sector reform, including respect
for the rule of law and human rights and the implementation of a
community-based national disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration
program.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you
commit to demarching the DRC and any other counterparts necessary to
encourage their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The Junior Professional Officer program is one of the key
opportunities offered by the U.N. to encourage young professionals
interested in serving in international organizations, and it provides
them with hands-on experience across various U.N. agencies. The
International Organization Affairs Bureau (IO) and the U.S. Mission to
the U.N. (USUN) are well placed to ensure we have sufficient resources,
tools, and staffing to support more positions for American citizen JPOs
in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work strategically to
increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the U.S. Government
into key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities, expand our
recruitment and outreach activities to ensure these opportunities are
widely known and available to interested U.S. citizens, and provide
tools and services to strengthen our competitiveness in placing
qualified American citizens into the U.N. system. If confirmed, I will
aid the efforts of IO and USUN from Kinshasa where possible.
Question. The DRC has a low rate of voting coincidence with the
United States in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. The U.S.-DRC relationship has strengthened significantly
since the 2019 inauguration of President Felix Tshisekedi. However, a
new DRC Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Georges
Nzongola-Ntalaja, was only just appointed in January 2022, and I note
that in 2022 the DRC supported resolutions in U.N. bodies that called
out Russia for its attack on Ukraine and aligned with U.S. priorities
at the United Nations. If confirmed, I will work through the U.S.
Mission to the United Nations and others in the Department of State to
ensure U.S. foreign policy objectives are shared and understood across
Kinshasa, Washington, and New York.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the Congolese on anticipated votes in the U.N. system that
would increase their voting coincidence with the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work through the U.S. Mission to the
United Nations and others in the Department of State to ensure U.S.
foreign policy objectives are shared and understood across Kinshasa,
Washington, and New York. I will meet with DRC Government officials at
the highest levels when appropriate to encourage aligned voting
coincidence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Lucy Tamlyn by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Certain activities by the People's Republic of China (PRC)
and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represent a challenge to U.S.
interests globally and in the Africa region. As Secretary Blinken said
on May 26, we will invest, align, and compete with the PRC to defend
our interests and build our vision for the future.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. We are prepared to work together with the People's Republic
of China (PRC) where our interests intersect, in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and elsewhere, and where it is essential for
global peace and prosperity. Issues like climate change, the global
drug trade, and COVID-19 directly threaten our prosperity and security,
and we need to work with the PRC--just as much as the PRC needs to work
with us--to solve these problems without borders.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the Democratic Republic of Congo?
Answer. We are prepared to work together with the People's Republic
of China (PRC) where our interests intersect, in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and elsewhere, and where it is essential for
global peace and prosperity. Issues such as climate change, the global
drug trade, and COVID-19 directly threaten our prosperity and security,
and we need to work with the PRC--just as much as the PRC needs to work
with us--to solve these problems without borders. If confirmed, I will
invest in our partnership with the DRC, align our concerns highlighting
the risks associated with PRC engagement that could impact the DRC's
security and sovereignty and U.S. interests, and ensure that our vision
of a positive partnership and regional security and prosperity competes
successfully with the PRC.
Question. China has a large peacekeeping presence in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC), where China Molybdenum, a Chinese mining
company, has an 80 percent stake in one of the world's largest cobalt
mines and the largest copper mining operation in the DRC. The DRC has
given Chinese companies valuable concessions to develop the rich
critical mineral resources, like cobalt, in the country. Cobalt is
critical to the U.S. information technology and defense industries.
Beijing's involvement in the peacekeeping mission in the DRC, and its
heavy involvement in the DRC's cobalt sector, raises concerns that it
is using its involvement in the peacekeeping system to protect its
economic interests. The Trump Administration pushed the DRC Government
to revisit these Chinese concessions.
If confirmed, what will you do to convince the DRC to renegotiate,
or even revoke, mineral concessions given to Chinese companies?
Answer. The United States supports the Government of the DRC's
decision to review mining contracts and pursue greater accountability
in the sector. In May 2021, President Tshisekedi announced his
intention to review Chinese mining deals with unfavorable terms for the
DRC. This is an ongoing process, and the United States has informed the
DRC Government of our support for its decision to review contracts.
Further, economic development should promote democratic governance,
respect for human rights, and transparency. The United States is
providing more than $30 million in assistance to help the DRC promote
responsible and sustainable mining practices and is actively looking at
new engagements in the sector. As one example, USAID's new Constructing
Competitive Responsible Minerals Trade project in the DRC provides
trade and investment facilitation support with businesses that support
responsible, transparent, and conflict-free mining from the DRC. We
support responsible minerals sourcing and trading and work closely with
the private sector to support conflict-free mineral supply chains. We
created the Public-Private Alliance for Responsible Minerals, working
with USAID and the Department of Labor, U.S. companies, and civil
society organizations to improve governance systems needed for ethical
supply chains of conflict minerals in the DRC and Great Lakes region.
We echo the long-standing calls from African capitals that PRC
actions must respect host country laws, particularly regarding the
human and labor rights, the rule of law, and protections for the
environment. We want to ensure U.S. companies can compete on an even
playing field, promoting entrepreneurship, infrastructure development,
energy access, capacity-building, and fair practices. I am confident
that, in a level playing field, U.S. companies will be a partner of
choice for the DRC. If confirmed, I hope to see the DRC on a positive
trajectory that enables it to realize its vast potential for the
benefit of the Congolese and American people, as well as Central Africa
and the world.
Question. I understand that you served as Ambassador to the Central
African Republic (CAR) from January 2019 to January 2022. During this
period, the Government of the CAR essentially became a branch of
Russia's mercenary, The Wagner Group. To this day, the CAR Government
is staffed with the associates and friends of those Russian officials
currently planning and managing Vladimir Putin's war against Ukraine.
Valery Zakharov, an FSB agent, serves as a national security advisor,
Russian Air Force General Oleg Polguev is an advisor to the Defense
Minister, and another FSB agent, Vladimir Tintorenko, is an advisor to
the Prime Minister.
During your tenure as Ambassador to CAR, were you aware of growing
Russian entanglement with the CAR Government?
Answer. Yes, I was aware and I raised our concerns about the Wagner
Group and Russian presence with the highest levels of the Government.
The United States Government has severely limited its security
assistance to the Government of CAR in response to the CAR Government's
decision to continue collaborating with these actors while we evaluate
next steps.
Question. Did you advocate for U.S. policies that would encourage
the CAR Government to remove Wagner Group and Russian presence in CAR?
Please elaborate.
Answer. We raised our concerns about the Wagner Group and Russian
presence with the highest levels of the Government, and severely
limited our security assistance to the Government of CAR in response to
their decision to continue collaborating with these actors while we
evaluate next steps. We informed the CAR Government that future
assistance would be limited should they continue that relationship. We
have encouraged the CAR Government to end impunity for violence and
seek partners that respect human rights.
Question. With regard to the DRC, is the Chinese Communist Party
making efforts to increase its own influence within that government?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has extensive
interests in the DRC. The DRC is now tied with the PRC as the third-
biggest producer of copper in the world, and the DRC produces
approximately 70 percent of the world's cobalt. Exports of copper and
cobalt provide 75 percent of the DRC's export revenue, and the PRC is
both the largest consumer of DRC-produced copper and cobalt and the
DRC's largest trading partner. If confirmed, I will continue to engage
with the DRC Government to cement the United States as the DRC's
partner of choice.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to the DRC, what will you do
to ensure that the Chinese Communist Party does not establish the same
level of influence there as the Russian Wagner Group did in CAR under
your watch?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese
Communist Party's (CCP) interest in the DRC is primarily economic. The
PRC is the largest consumer of DRC-produced cobalt and copper and the
DRC's largest trading partner. The United States has a long history of
support for the DRC, including over $20 billion in assistance, much of
which has gone to address health and humanitarian emergencies. Socially
responsible U.S. business practices compare favorably against PRC
business models. Congressionally mandated annual reporting, such as the
Human Rights Report, the Findings of the Worst Forms of Child Labor,
and the Trafficking in Persons Report shine a spotlight on exploitative
business practices and Executive Orders ensure that products made with
forced labor and child labor do not reach U.S. markets. We are working
with international partners and multilateral organizations, such as the
International Labor Organization, to advance due diligence standards
and practices in global supply chains and support internationally
recognized worker rights. This message resonates with Congolese
citizens, and the Congolese media have highlighted labor abuses in PRC-
run companies.
We respect the ability of countries to decide for themselves
whether to partner with the PRC. At the same time, we want the DRC to
have options, to benefit from long-term sustainable economic growth,
and to ensure it has the information it needs to make informed
decisions. If confirmed, I will continue to amplify Embassy Kinshasa's
work advancing a vision for economic development that promotes
democratic governance, respect for human rights, and transparency. If
confirmed, I will invest in our partnership with the DRC, align our
concerns highlighting the risks associated with PRC engagement that
could impact the DRC's security and sovereignty and U.S. interests, and
ensure that our vision of a positive partnership and regional security
and prosperity competes successfully with the PRC.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Lucy Tamlyn by Senator Todd Young
Question. How do you view China's diplomatic and economic
engagement in the DRC?
Answer. The DRC's economic resources make it an attractive
destination for any foreign investor, including the People's Republic
of China (PRC). We do not seek to limit the DRC's partnerships with
other countries. We want the DRC to have options and to ensure it has
the information it needs to make informed decisions.
In this regard we echo the long-standing calls from African
governments that PRC economic engagement should respect host country
laws, particularly those relating to labor rights and environmental
protections. We want the Congolese people to know that corrupt mineral
exploitation deals, illegal logging, and environmental devastation is
not inevitable. We also want to ensure that U.S. companies can compete
on an even playing field. We believe the DRC benefits more from its
partnership with the United States. The U.S. Government's commitment to
responsible business conduct shapes global standards that ensure that
rights are respected around the world. DRC officials tell us that they
prefer investments by American enterprises because they know a U.S.
corporation will respect host country laws and labor rights and protect
its workers.
Question. What is the host government's main interest in engaging
with China?
Answer. The DRC is now tied with the PRC as the third-biggest
producer of copper in the world, and the DRC produces approximately 70
percent of the world's cobalt. Exports of copper and cobalt provide 75
percent of the DRC's export revenue, and the PRC is both the largest
consumer of DRC-produced copper and cobalt and the DRC's largest
trading partner.
Question. Do you view our work in Kinshasa as sufficient to counter
malign PRC economic activity?
Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support the U.S. Government
inter-agency endorsed Integrated Country Strategy's (ICS) vision for
economic development that promotes democratic governance, respect for
human rights, and transparency. Under the ICS, USAID initiatives are
supporting investment and trade opportunities in DRC's minerals,
energy, and agricultural sectors with a particular focus on responsible
natural resources exploitation. Congressionally mandated reporting,
such as the Human Rights Report, the Findings on the Worst Forms of
Child Labor and the Trafficking in Persons Report help shine a
spotlight on exploitative business practices, and Executive Orders
ensure that products made with forced labor and child labor do not
reach U.S. markets. We are working with international partners and
multilateral organizations, such as the International Labor
Organization, to advance due diligence standards and practices in
global supply chains. These messages resonate with Congolese citizens,
and the Congolese media have themselves highlighted labor abuses in
PRC-run companies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Luch Tamlyn by Senator Mike Rounds
Question. What is your perspective on the situation in Eastern
Congo and the role of the United States in addressing the persistent
insecurity challenges and complex regional dynamics, both bilaterally
and through multilateral organizations, namely the U.N. Peacekeeping
Mission MONUSCO?
Answer. For decades, the people of eastern DRC have suffered
violence and insecurity, primarily perpetrated in recent years by armed
groups and sometimes by DRC's own security forces. Corrupt networks
have profited from the illicit exploitation of the region's natural
resources. Currently, the M23 armed group allegedly supported by Rwanda
is controlling territory near the Uganda border and killing civilians.
Addressing the current crisis, and the long-standing underlying issues
including the role of DRC's neighbors, is a priority for the State
Department. We have maintained steady engagement with senior host
nation officials as well as key partners to encourage de-escalation of
regional tensions, the termination of the M23 offensive, and progress
on the demobilization of all armed groups. Secretary Blinken will visit
Kinshasa August 9-10 and Kigali August 10-11, following Ambassador
Thomas-Greenfield's travel August 4-5 to Uganda. The Bureau of African
Affairs' Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Massinga discussed this
issue in depth with the Foreign Ministers of DRC, Rwanda, and Angola at
the African Union (AU) mid-year coordination meeting in Lusaka from
July 17-18. Our key message is reinforcing the need to respect the
DRC's territorial integrity and to terminate any proxy support to armed
groups on all sides. The United States is supportive of the African-led
mediation efforts, which have provided important venues for direct
discussions among regional heads of state. If confirmed, I will work
closely with Washington to ensure that our engagement in Bujumbura,
Kampala, Kigali, and elsewhere is coordinated and responds to the
regional dynamics that have long influenced the crisis.
MONUSCO has an important role to play in improving the situation.
The U.N. Mission continues to carry out its mandate for the protection
of civilians. I am deeply concerned that recent anti-MONUSCO protests
have turned violent and included attacks on MONUSCO facilities and
resulted in peacekeeper and protester casualties. At the same time, I
was appalled by the July 31 shooting of civilians by peacekeepers in
Kasindi and welcomed the Secretary-General's swift response and strong
statement calling for accountability. MONUSCO is by no means perfect,
but it is an essential part of creating conditions for peace in eastern
DRC. If confirmed, I look forward to frequent interactions with MONUSCO
leadership and close coordination with USUN as plans for the Mission's
transition move forward.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rachna Sachdeva Korhonen by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. If confirmed, how will you implement this 5-year strategy
given there will be a military junta in place for nearly two of the
five years?
Answer. The interagency Sahel strategy seeks to build the political
resolve of Sahel governments to regain public confidence at the
national and local levels by providing the equitable delivery of
government services, law enforcement, and justice. The Mali Integrated
Country Strategy and USAID Country Development Cooperative Strategy are
the baselines strategies for Mali and were informed by the Sahel
Strategy. We can make progress on these goals during the transition
period, as the transition government seeks also to make reforms that
will strengthen the foundation of Mali's democracy. We provided
technical support to the electoral law passed in June that creates a
single electoral management body, a best practice that election experts
have called for repeatedly. We stand ready to assist the transition
government as it moves towards a constitutional referendum and
elections.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to updating me on the
implementation of the strategy within 180 days of arriving at post?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to promptly accommodate
requests for briefings and for information by you and this Committee,
including on the implementation of the strategy. Our foreign policy is
stronger when the two branches of government communicate, and I would
look forward to strengthening that communication
Question. Do you believe personal travel bans or other sanctions on
military officers who seize power unconstitutionally, or who engage in
gross violations of human rights are a useful tool?
Answer. As I understand it, our policy objective has been to work
with the transition government to get Mali back on the path to
democracy. We continually review all tools available to us and
determine what is the best tool to use to advance foreign policy goals.
Imposing visa restrictions or financial sanctions as a blanket response
to adverse political activity may be incongruent with the task of
working with the transition government to undertake reforms that are
demanded by their people to form the foundation of a more responsive
democratic system. My understanding is that following the May 2021
military takeover, we cut security assistance programs valued at $9.1
million that had continued under available authorities. Ending security
assistance, which the Mali coup leaders monitor closely as military
officers, had a more significant impact. When we have credible
information that a foreign official has been involved in a gross
violation of human rights, we are required by law to designate that
individual under Section 7031(c). If confirmed, I commit to continually
assessing whether visa restrictions or financial sanctions should be
imposed.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to reviewing the approach we
have taking, and sending to me in writing, your assessment of how such
sanctions could usefully be applied within 90 days of arriving at post?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the approach we have
taken and sending to you in writing, my assessment of how such visa
restrictions or financial sanctions could usefully be applied within 90
days of arriving at Post. I also commit to continuously assessing
whether visa restrictions or financial sanctions should be imposed
during my Ambassadorship, if confirmed.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. During my time in Sri Lanka, we encouraged the newly
elected government to include all factions in the Government but to
also provide accountability for wartime abuses. We achieved some
successes on both counts, but it was slow and cumbersome requiring a
lot of effort from multiple parts of the US Government. Our biggest
success was to encourage the Sri Lankan Parliament to work together
with Congress on training and exchanges, a partnership that exists
until today that is codified in a USAID project lasting multiple years.
During my time in Kirkuk, Iraq, I was able to convince the Turkmen
faction to stand in local elections after they threatened to boycott.
Their participation in the elections resulted in elections that were
accepted by all parties and that laid the foundation for governance and
democracy in Kirkuk.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in the Republic of Mali? These challenges
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. There are many challenges to democracy and democratic
development in Mali. Mali has suffered three military seizures of power
in the past ten years. Weak governance, a severe security crisis, poor
development, and acute food insecurity are some of the many
difficulties of life in Mali. The failure of government to address
these problems has led to a loss of faith by many Malians in their
government and in democracy. This frustration is particularly apparent
in the north, where the minority populations have long felt ignored by
Bamako. Additionally, corruption is rampant, though during the
transition we have not seen the same high-level corruption as in
previous regimes. Political parties are numerous but often do not think
beyond the special interests of Bamako. The arrival of the Kremlin-
backed Wagner Group was accompanied by a spike in pro-Wagner and pro-
Russian sentiments across social media as well as disinformation linked
to Wagner financier Yevgeniy Prigozhin that has muddied the media
environment. Warnings by the transition government to support the
Malian Armed Forces reportedly led to self-censorship by the press.
Some critics of the transition government have been arrested. Women
continue to play a secondary role in Malian society and the transition
government has fallen short of meeting the law that requires thirty
percent of elected or appointed officials to be women. Finally, the
transition government's plan to tackle security does not extend to
addressing root drivers of conflict, and as evidenced by allegations of
human rights abuses and violations, will increase the distrust Mali's
people feel toward their government.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in the Republic of Mali? What do you hope to accomplish
through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing
the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will assist the transition government as it
moves towards a constitutional referendum and elections, building on
the partnership established when the United States provided technical
assistance in support of the creation of the recent electoral law. I
will support programs aimed at bolstering the capacity of civil society
and the media as well as programs to counter disinformation. I will
amplify the voices of women who are working to make a difference in
their communities and for their country. Through these actions, I hope
to work with Malians to set them on a path to responsive democratic
governance that will lead to a more stable Mali.
Mali's return to democracy and the reforms necessary to create a
strong foundation for that democracy are ultimately in the hands of the
transition government. We cannot want it more than they do. If
confirmed, I will be an advocate for the Malian people and press for
the democracy they deserve.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all available U.S. foreign
assistance programs and tools to strengthen democracy and good
governance in Mali. State Department and USAID resources are critical
to achieving our policy goals and advancing our values in Mali. I will
prioritize available assistance necessary to restore democratic
governance in Mali.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in the Republic of Mali? What steps will you take to pro-
actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society
via legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society
members, human rights and other non-government organizations in the
United States and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of
civil society in Mali. I understand the Embassy conducts such
engagements regularly and I plan to build on their good work. I will
advocate for unimpeded operation by NGOs and civil society, who do much
to address root drivers of instability, both with the transition
government and publicly should it be deemed helpful.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties. I will encourage political
figures and parties to consider the equities of all Malians, not just
those in Bamako, and to run on platforms built on substance, not
personality. I will advocate with the transition government for
opposition figures to be able to participate fully in the political
process as Mali holds legislative elections, a constitutional
referendum, and presidential elections by March 2024. I will advocate
with the transition government for opposition figures to be able to
speak freely without fear of reprisal. I will advocate for press
freedom, so that disinformation does not interfere in political debates
and dialogues. I will advocate for access and inclusivity for women,
members of minority groups, and youth within political parties. I will
urge the transition government to meet any related requirements under
national law, such as the 30 percent appointment of women in the
Cabinet and the National Transition Council. I will press for the
expeditious implementation of the Algiers Accord, so Mali's democracy
more fully represents its northern citizens.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
Republic of Mali on freedom of the press and address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in the Republic of Mali?
Answer. I am very concerned about the decrease in press freedom and
the rise of disinformation that has accompanied the arrival of the
Kremlin-backed Wagner Group. If confirmed, I plan to prioritize
addressing and countering disinformation. A well-informed citizenry is
required for a functioning democracy, so I support the continuation of
current embassy and Department programs to educate and train
journalists about the dangers of disinformation and procedures to
publicly refute dangerous disinformation, such as fact-checking. I will
commit to meeting regularly with local press in Mali and extolling the
dangers of disinformation and promoting the benefits of a free press.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize building on the embassy
team's ongoing work and programs to counter disinformation and
propaganda perpetuated by foreign and non-state actors. I will also
build on the close relationship created between the embassy team and
the Department's Global Engagement Center (GEC) as they prioritize
exposing and countering state-sponsored disinformation. The GEC
recently released a public-facing bulletin to expose the Kremlin-backed
Wagner Group, Russian oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin, and Russia's
disinformation networks in Africa, and the bulletin spotlighted several
recent cases of disinformation in Mali. I will engage the transition
government on the destabilizing effects of disinformation and the need
to protect press freedom.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with the
Republic of Mali on the right of labor groups to organize, including
for independent trade unions?
Answer. Labor unions are an important and influential part of
Mali's society, and the International Trade Union Confederation has
noted the significant efforts of labor unions to strengthen social
dialogue and progress on climate change, social protection, universal
health insurance, decent work, migration and education. Mali continues
to face significant challenges on labor as almost 90 percent of workers
are in the informal economy, about 12 percent of children are engaging
in child labor, and women still do the lion's share of unpaid care and
domestic work, including some forms of descent-based slavery. I will
engage the transition government on the right of workers to organize,
including to form independent trade unions, and encourage legal
remedies for labor abuses.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in the Republic of
Mali, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use my position to promote respect for
the human rights and dignity of all in Mali, no matter their sexual
orientation or gender identity. A hallmark of Mali's society is its
diversity. A country that unites across its differences will always be
stronger and more resilient.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in the Republic of Mali?
Answer. LGBTQI+ individuals in Mali experience physical,
psychological, and gender-based violence, with some individuals
subjected to ``corrective'' punishment. Police frequently refuse to
intervene when such violence has occurred. As the transition government
considers members of the LGBTQI+ community to be ``immoral,'' promoting
respect for freedom of association remains difficult. The law prohibits
conduct pertaining to ``attacks on morality,'' thereby criminalizing,
on a de facto basis, consensual same-sex sexual conduct between adults,
as well as non-sexual association. The transition government actively
enforces this law. Most LGBTQI+ individuals in Mali isolate themselves
and keep their sexual orientation or gender identity hidden. LGBTQI+
individuals frequently drop out of school, leave their places of
employment, and do not seek medical treatment in order to hide their
sexual identity and avoid social stigmatization.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in the Republic of Mali?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, promoting and advancing
respect for the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons is a foreign policy
priority for this Administration. If confirmed, I will advocate for the
human rights and dignity of all in Mali, including LGBTQI+ persons. In
the spirit of ``do no harm,'' I will meet with LGBTQI+ civil society
members and seek their advice on how the U.S. Embassy can best support
them.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to the Republic of Mali?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to promptly accommodate
requests for briefings and for information by this Committee. Our
foreign policy is stronger when the two branches of government
communicate, and I would look forward to strengthening that
communication.
Question. Last week we held a hearing on the important work of the
State Department's Chief Diversity Officer and the important role
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility efforts play in
maintaining our countries' competitive edge on the global stage. How do
you anticipate fostering diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility at Embassy Bamako?
Answer. Secretary Blinken recently said ``The rich diversity of the
United States is a core source of our national strength and a cherished
part of our national identity. As the agency that represents the United
States to the world, the U.S. Department of State has an opportunity--
and a responsibility--to build a diplomatic workforce that reflects
America's diversity. Diversity makes us stronger and more creative. It
is how we bring to bear people's many ideas, experiences, expertise,
and contributions for the benefit of our organization and our country.
We simply cannot advance America's interests and values around the
world without a workforce that is truly representative of the American
people.''
I will stand up for fairness, equity, inclusion and accessibility
at work. I will integrate these principles into my leadership at
Embassy Bamako. Throughout my State Department career, I have valued
and encouraged a diverse and inclusive work environment, and if
confirmed, I intend to bring that same spirit to Embassy Bamako by
supporting post's inclusive hiring and selection procedures.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
the Republic of Mali?
Answer. I will hold all of our staff at Embassy Bamako to the same
standard. Mali is a country rich and diverse in culture and Embassy
Bamako reflects that diversity. If confirmed, I intend to ensure that
all employees working in Embassy Bamako, whether they are locally
employed staff, eligible family members, or U.S. direct hires, feel
supported and heard in their work. I maintain an open office policy and
welcome the contributions and ideas of those working in our mission.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with partners and
communities that have been traditionally marginalized, underrepresented
or excluded in donor or partnership efforts. Learning from local
expertise and knowledge is critical to building successful programs and
foreign policy goals.
Embassy Bamako has a truly diverse workforce from all parts of
Mali, and I hope we can leverage that for our strategic goals for
democracy, governance and services for all.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rachna Sachdeva Korhonen by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage the current Government
in Mali on the issue of return to constitutional democratic rule?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to stand firmly with the
Malian people in their aspirations for democracy, peace, development,
and respect for human rights. I will press the transition government to
keep its promise to return the country to the Malian people through
democratic governance. The reforms the transition government has
committed to undertake, such as constitutional reform, will build a
foundation for a stronger, more responsive democracy in Mali and if
confirmed, I will encourage the transition government to undertake
these reforms expeditiously. I will also caution them that some reforms
are the work of generations and will need to be handed over to a
democratically-elected government. I echo Ambassador Linda Thomas-
Greenfield's observation ``that a Mali isolated from its community of
nations and ECOWAS is not where Mali wants to be.'' I share her wish to
work with the Malian transition government to bring Mali back into the
community of nations where it belongs. In order to rebuild
relationships with its neighbors, the transition government first needs
to demonstrate commitment to the transition timelines and to work
transparently with ECOWAS special envoy Goodluck Jonathan and the
transition monitoring committee. If confirmed, I will seek to assist
the transition government as it moves towards the constitutional
referendum and elections, but we must see progress.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage the current Government
in Mali on the issue of implementing what is salvageable of the Algiers
Accord?
Answer. Full implementation of the Algiers Accord remains the best
path to peace in northern Mali. The Accord itself addresses key
grievances of northern populations and calls for important steps
towards decentralization of power, security sector reform, development,
and reconciliation. These priorities are now applicable to other areas
of the country suffering from instability. If fully implemented, the
Accord's provisions will provide greater stability and facilitate
efforts to address the growing terrorist threats in the country.
Since we assess that the main driver of instability in Mali and the
broader Sahel is a lack of state presence and responsive governance,
the tenets of the Algiers Accord are exactly the kind of improved
governance measures we believe will address root causes of instability.
If confirmed, I will underscore this fact to the transition government
and urge full implementation of the Accord. The recent meeting among
the signatory parties and the transition government's pledge to
incorporate 26,000 ex-fighters into the Malian Armed Forces are
positive steps. I will also stress that no level of international
involvement can secure peace for Mali. The signatory parties themselves
must be driving the effort to bring peace throughout Mali.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage the current Government
in Mali on the presence of the Russian-affiliated Wagner Group in Mali
as a security alternative following the departure of French Operation
Barkhane?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to highlight the harmful
effects of the Wagner Group, including the rise in allegations of human
rights violations and abuses emanating from the campaigns of the Malian
Armed Forces alongside the Wagner Group. I will stress that these
allegations will put the resumption of U.S. security assistance in
doubt after a democratically-elected government has taken office in
Mali. I will address the limitations placed on the U.N.
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) due
to the Wagner Group and note how the Malian people are not receiving
the full benefit of MINUSMA's efforts due to those restrictions. I will
illuminate how Yevgeniy Prigozhin's disinformation network is harming
Mali's media space, threatening peacekeeper safety, and manipulating
the Malian people. I will underscore that Prigozhin's extractive
partnerships will leave Mali poorer as it gives away resources that
could be invested into the Malian Armed Forces and other government
efforts aimed to tackle root drivers of instability.
Question. What is your view of the U.N. Peacekeeping Mission in
Mali, MINUSMA, the deadliest peacekeeping mission in the world,
particularly given the post-coup environment in Mali?
Answer. The United States strongly supports MINUSMA as the leading
component of the international community's efforts to address the
political and security crises in Mali, including by supporting the
parties to make progress towards sustainable peace. MINUSMA also plays
a critical role in the protection of Malian civilians and facilitating
their access to basic services as well as humanitarian aid. The
restrictions the transition government has imposed on MINUSMA, as well
as the arrival of the Wagner Group, threaten the safety of MINUSMA
peacekeepers and obstruct the implementation of the mission's mandate.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage
MINUSMA leadership to ensure that mandate of the mission is appropriate
for the existing political and security environment in Mali?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage regularly with MINUSMA
leadership to determine how the United States can best support the
mission's efforts to carry out its mandate, including through
advocating with the transition government to ensure MINUSMA's freedom
of movement. I will encourage transparent and timely human rights
reporting, performance reporting, and reporting on the restrictions
placed on MINUSMA as well as host nation Status of Forces Agreement
violations. I will work with colleagues in Washington to ensure that
MINSUMA's mandate and resources are aligned with the current realities
and challenges on the ground.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage
with leadership in the Africa Bureau at the State Department to ensure
the mandate of MINUSMA is appropriate for the existing political and
security environment in Mali?
Answer. If confirmed, I will provide colleagues in the Bureau of
African Affairs with the on-the-ground perspective necessary for the
Department to assess the mission's effectiveness and inform the
interagency policy process. I will be an active participant in
Department and interagency discussions on the future of MINUSMA.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage
with leadership in the International Organization Affairs Bureau at the
State Department to ensure the mandate of MINUSMA is appropriate for
the existing political and security environment in Mali?
Answer. If confirmed, I will provide colleagues in the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs with the on-the-ground perspective
necessary for the Department to assess the mission's effectiveness and
inform the interagency policy process. I will be an active participant
in Department and interagency discussions on the future of MINUSMA. I
will gladly host members of the MINUSMA monitoring and evaluation
missions in Bamako or virtually if necessary and ensure they receive
access to all relevant interlocuters in MINUSMA and the transition
government to inform their report on the status of MINUSMA and its
ability to implement its mandate.
Question. Do you commit to being consistently engaged with
interlocutors in Mali, as well as with the Office of the Special
Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs on U.S. efforts to secure the
release of U.S. citizen hostages Jeffery Woodke and Sister Tennyson?
Answer. I am already acquainted with Special Presidential Envoy
Carstens and his staff, and while we could not discuss the cases, I
expressed my commitment to coordinate with him and other stakeholders
consistently regarding efforts to secure the release of U.S. citizen
hostages. The Department of State has no greater responsibility than
the safety and security of U.S. citizens overseas. If confirmed, I
commit to raising this important issue consistently with interlocuters
in Mali.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with the host
government on anti-trafficking work? Please describe these efforts in
detail.
Question. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of tackling
human trafficking and related issues with the transition government,
which faces an automatic downgrade to Tier 3 next year. I will advocate
for the National Transition Council to amend the 2012 anti-trafficking
law to ensure that it can be used to effectively investigate and
prosecute trafficking offenses involving hereditary slavery, and
sentence convicted slaveholders to significant prison terms.
Additionally, Mali continues to struggle with recruitment and use of
children by non-state armed groups supported by the transition
government. These groups have signed action plans with the United
Nations, and I will vigorously advocate for their full implementation
and the cessation of all unlawful recruitment and use of children.
Question. According to the State Departments 2021 Human Rights
report, Mali had significant human rights issues including arbitrary
killings, forced disappearance, serious restrictions on free expression
and media, targeting minority groups, among other serious incidents.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the host government on these
issues?
Answer. Respect for human rights is critical to a free and peaceful
society. If confirmed, I will advocate for the full respect of human
rights with the transition government, support civil society and a free
media, and, in the spirit of ``do no harm,'' meet with members of
minority groups to seek their advice on how the U.S. Embassy can best
support them. I will highlight the allegations of human rights abuses
and violations committed by the Malian Armed Forces in cooperation with
the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group, which are counterproductive to a
viable counterterrorism operation that should seek to protect
civilians.
Question. Do you commit to raising these issues directly?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to raising credible reports of
human rights abuses and violations directly to the highest levels of
the transition government to increase accountability for those
responsible.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Bamako?
Answer. I understand morale at Embassy Bamako is high despite a
challenging living and working environment. The challenges have pulled
the team closer and only enhanced interagency cooperation.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bamako?
Answer. The wellbeing of our people is paramount. If confirmed, I
will make maintaining morale of utmost importance. I will work closely
with my staff, understand their concerns about morale, and communicate
those concerns back to Department leadership. In my experience, the
best work comes from well-resourced teams that support one another in
their work towards achieving common goals and advancing U.S. policies.
If confirmed, I will maintain clear communication and articulate goals
and priorities early on and often. I will work across the interagency
and with Washington to ensure that future growth meets U.S. strategic
objectives and can be supported effectively by post's management
platform.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bamako?
Answer. I will involve everyone in creating our strategy and have
buy in at all levels. I will lead by example and empower my team. If
confirmed, I intend to ensure that all employees working in Embassy
Bamako, whether they are Locally Engaged Staff, eligible family
members, or U.S. direct hires, feel supported and heard in their work.
I maintain an open office policy and welcome the contributions and
ideas of those working in our mission. I will also actively support
Embassy Bamako's existing mentorship programs for first and second tour
officers, mid-level U.S. direct hires, and our Locally Employed Staff
and ensure that they meet the professional development needs of staff.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is to lead from behind. To let the
experts do their work while providing enough guidance so that there are
no misunderstandings. I like to collaborate and make sure I provide
everything in my power so that my team can get the job done. I am a
positive person and I like to find the best in everyone. I like to
coach, not coerce. I am also empathetic in my approach to leading
teams. If confirmed, I will prioritize collaboration and partnerships,
including from Congressional representatives, to achieve U.S. policy
priorities in Mali. I am willing to give my time and myself to better
my team. My management principles are as follows:
Act like a leader--Take action and glean insights on the results of
those efforts. Share everything seen and heard with teammates.
Regulate yourself--EQ is twice as important as technical skills and
IQ in driving performance and achieving success. Control
emotional outbursts and redirect them in more productive ways
Become self-aware--Ask for feedback from colleagues. Effective team
performance begins with how the leader sees the situation.
Be persuasive--Establish credibility through expertise and
relationships. Reinforce your position with numerical data and
stories. Connect emotionally with your audience.
Coach the team you have, not the team you want. Most of us will not
have the luxury of inheriting our ``dream team''. We can
encourage and bring out the best traits of our team members and
find that rewarding in itself.
Surround yourself with people that fill your gaps. You want a team
that complements you. Lack of diversity on a team can create an
echo chamber that keeps you from being aware of crucial issues
impacting your business.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I hope to have a wonderful and honest partnership with my
Deputy Chief of Mission. We will work as a true team to ensure the U.S.
Mission in Mali is best placed to advance U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my DCM with the
responsibilities akin to those of a chief operating officer. While both
the DCM and I will have responsibility for coaching and mentoring the
Embassy team, if confirmed, I will also ask the DCM to play the primary
role in ensuring the career development of the first- and second-tour
officers on the Embassy team. And I will be open to any ideas that the
DCM has about functions in which s/he is particularly interested or
where s/he has particular strengths.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, I will.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Restrictions on movement due to the security environment
have made outside meetings challenging but I understand diplomats at
Embassy Bamako are still able to regularly meet contacts and provide
robust, well-informed reporting to the Department. If confirmed, I will
listen to my team to understand what resources they need to increase
in-person interactions. outside Embassy walls. There must be a balance
between mission, security concerns, and COVID-19 mitigation. I see
great value in leaving the embassy compound and am committed to
ensuring the safety of my teammates. If in-person interactions are
unsafe, I will provide technological support to my team so that they
are still able to fully accomplish our mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will listen to my team to understand what
resources they need from the State Department to increase in-person
interactions. If in-person interactions are unsafe, I will provide
technological support to my team so that they are able to meet
virtually with their contacts.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Mali?
Answer. The United States is very visible in all areas of public
diplomacy in Mali: traditional media, social media, education, and
cultural programs. The U.S. Embassy has strong relationships with media
professionals in both state-owned and private media, including through
the offering of trainings and exchange opportunities. Voice of
America's Bambara-language service is a popular and trusted source of
information for many Malians. As for social media, the U.S. Embassy's
Facebook page is one of the most followed official pages in the
country. Over the past year, Malian social media has become thoroughly
infested with disinformation, much of it anti-Western and/or pro-
Russian. Kremlin-linked proxies exploit instability to gain influence,
particularly through disinformation and the deployment of the Wagner
Group forces. The onslaught of disinformation has made some parts of
the Malian public more skeptical about U.S. policies, but many Malians
are still very positively disposed towards the United States. The
demand for U.S. help in promoting the teaching and use of English in
schools, the media, and the business environment is insatiable,
especially as Malians are seeking to diversify partnerships away from
reliance on France. The network of exchange alumni, especially those of
the Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) Mandela Washington
Fellowship, are force multipliers for the United States. The demand for
spaces in U.S. exchange programs is magnitudes beyond the spaces
available.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The deteriorating security environment creates the most
challenging obstacles to U.S. public diplomacy. Most public diplomacy
work outside of Bamako relies on implementation through grant partners.
Virtual programs to reach audiences outside the capital are hampered by
poor internet quality and expensive internet. Given the burgeoning
youth population (one of the youngest populations in the world), the
number of positions in youth exchange programs cannot come close to
meeting demand. The proliferation of disinformation has transformed the
information landscape in ways unfavorable to U.S. interests. Not only
has the Prigozhin enterprise deployed considerable resources to turn
public opinion against France, Europe, and MINUSMA, but many Malians
have enthusiastically taken to creating homegrown disinformation. A
network of self-proclaimed ``pan-Africanists,'' some of whom with
confirmed links to the Kremlin, from across Africa have taken up the
anti-French, pro-Russian cause and have turned Mali into a testing
ground for spreading this contagion to neighboring countries. WhatsApp
has become the most efficient--and most difficult to track--vector for
spreading narratives inimical to U.S. interests. Facebook is widely
used to propagate disinformation. TikTok is becoming a new tool for
reaching youth with hostile content. The U.S. diplomats based in Bamako
do not have the tools, staffing, and resources to counter this
coordinated information operation. Rising influence of the People's
Republic of China (PRC) is also an issue to watch. While the PRC's
presence is most obvious in the economic sphere, the PRC is also
growing in influence in the public diplomacy space. For example, the
Confucius Institute at the largest public university is well-resourced
and very popular with students. The PRC has also played a large role in
financing and constructing the new public university campus on the
outskirts of Bamako, while the United States just this year opened a
modest American Corner on that same campus.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I believe both Main State and our mission in Bamako have
important roles to play when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences. Public diplomacy officials on the
ground can use close relationships with local media to reach a broad
array of Malians with our messaging. Officials in Washington--with a
wider audience--offer a platform to amplify this messaging. If
confirmed, I will ensure our mission and Main State coordinate on
messaging to ensure it is as effective as possible.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
well-being of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Bamako personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rachna Sachdeva Korhonen by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how would you encourage the transition
government to adhere to its agreement with ECOWAS for a 24-month
political transition?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to stand firmly with the
Malian people in their aspirations for democracy, peace, development,
and respect for human rights. I will press the transition government to
keep its promise to return the country to the Malian people through
democratic governance. The reforms the transition government seeks to
undertake, such as constitutional reform, will build a foundation for a
stronger, more responsive democracy in Mali, and, if confirmed, I will
encourage the transition government to undertake these reforms
expeditiously. I will also caution them that some reforms are the work
of generations and will need to be handed over to a democratic
government. I echo Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield's observation
``that a Mali isolated from its community of nations and ECOWAS is not
where Mali wants to be.'' I share her wish to work with the Malian
transition government to bring Mali back into the community of nations
where it belongs. In order to rebuild relationships with its neighbors,
the transition government first needs to demonstrate commitment to the
transition timelines and work transparently with ECOWAS special envoy
Goodluck Jonathan and the transition monitoring committee. If
confirmed, I will seek to assist the transition government as it moves
towards the constitutional referendum and elections, but we must see
progress.
Question. To what degree do you assess that U.S. adversaries and
their actors, such as the Wagner Group, successfully operate in Mali?
Answer. Russia enjoys a burgeoning relationship with the transition
government, evidenced by numerous ministerial trips by transition
government members to Russia in recent months. The Wagner Group,
through its partnership with the Malian Armed Forces (FAMa), is
participating in operations in the country. Ultimately, 1,000 Wagner
forces will not achieve what 5,000 French forces could not. The tactics
Wagner has allegedly used in Moura and elsewhere have resulted in a
spike in human rights abuses. Wagner will not bring peace to Mali.
Question. Beyond support for international peacekeeping operations,
what specifically would you do as Chief of Mission to discourage the
Malian Government from relying on the aid of our adversaries--whether
military or economic?
Answer. If confirmed, I will share with my Malian colleagues the
harm caused by Yevgeniy Prigzhoin and the Wagner Group in multiple
contexts, including in Libya, Mozambique, Syria, and the Central
African Republic. Countries that partner with Prigozhin and Wagner
become weaker, poorer, more volatile and less secure. As a practical
matter, leaders in such countries lose control of security operations
within their territory. The steep costs in payments and mineral
concessions that are demanded by Prigozhin's enterprises deprive
national budgets and local citizens of critically needed resources.
Prigozhin is best known for financing the Internet Research Agency
(IRA), an entity that repeatedly attempted to interfere in the U.S.
elections. Through companies that exploit Africa's natural resources,
political operatives who undermine democratic actors, front companies
posing as NGOs, and social media manipulation, Prigozhin spreads
disinformation to influence African politics in the Kremlin's favor.
The Wagner Group's alleged human rights abuses, including at Moura and
Gossi, will only harm the transition government counterterrorism
efforts by alienated the Malian people.
If confirmed, I will call on the transition government to take
action to facilitate responsible and accountable security assistance
efforts aimed at protecting and empowering the Malian people.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work as Chief of Mission to
ensure continuing support of PEPFAR and other life-saving health
programs?
Answer. USAID has partnered with the Ministry of Health and Social
Affairs, civil society, and private sector for over 60 years and
remains Mali's largest bilateral health donor. Our health programs
reach 80 percent of Malians. USAID's health programs focus on
strengthening communities' capacity to protect their own health and
strengthen the health systems that underpin successful expansion of,
access to, and use of high impact primary health care services in the
areas of maternal and child health, voluntary family planning, and
disease prevention and control. I view these health initiatives,
including PEPFAR, as vital to our efforts to promote a more stable,
peaceful, and resilient Mali. If confirmed, I will endeavor to ensure
these programs are supported so we can continue this critical work.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rachna Sachdeva Korhonen by Senator Mike Rounds
Question. What is your view of the U.N. Peacekeeping Mission in
Mali MINUSMA, the deadliest peacekeeping mission in the world,
particularly given the post-coup environment in Mali? As U.S.
Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage MINUSMA leadership, and
leadership in the Africa and International Organization Affairs Bureaus
at the State Department to make sure that mandate of the mission is
appropriate for the existing political and security environment in Mali
Answer. The United States strongly supports MINUSMA as the leading
component of the international community's efforts to address the
political and security crises in Mali, including by supporting the
parties to make progress towards sustainable peace. MINUSMA also plays
a critical role in the protection of Malian civilians and facilitating
their access to basic services as well as humanitarian aid.
The restrictions the transition government has imposed on MINUSMA,
as well as the arrival of the Wagner Group, threaten the safety of
MINUSMA peacekeepers and obstruct the implementation of the mission's
mandate. The United States has urged the transition government to
enable MINUSMA to carry out its mandate unimpeded. If confirmed, I will
continue to advocate for MINUSMA in this regard.
If confirmed, I commit to continuing the sustained, senior-level
engagement Embassy Bamako conducts with MINUSMA, both on the Force and
Civilian sides. I will also continue to advocate with the transition
government for MINUSMA to be able to carry out its mandate unimpeded. I
will provide colleagues in the Bureaus of African and International
Organization Affairs with the on-the-ground perspective necessary for
the Department to assess the mission's effectiveness and inform the
interagency policy process.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rolfe Michael Schiffer by Senator Edward J. Markey Rounds
Question. In 2021, the Philippines had one of the highest per
capita murder rates of land and environmental defenders in the world.
What actions will you take as Assistant Administrator for the Bureau
for Asia to ensure that USAID employees, including officers posted to
the region, are trained on (1) effective engagement with environmental
defenders and extractive industry or agribusiness companies; (2) how to
manage conflict between these groups; and (3) how to encourage
businesses to engage responsibly with critics of their activities?
Answer. I have closely followed the Philippines for many years and
am very familiar with the environmental and land defenders that you
raise. I deeply admire their brave efforts in the face of very real
danger in the Philippines. Their efforts are even more urgent in the
face of the climate crisis, which impacts the Philippines in profound
and numerous ways.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all relevant USAID staff
give this issue the urgent attention that it deserves. I will make sure
our staff are aware of and able to connect defenders and supporting
organizations to available resources in each country, including those
that may be supported by the USG, and other like-minded partner
countries and actors. I will also help USAID partner with counterparts
in the Philippines to work toward minimizing conflict.
Question. What actions will you take to push back against the
authoritarian playbook of repression in the Indo-Pacific and make
investments in democracy promotion, rule of law, and the protection of
human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to take several actions to push back
against the authoritarian playbook of repression in the Indo-Pacific
and make investments in democracy promotion, rule of law, and the
protection of human rights. Following on from the Administration's
successful first Summit for Democracy in December 2021, I understand
that USAID is launching new global democracy, human rights, and
governance (DRG) programs that will complement ongoing DRG programming
that supports fundamental democratic practices across the Asia Pacific.
I understand that these new and ongoing programs include objectives to
promote election implementation and oversight, enhance civil society--
including women, youth, and labor engagements, bolster free media,
fight corruption, build governing capacity, and strengthen the rule of
law.
Also, I understand that USAID will continue to promote transparent,
accountable and responsive institutions that build sustainable
democracy and counter corruption. I further understand that USAID will
also work to maintain the integrity of information technology spaces,
promote and protect civil and political rights, strengthen the
integrity of electoral processes, and support democratic champions
wherever they are.
Using the strength of its field missions with dedicated career DRG
officers, my understanding is that USAID focuses most of its assistance
on bilateral programs managed by in-country staff.
Programs and approaches vary according to the country's context.
However, for issues that are better addressed regionally, I understand
that the Asia Bureau develops programs that are managed either from
Washington or its regional missions.
Question. As noted in the Administration's Indo-Pacific Strategy,
the Indo-Pacific is ``the epicenter of the climate crisis.'' If
confirmed, how will you work with partners and allies to ensure the
international community provides adequate funding to address issues of
both climate change mitigation and adaptation in this vulnerable
region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with partners and allies to
ensure the international community provides adequate funding to address
issues of both climate change mitigation and adaptation in this
vulnerable region. I understand that USAID helps to build climate
resilience across Asia, assisting their partner countries to address
climate impacts on their doorsteps and reduce their climate impacts.
Their assistance helps reduce emissions, protect critical ecosystems,
accelerate Asia's transition to renewable energy, and build resilience
against climate shocks. Achieving climate results through non-climate
programs is critical to mainstreaming climate. I also understand that
USAID pursues secondary objectives with indirect adaptation, clean
energy, or sustainable landscape results, where appropriate, while
staying focused on their primary development purpose.
The USAID Papua New Guinea Electrification Partnership (PEP) is one
example of a unique multi donor clean energy initiative, cost-shared in
collaboration with Australia, Japan, and New Zealand. PEP's goal is to
increase PNG's electrification rate from 13 percent to 70 percent by
2030.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rolfe Michael Schiffer by Senator James E. Risch\1\
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\1\ Within the following set of additional questions and responses,
there are questions for which Senator Risch requested a follow up
response. The initial question did not change, so only the follow up
response is printed here.
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Question. Based on the strike that killed Ayman al-Zawahiri, it's
clear that the Taliban are providing sanctuary for Al Qaeda. In
addition, recent U.N. reports indicate that the Taliban and Al Qaeda
remain tied by ideology and marriage, and al Qaeda is actively
reestablishing a presence in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the Taliban's
human rights record is appalling as evidenced by a recent Amnesty
International report titled Death in Slow Motion, which captures the
plight of Afghan women and girls.
How do you intend to strike the right balance between providing for
the needs of the Afghan people and preventing diversions to
terrorism or entrenching human rights abusers?
What mechanisms are in place to avoid diversions to the Taliban or
Haqqani network?
Answer. I understand that USAID has worked in challenging and
conflict-affected areas throughout its history and that the Agency has
drawn on experiences from its over 20 years in Afghanistan, and other
challenging environments--including Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, Sudan, and
Colombia--to put in place strong oversight of U.S. Government
assistance funds.
I further understand that all USAID humanitarian assistance is
channeled through U.N. and international non-governmental organization
partners, predicated on validated humanitarian need and the
vulnerability of the supported communities and that no USG humanitarian
assistance is provided to or through Taliban authorities.
I further understand that while USAID has legal authorizations in
place to safeguard against sanctions violations, it still requires its
partners to report any instances of diversion, fraud, waste, and abuse,
including incidents involving the Taliban and Haqqani Network, and will
suspend funding if necessary. Finally, I understand that USAID also
vets key personnel of all of its implementing partners to ensure that
no funds are diverted for nefarious purposes.
Question. In the West Bank and Gaza, USAID has a formal definition
of `direct benefit' that is operationalized in associated Mission
Orders.
What definition of direct benefit is USAID using in Afghanistan?
Please describe the categories of USAID assistance to Afghanistan
and the intended goals of such assistance.
Answer. ``Direct assistance'' is not defined legally and the term
is not otherwise a term of art. I understand that USAID has been
coordinating with the Department of State on application of the
restriction and that State and USAID have agreed the scope of the
restriction needs to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis. I further
understand that because the United States has not yet made a decision
as to whether to recognize any entity, including the Taliban, as the
Government of Afghanistan, the provision of assistance raises difficult
questions regarding its potential application to Afghan Government
entities (such as ministries, etc., which continue to exist and operate
regardless of any U.S. recognition decision). It is my understanding
that State and USAID expect that the restriction would apply to any
assistance provided directly to the Taliban as a group and could also
apply to entities controlled by the Taliban, depending on the
circumstances.
I understand that USAID is doing a great deal alongside its
international partners to address Afghanistan's most urgent
humanitarian needs. The United States is the largest single donor of
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and targets its humanitarian
assistance to the most vulnerable populations, focusing on provinces
where levels of food insecurity are the most dire and where partners
have an operational presence and the capacity to scale up.
Humanitarian assistance is necessary, but not sufficient, to help
Afghanistan become economically capable of supporting its population.
Therefore, I understand that USAID classifies non-HA assistance into
two main areas of support: 1: basic needs through support to
livelihoods and agriculture, education, and health sectors; and 2:
human rights, and importantly the rights of women and girls.
In health, I understand that USAID programs support the COVID-19
pandemic response; help maintain basic service delivery, particularly
maternal health services, prenatal and neonatal care; and increase
access to water, sanitation, and hygiene.
I understand that livelihood assistance is helping to minimize the
impact of economic disruption and instability on vulnerable households.
Assistance is helping to increase production of food and staple crops--
such as wheat, soy, beans, and a variety of fresh fruits and
vegetables, as well as the livestock and dairy sectors.
It is my understanding that on human rights, USAID supports the
rights of women, children, journalists, human rights defenders, persons
with disabilities, and members of minority groups. Together with State
Department colleagues, they continue to press the Taliban to
immediately cease repressive abuses and human rights violations. If
confirmed, I look forward to furthering these critical efforts.
Finally, I understand that USAID has been able to sustain support
to community-based education programs, private secondary and higher
education programs, scholarships for Afghan students at the university
level, and teacher training.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding the statutory
structure and organizational principles of the U.S. Agency of
International Development (USAID), whereby the agency operates as an
independent agency under the foreign policy direction of the U.S.
Secretary of State?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will uphold the statutory structure
and organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes
U.S. foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs,
subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary
of State, and the National Security Council.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant U.S.
foreign assistance programs in Asia?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working in a bipartisan
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant U.S.
foreign assistance programs in Asia.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero
tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your
purview?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to upholding a zero tolerance
policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under my purview.
Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance
policy for USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the
sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable communities they are
meant to serve?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will uphold a zero tolerance policy
for USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the sexual
exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable communities they are meant to
serve.
Question. USAID has a diverse workforce, supported by 22 different
hiring mechanisms, that has been under enormous stress over the last
few years, in large part due to persistent management challenges,
budget uncertainty, and COVID-19 and its associated stresses. If
confirmed, you will be responsible for overseeing 8 offices at
headquarters, 15 bilateral missions in Asia (Afghanistan, Bangladesh,
Burma, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Kyrgyz Republic, Nepal, Pakistan,
Philippines, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Timor-Leste, Uzbekistan, and
Vietnam), and 3 regional missions (the Regional Development Mission for
Asia in Thailand, the Pacific Islands Regional Office based in the
Philippines, and the Central Asia Regional office based in Kazakhstan).
A number of these missions, including but not limited to Afghanistan,
face significant security and access challenges.
What is your understanding of morale within the Bureau for Asia?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities would be to make
the Asia Bureau's morale as strong as possible. From my interactions
with Asia Bureau staff, it is evident that staff rightly take deep
satisfaction and pride in their work, and are firmly committed to
USAID's mission. However, it is my understanding that the impacts of
the COVID pandemic, compounded by crises and violence in several
countries, such as Afghanistan and Burma, have impacted the morale of
Asia Bureau staff. Nevertheless, staff are persisting in their life-
saving and life-changing work.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the bureau?
Answer. representatives from the Office of Human Capital and Talent
Management to gauge the state of morale. I will conduct listening
sessions to hear from staff across the Bureau, work with staff to
develop a plan of action to address any issues identified, and set an
implementation timeline with built-in feedback loops, if confirmed.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified vision across the
bureau and its bilateral and regional missions, while also accounting
for the areas of overlap with other agencies, bureaus, offices, and
initiatives?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the staff to develop a
strategic vision for the Bureau that provides for clear goals and
objectives while promoting cross-collaboration among teams. I will
empower teams to develop contextualized implementation plans with
clearly stated goals and results that derive from and support the Asia
Bureau strategic vision and its priorities. I will also work with
Bureau staff to continually highlight the importance of our unified
vision and the factors that make for a successful ``Team Asia'' and
ultimately a successful USAID. Where necessary, I will strengthen the
Bureau's various mechanisms for accountability and transparency,
including performance reports, site visits, robust program evaluations
and audits, if confirmed.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as vision-driven and
results-oriented. My goal is to create an inclusive, team-oriented
environment where staff are held accountable for achieving results and
feel empowered and supported by management. I believe in an inclusive,
open, and collaborative approach to management, one that seeks to
create an environment of constant feedback and learning for a culture
that thrives on the free expression of ideas and unleashes the creative
potential of the workforce. I believe in the importance of working
across and with the entire organization to develop a shared strategic
vision; translate that into practical, measurable implementable steps;
align organizational resources and activities to do so--in an
environment of shared ownership and mutual accountability. Clear
communication, candid feedback and flexible decentralized decision-
making that empowers employees to own and direct their own work, that
monitors accountability and facilitates implementation, and that
recognizes that different individuals and teams have different needs,
are, in my view, key to a management approach that can create a high-
performing, resilient and humane workplace.
Question. In your view, how would your management style translate
in a USAID setting, where your workforce is composed of career foreign
and civil servants, as well as a dizzying array of political
appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency
Service Agreements, contractors, and grantees?
Answer. My transparent and agile management style would allow me to
effectively balance the Bureau's competing priorities while holding
everyone accountable for achieving the overall Agency and U.S.
Government foreign policy objectives. Although USAID has a variety of
hiring mechanisms, it is a workforce that has a competitive edge in
being united by a common goal and a shared mission. Given the complex
and dispersed nature of many of USAID's programs, if confirmed, I
intend to work with my colleagues to help create, build and sustain an
organization for all employees at all levels, one that draws on our
shared dependence and the commitment of all the members of the
organization. I am also strongly of the view that diversity in a
workforce, including diverse perspectives that come from different
career experiences and modes of professional engagement only strengthen
an organization, providing valuable insight that strengthen the ability
of an organization to make better decisions, be more adaptive, and
engage more effectively and creatively.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career foreign or
civil servant, do you believe it is incumbent upon Agency leaders to
integrate themselves into bureau operations and culture? If yes, how do
you intend to do so?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I intend to immerse myself in
understanding the nuances of USAID by listening to the Bureau's
workforce, both in DC and in the field, to ensure I fully understand
the current objectives, programs, workstyle, and organizational
strengths--and especially, given the challenges of the past several
years and the changing nature of work, what the needs and aspirations
of the organization look like within the broader construct of USAID
operations, ambitions and culture. If confirmed, I plan to seek the
views, perspectives and ideas of the widest possible range of staff and
to work together with my team so that we can establish a clear vision
and set of goals and objectives that is communicated throughout the
bureau, to other elements of USAID and the USG, and to our implementing
partners. I am acutely aware of the importance of understanding and
being sensitive to different modes and methods of communication,
aspirational thinking, and organizational habits--to marry the
``policy'' goals that the Biden-Harris administration seeks to pursue
with an appreciation of USAID ``process'' and ``practice'' (or, in
other words, culture)--to get things done, and done in a way that
creates positive feedback, virtuous cycles, a healthy, motivated
workforce, and forward organizational momentum.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive
to berate subordinates, either in public or in private.
Question. In order to incentivize and ensure employee excellence at
USAID, accurate performance reviews for all categories of employees are
critical, though often lacking. Do you believe that it is important to
provide employees with accurate, constructive feedback on their
performance in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most
succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage the
managers in your bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage the
managers in the Asia bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct
feedback.18 deg.
Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public
health research--such as gain-of-function research--in cooperation with
countries that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have
violated or failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or
where the United States cannot certify that such country is in
compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention, including China?
Answer. I understand that USAID has never approved any work,
including in China, that aimed to increase the ability of infectious
agents to cause disease by enhancing its pathogenicity or by increasing
its transmissibility (research known as ``Gain of Function '' studies).
I understand that prior to selecting countries to engage with on
public health research activities, USAID conducts an assessment of
countries' capacity to responsibly conduct research by evaluating
indicators that include but are not limited to, biosafety, biosecurity,
IHR reporting compliance, willingness to share data, and political and
security risks and that countries that underperform in these criteria
are not selected for engagement.
* * *
Follow Up Response
Answer. I do not support USAID conducting research that would
make viruses more lethal or transmissible in cooperation with
such countries. Furthermore, it is my understanding that USAID
does not engage in such highly risky public health research in
any partner countries (research sometimes called ``Gain of
Function)'' and that USAID has not funded or conducted any
studies or experiments anywhere in the world that would make
viruses more lethal or transmissible.
I understand that prior to selecting countries to engage with
on public health research activities, USAID conducts an
assessment of countries' capacity to responsibly conduct
research by evaluating indicators that include but are not
limited to, biosafety, biosecurity, IHR reporting compliance,
willingness to share data, and political and security risks and
that countries that underperform in these criteria are not
selected for engagement. If confirmed, I am committed to
requiring that compliance with the Biological Weapons
Convention is included as a country selection indicator.
* * *
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure USAID's research and
development grants for public health research in Asia are fully vetted
and do not flow to partners or sub-grantees engaged in such research?
How?
Answer. I understand that USAID will build guidance into its Global
Health Security projects that helps ensure implementing partners are
adhering to rigorous biosafety and biosecurity protocols. I also
understand that USAID requires regular reporting on implementing
partners' activities supported with Agency funding, which must adhere
to the criteria laid out in the award. If confirmed, I will ensure that
USAID continues to provide active review and oversight of awards made
with Agency appropriated funds to monitor activities and the use of
funds, and that funds do not support enhanced Potential Pandemic
Pathogen research (i.e. research that makes a potentially pandemic
virus more transmissible or pathogenic) through either the prime or
sub-partners.
* * *
Follow Up Response
Answer. Yes. I understand that USAID fully vets partners that
receive public health research funding. I understand that in
accordance with USAID's Operational Policy (ADS 303.3.9 Pre-
Award Risk Assessment), this vetting includes, but is not
limited to, requiring a USAID Agreement Officer to verify that
the partner:
does not have active exclusions in the System for Award
Management (SAM) (beta.sam.gov);
does not appear on the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) and
Blocked Persons List maintained by the U.S. Treasury for
the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC: http://
www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/SDNList/Pages/
default.aspx); and
is not listed on the United Nations Security designation List
(online at: http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1267/aq--
sanctions--list.shtml) prior to making an award.
If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Agency
leadership and with you on this issue.
I also understand USAID is building guidance into its Global
Health Security projects with a life sciences focus to ensure
implementing partners are adhering to rigorous biosafety and
biosecurity protocols. Further, I understand that USAID
requires regular reporting on implementing partners' activities
supported with Agency funding, which must adhere to the
criteria laid out in the award. If confirmed, I will reinforce
USAID's continued practice of active review and oversight of
awards made with Agency appropriated funds to monitor
activities and the use of funds, and that funds do not support
enhanced Potential Pandemic Pathogen research (i.e. research
that makes a potentially pandemic virus more transmissible or
pathogenic) through either the prime or sub-partners.
* * *
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to ensuring compliance with all
applicable statutory restrictions relating to abortion and involuntary
sterilization.
Question. USAID, in coordination with the U.S. Department of State,
manages United States contributions to COVAX.
Do you agree that it is in the national interests of the United
States, and the interests of our partners in Asia, to ensure
that U.S. financial contributions to COVAX are not used to
underwrite the purchase and distribution of substandard Chinese
COVID-19 vaccines, particularly following the announcement that
COVAX would, in fact, begin making major purchases of Chinese
vaccines?
If confirmed, how do you propose to counter China's vaccine
diplomacy--or bullying--in the region?
Answer. Yes, I agree that it is in the interest of the United
States and our partners for as many people as possible to be vaccinated
with the highest-quality, U.S.-manufactured vaccines available. To that
end, I understand that USAID and its interagency partners have
delivered nearly 300 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to 26 countries
in Asia. I also understand that most of the Agency's Indo-Pacific
partners have specifically asked for U.S.-manufactured vaccines. It is
also my understanding that the U.S. contribution to COVAX was not used
to purchase vaccines made in the PRC. The Biden-Harris administration
is dedicated to its efforts to vaccinate the world and ensure broad
availability of safe and effective vaccines to more countries in need,
through COVAX and bilaterally, and I believe others should do the same.
I know that across Asia, USAID assists countries with vaccine
readiness, vaccine advocacy campaigns, and vaccine delivery. From
enhancing laboratory capabilities to installing liquid oxygen tanks,
USAID's partnerships with the governments and people have enabled them
to respond to COVID-19, strengthen health systems, and better prepare
communities for future pandemics.
The Biden-Harris administration supports the World Health
Organization's goal of vaccinating 70 percent of the global population
and pledged that the United States will be the world's vaccine arsenal.
I understand that USAID plays a pivotal role in U.S. contributions to
this goal by advancing the President's commitment to make 1.2 billion
U.S.-made doses available for donation to low- and lower-middle-income
countries. I understand that USAID will also continue to provide
financial and technical assistance to deliver and administer vaccines
through our leadership of the U.S. Government's Initiative for Global
Vaccine Access (Global VAX), through which USAID has supported more
than 100 countries.
* * *
Follow Up Response
Answer. It is my belief that the best way to counter the
PRC's efforts is for the United States to remain the world's
arsenal for vaccines, especially as there is a clear preference
for U.S.-made vaccines. To date, USG vaccine donations have
significantly outpaced those by the PRC. We also need to
continue being assertive in publicizing our contributions; we
must keep telling the story of how American innovation and
donations--our effective vaccines--have directly contributed to
easing the pandemic in communities around the world.
The Biden-Harris administration supports the World Health
Organization's goal of vaccinating 70 percent of the global
population. I understand that USAID plays a pivotal role in
U.S. contributions to this goal by advancing the President's
commitment to make doses available for donation to low- and
lower-middle-income countries, and that the U.S. has been able
to meet vaccine demand for 116 countries who have requested
doses. I understand that USAID will also continue to provide
financial and technical assistance to deliver and administer
vaccines through our leadership of the U.S. Government's
Initiative for Global Vaccine Access (Global VAX), through
which USAID has supported more than 100 countries. If
confirmed, I will work with Congress to ensure these programs
are adequately funded.
* * *
Question. USAID overseas missions have a long history of stretching
the boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds.
If confirmed, will you commit to working closely with the Office of
the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (OGAC) at
the U.S. Department of State, USAID's Bureau for Global Health,
and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to ensure
that USAID's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS in the region are
efficient, effective, aligned and complementary to the work of
OGAC?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the Office
of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy at the State
Department, USAID's Bureau for Global Health, the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, and other PEPFAR implementing agencies to
ensure that USAID's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS in the region are
efficient, effective, and aligned to PEPFAR's objectives.
Question. There has been a strong focus over the last two years on
multilateral institutions to address global challenges.
Recognizing that multilateral and bilateral programs are meant to
work collaboratively, and that each have their own unique
strengths and challenges, what would you consider to be the
appropriate balance between multilateral and U.S. bilateral
foreign assistance programs in the region?
How important to U.S. public diplomacy efforts is ``branding''
United States foreign assistance in the region?
Is working through multilateral or regional institutions worth the
trade-off when it comes to the loss of branding and other
public diplomacy opportunities in the region?
Answer. I understand that in Asia, USAID will continue to engage
like-minded partners directly, in-country, and through multilateral
initiatives such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), U.S.-
Taiwan Pacific Islands Dialogue, U.S.-Japan-Australia Trilateral
Infrastructure Consultation, the Trilateral Pacific Security Dialogue,
and others. I further understand that USAID will continue to deepen its
collaboration with Australia, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of
Korea, , and other like-minded partners and will seek to leverage its
strong partnerships with regional institutions, including the Pacific
Islands Forum, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and
the Quad.
On the issue of balance between multilateral and bilateral
assistance, I believe that balance depends on the country and the goals
to be achieved by the assistance. Bilateral assistance allows the USG
to achieve goals that further U.S. foreign policy objectives, allows
for greater accountability and provides visibility around the
assistance delivered. However, there are advantages to using
multilateral channels when striving to pool resources and advance a
common global cause. For example, USAID may choose to provide
assistance through multilateral organizations such as the case of Burma
where humanitarian assistance providers' lives could be put at risk
should the assistance be branded as USAID assistance. I also believe
that a better option could be a hybrid model where assistance is
provided to multilateral organizations but is earmarked for specific
purposes providing USAID the advantages of both options.
I believe appropriate branding sends a strong public diplomacy
message, conveying that United States assistance is due to the
generosity of the American people. If confirmed, I commit to complying
with all USAID branding legal and policy requirements.
Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. Each of these initiatives has had mixed
results.
What is your view of ``localization'' in the context of USAID's
work in Asia?
How can the Bureau for Asia more effectively empower local partners
through its program consultation, design, and implementation
processes?
Is it appropriate to set targets for ``localization'' and, if so,
what would you consider to be reasonable and appropriate?
Answer. I support the vision of localization Administrator Power
presented in her November 2021 speech at Georgetown University, ``A New
Vision for Inclusive Development,'' in which she outlined USAID's
commitment to build on past efforts in making its work more inclusive;
and that the Agency will pursue this, in part, through localization. I
understand that USAID will shift its programs and practices to expand
and enhance its support for locally-led development, the process in
which local actors--encompassing individuals, communities, networks,
organizations, private entities, and governments--set their own
agendas, develop solutions, and bring the capacity, leadership, and
resources to make those solutions a reality. I agree with Administrator
Power that around the world, when USAID's efforts are responsive to
local priorities, and draw upon local capacities, diverse networks, and
resources--results are more likely to be sustained by local
organizations and institutions.
For the Agency and the Asia Bureau, I understand localization to
mean channeling a portion of development and humanitarian awards
directly to local civil society, business, and other institutions that
are supported by and accountable to local communities. It means
changing the power dynamics that have historically characterized the
relationships among local actors, international prime partners, and
donors, with renewed focus on empowering local actors-and, within that
goal, ensuring meaningful participation by marginalized populations,
including women, people with disabilities, youth, indigenous
populations, displaced persons, and ethnic and religious minorities.
I think it is appropriate to set targets to help motivate and track
the Agency's localization efforts. I understand that the targets that
the Administrator announced in November--25 percent of USAID's funding
going to direct local awards over four years and 50 percent of the
Agency's activities incorporating good practices to put local actors in
the lead over ten years-are global targets. If confirmed, I look
forward to consulting with Congress and with the Bureau and Mission
staff, to identify appropriate targets given the unique context of the
region.
Question. Many of our partners in the Indo-Pacific want to work
with the United States on clean energy. However, they have to
prioritize their immediate needs for power and distribution, and often
that means continuing to rely on oil and natural gas. Indo-Pacific
nations want to cooperate with the U.S. on energy sources like natural
gas, but are running into roadblocks with their counterparts in this
Administration.
Do you commit that, if confirmed, you will advance policies and
programs with our partners that make sense for them given their
current energy needs?
Do you commit that you will not reject outright cooperation with
partners on natural gas, other cleaner fossil fuels, or nuclear
energy, if that is what is practical for them to meet their
energy needs?
What will inform how you approach technical assistance and other
capacity-building efforts with Indo-Pacific nations on energy?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to advancing policies and
programs with our partner countries that make sense for them and will
not outright reject any development solution to help our partners to
meet their energy needs.
I understand that USAID has an adjudication process for reviewing
fossil fuel projects under the Administration's International Energy
Engagement Guidance. I am told that this guidance allows for support of
carbon intensive energy sources necessary for geostrategic or
development reasons when no other practical alternatives exist and the
assistance will not prevent a country from meeting its decarbonization
objectives.
As I understand, USAID's approach to energy sector reform and smart
growth is to provide partner countries with the tools and capability
needed to evaluate all of their options through an integrated resource
planning (IRP) methodology. In addition, I understand that USAID
assists countries in establishing open, transparent, competitive
procurement processes, in order to obtain clean, affordable, and secure
energy supplies.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing infrastructure partners in
the Indo-Pacific region, including through mechanisms such as the
Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance Network and the related
Transaction Advisory Fund?
Answer. Yes.
Question. The President just announced the Project on Global
Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), and you mentioned in your opening
statement that you would be involved in its implementation.
What is PGII's purpose?
How will PGII and USAID existing infrastructure programs and tools
interact? Is PGII going to subsume any responsibilities of
USAID?
Answer. As I understand, the purpose of the Partnership for Global
Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) is to forge values-driven,
transparent, impactful partnerships to meet the enormous infrastructure
needs of low- and middle-income countries and, in so doing, to advance
the United States' and our allies' economic and national security
interests-for example, the integrity of supply chains.
PGII will mobilize strategic investments in areas vital to
sustainable development and global security, including digital
connectivity; climate and energy security; health and health security;
and gender equality and equity. It will also mobilize strategic
investment in hard infrastructure, like ports and rail.
To do this, PGII will promote the execution of projects in
consultation and partnership with host countries and local
stakeholders, develop clean and climate-resilient infrastructure,
advance transparency and accountability, and support the policy and
institutional reforms that are key to creating the conditions and
capacity for sound projects and lasting results. PGII will coordinate
the full suite of tools across the U.S. Government, as well as the G7,
other governments, the private sector, multilateral development banks,
development finance institutions, and others.
The U.S. aims to mobilize $200 billion for PGII over the next five
years through grants, federal financing, and leveraging private sector
investments. As part of the announcement of PGII, USAID launched three
projects: Digital Invest, a USAID blended finance program that seeks to
mobilize investment capital to expand internet access and digital
financial services for traditionally underserved consumers in
developing markets; The Healthcare Electrification and
Telecommunication Alliance, which seeks to enhance health services and
assist in COVID-19 response efforts by providing reliable, renewable,
and affordable electricity for health care facilities across Sub-
Saharan Africa; and Care Infrastructure, a new multi-partner
contribution to the World Bank's Childcare Incentive Fund to scale
high-quality child care and early learning and empower women to
participate in the global economy.
If confirmed, I will closely examine alignment between PGII and
existing programs such as the Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance
Network (ITAN), which is a whole-of-government initiative to advance
sustainable, transparent, high-quality infrastructure across the Indo-
Pacific region, and the Transaction Advisory Fund, which I understand
the Asia Bureau manages as an interagency tool to provide transaction
advisory services on strategic infrastructure projects in the Indo-
Pacific. If confirmed, I will ensure that all infrastructure tools and
programs are complementary, non-duplicative, and deliver the best value
for the US taxpayer.
Question. With respect to Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands,
what would be your top priorities if confirmed?
Answer. I understand that USAID considers its Pacific neighbors
essential partners in fostering a free and open Indo-Pacific region and
that USAID works to address the region's most pressing challenges:
climate change, access to transparent and high-standard infrastructure
financing, digital connectivity, good governance and sustainable
development.
Working with Pacific Island countries to bolster their nature-based
solutions, including conservation of critical ecosystems and
sustainable management of fisheries, will strengthen livelihoods,
support sustainable and healthy communities and ecosystems, and reduce
the impacts of climate-related disasters.
I understand USAID plans to continue to deepen its work with
countries in Southeast Asia, and that USAID will also leverage its
strong partnerships with development partners and regional
institutions, including ASEAN, thePacific Islands Forum, the
Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme, and the
longstanding Pacific Community also known as SPC. Building and
maintaining these partnerships will be essential to advancing
Administration priorities such as addressing the climate crisis,
recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic, countering malign actors, and
addressing Burma's humanitarian challenges while seeking to restore
democratic governance.
Question. With respect to Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands]
What do you see as major barriers to providing the right and most
effective assistance and programming in these regions?
Answer. Pacific Islands countries face a range of barriers,
including small geographic size, isolation, and small populations.
These factors contribute to the region's extreme vulnerability to the
impacts of climate change and natural disasters as well as constrain
the growth of their economies. I understand that USAID's approach to
the Pacific Islands supports addressing the most pressing priorities of
the region . These priorities include combating climate change,
sustainable fisheries management, promoting energy security, expanding
digital connectivity, supporting economic development, and fostering
inclusivity and equality. Effective programming in this region requires
working at both the regional level, where there are opportunities to
drive collective action and ensure strong unity within key regional
organizations, such as the Pacific Islands Forum and the Pacific
Community, as well as at the bilateral level, using programming
tailored to fit the unique context of each country.
Countries across Southeast Asia are facing the immediate risks of
climate change; rapid urbanization; and the overexploitation and
contamination of life-sustaining resources of the land, air, and sea.
Barriers remain to stronger regional connectivity, sustainable
infrastructure development, and commitment to democratic principles and
freedoms. Through sustainable, inclusive development partnerships such
as the quadrilateral cooperation between Australia, India, Japan, and
the United States (the Quad) and with the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), I understand that USAID supports developing
countries in Asia to realize their development goals and contribute to
a more prosperous and peaceful world.
Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize USAID programming
under the Countering Chinese Influence Fund (CCIF)? What will be your
guideposts?
Answer. Consistent with the FY 2022 State, Foreign Operations, and
Related Programs Appropriations Act (SFOAA), if confirmed, my work on
the Countering People's Republic of China Influence Fund (CPIF) will be
done in close consultation with the designated Coordinator and Deputy
Coordinator for the FY 2022 CPIF allocation process.
My understanding is that USAID's priorities will align with both
the wider U.S. Government strategy on China as well as the Agency's
newly formed strategic approach to the People's Republic of China
(PRC), with a focus on select economic, political, security, and
technological sectors where PRC actions, influence, or messaging is
most acute, is most detrimental to U.S. national security interests or
those of our allies and partners, and where limited CPIF resources can
have the greatest impact. While the PRC's efforts to displace the
United States as the lead global power are a global, multi-sector
threat, the Indo-Pacific remains the primary theater of competition and
will receive strong consideration for CPIF resources.
Question. In the last several years, the executive branch has
notified Congress projects using CCIF money that is clearly an attempt
to use China as a justification to fund programs they already wanted to
do anyway and that have no discernible nexus to countering China. Do
you commit that you will not contribute to this dynamic?
Answer. I commit that, if confirmed as Assistant Administrator for
the Bureau for Asia, I will work to ensure that proposals are closely
aligned with one of four focus areas (sectors) for strategic
competition: economic, political, security, and/or technology, and must
articulate how the intended program will address a specific, negative
PRC influence, action, or message resulting in a measurable impact
Question. How will you use your leadership role, if confirmed, to
ensure CCIF funds are used appropriately?
Answer. If confirmed as Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for
Asia, I commit to engaging with Congress as appropriate and necessary
to ensure that the process is rigorous and that funds are used
appropriately.
Question. Should bureaus and offices in the Department of State and
the U.S. Agency for International Development consider CCIF to be a
$300 million pot of money that they can use for whatever they want,
regardless of whether it is connected to China?
Answer. I understand that USAID received clear feedback from
Congress on how to improve its process of the Countering PRC Influence
Fund (CPIF) for FY 2022 and beyond. Per their recent Report to Congress
on The Framework and Processes for Administering the Countering PRC
Influence Fund, the Department of State and USAID's FY 2022 guidance
requires successful proposals to articulate how the intended program
will address a specific, negative PRC influence, action, or message
resulting in a measurable impact.
If confirmed, I will work, together with my counterpart at the
Department of State, to ensure our teams apply rigorous standards to
determine how CPIF funds will be used. If confirmed, I commit to
further consulting with you on this issue.
Question. In the context of CCIF, to what extent will you
distinguish between projects that might strengthen our partners and
those that counter explicit activity or influence by the People's
Republic of China?
Answer. I understand that CPIF is intended to provide the
Department of State and USAID with resources to fund activities that
strategically invest, align, and compete with the PRC's negative and
inappropriate influence, actions, and messaging globally and provide
our partners with diplomatic and development alternatives to the PRC's
authoritarian model. In some instances, this can be accomplished by
directly countering an explicit activity, influence effort, or
messaging campaign by the PRC. In other instances, strengthening the
systems, capacity and resilience of USAID partner countries to resist
the PRC on their own can be equally as effective. Transparent,
accountable systems based on a rules-based order inhibit the PRC
development model, so strengthening those systems limits opportunity
for the negative impact of the PRC. For example, both transparent
public procurement systems and active civil society that hold
politicians accountable for public asset declarations effectively
decrease the opportunity for corruption, undermining inappropriate PRC
influence.
While both approaches are valid ways to achieve the same objective,
I understand that all proposals will be expected to cite a specific PRC
influence or behavior that harms U.S. interests or those of USAID
partner countries; describe the specific, measurable outcome to be
achieved using CPIF funds; and articulate how the proposal would
achieve this outcome and the duration of the project's lifespan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rolfe Michael Schiffer by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. With their absolute control of
Chinese society and industry, the CCP could stop all of these
destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes. The Chinese Communist Party aims to challenge the
U.S.-led model characterized by democratic governance and open markets,
which has succeeded at delivering vital public services equitably and
preserving sovereignty. This model is the best system to build just,
inclusive, and prosperous societies.
Many of the actions that Beijing is pursuing are detrimental to
U.S. national security and development interests. Across regions and in
multilateral fora, the PRC is attempting to undermine U.S. investments
in key development sectors ranging from natural resources management to
human rights protection. This poses significant risks to U.S. partner
countries' autonomy, stability, and prosperity, and requires us to
confront the PRC from a position of strength-to be competitive when we
should be, countering when we must be, and collaborate only when it is
in our national interest.
If confirmed, I would use all tools available to counter this
challenge, such as working with USAID's Anti-Corruption Task Force and
Center for Democracy, Human Rights and Governance to combat the CCP's
corruptive practices and use of corrosive capital--which in part is how
the PRC convinces countries to sign up to its Belt and Road Initiative.
In contrast to the PRC's state-led backroom deals, if confirmed, I
would further USAID's engagements with the private sector and civil
society to counter the PRC's state-led development model that
undermines the financial and resource independence of our partner
countries.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. As outlined in my response above, we are currently
witnessing a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) unwilling to work for the
greater good of populations around the world and take actions that are
detrimental to U.S. interests.
If confirmed, I would further USAID's activities in building
resilient supply chains, combating forced labor, lessening trade
distortions, and furthering democratic values.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China as
part of your work?
Answer. Such a pivotal cooperation decision would require extensive
high level discussion in the Executive Branch and deep consultation
with Congress. The law must be our guide: I am well aware of legal
restrictions regarding assistance to the PRC and in the provision of
U.S. assistance, including in appropriations legislation.
Question. By virtue of its geography and a decades-long program of
dam building, the Chinese Communist Party retains significant control
over the Mekong River basin, a source of water, food, and energy for
more than 65 million people. At the press of a button, the CCP could
stop the flow of water to downstream countries, which would cause an
unprecedented humanitarian crisis that would destabilize the region and
send even more migrants to our unprotected southern border.
Are you concerned with the prospect of a humanitarian crisis in the
Mekong River Basin caused by the Chinese Communist Party?
Please explain.
Answer. I am always concerned about actions that the Chinese
Communist Party could take that might negatively impact Indo-Pacific
countries, especially those in Southeast Asia, and the United States.
The cascade of dams built by the Chinese Communist Party exacerbate
the impacts that climate change is already having on the health of the
river and on the countries in the Mekong Basin.
USAID has been instrumental in understanding the impacts of these
dams, supporting the Stimson Center to develop and launch the Mekong
Infrastructure tracker to better understand the spatial extent and
impacts of dams and other infrastructure in the river basin. I
understand that programs like SERVIR Mekong out of the Regional
Development Mission for Asia, based in Bangkok, Thailand, have
developed tools like digital rain gauges and vegetation assessments to
track and document the ongoing changes within the basin. USAID programs
provide the data and evidence to document the risks of further dam
construction while supporting non-hydro renewable energy for downstream
Mekong countries.
I also understand that the impacts of dams on fisheries is the
reason for the creation of the USAID ``Wonders of the Mekong'' program.
I understand that this program works to understand fish movements
throughout the Mekong systems, the impacts of the variety of dams on
fish populations and advocates for environmental and social safeguards
to protect a healthy Mekong ecosystem providing for the food security
of the region.
Finally, it is my understanding that USAID has long partnered with
the ASEAN Secretariat's regional humanitarian response unit to
strengthen ASEAN's ability to support disaster response in the region,
both regionally and bilaterally. I further understand that USAID has
teams on standby 24/7 all around the world, including in Southeast
Asia, ready to deploy to a range of humanitarian crises.
Question. How is the United States working with downstream Mekong
countries to ensure these counties are resilient to the effects of a
CCP-sparked humanitarian crisis?
Answer. As I understand, one of USAID's most pressing priorities is
to help partner countries, including those in the Mekong region,
develop their capacity to be resilient to a range of crises.
USAID, bilaterally and regionally, works towards resilience through
agriculture and environment programs. I understand that USAID's efforts
for resilience to the changes in river flows caused by the CCP and
climate change include monitoring environmental conditions, early
warning systems, and conservation. For example, on monitoring, the
USAID-funded Mekong Infrastructure Tracker platform is the premier
resource for researchers to track, monitor, and quantify the
development of energy, transportation, and water infrastructure assets
and the social, economic, and ecological changes they bring to
Southeast Asia. On conservation, the Wonders of the Mekong Program in
Cambodia is rearing endangered fish and releasing them in efforts to
increase fish stocks and ecosystem health which contributes to
Cambodians' food security.
I further understand that USAID has long partnered with the ASEAN
Secretariat's regional humanitarian response unit to strengthen ASEAN's
ability to support disaster response in the region, both regionally and
bilaterally. I also understand that the Vietnam Mission is specifically
focusing on more bilateral work in the Mekong, including the Mekong
Delta Coastal Habitat Conservation activity which was announced by Vice
President Harris during her visit to Vietnam in 2021.
Question. If confirmed, what types of programming do you recommend
USAID support in Mekong River countries to further ensure these
countries are resistant to water shocks?
Answer. As I understand, USAID has been tracking the impacts of
large-scale hydropower dams and climate change on the Mekong River
Basin through a variety of activities.
I understand that USAID works with countries in the Lower Mekong
region, as well as the Mekong River Commission (MRC), to build capacity
to address water shocks and other adverse environmental impacts. For
example, the USAID SERVIR-Mekong initiative, a partnership with NASA,
harnesses remote sensing technology and open data to help address
development challenges related to a changing climate. I also understand
that the MRC recently endorsed USAID SERVIR-Mekong's flood forecasting
and reservoir assessment tools, improving climate resilience across the
Lower Mekong. I understand that USAID SERVIR-Mekong partnered with the
MRC to develop decision support tools that assist member countries to
better prepare for and respond to floods and droughts.
I further understand that the USAID-supported Wonders of the Mekong
Program has generated new insights on the drought-flood cycle in
Cambodia. This new research, which has been featured in National
Geographic and other major outlets, has resulted in the Government of
Cambodia calling for a moratorium on dams. The Cambodian Government has
also prohibited the cutting of flooded forests which will contribute to
improving the health of the Mekong River system and the communities
dependent upon them.
I further understand that through the Partnerships for Enhanced
Engagement in Research (PEER) activity, USAID supports a network of
Lower Mekong scientists to better understand the impacts of hydropower
and climate change on Mekong fisheries. This network of scientists is
positioned to improve fisheries management by characterizing genetic
diversity and spatial structure as well as establishing long-term
monitoring of important fish species in Cambodia, Laos, Burma,
Thailand, and Vietnam. The scientists are working to understand the
impact of rapid hydroelectric development in the Lower Mekong Basin on
fisheries.
Question. In contrast to the Chinese Communist Party, which
continues to have strained relations with many of its neighbors,
foreign assistance provided by the United States has enabled its allies
and partners to become foreign assistance providers themselves. The
Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) and Japan's
International Cooperation Agency (JICA) have provided assistance and
support to countries in Southeast and Central Asia. Even Mongolia,
which only 30 years ago was a satellite of the Soviet Union, has
established its own international development agency to promote
democracy in other Central Asian states. A vision of a truly free and
open Indo-Pacific is only possible when U.S. allies and partners
cooperate with us in achieving this goal.
To what extent can USAID cooperation with Asian development
agencies the impact of U.S. foreign assistance? What programs
have and have not worked previously?
Answer. I understand that USAID's development assistance to the
Republic of Korea decades ago not only helped the country develop into
the global leader that it is today, but it also helped the country
develop its own very capable international development agency.
Cooperation with Japan advances U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific
and beyond. I understand that USAID works to align development policy
and resources with Japan to enhance development impacts with like-
minded allies through diplomatic efforts in Washington, DC and through
the USAID Senior Development Counselor to Japan and Korea.
Finally, my understanding is that USAID has made a strategic
decision to work with key emerging leaders in the Indo-Pacific to help
them strengthen their own development agencies, including India,
Thailand, Kazakhstan, and others. Strengthening our Indo-Pacific
partners' ability to improve their neighbors' development is good
strategy, good diplomacy, and good for the U.S. taxpayer.
Question. USAID currently manages co-funded programs with
Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in countries like
Sri Lanka and the Maldives. To what extent can this model inform joint
projects with Korea and Japan's foreign aid agencies?
Answer. I understand that collaborating with like-minded donors,
including Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea, is one of
USAID's highest imperatives. These partnerships allow USAID to maximize
its development investments and programming by avoiding duplicative
efforts and promoting policy alignment. It is good strategy, good
diplomacy, and good for the U.S. taxpayer.
My understanding is that USAID has strong existing relationships
with Japan and the Republic of Korea, and works closely with both
Ministries of Foreign Affairs, the Japan International Cooperation
Agency (JICA), the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) and
other government and private sector stakeholders.
I understand that USAID is engaged in a number of co-funded
programs with the Republic of Korea and Japan, including the USAID-
KOICA Climate Resilient Cities as well as the Marine Litter activities
and the Japan-Power Africa collaboration. I understand that USAID plans
to build on the successes of such collaborations with the Republic of
Korea and Japan by incorporating the lessons learned that the Agency
has gleaned from our bilateral engagements with DFAT and other like-
minded partners. I look forward to contributing to these efforts, if
confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage greater USAID
cooperation and coordination with Korea and Japan's foreign aid
agencies?
Answer. My understanding is that USAID has strong existing
relationships with Japan and Korea, and works closely with both
Ministries for Foreign Affairs, the Japan International Cooperation
Agency (JICA), and the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA),
among other key Japanese and Korean stakeholders. I understand that
USAID's Senior Development Counselor for Japan and Korea, based in
Embassy Tokyo, is working to strengthen the Agency's strategic
engagement with the Japanese Government, and is similarly focused on
growing USAID's relationship with the Korean Government.
I also understand that USAID has frequent engagement with Japan's
and Korea's embassies, JICA, and KOICA in the field, and will continue
to build and capitalize on this partnership.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Rolfe Michael Schiffer by Senator Todd Young
Question. What actions has USAID taken since Administrator Power's
confirmation to streamline USAID's hiring processes to develop the next
generation of American development and assistance professionals?
Answer. USAID is committed to strengthening its global workforce to
advance the Agency's mission and national security priorities. However,
my understanding is that USAID's staffing has not increased at the same
rate as its programmatic needs and requirements. USAID has complex
requirements and needs to increase both the size and agility of its
career workforce while also streamlining non-career employment
mechanisms.
I understand that the Global Development Partnership Initiative
(GDPI) is the starting point for a strategic workforce effort to
finally align USAID's workforce needs with its workforce supply,
particularly around direct-hire staffing. I understand that at the end
of FY 2021, USAID completed a successful hiring surge to reach the
previous staffing appropriations levels of 1,850 FS and 1,600 CS
positions. However, given the significant expansion of USAID's work
around the world, I understand that the Agency estimates its real
staffing requirements are significantly higher in both Foreign Service
and Civil Service categories.
I further understand that USAID's Office of Human Capital and
Talent Management (HCTM) is focusing on hiring efforts to streamline
and diversify the Agency's hiring processes. For example, as part of
USAID's General Schedule (GS) process, I understand that HCTM is
developing a hiring manager guide and conducting webinars to educate
hiring managers across USAID on their role, non-competitive hiring
authorities, and timelines in the hiring process.
I understand that USAID is working to attract and retain the
brightest minds that will help the Agency achieve its mission by
engaging and recruiting diverse quality talent through targeted
outreach and recruitment events, including via efforts to expand and
maintain partnerships with organizations serving underrepresented
groups to source eligible candidates for employment opportunities. I
further understand that USAID has expanded its talent sourcing efforts
by partnering with organizations that serve persons with disabilities
and veterans to source candidates eligible for non-competitive
employment consideration. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting
these efforts.
Question. Noting food supply disruptions as a result of the Russian
invasion of Ukraine, what tools can Congress provide to ensure USAID
can fulfill its mission?
Answer. I understand that the generous resources provided by
Congress through the Ukraine supplemental appropriations bills have
been critical to USAID's ability to scale up humanitarian and
development assistance to respond to the food security crisis resulting
from Russia's unjustified invasion of Ukraine. However, given the scale
of global food insecurity and the dynamic nature of its causes, it is
imperative that USAID fully optimize its programs and be able to employ
the best food assistance modalities to respond to each context. I
understand that the reauthorization of the Farm Bill may provide an
unparalleled opportunity for Congress and USAID to work together to
ensure the U.S. Government has the best tools at its disposal to meet
the humanitarian challenges of the day. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with colleagues across the Agency on these issues and to
consulting with Congress on these issues.
Question. Given the confluence of so many crises, where should
USAID look to first prioritize its efforts?
Answer. I understand that the Agency's priorities for Asia are
guided by President Biden's 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy, the Central
Asia Strategy and the U.S. Interim National Security Strategy. From
briefings with USAID career staff, I also understand that the Asia
Bureau has released a pro-active and affirmative Indo-Pacific framework
that will operationalize the President's Indo-Pacific Strategy with on-
going and planned USAID programs. If confirmed, I look forward to
delving into the details of USAID's approach to the Indo-Pacific and to
consulting with you on these issues.
Question. Regarding U.S. strategy on Burma, if the military junta
disrupts USAID's ability to interact with its implementing partners on
the ground, how do you propose we work around this to guarantee a
continuous supply of U.S. aid?
Answer. USAID's robust work in Burma continues and is more critical
than ever. USAID has historical and recent experience managing aid
globally in unstable and conflict-affected environments. I understand
that USAID continuously adjusts approaches and strategies on the ground
to avoid aid bottlenecks. For example, I understand that the Agency has
diversified and expanded its use of local partners who may have better
access and fewer restrictions to deliver food aid and other assistance
to vulnerable communities. Additionally, as publicly announced on
February 11, 2021, just 10 days after the coup, I understand that the
USAID Mission pivoted $42.4 million of FY 2020 bilateral assistance
funds away from development work that could have benefited the military
government. This shift, primarily within existing awards, increased aid
to civil society and non-governmental actors across all sectors. I
understand that since then, the Mission has continued this model to
design and implement work across all sectors in ways that do not work
through or benefit Burma's military government.
On humanitarian assistance, I understand that the bulk of
humanitarian assistance is delivered from within Burma despite
increasing restrictions. I also understand that USAID's humanitarian
assistance includes mobile health clinics, rehabilitation of water
supply infrastructure, construction of sanitation facilities,
protection services, shelter, nutrition support, humanitarian
coordination, emergency cash, and relief items. I also understand that
USAID continues to provide emergency and non-emergency food assistance
to displaced populations and newly emerging areas of violence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathaniel Fick by Senator Robert Menendez
CHIPS+ Funding
Question. Last week, Congress passed the CHIPS Act, which includes
a provision that allocates $500 million over 5 years to the Department
of State, which in coordination with USAID, the Ex-Im Bank, and the
DFC, will be used for a CHIPS for America International Technology
Security and Innovation Fund. The purpose of this funding would be to
coordinate with partner countries ``to support international
information and communications technology security.'' and ``.the
development and adoption of secure and trusted telecommunications
technologies, secure semiconductors, secure semiconductors supply
chains, and other emerging technologies.''
Will you commit to keeping this committee fully and currently
informed about the use of this funding?
Answer. Yes. The CHIPS for America International Technology
Security and Innovation Fund provides critical funding for
international information communications technology security and
semiconductor supply chain activities. If confirmed, I will commit to
keep the Congressional stakeholders fully briefed on how the Department
plans to use the CHIPS funding as well as provide regular program
status updates.
Question. What would be the CDP Bureau's top priorities when using
this funding?
Answer. The Department will support the use of CHIPS funding to
promote semiconductor supply chain security and international
information and communications technology (ICT) security aligned with
the Administration's priorities. If confirmed, I would recommend
prioritizing activities that promote cooperation on semiconductor
supply chain activities with our allies and partners and encourage and
incentivize countries around the world to choose trustworthy suppliers
for their next-generation telecommunications network build outs,
including for 5G. I would also work with allies and partners to promote
a more diverse and resilient ICT supply chain, including through the
promotion of new architectures such as Open Radio Access Networks.
National Security Presidential Memorandum 13
Question. In 2018, the Trump administration issued National
Security Presidential Memorandum 13, laying out U.S. Cyber Operations
Policy, including the approval process for conducting offensive and
defense cyber operations outside the United States.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that the appropriate
Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff gains access to this
document?
Answer. I respect the committee's important oversight role in U.S.
offensive and defensive cyber operations. If confirmed, I will convey
the committee's interest in this document to the White House and will
advocate for maximum transparency.
Sharing Cyber Capabilities with Partners
Question. The FY 2023 NDAA contains a provision stating that ``the
Secretary of Defense, with the concurrence of the Secretary of State,
shall conduct an assessment on sharing military cyber capabilities of
the Armed Forces with foreign partners of the United States for
immediate operational use to cause effects on targets or enable
collection of information of targets.''
How do you view the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Diplomacy's
role in coordinating cyber capabilities sharing with foreign
partners?
Answer. The Department has long supported collaboration and
cooperation with key partners and allies, where appropriate, on cyber
operations where we share national interests. This collaboration occurs
on a case-by-case basis; the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy
supports increasing this collaboration. That said, the Department has
neither an operational role, nor cyber capabilities itself to share
with foreign partners. If confirmed, in close coordination with the
Department of Defense and the other interagency partners, I will ensure
foreign policy considerations are taken into account when evaluating
the sharing of cyber capabilities with foreign partners, and that
approved transfers take place as swiftly as possible.
CISA Global Strategy
Question. Just two weeks ago, CISA opened its first attache office
in London to ``serve as a focal point for international collaboration
between CISA, UK Government officials, and other federal agency
officials,'' and the agency continues to enter into memoranda of
cooperation with foreign governments such as Ukraine in July 2022.
Given these developments, how do you envision the CDP Bureau's
relationship the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security
Agency (CISA) evolving in the near and long-term? Where do you
view your areas of responsibility beginning and ending?
Answer. The Department of State facilitates engagements between
foreign governments and U.S. agencies with specific technical
expertise, including through Embassies overseas. Many countries want to
work with and learn from CISA, particularly because it houses the best-
in-class computer security incident response team with national
responsibility. If confirmed, I would look to continue the Department's
strong collaborative relationship with CISA, leveraging their expertise
to help partners gain the capabilities for better incident response and
critical infrastructure protection, including by working with the
Department's cyber officers at our diplomatic missions, as I believe is
intended by CISA's Global Strategy.
Digital Freedom and Human Rights
Question. There is some concern that two subunits of the CDP
Bureau--International Cyberspace Security and International Information
and Communications Policy--will be headed by a Deputy Assistant
Secretary, whereas the Digital Freedom Unit--the unit tasked to
``defend against efforts to legitimize and adopt repressive and
authoritarian practices in cyberspace''--is led by a coordinator with
little support.
Question. Given this organizational structure, how do you plan to
elevate the issue of human rights in the new Bureau? Given that the
Digital Freedom Unit is still located within DRL, how will do you plan
to work with DRL on these issues?
Answer. CDP and DRL are collaborative partners with complementary
missions. DRL continues to lead the Department's work on Internet
freedom to ensure that individuals can enjoy their human rights online
as well as offline. CDP has an integrated mandate to lead on digital
freedom, which provides a broader paradigm to address the intersection
between technology and human rights at a time when technology continues
to expand into new areas of our lives. If confirmed, I will empower
CDP's Digital Freedom Team to promote meaningful access to digital
technologies in order to preserve cyber stability and guard against
digital authoritarianism by coordinating on these issues across all
Department equities and engaging the interagency, international
partners, and the multistakeholder community. I will ensure that the
Digital Freedom Team receives the resources it needs to lead on this
issue, including recognition of the Senior Coordinator as a Deputy
Assistant Secretary equivalent.
Question. While the Department of State has sought to centralize
responsibility for its cyber diplomacy related activities in the new
CDP Bureau, the Bureaus of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor and
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs will continue to
have policy and programmatic responsibility for issues related to
internet freedom and cybercrime.
How will you ensure coherent State Department engagement on these
and other issues where there is a division of responsibilities
across bureaus?
Answer. Before the establishment of the Bureau of Cyberspace and
Digital Policy, its component offices successfully navigated the
division of responsibilities regarding the leadership of the Internet
freedom and cybercrime portfolios. If confirmed, I will continue to
maintain the close, collaborative, and functional partnership between
the CDP Bureau, DRL, and INL while ensuring that I bring the economic,
national security, and digital freedom perspectives together to advance
a future where everyone, everywhere, can harness the benefits of an
open Internet and digital technologies to reach their full potential.
U.S. Leadership at Standards-Setting Bodies (ITU)
Question. Part of the mission of the Bureau for Cyberspace and
Digital Diplomacy is ``to advance policies that protect the integrity
and security of the infrastructure of the internet.'' I included a
provision in my Economic Statecraft for the 21st Century bill that
would establish an interagency working group dedicated to enhancing
U.S. leadership and representation at international standards-setting
bodies such as the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), which
establishes international standards that are fundamental to the
operation for today's information and communications technology
networks. In the upcoming fall 2022 ITU Plenipotentiary Conference, two
candidates, one from the United States and one from Russia, are running
for the position of ITU Secretary General, and represent fundamental
differences in their views on digital governance.
What is the Administration doing to ensure that the United States
is represented not only in top-level positions at the ITU such
as Secretary General, but also at the ITU's lower-level
workshops, seminars, and study groups, which is where
recommendations and resolutions are sent up to the larger ITU
body for votes?
Answer. Responsible, forward-looking, and transparent leadership of
the ITU is vital to the U.S. telecommunications industry. The U.S.
nomination of Doreen Bogdan-Martin as ITU Secretary-General is a
critical piece of ensuring this strong leadership. Ms. Bogdan-Martin
has spent the last 28 years in the ITU, working her way up the ranks,
demonstrating how support for candidates at all levels is a winning
strategy. If confirmed, I will work to ensure continued coordination
with likeminded partners in promoting leadership candidates, including
those of lower-level working groups and study groups to promote fair,
transparent, and consensus-based approach to ITU's work on spectrum,
standards, and telecommunications development. The Department,
recognizing that vote splitting contributes to undesirable results,
coordinates with allies and partners to maximize our chance of
electoral victory. I thank Senator Risch for his report entitled ``A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China'' that reaffirms
the importance of coordination.
Digital Authoritarianism and Cyber Sovereignty
Question. Governments such as China and Russia have promoted the
concept of ``cyber sovereignty'' in international fora in order to
justify more restrictive measures on the Internet, including
surveillance and censorship of political activists.
Please describe your views on ``cyber sovereignty'' and its
implications for global internet governance.
Answer. The concept of ``cyber sovereignty'' being advanced by
countries like Russia and China has the potential to erode the current
multistakeholder model of global Internet governance and the benefits
of a global, distributed Internet for all. Proponents of ``cyber
sovereignty'' are engaging in restrictive measures-such as surveilling
and censoring their citizens and activists-or seeking to bring the
Internet under greater inter-governmental control, such as through the
UN. For decades, the multistakeholder model has underpinned the
Internet's global growth and its success as a platform for free
communication, ensuring that no single entity--governmental or
otherwise--controls the Internet. If confirmed, I will uphold the U.S.
vision of the open, interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet under
the global, multistakeholder model and will oppose efforts to undermine
it.
Transparency for ``Hunt Forward'' Operations
Question. According to National Security Agency Director Paul
Nakasone, ``50 different hunt forward operations were conducted in 16
countries over the past three years,'' all being ``instances where
countries invite CYBERCOM to test their systems against theoretical
attacks.'' One of the recommendations made in a report you co-chaired
for the Council on Foreign Relations titled ``Confronting Reality in
Cyberspace: Foreign Policy for a Fragmented Internet'' was ``to adopt
great transparency about defend forward actions.''
If confirmed, as the principal cyberspace policy official within
the Department of State, how do you intend to work towards
greater transparency for ``hunt forward'' operations?
Answer. As the report recommends, proactive transparency and
information sharing could give the United States first-mover advantages
in the information space. U.S. statements on self-restraint and
defensive initiatives should be part of our strategy to disrupt and
mitigate adversarial cyber operations below the level of armed
conflict. In recent years, the Department of Defense has been more
proactive and public about discussing its ``hunt forward'' operations,
which is a positive development. If confirmed, I intend to work closely
with the Department of Defense and promote ``hunt forward'' operations
as defensive measures that enhance partnership with foreign
governments, counter cyber threats, and promote stability in
cyberspace.
Question. Will you commit to consulting with this committee on
significant developments and decisions with respect to the planned
Special Envoy for Critical and Emerging Technologies?
Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate that I will work in close
collaboration with the planned Special Envoy for Critical and Emerging
Technology. The State Department team will continue to keep the
committee informed about the planned Office of the Special Envoy for
Critical and Emerging Technology.
IT Workforce and Tech Talent Pipeline
Question. Given that approximately 700,000 cybersecurity roles
remain vacant in the United States, it is clear that our country faces
a growing national security challenge when it comes to cybersecurity.
The Biden administration underscored the urgency of this issue in July
2022 by convening the National Cyber Workforce and Education Summit.
Similarly, the Department of State faces its own IT workforce
challenges. In a GAO report published in April 2022, GAO states that
``State has not recruited continuously year-round for most of its IT
positions or regularly assessed its staffing needs.'' Additional
challenges include ``shortage of talent in pipeline and higher
attrition rates compared to new hires'' and limited training and career
development opportunities.'' While the Under Secretary of Management
normally addresses some of these issues, the Bureau of Cyberspace and
Digital Policy for evident reasons has a vested interest in a strong,
viable IT workforce comprised of top tech talent. You touched on this
in your confirmation hearing when you said that you ``can imagine a
future where any candidate to be a chief of mission is expected to have
an understanding of these issues.''
If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that the Department is
recruiting and retaining IT talent as effectively as possible?
How do you envision the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital
Policy's involvement in this process?
Answer. The CDP Bureau provides opportunities for all Department
employees to learn about cyber and digital policy issues. For example,
CDP provides training courses on International Digital Economy Policy
and Cyber Diplomacy at the Foreign Service Institute, which are open to
all direct-hire employees posted in Washington and overseas. If
confirmed, I will work to expand those opportunities. Equally, I will
encourage CDP staff to leverage opportunities inside and outside the
Department to improve their own expertise on information and
communications technology. I also pledge to work closely with the
Bureau of Global Talent Management to recruit, retain, train, and
sustain a diverse, talented, and inclusive workforce. Likewise, I will
advocate in the U.S. business and technology communities to encourage
Americans with technology expertise to spend time in public service and
am eager to support government-wide efforts to make it easier for mid-
career Americans to serve.
Question. How do you plan to ensure that the Department of State
has a diverse regional/demographic reach for tech talent?
Answer. I support the Department of State's commitment to building
a workforce that reflects our nation's diversity and leverages the
creativity of diverse, talented groups to advance the United States'
foreign policy priorities. As I stated in my confirmation hearing, my
first priority is building the team and culture at the Bureau to enable
its long-term success. My hope is that the Bureau's workforce will
increasingly become the hub for international cyberspace and digital
policy, integrating national security, economic prosperity, and human
rights. Achieving this aspiration will demand that we recruit and
retain talent from the entire national talent pool--across geography
and across demography. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to
work with the Bureau of Information Resource Management and the Bureau
of Global Talent Management's Diplomats in Residence--career Foreign
Service Officers and Specialists located throughout the United States
who provide guidance and advice on careers, internships, and
fellowships to students and professionals in the communities they
serve--to ensure the Department has a diverse workforce.
Question. Would you commit to coming to universities in New Jersey
to seek out tech talent for the Department?
Answer. It is critical the United States has the workforce to
address the challenges and opportunities in cyberspace and the digital
economy. Universities around the country, including in New Jersey, play
an important role. If confirmed, I will work with academic stakeholders
to encourage relevant coursework that integrates cyber and digital
policy issues into all facets of our education system, and I would look
forward to visiting universities in New Jersey and around the country,
if invited.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathaniel Fick by Senator James E. Risch
Question. How can the U.S. re-establish credible deterrence in
cyberspace?
Answer. Effectively shaping adversary decision-making requires the
thoughtful application of all the tools of national power, including
diplomacy. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and my
executive branch colleagues to redouble U.S. efforts to achieve a
significant, long-lasting reduction in destructive, disruptive, or
otherwise destabilizing malicious cyber activities directed against
U.S. interests. If confirmed, I will lead U.S. diplomatic efforts to
build a broad-based, voluntary coalition of likeminded states that can
organize cooperative responses to significant cyber incidents, together
ensuring that there are consequences for unacceptable cyber activity
and in this way, shaping adversaries' decision-making. Within the U.S.
interagency, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen collaboration
between the Departments of State and Defense, to include increasing
cooperation around cyber operations. These efforts will complement and
be strengthened by CDP's positive agenda, grounded in U.S. values to
promote the use of digital technologies for the benefit of all people,
everywhere.
Answer. What role should the cyber bureau play in these efforts?
Answer. Effectively shaping adversary decision-making requires the
thoughtful application of all the tools of national power, including
diplomacy as well as other capabilities our interagency partners can
bring to bear. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the interagency
and lead U.S. diplomatic efforts to build a broad-based, voluntary
coalition of likeminded states that can organize cooperative responses
to significant cyber incidents, together ensuring that there are
appropriate consequences for unacceptable cyber activity and in this
way, shaping adversaries' decision-making. Such cooperative responses
build on, and create accountability for adhering to, the international
consensus around the framework of responsible state behavior in
cyberspace. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's work to
promote this framework and support its implementation across the globe.
Question. Will you commit to working with the committee on this
issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the committee to explore
development of a streamlined authority to allow sharing of critical
cyber capabilities and information with key operational partners.
Question. What efforts will you take to help ensure the CDP bureau
is capable of attract and retain the nation's foremost digital and
cyberspace talent?
Answer. The CDP Bureau must operate like a 21st-century talent
organization. This means that its success depends not upon a patent or
process innovation or a market monopoly, but upon a continuous ability
to recruit and retain a broad team of talented people who have many
other options for where to spend their professional time and energy.
The Bureau's great advantage in doing so is the power and importance of
its mission. We will need to make the case--inside the Department,
across the interagency, and outside the Government--that technology is
the next frontier of diplomacy, that these issues are fundamental to
the future of American power and competitiveness, and that public
service is a noble and rewarding pursuit. If confirmed, I will
encourage Department employees to come spend time in the Bureau, will
commit to supporting members of the CDP Bureau team in gaining as much
professional training as possible, and will do my utmost to build and
sustain a culture that empowers them and enables them to succeed. I
pledge to work closely with the Bureau of Global Talent Management to
recruit, retain, train, and sustain a diverse, talented, and inclusive
workforce. Likewise, I will advocate in the U.S. business and
technology communities to encourage Americans with technology expertise
to spend time in public service, and I am eager to support government-
wide efforts to make it easier for mid-career Americans to serve.
Question. What role does multilateral cooperation have in
countering malign cyber influence (e.g., from the PRC, Russian
Federation, and DPRK)?
Answer. The United States' work in international and multilateral
organizations has led to international consensus on a framework of
responsible state behavior in cyberspace. All U.N. member states have
committed to act in accordance with this framework. While such a
framework is not self-reinforcing, it sets the foundation upon which we
can rally likeminded partners to hold irresponsible state actors
accountable, including through public attributions, diplomatic actions,
and other responses. Likeminded partners have grown increasingly
willing to take such action in response to malign cyber influence. If
confirmed, I will continue to press for progress with our partners in
countering malign cyber influence and promoting a rights-respecting
cyber and digital policy agenda.
Question. How will the Department of State integrate the Bureau for
Cyberspace and Digital Policy with other functional and regional
bureaus?
Answer. The Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy brings together
into a single entity the economic, national security, and human rights
considerations regarding cyberspace and digital technologies. In doing
so, the Bureau not only integrates its approach to these issues
internally and thereby advances Secretary Blinken's modernization
agenda, but also is well placed to play a coordinating role within the
Department and across the interagency. If confirmed, I will build an
organization that elevates cyber and digital issues in U.S. foreign
policy and maximizes our engagement with regional and functional
bureaus to strengthen diplomacy as a tool to achieve our national
objectives on cyber and digital issues.
Question. Do you anticipate working closely with other U.S.
Government agencies? If so, which?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to build an organization that can
elevate cyber and digital issues within U.S. foreign policy and
maximize our engagement with interagency partners, including the
Department of Defense, U.S. Agency for International Development,
Department of Homeland Security, National Security Council, Office of
the National Cyber Director, Department of Justice, Federal
Communications Commission, and Department of Commerce. In leveraging
the expertise of these departments and agencies, the Bureau can
strengthen diplomacy as a tool to achieve our national objectives on
cyber and digital issues.
Question. Do you work with cyber/digital trafficking?
Answer. Trafficking is a particularly heinous misuse of the
Internet. If confirmed, I pledge to redouble our efforts, working with
the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement and the
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, as well as our
partners at the Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of
Investigation to ensure U.S. diplomacy maintains clear focus on the
prevention of digital trafficking.
Question. In what capacity will you engage with the ``deep web?''
Answer. Recognizing the gravity of cybercrime and the importance
the United States places on combatting it, if confirmed, I will
coordinate within the Department and with our partners in law
enforcement to ensure U.S. diplomacy complements other U.S. Government
efforts to reduce the threat of international cybercrime wherever it
occurs, including the ``deep web.''
Question. How is the department working towards bolstering public/
private partnerships such that innovation in cyberspace is encouraged?
Answer. The Department of State advances U.S. foreign policy
priorities through private sector engagement, including by cultivating
cross-sector partnerships. Successful partnerships of this nature will
be a necessary element of the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy's
overall success, given the concentration of talent and technical
capacity in the U.S. innovation economy. If confirmed, I look forward
to working to leverage the Department's various mechanisms, tools, and
networks to strengthen partnerships with the private sector on cyber
and digital issues. We need to continue to foster an open, enabling
environment to encourage future innovation aligned with U.S. values.
Question. ``Upholding democratic values'' is one of CDP's stated
goals; which specific regions or nations does it have in mind?
Answer. The U.S. Government works closely with allies and partners
around the world, including members of the Freedom Online Coalition and
partners who affirm the Declaration of the Future of the Internet, to
uphold democratic values globally. The United States works to deter and
respond to transnational repression and digital authoritarianism by
promoting digital freedom in accordance with the U.S. values of
openness and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will sustain these existing partnerships and seek new
opportunities to ensure that U.S. cyber and digital diplomacy advances
democracy and human rights.
Question. What role do you envision the CDP bureau playing in
ensuring the United States maintains global leadership in developing
artificial intelligence, machine learning, and other emergent
technologies?
Answer. If confirmed, I envision the CDP Bureau working alongside
the Office of the Special Envoy for Critical and Emerging Technology to
continue to lead the Department's engagement in many international
venues where artificial intelligence policy issues are discussed, such
as through bilateral dialogues, at the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development, Global Partnership on AI, Group of Seven
(G7), Group of Twenty (G20), U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council,
Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, and International Telecommunication
Union. The United States can both further our technological
capabilities and promote democratic values and human rights by working
with our partners and allies to promote the responsible stewardship of
trustworthy artificial intelligence and machine learning.
Question. How will CDP collaborate with other agencies and
departments in their existing research?
Answer. Research related to artificial intelligence (AI) and
machine learning, as technologies with cross-cutting implications
across policy areas, is discussed in many bilateral and multilateral
settings. If confirmed, my vision is that CDP will continue close
collaboration with other agencies and departments in their existing
research by coordinating U.S. participation in those dialogues. In
addition, CDP works alongside the Office of the Science and Technology
Advisor and Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and
Scientific Affairs to co-lead the Department of State's participation
in the National Science and Technology Council's subcommittee on
Machine Learning and AI.
Question. How will CDP maintain an understanding of emergent
technology, given its rapid pace of development?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure CDP maintains an
understanding of emergent technology by doing many of the same things I
did while leading a cutting-edge technology company: leveraging
internal expertise within our organization, close collaboration with
other relevant agencies and departments, and regular consultations with
industry, academia, and civil society experts. I will work to increase
our internal expertise through new hires and access to increased
training opportunities. CDP also has the benefit of the Department's
network of embassies and consulates to maintain an understanding of
international developments and other countries' approaches to emergent
technology.
Question. Are there any emergent technologies that the CDP sees
utility or potential in?
Answer. Yes, CDP sees utility and potential in many emerging
technologies and their applications, including artificial intelligence
(AI) and machine learning, Internet of Things, blockchain, Web 3.0, 6G,
and Open RAN architecture. Advances in emergent technologies present
great opportunities in addition to great challenges. If confirmed, I
will work with allies and partners, companies, universities, and civil
society organizations that promote democratic values and share a
commitment to design and deploy technology for the benefit of all
people.
Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with allies and
partners to promote Cyber policies consistent with U.S. values?
Answer. The Department is on the frontlines of the U.S.
Government's efforts to promote meaningful access to digital
technologies, maintain an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable
Internet, and preserve a stable cyberspace by defending against
challenges such as digital authoritarianism. These efforts are central
to the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy's mission. Digitally
repressive regimes and foreign adversaries often seek to harness
digital technologies to control domestic populations through a
sprawling system of censorship, surveillance, and Internet
restrictions. These efforts also extend outward through transnational
repression of diaspora communities and other critics abroad, and the
export of authoritarian goals through trade relationships, the U.N. and
other multilateral fora, and standard-setting bodies. If confirmed, I
will lead CDP in sustaining and building partnerships to defend against
these efforts and ensure U.S. diplomacy advances digital technologies
that support democracy and human rights.
Question. If confirmed, how would you directly address actions of
U.S. private or public entities in conflict with U.S. national cyber
security strategy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to
increase alignment between U.S. public and private entities and the
U.S. national cyber security strategy and policy priorities. U.S.
companies have a major role in advancing an open, interoperable,
secure, and reliable Internet and should not be complicit in enabling
the use of technology in ways that violate human rights and democratic
values.
Question. Would you directly address foreign countries restricting
internet freedoms in violation of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political rights?
Answer. Yes. The Department of State monitors and responds to laws,
policies, and activities that restrict human rights online and works to
address all concerns through appropriate bilateral and multilateral
channels and public diplomacy. The Department consistently seeks to
advance Internet freedom through U.N. bodies, the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development, the Group of Seven (G7), and
other international organizations. The U.S. Government also plays a
global leadership role in multi-stakeholder initiatives focused on
Internet freedom and human rights online, such as the Freedom Online
Coalition (FOC). The FOC has been instrumental in building cross-
regional coalitions to support Internet freedom. The United States will
take over the chairmanship of the FOC in 2023 as part of our commitment
to bolstering its work in the Summit for Democracy's Presidential
Initiative for Democratic Renewal. If confirmed, I will continue to
carry forward and expand upon this vital work in coordination with the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
Question. Please describe your assessment of global internet
freedom and the U.S. Government's response to a rising authoritarian
threat off and online.
Answer. I am concerned by the decline in Internet freedom globally,
including through the misuse of digital technologies. Preventing the
misuse of digital technologies, including by authoritarian governments,
is a core priority for the United States. This topic is being addressed
bilaterally and in coordination with partners and allies via the Summit
for Democracy, U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, Freedom Online
Coalition, and elsewhere. For example, the U.S. Government continues to
work through the Summit for Democracy to take action, including
establishing a code of conduct on how export controls can be used to
address the proliferation of technologies conducive to human rights
abuses. Additionally, the Department intends to bolster U.S. global
leadership on Internet freedom issues through our chairmanship of the
Freedom Online Coalition in 2023. If confirmed, I will continue to
carry this work forward.
Question. How can you, if confirmed, best streamline current U.S.
Government efforts to promote global internet freedom?
Answer. Promoting Internet freedom is an essential part of the U.S.
Government's approach to protecting and promoting human rights. The
Department of State leads the U.S. Government's efforts to promote
respect for human rights globally, including online, by raising these
concerns bilaterally, building and participating in multilateral and
multi-stakeholder coalitions focused on advancing human rights online
globally, and funding civil society-led policy and advocacy projects
that promote Internet freedom. If confirmed, I will strengthen
coordination within the Department and across the interagency to ensure
the U.S. Government has an integrated, cohesive policy on initiatives
to promote Internet freedom that guard against the rise of digital
authoritarianism.
Question. Will you also plan to push back against proposals from
allies or tech companies that promote censorship or other restrictions
on the freedom of speech?
Answer. Some countries attempt to regulate social media to stifle
freedom of expression, target activists, or limit access to independent
journalism. The United States responds to these actions with diplomatic
engagement that advocates for respecting human rights and fundamental
freedoms, both online and offline, including in response to content
issues. The Department encourages Internet service providers, including
social media platforms, to consider their commitments under the U.N.
Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights and their own terms of
service. If confirmed, I will work diligently to address and advance
digital freedom as a core element of U.S. cyber and digital policy by
continuing engagement across the full range of governmental and non-
governmental stakeholders.
Question. What is your assessment of the proposed treaty?
Answer. The process to consider a new binding international
instrument on cybercrime poses a number of challenges that could, if
not squarely addressed, adversely impact the United States and its
citizens. However, the delegation leading the negotiations has done a
remarkable job in minimizing Russian and PRC influence, establishing an
expert-driven process on the basis of consensus where both nations and
civil society experts can have their views heard. The U.S. Government
continues to lead efforts to be inclusive and argue for a convention
that is a narrowly focused on criminal justice, respects human rights,
and supports multistakeholder engagement. If confirmed, I will continue
to ensure the United States works towards these objectives.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with relevant
bureaus and agencies to promoting text that promotes American values
and national security interests in the treaty?
Answer. Yes. While the current process was initiated by Russia,
they are not leading this process. Instead, the United States is
leading a broad and diverse group of experts in debates on the
technical merits of an international instrument focused on cybercrime.
The United States and its like-minded allies continue to lead efforts
to advance a narrowly focused criminal justice instrument that respects
human rights, supporting multistakeholder engagement. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure the U.S. Government is successful in this regard.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathaniel Fick by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. How will your private sector experience enhance your
effectiveness in strengthening opportunities for public-private
partnerships to advance U.S. foreign policy goals in the areas of
cyberspace and digital policy?
Answer. The United States has long championed the importance of a
multistakeholder approach to address cyber and digital policy. This is
essential given the concentration of talent and technical capacity in
the U.S. innovation economy. Accordingly, successful public-private
partnerships are a necessary element of CDP's overall success. If
confirmed, I look forward to identifying opportunities to support both
new and continued partnerships with the private sector. If confirmed, I
will explore a range of options including using blended finance
programs to attract private investment in critical technologies,
incorporating additional expertise from industry in CDP-funded
trainings and workshops, and meeting with global technology business
leaders to explain CDP's priorities.
Question. Under your leadership, what principles will govern the
Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy's engagement with civil society
organizations and participants in other countries who are pushing back
against digital authoritarianism and advocating for democracy, human
rights, and fundamental freedoms?
Answer. Digital transformation presents great promise for
collaboration, communication, and innovation for billions of people. As
millions more come online each day to maximize the opportunities for
their livelihoods, their societal engagements, and their prosperity,
they also face potential risks of exclusion, harm, and the extension of
offline inequalities to online disparities. If confirmed, I will ensure
that the Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy's engagement on
digital freedom is coordinated with key stakeholders within the
Department, interagency, and international community, including the
private sector and civil society. I will make sure the bureau's work in
this space is guided by and consistent with the United States'
obligations under domestic and international law and U.S. policy and
commitments, including the principles outlined in the founding
documents of the Freedom Online Coalition, as well as the Biden-Harris
administration's trademark initiatives on technology and democracy such
as the Declaration for the Future of the Internet.
Question. The Declaration for the Future of the Internet is an
important step in obtaining the commitment of governments to
fundamental values including privacy and respect for human rights. What
actions will you take to increase the number of signatories and
encourage more governments to commit to the Declaration's vision of an
open, free, global, interoperable, reliable, and secure Internet?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with likeminded partners
to promote the principles of the Declaration for the Future of the
Internet (DFI), encourage additional governments to join, and
operationalize its commitments in concrete ways. For example, we will
use joint demarches with appropriate partner governments to persuade
countries that have not yet joined to do so. We will also promote DFI's
principles in relevant international forums. I will work to ensure that
we ourselves operate according to DFI's principles so that we are
leading by example and reinforcing the norms we are advocating around
the world.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Nathaniel Fick by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Is the Chinese Communist Party a threat to the United
States?
Answer. The next ten years may be the decisive decade in the
competition between the United States and the PRC. As I stated in my
confirmation hearing, ``Our strategic competition with China along
digital lines is probably the most defining strategic question of my
generation. We have a competitor out there with a very different view
of what our global technology future should look like.'' If confirmed,
I will help advance the Biden-Harris administration's comprehensive,
whole-of-government strategy to compete responsibly with the PRC, while
highlighting with allies and partners our vision for an open,
interoperable, reliable, and secure Internet as a key enabler of global
freedom and prosperity.
Question. Does the Chinese Communist Party undertake any activities
that are beneficial to U.S. interests?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, we will cooperate with the
PRC where our interests align. However, the CCP's authoritarian vision
for cyberspace, telecommunications, digital governance, and emerging
technology is not one of these areas. If confirmed, I will focus on
addressing the risks to the United States, our partners, and our
allies--and to an open, interoperable, reliable, and secure Internet--
that would come from having the rules of the road set by a country that
does not share our core values.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China as
part of your work?
Answer. The United States will continue to engage with the PRC in
forums where the PRC and the United States are both members, like APEC
and the ASEAN Regional Forum. The United States will also continue
bilateral diplomatic engagement to further its interests in
multilateral fora. By including all stakeholders in standards-
developing organizations (SDOs), the resulting standards reflect a
private sector-led, consensus-based, bottom-up approach, that has been
the key to our efforts to promote a democratic, rules-based system.
Their inclusion also avoids the creation of a parallel SDO structure in
which the PRC is able to promote its model to smaller countries
unopposed. If confirmed, I will pursue bilateral engagement with the
PRC on topics and in organizations in which we have shared interests.
Question. Are you aware of the danger posed to these activists by
the Chinese Communist Party? If so, what can be done to limit this
activity?
Answer. I am concerned about the threat posed by the People's
Republic of China's use of transnational repression. To address this
threat, the Biden-Harris administration is pursuing a multi-faceted
strategy. The Department of State has worked to increase awareness of
resources available to assist targets of transnational repression at
home and abroad, to encourage open lines of communication between these
individuals and the U.S. Government, and to impose consequences on PRC
officials engaged in transnational repression. If confirmed, I will
strengthen partnerships with the private sector and our allies to
counter PRC transnational repression through digital means and work to
reduce the likelihood that U.S. partners facilitate PRC transnational
repression.
Question. Many of these activists receive direct support and
funding from the State Department, or from international organizations
that receive U.S. Government funding. If confirmed, what will you do to
ensure that communication with these activists is not vulnerable to CCP
cyberattacks?
Answer. Safeguarding the activists, human rights defenders, and
civil society organizations who receive support and funding from U.S.
Foreign Assistance requires that their security practices are guided by
experts who understand the local context and can track changes in those
threat landscapes. This is true in many sensitive contexts, including
those at risk from digital threats stemming from the PRC. If confirmed,
I will support ongoing and future U.S. Government efforts to raise
awareness of digital risks to individuals at risk of being targeted by
the PRC and work with others in the Department to provide digital
safety training, tools, and materials to activists, human rights
defenders, and civil society organizations at risk of digitally aided
repression and online attacks. Furthermore, I will ensure digital
safety-related risk management efforts led by the Department are
informed by relevant intelligence information and expertise.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to work with social media
companies, and other countries, to ensure that activists at risk of
transnational repression are not vulnerable to CCP cyberattacks?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to maintain close contact
with social media companies and other digital platforms to raise
awareness of transnational repression and to combat PRC malicious cyber
activities, disinformation, and online harassment while emphasizing
U.S. support for freedom of expression, including online. I will also
work with other governments to raise awareness of, and address
vulnerabilities to, cyberattacks and other digital security risks to
individuals who may be targeted for transnational repression. If
confirmed, I will work with others in the Department and across the
interagency to promote accountability for actors who facilitate
transnational repression using the tools the Department has available,
including sanctions, export controls, and visa restrictions.
Question. In your opinion, are American citizens' communications
with embassies and consulates overseas protected from surveillance by
the Chinese Communist Party, the Russian Federation, Iran, North Korea,
the Maduro Regime, or Cuba? Please explain.
Answer. The Department of State uses its resources to monitor all
its embassies and consulates for unauthorized surveillance, including
surveillance of communications between Department officials and
American citizens. In the event that surveillance is detected on
Department infrastructure from an unauthorized actor, Department
officials work with federal law enforcement and intelligence partners
to mitigate the effects of the intrusion. The Department uses
information from these incidents to improve its monitoring regime and
better secure its communications and IT infrastructure. If confirmed, I
will work with the Department colleagues charged with the protection of
embassy and consulate communications to align, where needed, any
resource requests and related foreign policy concerns.
Question. In your opinion, are formal communications (i.e. visa
applications, other consular services) between third-country nationals
and our embassy and consulates' Consular Affairs sections adequately
protected from authoritarian regimes?
Answer. Cybersecurity is one of the Department's top priorities.
The Bureau of Consular Affairs (CA) manages a robust cybersecurity
program closely linked to Department and other interagency efforts. CA
dedicates substantial resources and highly skilled personnel to
continuously monitor, test, and implement upgrades to Department
systems to improve the U.S. defense against evolving cybersecurity
threats. The Department's network users--both domestic and overseas--
undergo annual training to recognize common scenarios and
vulnerabilities, such as spear phishing, so they can help defend these
critical systems. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in
CA to ensure that our efforts are integrated and well-supported.
Question. What more can be done in this regard?
Answer. The Bureau of Consular Affairs collaborates across its
directorates and offices, and with other bureaus within the Department,
to strengthen the Department's ability to proactively identify and
mitigate potential threats to critical systems and networks before they
can be exploited. Additionally, Consular Affairs is actively expanding
its partnership with the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security
Agency and other U.S. interagency partners to increase its security
posture. At the individual level, Consular Affairs promotes awareness
and a shared sense of responsibility through scenario training,
debriefs and workshops, and targeted security awareness briefings to
government and contract staff such as developers, site administrators,
and application administrators in order to protect the privacy and
integrity of the information entrusted to us by the traveling public.
If confirmed, I will work closely with Consular Affairs colleagues to
support those efforts to prioritize the awareness and security of U.S.
citizens abroad.
Question. In your opinion, are American travelers adequately
informed of the data security risks when they travel to these
countries, or places in which these authoritarian regimes have a major
presence?
Answer. U.S. citizens are warned of security risks, including
threats to their data and the threat of surveillance and monitoring,
through the Department's International Travel--Country Information
Pages on travel.state.gov. In addition, U.S. Embassies may notify U.S.
citizens of these threats through alerts and messages as appropriate.
U.S. citizens are encouraged to enroll in the Smart Traveler Enrollment
Program (STEP) before traveling abroad so that they receive direct
communication on safety conditions and other important information for
their destination. The Department also amplifies these messages on
social media in order to reach a wide audience. If confirmed, I will
work closely with colleagues throughout the Department to ensure our
policy and technical approaches are well-aligned so American travelers
can understand the importance of this issue.
Question. Should Americans have TikTok, or other apps operated by
companies with close ties to the Chinese Communist Party, on their
phones? Do these apps pose a risk? Please explain.
Answer. I believe that apps from developers with close ties to the
CCP do pose a privacy risk to their users. Personally, I do not use
them, and I do my best to prevent my children from using them. The
Biden-Harris administration is committed to protecting Americans'
sensitive personal data in line with advancing our overall national
security interests, as well as promoting longstanding foreign policy
objectives such as the free flow of data with trust over an open,
interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet. The Bureau of Cyberspace
and Digital Policy leads the Department of State's coordination on
multiple lines of effort to strengthen the protection of American
users' data, including data shared through phone applications,
particularly through the implementation of E.O. 14034 (``Protecting
Americans' Sensitive Data from Foreign Adversaries'') and E.O. 13873
(``Securing the Information and Communications Technology and Services
Supply Chain''). If confirmed, I will ensure the CDP Bureau works both
internally and with the interagency, as well as with like-minded allies
and partners, to carry out these efforts fully.
Question. Does the State Department keep a list of apps vulnerable
to authoritarian surveillance, and if so, does it make American
travelers aware of these apps?
Answer. The State Department is involved in several interagency
processes to identify risks to U.S. national security, including
authoritarian surveillance of U.S. users through social media
applications, through implementation of E.O. 14034 (``Protecting
Americans' Sensitive Data from Foreign Adversaries'') and E.O. 13873
(``Securing the Information and Communications Technology and Services
Supply Chain''), led by the Department of Commerce. If confirmed, I
will work closely with colleagues in the Department and across the
interagency to help ensure Americans are aware of the risks posed by
the use of certain digital technologies, including apps.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to improve State
Department policies to protect American travelers from authoritarian
surveillance and cyber-attacks?
Answer. The Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy is committed to
strengthening the Department of State's policies and programming to
address national security challenges in cyberspace to protect U.S.
citizens here and abroad. If confirmed, I commit to working with others
in the Department, the interagency, and the international community to
continue to strengthen the U.S. culture of cybersecurity for the
benefit of all users, including by promoting awareness of cyber
hygiene.
__________
Correspondence I.--Supporting the Nomination of Nathaniel Fick to be
Ambassador-at-Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy
submitted by a bipartisan group of security and industry leaders
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Correspondence II.--Supporting the Nomination of Nathaniel Fick to be
Ambassador-at-Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy
submitted by christopher painter, former coordinator
for cyber issues, u.s. department of state
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:47 p.m., in
Room 419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeanne Shaheen,
presiding.
Present: Senators Shaheen [presiding], Menendez, Murphy,
Kaine, Markey, Van Hollen, Portman, Young, Barrasso, Cruz, and
Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. At this time, I would like to call the
hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations committee to order.
Today, we are going to review the nominations of ten important
best ambassadorial nominees to advance American's foreign
policy.
We start with the first five who are before us. In our
first panel, we will hear from Ms. Kathleen Kavalec to Romania,
Mr. Ken Merten to Bulgaria, Mr. Christopher Robinson to Latvia,
Mr. Bijan Sabet to the Czech Republic, and Mr. George Kent to
Estonia.
Today, diplomats are more critical than ever in advancing
U.S. foreign policy and National Security interests at this--
the global security landscape is experiencing probably the most
seismic shift since World War II.
I recently returned from the Halifax International Security
Forum in Canada right before Thanksgiving, and together with
Senator Risch, the Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign
Relations committee, we led the largest delegation to date,
nine members of Congress, bipartisan, bicameral to that forum.
And in each of the interactions that we had with foreign
government officials, we felt the United States commitment to
providing continued support to Ukraine was mirrored and shared
by our allies. And furthermore, that our allies very much
appreciated the strong stand taken by the United States and the
importance of our foreign policy.
And while our diplomatic impact is forged and sustained by
the dedicated public servants of the Foreign Service, we must
have qualified, confirmed ambassadors on the ground to lead and
support them.
To tackle the myriad complex challenges we are facing, we
have to have ambassadors heading our embassies and representing
us in multilateral organizations. I want to take this moment to
recognize my ranking member for today's hearing, Senator
Portman of Ohio, because this will be our last time chairing a
hearing together.
Senator Portman, we have worked together on a whole range
of issues on this committee from the--and beyond, from the
historic infrastructure deal to bipartisan support for Ukraine.
And I am really grateful for your partnership and for the
leadership that you have shown in helping to lead the
Congressional support for Ukraine.
We have the opportunity to travel there on several
occasions together and it is very clear that your commitment to
what is happening there is not going to end when you leave the
Senate, so thank you for that. Let me introduce the nominees on
our first of these two panels. I am pleased that Kathleen Ann
Kavalec has been nominated to serve as U.S. Ambassador to
Romania.
This would be something of a homecoming, as I understand
you served at Embassy Bucharest earlier in your career. You are
a career member of the Senior Foreign Service with the rank of
Minister Counselor. And since 2019, you have served as the
OSCE's Head of Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
She is an expert in the region, having served as Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of European and
Eurasian Affairs, led the State Department's Office of Russian
Affairs, and served at our Embassy in Kyiv and twice in the
U.S. Embassy Moscow.
Romania has been a longstanding leader in NATO with respect
to the Black Sea region. This is a vital transportation area
that must be protected as the economies and people of many
nations depend on the safe, unimpeded passage of goods, grains,
and supplies across its waters
I am going to stop in my introductions and see if I can
ask Senator Markey, if you would like to do the introduction of
Mr. Sabet. Go ahead, Senator Markey.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Madam Chair and Ranking Member
Portman. I am pleased to introduce an accomplished and
acclaimed son of Massachusetts, Bijan Sabet, President Biden's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Czech
Republic.
He is joined here today by his wife, Lauren, and his
children, Sophia, Ali, and James are watching from home. Mr.
Sabet story is in many ways the embodiment of the American
dream. Although he grew up in New York to immigrant parents, he
had the good sense to move to Boston, where he attended my alma
mater, Boston College.
Unfortunately, however, while he had the good sense to fly
high with the B.C. Eagles, he has failed to have the good sense
to abandon the Yankees. But we forgive him for that one lapse
of judgment----
[Laughter.]
Senator Shaheen. You may forgive him----
[Laughter.]
Senator Markey. He got his professional start in the
somewhat warmer Silicon Valley. Luckily, his wife eventually
convinced him to move back to Massachusetts.
Mr. Sabet continues to affirm his commitment to our beloved
brain State, serving on the Board of Trustees of Boston
College, as well as on the board of trustees of both the Beaver
Country Day School and the Saint Mark School in Southborough.
Mr. Sabet has built an impressive career with
accomplishments too numerous to list in their entirety, but
including helping to build up numerous companies, including
quite a few headquartered in Massachusetts like Wayfair.
Mr. Sabet has never forgotten the private sector's
responsibility to its workers and their communities. He has
been an advocate for CEOs in the tech world to stand up for
their values and their employees. Recently, he has been focused
on supporting climate focused startups, working on several
issues close to my heart.
Always hungry for new challenges, Mr. Sabet has turned his
considerable talents to public service. This nomination comes
at an important time for the region. The United States and
Czech Republic have a deep and abiding relationship.
We are NATO's allies, economic partners, and historic
friends in the 20th century. Prague was on the front lines of
the last hot war in Europe and the epicenter of the ensuing
cold one.
And today, as Europe confronts its biggest security
challenges in decades, Prague is once again at the center of
the storm. I commend Mr. Sabet for rising to meet this moment.
Mr. Sabet, we congratulate you on your nomination.
Massachusetts thanks you for your service, and we thank you
for appearing before the committee today. You are going to be
an outstanding Ambassador. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Markey. We
know your schedule may require that you leave, so feel free to
do that at your leisure.
Next, we have Mr. Ken Merten. He is nominated to represent
us in Bulgaria, a reliable ally in an area of strategic
importance to the United States, where a fragile coalition
government must tackle corruption and organized crime, while
also facing an economic downturn exacerbated by Russia's war.
To its enormous credit, Bulgaria has stood with Ukraine
despite historically close ties to Russia. This would be
Ambassador Merten's third tour as Chief of Mission, following
successful assignments in Croatia and Haiti.
As ambassador in Haiti, he led the U.S. Government response
to the 2010 Haiti earthquake, which involved over 22,000 U.S.
military and thousands of civilian personnel in Haiti from
numerous U.S. Government agencies.
He received the 2011 Ryan C. Crocker Award for Outstanding
Leadership in Expeditionary Diplomacy, which recognizes U.S.
diplomats who excel in the most challenging leadership
positions overseas. I am also pleased to see Christopher
Robinson nominated to the position of Ambassador to Latvia.
Mr. Robinson is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service and currently serves as Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for Europe and Eurasia. His nomination comes at an
important time for our continued collaboration with Latvia on
resisting Russia's maligned influence in Europe.
Mr. Robinson has served as the Senior Political Officer at
our Embassy in Moscow, Deputy Director for Russian Affairs at
the State Department, and Political Counselor at the U.S.
Mission to the OSCE, earning multiple State Department awards
reserved for the finest among our diplomatic corps.
Finally, I want to welcome Mr. George Kent, nominated to be
U.S. ambassador to Estonia. Mr. Kent has a distinguished record
of service with the Department of State in Ukraine, Poland,
Uzbekistan, Thailand, and Washington, and most recently oversaw
policy toward Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, and
Azerbaijan as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Europe.
He previously led U.S. anti-corruption efforts across Europe
and Eurasia.
I appreciate that Estonia has been a valuable NATO partner
and ally to Ukraine, contributing more military aid per capita
than any other country, and hosting 60,000 Ukrainian refugees,
a figure more than 4 percent of Estonia's population.
Without further ado, I want to hand it over to the Ranking
Member for his opening remarks, and then we will turn to our
nominees for their opening statements. Senator Portman.
STATEMENT OF SENATOR ROBB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. Great. Thank you very much, Senator
Shaheen, my friend and my partner in so many legislative
initiatives. I am going to miss partnering with you here in the
United States Senate, but I look forward to continuing to stay
in touch.
And to my colleagues who are with us here, who are already
in public service, 7 of the 10 of you on these two panels
already serve our country as career members of our Foreign
Service. Thank you for your service.
And for all of you, thank you for stepping up to take on
additional responsibilities. It is an impressive panel, and
several of you, I have had the opportunity to work with, or to
talk to at least, over the years.
Our first panel, we have Assistant Secretary Chris
Robinson, who was just discussed. He is heading to Latvia,
should he be successfully confirmed. And he is no stranger to
working on these issues, including most recently being in
Moscow, which I think is good training for this task.
Unfortunately, our great ally, Latvia, is feeling more and
more cyber and other threats from Russia. And so I think that
background will be very helpful, that Mr. Robinson brings to
the table. I also see we have George Kent with us, Deputy
Secretary for Estonia.
I finally remember, Mr. Kent, a meeting with you back in
2018, I think it was in the spring of 2018, and when you helped
me to be able to get transportation out to the line of contact
at the time.
November 2014 was when the Russians first invaded. And
2018, there was a hot war going on in the Donbass, and I was
able to go and see it firsthand, partly due to your
interventions. I appreciate that. And I want to hear what we
are going to do to try to help Estonia even more to push back
on again the threats that they are facing, including cyber
threats.
By the way, the place where I was able to go was in the
East near Bakhmut. And seeing the recent photographs of Bakhmut
are heartbreaking. That part of the country has been utterly
destroyed by Russia's brutal assaults, and the Wagner Group in
particular, mercenaries. So anyway, I look forward to seeing
how we can deepen our ties with Estonia.
Next up, Ken Merten is here, a nominee for Bulgaria, a
strong ally of the United States. I have worked with Mr. Merten
before because when he was at the Bureau of Western Hemisphere
Affairs, he helped on a very sensitive issue with regard to
Haiti.
And I told you this, but I appreciate your personal
involvement with my constituents, and eventually a successful
outcome. But I am curious to know how you will strengthen our
partnership with Bulgaria and fight Russia's efforts to exert
malign influence over that country as well. It is an important
role right now.
Ms. Kathleen Kavalec is here, who is a nominee for Romania.
I was in Romania last year and they have done yeoman's work to
try to help with regard to Ukraine. They are suffering, too, as
you know, with the electrical issues, with Russian bombing the
infrastructures in Ukraine. They are affected directly.
I am glad to have the opportunity to see you before the
committee and I appreciate it talking to you in advance. Glad
you are finally here. And then finally last up, Mr. Bijan
Sabet, who was just talked about, the Ambassador to the Czech
Republic, the only non-career nominee on this panel.
I am curious to know how your private sector experience
will serve you well in this important role with the Czech
Republic, again, at a critical time, our relationship with
Prague.
Again, thank you so much. I will now turn it back to my
friend and colleague, Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Portman. I
would ask that we begin at this end with Christopher Robinson,
and we will go down the table and each of you give your opening
statements. Please begin.
STATEMENT OF CHRISTOPHER T. ROBINSON OF MARYLAND, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF LATVIA
Mr. Robinson. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman,
and distinguished members of this committee, it is a privilege
to appear before you. I am honored to be the nominee for U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia.
And I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me. I want to start by recognizing those who have
made it possible for me to be here today.
First, I want to honor my wife, Donka, who is here with me
today. For her love, her commitment, and her support for over
27 years of marriage. I would not be here without her. We are
blessed by our three daughters, Faith, Hope, and Charity.
Charity also joins me here today. I want to thank them for
their love and the sacrifices they have made growing up with
the frequent moves and the demands of life in the Foreign
Service.
I would also like to thank my mother, Eileen Robinson, and
my father in law, Peter Todorov, my sister, Gillian, and
brother, Matthew, as well as my brother and sister in law, Ned
and Neda Todorov, for their inspiration and steadfast support
every step of the way.
I am a career Foreign Service Officer with over 27 years of
experience. I have served in Russia, Belarus, Nicaragua, and
Iraq, among many other assignments. Much of my career has
focused on supporting the freedom and independence of Europe,
as well as defending human rights, often in some of the world's
most authoritarian regimes.
As the events unfolding in Ukraine today demonstrate,
protecting and supporting these freedoms is fundamental to
safeguarding our own National Security. Most recently, as
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Russia, I have had the
privilege to work with this committee to help implement
policies to counter and deter Russian aggression.
I thank the committee for the strong bipartisan support it
has given to these efforts. If confirmed, my first priority
would be to ensure the safety and security of U.S. citizens in
the Republic of Latvia. My second priority will be to enhance
bilateral efforts to counter and deter Russia's aggression,
particularly against Latvia, and regional efforts to strengthen
transatlantic security.
At the core of our relationship with Latvia is our bond as
NATO's allies. Latvian soldiers have served side by side with
U.S. soldiers in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Balkans,
contributing to NATO missions and operations. Latvia hosts one
of NATO's battlegroups, and our service members train alongside
Latvians to defend NATO territory.
Latvia was among the first countries to send weapons to
Ukraine and continues to support the Government and people of
Ukraine as they fight for their freedom and democracy. Tens of
thousands of Ukrainian refugees are currently living in Latvia,
supported by the Latvian Government.
If confirmed, I will work with the Latvian Government to
strengthen our security partnership and our alliance through
NATO. My third priority will be to collaborate with Latvia to
address global challenges. Our partnership with Latvia is deep
and productive and extends far beyond the security realm.
As an EU member state, Latvia has a critical voice in
Brussels on regulations and the single market, sanctions, and
energy policy. Latvia shares U.S. concerns about China's human
rights record, its strategic alignment with Russia, and its
record of economic coercion. If confirmed, I will work with
Latvia to strengthen international protections for human rights
and the rules based order.
As host of the NATO's Strategic Communication Center of
Excellence, Latvia has worked with other countries in the
region to counter disinformation from Russia and other malign
actors. If confirmed, I hope to build on and deepen our
bilateral cooperation to confront this growing challenge.
Latvia has also committed to ending its dependance on
Russian natural gas and is working with the U.S. Government to
identify diversified energy options, including liquefied
natural gas and advanced nuclear technologies.
If confirmed, I will work with Latvia to end its dependance
on Russian energy. Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to
working with the talented team at Embassy Riga to build on
their successes and advance these shared goals together.
I will continue to partner with Congress to further U.S.
priorities in Latvia, and I enthusiastically await hearing from
people across Latvia, sharing our ideas and deepening people to
people ties as we strive towards a better tomorrow.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today, and I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Robinson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Christopher T. Robinson
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, and distinguished
members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am
honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Latvia, and I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me.
I want to start by recognizing those who have made it possible for
me to be here today. First, I want to honor my wife, Donka, for her
love, commitment, and support for over 27 years of marriage. We are
blessed by our three daughters, Faith, Hope and Charity. I want to
thank them for their service to our country in the sacrifices they have
made growing up with frequent moves and the demands of life in the
Foreign Service. I would also like to thank my mother, Eileen Robinson,
and my father-in-law, Peter Todorov, my sister Gillian, and brother
Matthew, as well as my sister-in-law, Neda Todorov, for their
inspiration and steadfast support every step of the way.
I am a career Foreign Service Officer with over 27 years of
experience. I have served in Russia, Belarus, Nicaragua, and Iraq,
among many other assignments. Much of my career has focused on
supporting the freedom and independence of Europe as well as defending
and advancing human rights, often in some of the world's most
authoritarian regimes. As the events unfolding in Ukraine today
demonstrate, protecting and supporting these freedoms is fundamental to
safeguarding our own national security. Most recently, as Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Russia, I have had the privilege to
work with this committee over the last four years to help build and
implement policies to counter and deter Russia's aggression in Europe
and around the world. I thank the committee for the strong bipartisan
support it has given to these efforts.
If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the safety and
security of U.S. citizens in the Republic of Latvia.
My second priority will be to enhance bilateral efforts to counter
and deter Russia's aggression, particularly against Latvia, and
regional efforts to strengthen Trans-Atlantic security.
At the core of our relationship with Latvia is our bond as NATO
Allies.
Latvian soldiers have served side-by-side with U.S. soldiers in
Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Balkans, contributing to NATO missions and
operations. Latvia hosts one of NATO's battle groups and our service
members train alongside Latvians to defend NATO territory.
Latvia was among the first countries to send weapons to Ukraine and
continues to support the Government and people of Ukraine as they fight
for their freedom and democracy.
Tens of thousands of Ukrainian refugees are currently living in
Latvia, supported by the Latvian Government.
If confirmed, I will work with the Latvian Government to strengthen
our security partnership and our Alliance through NATO.
My third priority will be to collaborate with Latvia to address
global challenges.
Our partnership with Latvia is deep and productive and extends far
beyond the security realm.
As an EU member state, Latvia has a critical voice in Brussels on
regulations in the single market, sanctions, and energy policy.
Latvia shares U.S. concerns about China's human rights record, its
strategic alignment with Russia as Putin pursues his war of choice
against Ukraine, and its record of economic coercion. If confirmed, I
will work with Latvia to strengthen international protections for human
rights and the rules-based order.
As host of the NATO Strategic Communications Center of Excellence,
Latvia has worked with other countries in the region to counter
disinformation from Russia and other malign actors. If confirmed, I
hope to build on and deepen our bilateral cooperation to confront this
growing challenge.
Latvia hosts a large segment of the Russian independent media-in-
exile and has supported Russian journalists' efforts to connect with
Russian audiences and share the truth of Putin's brutality. If
confirmed I will support these journalists as they continue doing their
important work.
Latvia has also committed to ending its dependence on Russian
natural gas and is working with the U.S. Government to identify
diversified energy options, including liquified natural gas and
advanced nuclear technologies. If confirmed, I will work with Latvia to
end its dependence on Russian energy.
If confirmed, I eagerly await working with the talented team at
Embassy Riga to build on their successes and advance these shared
goals, together. I look forward to partnering with Congress to further
U.S. priorities in Latvia. And I enthusiastically await hearing from
people across Latvia, sharing our ideas, and deepening people-to-people
ties as we strive toward a better tomorrow.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Robinson. Mr.
Kent.
STATEMENT OF GEORGE P. KENT OF MASSACHUSETTS, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA
Mr. Kent. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman,
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for holding
this hearing today.
It is an honor and a privilege to appear before you as the
President's nominee to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Estonia. I would like to thank President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for their confidence in me.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, your
staff, and your colleagues in Congress to ensure the security
and welfare of U.S. citizens in Estonia and the hardworking
Americans and Estonians at our Mission.
I will also work with you to advance regional security and
NATO cooperation at a time of Russia's war in Ukraine, deepen
our bilateral trade and entrepreneurship ties, particularly in
the digital economy in which Estonia excels, and combat hybrid
threats and transnational crime, with a particular focus on
cyber.
Madam Chair, with your permission, I would also like to
acknowledge and introduce two family members who are here with
me today. I deeply grateful to my wife, Velida, for moving
across three continents with me over the past 27 years, and our
son Georgiy, who along with his two sisters, embraced our
peripatetic life and constant changes in schools and friends.
It has been my honor to serve our Nation for 30 years in
Central Asia, and Central and Eastern Europe, and Southeast
Asia, and now as the President's nominee to be Ambassador to
Estonia.
The pursuit of a Europe whole, free, and at peace has been
the generational goal of our diplomacy during my entire career.
This year, the United States and Estonia celebrate 100 years of
diplomatic bilateral relations.
Estonia exemplifies what it means to be a committed member
of NATO. It consistently invests in armed forces with over 2
percent of GDP, aiming to gain 3 percent by 2024, deploys
globally on security and peace missions, even as it shores up
its own borders to deter Russia, which it considers an
existential threat.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure Estonia continues to
strengthen its capabilities and ability to contribute to its
own defense, and to operate jointly with the United States and
other NATO allies.
This will strengthen European and transatlantic deterrence
and defense, improve the credibility of our collective security
architecture, and dissuade the increasingly assertive and
dangerous activities by Russia and other adversaries.
As you earlier mentioned, Madam Chair, Estonia has been a
leader in the region's response to Russia's unjust war in
Ukraine. Estonia is the largest contributor per capita of
assistance to Ukraine, contributing more than $250 million in
military aid and $25 million in economic and humanitarian
assistance this year, as well as hosting almost 60,000
Ukrainian refugees, nearly 5 percent of its resident
population.
2022 also marks the 82nd anniversary of the 1940 Wells
Declaration, under which the United States refused to recognize
the forced annexation of Estonia, as well as Latvia and
Lithuania, into the Soviet Union.
Estonia showed great strength and determination in
overcoming Soviet occupation, restoring its independence in
1991, and making extraordinary progress to become a member of
NATO and the European Union in 2004. Estonia has emerged as an
exemplar of prosperity and transparent governance to the region
and the world.
If confirmed, I am committed to working with Estonia to
promote our common goals of democratic values, human rights,
and the rules based international order around the world.
The U.S. is also working with Estonia to deepen our trade
and investment ties, to build back better from the global
pandemic, to set the rules of the road for the 21st century
economy, including reliable supply chains, to strengthen energy
security and the transition to a green economy, and stand
united against non-market and coercive economic practices.
Estonia also is a world leader in digital services and
cybersecurity. Estonia hosts the NATO's Cooperative Cyber
Defense Center of Excellence, which the U.S. joined in 2011. In
fact, the annual NATO's Cyber Exercise started in Tallinn
today.
The United States and Estonia share a vision of a secure
and open cyberspace in which all countries behave responsibly.
If confirmed, I look forward to broadening our strong
cooperation on cyber issues.
In sum, the relationship between the U.S. and Estonia is as
strong and important now it has ever been. If confirmed, I look
forward to representing our country, and advancing U.S.
interests and deepening our cooperation with Estonia to
confront regional and global challenges, and to promote
transatlantic priorities worldwide.
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, other members of the
committee, I am grateful for the opportunity to have addressed
you today, and I will be at your disposal to answer any
questions you may have. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kent follows:]
Prepared Statement of George P. Kent
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, distinguished members
of the committee, thank you for holding this hearing today. It is an
honor and a privilege to appear before you as the President's nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Estonia. I would like to thank
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues in
Congress to ensure the security and welfare of U.S. citizens in Estonia
and the hard-working Americans and Estonians at our Mission in Tallinn.
I will also work to advance regional security and NATO cooperation at a
time of Russia's war in Ukraine, deepen our bilateral trade and
entrepreneurship ties, particularly in the digital economy in which
Estonia excels, and combat hybrid threats and transnational crime, with
a particular focus on cyber.
Madam Chair, with your permission, I would like to acknowledge and
introduce some family members who are here with me today. I am deeply
grateful to my wife Velida for moving across three continents with me
over the past 27 years, and my son Georgiy, for embracing our
peripatetic life and the constant changes in schools and friends.
It has been my honor to serve our Nation for the last thirty years,
in Central Asia, in Central and Eastern Europe, in Southeast Asia, and
now as the President's nominee to be the Ambassador to Estonia. The
pursuit of a Europe whole, free, and at peace has been the generational
goal of our diplomacy during my career.
This year the United States and Estonia celebrate 100 years of
bilateral relations. Estonia exemplifies what it means to be a
committed member of NATO, consistently investing in its armed forces
with over two percent of GDP while deploying globally on security and
peace missions, even as it shores up its own borders to deter Russia,
which it considers an existential threat. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure Estonia continues to strengthen its capabilities and ability to
contribute to its own defense and operate jointly with the United
States and other NATO Allies.
This will strengthen European and transatlantic deterrence and
defense, improve the credibility of the collective security
architecture, and dissuade increasingly assertive and dangerous
activities by Russia and other adversaries. Estonia has been a leader
in the region's response to Russia's unjust war in Ukraine. Estonia is
the largest contributor per capita of assistance to Ukraine,
contributing more than $255 million in military aid this year, as well
as hosting almost 60,000 Ukrainian refugees, five percent of Estonia's
resident population.
2022 marks the 82nd anniversary of the 1940 Welles Declaration
under which the United States refused to recognize the forced
annexation of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania into the Soviet Union.
Estonia showed great strength and determination in overcoming Soviet
occupation, restoring independence in 1991, making extraordinary
progress to become a member of NATO and the European Union in 2004, and
emerging as an example of prosperity and transparent governance to the
region and to the world. If confirmed, I am committed to working with
Estonia to promote our common goals of democratic values, human rights,
and the rules-based international order around the world.
The United States is also working with Estonia to deepen our trade
and investment ties, build back better from the global pandemic, set
the rules of the road for the 21st century economy including reliable
supply chains, strengthen energy security and the transition to the
green economy, and stand united against non-market and coercive
economic practices. Estonia is also a world leader on digital services
and cyber security. Estonia hosts the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defense
Center of Excellence in Tallinn, which the United States joined in
2011. The United States and Estonia share a vision of a secure and open
cyberspace, in which all countries behave responsibly. If confirmed, I
look forward to continuing our strong cooperation on cyber issues.
Madam Chair, the relationship between the United States and Estonia
is strong. Estonia has played an active role in advancing our shared
security, economic, and social values. Our relationship with Estonia is
as important now as it has ever been. If confirmed by the Senate, I
look forward to representing my country in advancing U.S. interests and
in deepening our long-standing and critical cooperation with Estonia as
we work together to strengthen our already productive relationship in
confronting regional and global challenges and promoting transatlantic
priorities worldwide.
I am grateful for the opportunity to have addressed you today and
am at your disposal to answer any questions you may have. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Kent.
Mr. Merten.
STATEMENT OF HON. KENNETH MERTEN OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA
Mr. Merten. Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member
Portman, and distinguished members of the committee. I am
honored and humbled to be here, to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria.
Thank you for your consideration of my nomination.
Should I be lucky enough to be confirmed, I commit to
working very closely with you and your staffs. I would like to
take a moment to acknowledge my wife, Susan, who is here today,
and our daughters, Elizabeth and Carol.
We are a Foreign Service family. Susan has accompanied me
throughout my career, including three tours in Haiti. My
daughter Carol is not here today but is a first tour Foreign
Service officer in Matamoros, Mexico. My family and I have had
the honor of representing the United States overseas for 20 of
my 35 years in the Foreign Service.
I have been fortunate enough to have served six of those
years as Chief of Mission in two very different countries. If
confirmed, I believe I would bring relevant and broad based
experience to our Mission in Bulgaria.
My time as U.S. Ambassador to Haiti, in which I confronted
the worst urban natural disaster in modern history, a cholera
epidemic and a hurricane, gave me numerous opportunities to
demonstrate a full range of management, political, and public
diplomacy skills. I led an Embassy that ensured an effective
transition from a 22,000 person military mission to a smaller,
civilian-led humanitarian mission.
In Croatia, my team and I accompanied the Government
through the final stages to EU membership. I successfully
advocated at every level of the Croatian Government for the
return of pre-war Jewish property to the Croatian Jewish
community, resulting in the first repatriation of Jewish
property since Croatian independence.
My efforts also laid the foundation for Croatia to
construct a liquefied natural gas terminal, thus making Croatia
more energy independent, a particularly important consideration
these days. If confirmed, these experiences would inform my
sense of U.S. priorities in Bulgaria.
First and foremost, the well-being of U.S. citizens and
Embassy colleagues will be my most important and sacred
responsibility. Since joining NATO in 2004, Bulgaria has
consistently demonstrated its commitment to the alliance. It
contributed forces and sustained casualties in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Russia's war against Ukraine makes our coordination with
Bulgaria all the more urgent. Bulgaria is today hosting a
multinational NATO battle group that includes U.S. troops. It
has registered more than 145,000 refugees from Ukraine for
temporary protection, fully supported sanctions against Russia,
and in November, Bulgaria's parliament voted overwhelmingly in
support of military assistance to Ukraine.
Bulgaria's acquisition of a second tranche of F-16s will
mark a significant step towards meeting NATO's defense spending
commitments. If confirmed, I will continue to grow our
Mission's engagement and security issues, and support
Bulgaria's efforts to combat Russia's malign influence.
Bulgaria has taken positive steps towards energy
diversification, particularly since Russia cut off natural gas
supplies in April. The completion of the interconnector Greece-
Bulgaria, which facilitates natural gas imports from
Azerbaijan, was a major achievement in this regard.
We will continue to work together in this area, should I be
fortunate enough to be confirmed. If confirmed, I will work
tirelessly to build on the outstanding work of my predecessors,
to strengthen the bilateral relationship with the Republic of
Bulgaria and advocate for the priorities of the United States.
Thank you for your time and consideration, and I look
forward to answer your questions.[The prepared statement of Mr.
Merten follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Kenneth Merten
Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored and humbled to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee for U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria. Thank you for your
consideration of my nomination. Should I be lucky enough to be
confirmed, I commit to working closely with you and your staffs.
I'd like to take a moment to acknowledge my wife Susan and our
daughters Elisabeth and Caryl. We are a Foreign Service family. Susan
has accompanied me throughout my career, including three tours in
Haiti. My daughter Caryl is not here today but is a first tour Foreign
Service Officer serving in Matamoros, Mexico.
My family and I have had the honor of representing the United
States overseas for over twenty years of my thirty-five years in the
Foreign Service. I've been fortunate enough to have served six of those
years as Chief of Mission, in two very different countries. If
confirmed, I believe I would bring relevant, broad-based experience to
our Mission in Bulgaria.
My time as U.S. Ambassador to Haiti--in which I confronted the
worst urban natural disaster in modern history, a cholera epidemic, and
a hurricane--gave me numerous opportunities to demonstrate a full range
of management, political, and public diplomacy skills. I led an Embassy
that increased in size by 20 percent; managed a whole-of-government
approach as Mission Haiti began to spend $1.2 billion dollars in
reconstruction assistance; and ensured an effective transition from a
22,000-person military mission to a smaller civilian-led humanitarian
mission.
In Croatia, my team and I accompanied the Government through the
final stages to EU membership. I successfully advocated at every level
of the Croatian Government--including with heads of state--for the
return of pre-war Jewish property to the Croatian Jewish community,
resulting in the first restitution of Jewish property since Croatian
independence. My efforts also laid the foundation for Croatia to
construct a liquefied natural gas terminal, thus making Croatia more
energy independent, a particularly important consideration these days.
If confirmed, these experiences would inform my sense of U.S.
priorities in Bulgaria. First and foremost, the safety and well-being
of U.S. citizens living, working, and traveling in Bulgaria, as well as
that of the Embassy team in Sofia, will be my most important and sacred
responsibility.
Bulgaria is a strategic partner and Ally of the United States.
Since joining NATO in 2004, Bulgaria has consistently demonstrated its
commitment to the Alliance. It contributed forces and sustained
casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine makes our
continued close coordination with Bulgaria all the more urgent,
particularly given the country's position along Europe's Eastern Flank.
Bulgaria is hosting a multinational NATO battlegroup that includes U.S.
troops. It has registered more than 145,000 refugees from Ukraine for
temporary protection, fully supported sanctions against Russia, and in
November Bulgaria's parliament voted overwhelmingly in support of
military assistance to Ukraine. Bulgaria's acquisition of a second
tranche of F-16s will mark a significant step toward meeting its NATO
defense spending commitments. If confirmed, I will continue to grow our
Mission's engagement in security issues and support Bulgaria's efforts
to combat Russia's malign influence.
If confirmed, I will also prioritize the expansion and
diversification of our economic ties with Bulgaria while serving as a
tireless advocate for stronger rule of law and for the fair treatment
of U.S. firms. There is tremendous potential to boost our relations and
expand U.S. commercial interests in key areas like technology and
innovation, agriculture, education and entrepreneurship,
infrastructure, and notably, energy.
Bulgaria has taken positive steps toward energy diversification,
particularly since Russia cut off natural gas supplies in April after
the Bulgarian Government refused to pay Gazprom in rubles. The
completion of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, which facilitates
natural gas imports from Azerbaijan, was a major achievement in this
regard. More remains to be done, from securing further LNG supplies to
procuring nuclear fuel that does not rely upon Russian inputs. If
confirmed, I am committed to supporting Bulgaria's efforts to
strengthen energy security, including with the help of U.S. companies'
technology and know-how.
If confirmed, I commit myself to earnestly serving as a Chief of
Mission who leads, manages, and safeguards all our Embassy colleagues.
I will work tirelessly to build on the outstanding work of my
predecessors to strengthen our bilateral relationship with the Republic
of Bulgaria and advocate for the priorities of the United States.
Thank you for your time and your consideration. I look forward to
answering your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Ms. Kavalec.
STATEMENT OF KATHLEEN ANN KAVALEC OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO ROMANIA
Ms. Kavalec. Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member
Portman, and distinguished members of this committee. I am
honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
for U.S. Ambassador to Romania.
As we speak, Secretary Blinken is in Bucharest, which
underscores the importance of our long standing partnership in
Romania. Thank you for your consideration today of my
nomination. Allow me first to introduce my husband, Mark
Taplin, a retired Foreign Service Officer, and as well as our
three children, Ben, Sam and Gwen, who are listening remotely
today.
I wish to thank them from the bottom of my heart for all
the great support they have given me in my career as we have
traveled around the world together. I had the pleasure of
serving in Romania once before, as you mentioned, as Cultural
Affairs Officer at U.S. Embassy Bucharest.
In that role, I traveled throughout the country to carry
out our public diplomacy programs and expand our people to
people ties. I gained an appreciation for cultural exchange
from my late father, Dan Kavalec, a Spanish instructor, a
Fulbright grantee, and proponent of good listening skills which
are so critical to effective diplomacy.
In my diplomatic career, I focused on building coalitions,
nurturing relationships, and listening. If confirmed, I look
forward to applying these and other core diplomatic principles
to America's vital relationship with Romania.
To that end, please allow me to outline my policy
priorities that will guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to
Romania, if confirmed. First, I will commit myself foremost to
the safety and security of our Mission team and of U.S.
citizens living, working, and traveling in Romania.
Second, if confirmed, I will advance our cooperation with
Romania and vital security matters. Since the end of the
communist dictatorship in 1989, Romania has made remarkable
progress in building a genuine democracy and a market economy.
Romania made it clear early on that its goal was to join
NATO and the European Union, and through hard work and
determination, the country and its people succeeded. I was on
hand in 2008 when Romania hosted the Bucharest NATO's summit, a
source of pride for the entire country.
My family and I joined the celebrations in Sibiu on New
Year's Day 2007, led by the then mayor, now President Klaus
Iohannis, that greeted Romania's official accession to the EU.
Today, Romania is a model for other NATO members. It has
budgeted 2 percent of its GDP for defense, and most recently
committed to raising its defense budget to 2.5 percent, much of
it allocated to purchase U.S. equipment in its robust
modernization effort.
It hosts multinational NATO forces and is a longstanding
contributor to NATO missions and operations worldwide. If
confirmed, I will continue to strengthen this security
cooperation. I am determined to work closely with Romania as we
stand united against the Kremlin's unprovoked, unjustified, and
horrific war against Ukraine. Putin's aggression has only
strengthened the Ukrainian people's desire to remain free and
independent.
The firm resolve of Romania has been especially laudable in
this crisis. The country and its people have welcomed with open
arms and hearts over 2.5 million Ukrainian refugees, more than
85,000 of which--of whom remain in the country and have
generously supported those refugees with critical assistance
and essential services.
In addition, Romania has supported unprecedented sanctions
to weaken Putin's war machine and aided Ukraine through a wide
range of other humanitarian and security efforts. Nor has
Romania shied away from pushing back on the People's Republic
of China's attempts to impose coercive economic arrangements on
countries in Central Europe.
Romania passed 5G legislation that excludes untrusted
vendors from its 5G tender, blocked greater PRC involvement in
Romania civil nuclear industry, and instituted robust
investment screening legislation to protect its critical
infrastructure.
If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with Romanian
authorities to counter efforts by the PRC Government to pursue
steps that would weaken Romanian National Security or economic
standing. I also pledged to work on deepening and broadening
our economic cooperation with Romania.
I will encourage Romania's efforts to foster a business
climate that facilitates U.S. investment. The country's efforts
to advance clean energy technologies, including in nuclear and
other renewables, are already model for the region.
Finally, I stand ready to support Romania's efforts to
fight corruption and strengthen its democratic institutions,
including in supporting a free press. In sum, I will commit
myself to expanding our long standing American partnership with
Romania.
This year, the United States and Romania are celebrating
the 25th anniversary of our bilateral strategic partnership. I
look forward to taking the next steps in building upon this
very strong foundation.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear today and I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Kavalec follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kathleen Ann Kavalec
Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, and
distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to appear before
you today as President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Romania.
As we speak, Secretary Blinken is in Bucharest, which underscores the
importance of our long-standing partnership with Romania. Thank you for
your consideration of my nomination.
Allow me first to introduce my husband, Mark Taplin, a retired FSO,
and my three children, Ben, Sam, and Gwen. I want to thank them from
the bottom of my heart for all the great support they have given me in
my career.
I had the pleasure of serving in Romania once before, as Cultural
Affairs Officer at Embassy Bucharest. In that role, I traveled
throughout the country to carry out our public diplomacy programs and
expand our network of ``American Corners''--resource centers where
Romanians can learn more about American culture, history, and
government.
I gained an appreciation for cultural exchange from my late father,
a Spanish instructor, Fulbright grantee, and proponent of good
listening skills, which are critical to effective diplomacy. In my
diplomatic career, I have focused on building coalitions, nurturing
relationships, and listening. If confirmed, I look forward to applying
these and other core diplomatic principles to America's vital
relationship with Romania.
To that end, please allow me to outline my policy priorities that
will guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to Romania, if confirmed. First,
I will commit myself foremost to the safety and security of our Mission
team and of U.S. citizens living, working, and traveling in Romania.
Second, if confirmed, I will advance our cooperation with Romania
on vital security matters. Since the end of the Communist dictatorship
in 1989, Romania has made remarkable progress in building a genuine
democracy and market economy. Romania made it clear, early on, that its
goal was to join NATO and the European Union, and through hard work and
determination, the country and its people succeeded. I was on hand in
2008 when Romania hosted the Bucharest NATO summit, a source of pride
for the entire country. My family and I joined the celebrations in
Sibiu on New Year's Day 2007--led by the then mayor, now President
Klaus Iohannis--that greeted Romania's official accession to the EU.
Today, Romania is a model for other NATO members. It has budgeted 2
percent of its GDP for defense--and most recently committed to raising
its defense budget to 2.5 percent, much of it allocated to purchase
U.S. equipment in its robust modernization effort. It hosts
multinational NATO forces and is a longstanding contributor to NATO
missions and operations worldwide. If confirmed, I will continue
strengthen this security cooperation.
I am determined to work closely with Romania as we stand united
against the Kremlin's unprovoked, unjustified, and horrific war against
Ukraine. The firm resolve of Romania has been especially laudable in
this crisis. The country and its people have welcomed, with open arms
and hearts, over two and a half million Ukrainian refugees, more than
85,000 of whom remain in the country, and have generously supported
these refugees with critical assistance and essential services. In
addition, Romania has supported unprecedented sanctions to weaken
Putin's war machine and aided Ukraine through a wide range of other
humanitarian and security efforts.
Nor has Romania shied from pushing back on the People's Republic of
China's attempts to impose coercive economic arrangements on countries
in Central Europe. Romania passed 5G legislation that excludes
untrusted vendors from its 5G tender, blocked greater PRC involvement
in Romania's civil nuclear industry, and instituted robust investment
screening legislation to protect its critical infrastructure. If
confirmed, I will coordinate closely with Romanian authorities to
counter efforts by the PRC Government to pursue steps that would weaken
Romanian's national security or economic standing.
I also pledge to work on deepening and broadening our economic
cooperation with Romania. I will encourage Romania's efforts to foster
a business climate that facilitates U.S. investment. The country's
efforts to advance clean energy technologies, including in nuclear and
other renewables, are already a model for the region.
Finally, I stand ready to support Romania's efforts to fight
corruption and strengthen its democratic institutions, including in
supporting a free and independent media.
In sum, I will commit myself to expanding our longstanding American
partnership with Romania. This year, the United States and Romania are
celebrating the 25th anniversary of our bilateral Strategic
Partnership. I look forward to taking the next steps in in building
upon this strong foundation.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear today and I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Mr. Sabet.
STATEMENT OF BIJAN SABET OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE CZECH REPUBLIC
Mr. Sabet. Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member
Portman, and distinguished members of this committee. And thank
you, Senator Markey, for the kind introduction. It is a
profound honor to be--to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to the Czech
Republic.
I want to express my gratitude to the President and
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me
with this nomination. Before I begin, I would like to introduce
my family, starting with my wife, Lauren, who is here today.
Lauren is my best friend and partner who makes everything I
do possible. She is also the daughter of a Delaware police
officer who is privileged to know the President who once
chaired this committee. Our three wonderful children, Sophia,
Ella, and James, are watching online. I love you so much and I
am so proud to be your dad.
If confirmed, Lauren and James will join me in Prague, and
I know our daughters will visit as often as they can. I also
want to recognize and thank my parents who taught me and my
younger brother to cherish the democratic values and ideals of
freedom and opportunity. Like so many, they immigrated to this
country in pursuit of the American dream and became U.S.
citizens as soon as they could.
My father was born in Iran, where he completed medical
school before traveling to the United States for his residency
in the late 1960s. Here he met another young doctor, my mother,
who had recently immigrated from South Korea. Born under
Japanese occupation, she grew up during the Korean War with a
deep sense of gratitude to U.S. service members who helped save
South Korea from communism.
I have spent the better part of my life and career
supporting entrepreneurs, helping them make the most of their
potential. I co-created one of our country's leading venture
capital firms, and we have supported hundreds of startups
leading to the creation of tens of thousands of jobs. I also
serve on the boards of several educational institutions,
including Boston College.
I enjoy mentoring students and young professionals,
particularly those with backgrounds that are underrepresented
in the venture capital industry. If confirmed, I will bring
that experience, energy, and focus on the next generation to
the work that I do in the Czech Republic.
If confirmed, I will also commit to using my experience to
advance bilateral trade and investment by building
relationships between the Czech and U.S. companies and
entrepreneurs. To that end, I would like to outline five policy
priorities that will guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to the
Czech Republic, if confirmed.
First, if confirmed, I will have no greater priority than
the safety and security of the entire Embassy team and the
thousands of U.S. citizen visitors and students who come to the
Czech Republic each year.
Second, if confirmed, I will support the Czech Republic in
its outstanding efforts to promote regional security and
protect Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity against
Russia's aggression. I will also deepen our bilateral defense
cooperation and NATO partnership and support the negotiations
for the purchase of American made F-35s.
Third, if confirmed, I will promote U.S. companies as
partners of choice for nuclear energy expansion, including
small modular reactors and for nuclear fuel diversification. I
will look for ways to support all clean energy sources,
especially U.S. companies working in renewable energy.
Now more than ever, it is time to advance energy
diversification and security. Fourth, if confirmed, I will work
alongside our Czech partners to honor the legacy of former
President Vaclav Havel in promoting democracy and human rights
worldwide, and especially in upholding media freedom and
journalistic integrity.
And finally, if confirmed, I pledge to keep this committee
informed as I work to strengthen the alliance, friendship, and
partnership between the United States and the Czech Republic.
Madam Chair, Ranking Member Portman, and members of this
committee, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before
you today. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Sabet follows:]
Prepared Statement of Bijan Sabet
Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, and
distinguished members of this committee.
It is a profound honor to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the Czech Republic. I
want to express my gratitude to the President and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me with this nomination.
Before I begin, I'd like to introduce my family, starting with my
wife Lauren who is here today. Lauren is my best friend and partner,
who makes everything I do possible. She's also the daughter of a
Delaware police officer, who was privileged to know the President who
once chaired this committee. Our three wonderful children, Sophia,
Ellie, and James are watching online. I love you so much, and I'm so
proud to be your Dad. If confirmed, Lauren and James will join me in
Prague, and I know our daughters will visit as often as they can.
I also want to recognize and thank my parents, who taught me and my
younger brother to cherish the democratic values and ideals of freedom
and opportunity. Like so many, they immigrated to this country in
pursuit of the American dream and became U.S. citizens as soon as they
could. My father was born in Iran, where he completed medical school,
before traveling to the United States for his residency in the late
1960's. Here, he met another young doctor--my mother--who had recently
immigrated from South Korea. Born under Japanese occupation, she grew
up during the Korean War with a deep sense of gratitude to the U.S.
service members who helped save South Korea from Communism.
I've spent the better part of my life and career supporting
entrepreneurs and helping them make the most of their potential. I co-
created one of our country's leading venture capital firms where we
have supported hundreds of startups--leading to the creation of tens of
thousands of jobs. I also serve on the boards of several educational
institutions, including Boston College. I enjoy mentoring both students
and young professionals, particularly those from backgrounds that are
underrepresented in the venture capital industry. If confirmed, I will
bring that experience, energy, and focus on the next generation, to the
work I do in the Czech Republic. If confirmed, I also commit to using
my experience to advance bilateral trade and investment by building
relationships between Czech and U.S. companies and entrepreneurs.
To that end, I would like to outline five policy priorities that
will guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to the Czech Republic, if
confirmed:
If confirmed, I will have no greater priority than the safety and
security of the entire Embassy team and the thousands of U.S.
citizen visitors and students who come to the Czech Republic
each year.
If confirmed, I will support the Czech Republic in its outstanding
efforts to promote regional security and protect Ukraine's
sovereignty and territorial integrity against Russia's
aggression. I will also deepen our bilateral defense
cooperation and NATO partnership, and support negotiations for
the purchase of American-made F-35s.
If confirmed, I will promote U.S. companies as partners of choice
for nuclear energy expansion, including small modular reactors,
and for nuclear fuel diversification. I will look for ways to
support all clean energy sources, especially U.S. companies
working in renewable energy. Now more than ever, it is time to
advance energy diversification and security.
If confirmed, I will work alongside our Czech partners to honor the
legacy of former President Vaclav Havel in promoting democracy
and human rights worldwide, especially in upholding media
freedom and journalistic integrity.
Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to keep this committee informed as
I work to strengthen the alliance, friendship, and partnership
between the United States and the Czech Republic.
Madam Chair, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the committee,
thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
welcome your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you all very much. Ms. Kavalec
And Mr. Merten, I would like to begin with both of you, as you
are being nominated to be Ambassador to two countries that
border the Black Sea. And what we have seen since Russia's
unprovoked war in Ukraine is just how important the Black Sea
region is.
Senator Romney, who also sits on the Foreign Relations
committee, and I have legislation that would call for an
interagency strategy on how we approach the Black Sea region.
I wonder if either of you can speak to what current
strategy is, with respect to the Black Sea region, and how you
think we should be working to advance greater regional
cooperation among Black Sea countries? And I do not know, which
one of you wants to go first? Mr. Merten.
Mr. Merten. Happy to start. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman.
First of all, we want to thank you for your leadership on this
area, in this area, in this geographic region. I think recent
events have borne out how really important this area is for
several of our allies and friendly nations in the area.
And I think a redoubled focus on the Black Sea is well-
deserved. I know the Administration is, led by the NSC, is
looking at ways we can operationalize some of our activities
overseas. In the Bulgarian context, I will just say we are
working hard to support Bulgarian defense modernization,
including working with their navy so they can protect their
seas.
I think we need to work with all friendly nations in the
area to continue to ensure that commercial activity and benign
naval activity can continue unimpeded in the Black Sea. So
should I be lucky enough to get confirmed, you have my
commitment to stay in touch with you and your colleagues, your
staff.
If you have ideas that we can advocate for, we are happy to
hear them and happy to work further on them. I will pass it
over to Kathy.
Ms. Kavalec. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for
that question, and also for your interest and support in this
region. And that also from Senator Romney. I think it is really
important to raise the profile of this area as we have seen in
this terrible war how important this region is and what the
risks are.
Of course, the first priority is to ensure that Ukraine
prevails in the war. But we--and in there, in that respect, we
have been focusing on deepening our engagement in the region,
expanding our presence in the littoral countries since February
24th.
I think, as you know, there is a new rotational brigade
combat team in Romania. And we are also looking at energy
security and diversification as an important component of
supporting this region and strengthening the Black Sea area.
So very much look forward to working with you and to
supporting the Administration as it develops an approach that--
on an interagency basis to strengthen this area.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you both very much for that. Mr.
Robinson and Mr. Kent, the countries that you are nominated to
be Ambassadors for, Latvia and Estonia, along with Lithuania,
really are impressive in terms of their shared economic and
National Security interests with the United States.
I think certainly they have punched above their weight, to
use a cliche, in terms of NATO and their willingness to stand
up to Russia and its fight against Ukraine. So, can you talk
about how you will continue to work together to foster this
collective advocacy for Baltic Sea countries? Mr. Robinson, you
want to begin?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Chairwoman Shaheen. I think the
Baltic cooperation on this is fundamental. I think all three
countries, but I can speak to Latvia, view Russia as an
existential threat, and the tragedies and the horrors that we
have seen in Ukraine only amplify and deepen the sense of--that
we need to work together as a transatlantic community to
counter and deter that threat for the long term.
That even as Ukraine makes successes on the battlefield,
that this is a long term challenge. Senator, you have noted
correctly, Latvia spends more than 2 percent on--to meet its
defense commitments. It is committed to 2.5 percent by 2025 and
is looking at even moving to 3 percent.
With this committee's support, we have--are expect to
provide over $145 million in foreign military financing to help
Latvia modernize and increase its equipment purchases to better
deter Russian aggression for the future.
And, of course, as the Center for--hosting the NATO's
Center for Strategic Communications Excellence, it has been at
the forefront of helping to develop tools and techniques to
counter Russian disinformation, for example.
So I think there are many, many ways that we continue to
foster that cooperation, both among the three countries, in
their defense outlook, in their energy security issues, but
also directly with bilaterally, with Latvia to deepen that
partnership.
Ms. Kavalec. Thank you. Mr. Kent.
Mr. Kent. Chairwoman Shaheen, Chris and I worked this sort
of issues together as Deputy Assistant Secretaries of State,
and we will be happy to continue that cooperation in the
Baltics, if confirmed.
The Baltic foreign ministers were just in Kyiv yesterday
together along with their Nordic counterparts, and I think this
shows the strength of regional cooperation. It is why Sweden
and Finland's joining NATO, if all members agree, are going to
strengthen our Northern and Eastern flanks.
And I think the security assistance and security spending
that Chris mentioned is also critically important for Estonia.
They have been receiving additional funds thanks to the
appropriations from Congress, and they are dedicating that to
buy the HIMARS system, which is also very well-known now from
Ukraine.
For every dollar that we have given in security assistance,
the Estonians have spent $2.60 of their own money. So I think
this is showing how wise leveraging of our resources can
contribute to common security for us all.
And you have our commitment to continue to work with you
and with each other, if confirmed.
Ms. Kavalec. Thank you both very much. Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chair Shaheen. And to all of
you, a hearty congratulations. I can think of no greater honor
than to represent the most exceptional Nation in the world to
the various countries that you are going to be serving. So my
congratulations to you for your nomination, and my appreciation
to all of your families who are going to support you a great
deal.
Those of you who are career service officers know this and
thank you for your service. And to you, Mr. Sabet, you will
learn it in a way, I think, that will be very positive. And I
might stay with you, Mr. Sabet, for a moment.
I was pleased to hear your commitment to work with the
Czech Republic to continue to strengthen the alliance there
with NATO and deal with the situation that Russia has created
in Ukraine. I encourage you to continue to work in that
direction. There is an area I have a greater concern about,
even more so than Russia, and that is China.
And the Ukrainian--I am sorry, the Czech Government has
demonstrated a determination to actually support and deepen
ties with Taiwan. In fact, legislative leader of the Taiwan
Legislative one actually visited the Czech Republic earlier
this year. And he said, and I would like to quote, ``the Czech
Republic is a sanctuary of democracy for the whole world. I
appreciate your support and help for Taiwan in times of need.''
I very much appreciated that comment, and I would like to
ask you first, if you are confirmed, how will you work with the
Czech Government with respect to deepening their ties to
Taiwan?
Mr. Sabet. Thank you, Senator, for the question. And you
raise a very important point. I mean, Prime Minister Fiala's
government has made it clear that they have a very firm stance
towards China. In fact, there is broad skepticism towards China
throughout the Government. The Czech Republic has had a
critical stance on China, for China's position on Russia, given
the illegal war against Ukraine.
The Czechs are participating in the 14 plus 1 framework but
have received very little investment from the PRC. And in fact,
recently the Senate, the Czech Senate on Foreign Relations
passed a non-binding resolution to leave the 14 plus 1, which
is quite--it was quite positive.
As you mentioned, the Czech Republic has made real strides
in collaborating with Taiwan, both economically and
academically. And I think this is important to emphasize and to
support. I have read this, Senator Risch's report on China from
2020 out of this committee. So if confirmed, I will bring
those, many of those concerns to the post and be mindful of
those with me.
And if confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to look
for every opportunity to support the Czech Republic's effort to
counter malign influence, support their efforts to screen out
untrusted vendors, and to implement their cybersecurity
efforts.
Senator Hagerty. Excellent. Given your background in
technology, I think you will be a tremendous asset in advising
the Czech Government and particularly on dealing with
situations like--that are presented by companies like ZTE and
Huawei.
So thank you for that. I would like to turn to, so you work
with the Embassy staff there. There is a--in my conversations,
I understand there have been some issues in the management
section of Embassy Prague. Are you aware of the issues and do
you have an update on the status of those? Have they been
resolved?
Mr. Sabet. You know, my understanding is, from everyone I
have spoken to, is the Embassy Prague team is an outstanding
team, both direct American hires and our locally employed
staff.
I think the challenge in the Czech Republic is you have
very low unemployment, very high inflation, and I think
recruiting our attention are the highest priority management
challenges.
Senator Hagerty. I encourage you to pay close attention to
the situation there and it will certainly enhance your
effectiveness to have that working well. And I understand the
challenge you raise too, in terms of the competitive dynamic of
the marketplace. You mentioned something that is a keen
interest to me, and that is your desire to work with the Czech
Government to advance investments in energy sources such as
nuclear energy, small modular reactors.
I just would like to remind you that I am a Senator from
the State of Tennessee. Oak Ridge National Labs, an entire
industry is built up there that could be very helpful in that
regard. So if you are confirmed, I would encourage you to reach
out to find a way to work together, and I would love to
volunteer resources from my home State to come and assist.
When I was Ambassador to Japan, they came over to help me
in dealing with some situations that had arisen around
Fukushima. I think you might find it very helpful as you
advance that arena. And congratulations for a businessperson
stepping into this role.
I think you will bring a unique set of capabilities and
perspective, should you be confirmed. Thank you.
Mr. Sabet. Thank you. You have my commitment.
Senator Shaheen. Spoken from experience, Senator Hagerty?
Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Chairman Shaheen, and
congratulations to the members of this panel. Highly qualified.
I am just going to ask one question and I would like maybe, Mr.
Robinson, you to address it and then just move from my right to
left, and it deals with energy policy.
I am very, very complimentary of the Biden Administration
strategy to forge very diverse nations into a quite unified
coalition and support Ukraine against the Russian illegal
invasion. I do not think it is perfect, though.
And here is an area where I am troubled and increasingly
troubled, and that is, I think sometimes U.S. energy policy, we
want to do a number of different things that are often in
conflict with each other. We want to promote green energy to
fight climate change. We should do that.
We want our allies to develop their own energy resources.
They should do that. We also want to help our allies wean
themselves away from overreliance on petro dictators like
Russia or Iran or the Saudis or Venezuela. We should do that.
Sometimes those are inconsistent goals, and I have yet
really to hear the Biden Administration articulate a harmonized
view of the way we can accomplish those things. The way to do
it is probably through phasing.
I am not going to ask you to respond to my critique, but
here is where I am worried. Recently, statements out of the EU
have shown some anxiety about U.S. policies. As their energy
prices go, as we are starting to take some trade actions with
respect to green energy that affects some of their domestic
industries, you see rumblings out of the EU.
As we are coming into the winter that could get worse. So
what can the U.S. do to help each of the countries that you
hope to be in to deal with the energy crises that are acute all
over the world, but particularly acute in Europe with nations
that have had to rely upon Russian energy sources?
And Mr. Robinson, I would like to start with you.
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator Kaine. And I agree this is
really one of the most foremost issues. Whether it is
countering Russian aggression or deepening our bilateral
partnership or enhancing transatlantic security, and above all,
addressing climate issues for the long term, is to get these
issues right.
I also want to say, having been Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Russia, my enormous gratitude to this committee for its
leadership on European energy issues over a number of years.
That strong bipartisan voice has been very clear, from CAATSA
to PEESA, and I thank the committee for the leadership on that.
With regard to Latvia, I think this is where we have great
opportunity to address the convergence of these different
issues, as you rightly point out. Latvia is committed to--has
long warned that Russia uses energy as a weapon, and they need
it to transition to other sources and means for energy for its
own National Security.
They get nearly 50 percent of their electrical energy from
hydro, and they are looking to expand into wind and other
sources of renewable that provide an opportunity for U.S.
bilateral partnership. As my colleagues have also mentioned,
Latvia has joined, like others, the first program at the State
Department to look into small modular nuclear reactors.
And then lastly, they are looking at increasing and they
have prioritized for the near term increasing LNG imports and
have--are looking to build a new terminal to be able to expand
that. So Latvia has committed to moving to carbon neutral by
2050, and really prides itself on making progress in this area.
So I think there is a lot of opportunity for U.S., Latvia
bilateral partnership and our companies and our technology in
these areas to do this, both to address climate and also to
enhance energy security for the region.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Kent, without repeating anything that
Mr. Robinson has said.
Mr. Kent. Estonia's area of current expertise is in shale
oil production, and that is where they get over 50 percent of
their energy. Like Latvia, they are interested in exploring
small modular reactors where U.S. technology could help.
A shared challenge that Baltics faces, that their
electricity grid is still tied to Russia and Belarus. And so I
think our national labs have expertise in gaming out how they
might be able to accelerate switching to the European energy
grid.
So again, I think combination of our expertise as well as
our technology can help Estonia be independent, and they are
cutting themselves off of Russian oil and gas ahead of the EU
deadlines because for them it is a matter of principle, and
they are willing to pay for the inflated costs of energy.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Merten.
Mr. Merten. Well, we have been working with Bulgaria on
diversifying their energy, both supply and the types of energy
they use. I am happy to report that on the 1st of October, the
Bulgarians and Greeks opened up the interconnected Greece-
Bulgaria, which will allow the Bulgarians to receive gas from
Azerbaijan.
As of right now, I understand they receive no Russian gas
anymore, which is good. Russia cut them off in April. We are
also, the Embassy and we will continue to do this should I be
confirmed, have been working with them to look into their
nuclear energy supply, how they can develop that further.
We are looking--we have funded a $300,000 study to help
them explore options with small modular reactors. We are
working with them on resourcing their supply of nuclear fuel
for their existing plants. Currently, those are supplied by
Russia. We believe that Westinghouse could be another source
for them.
So we are looking at other options. Bulgaria has got a lot
of attention from the Administration. We have had--Amos
Hochstein has been out there. Our Assistant Secretary for
Energy, Geoff Pyatt, has recently been to Bulgaria.
This is front and center of our relationship and will
remain so, should I be lucky enough to be confirmed.
Senator Kaine. I am over time, but could I ask the other
two to give----
Senator Shaheen. Absolutely----
Senator Kaine.--pithy responses?
Ms. Kavalec. Thank you so much for the question. This is
also a huge priority for Romania, which is fortunate in that it
has already greatly diversified its energy system, and with
U.S. help is doing--will be expanding in the area of nuclear
power.
Romania recently signed an agreement with U.S. company
Nuscale on small modular reactors and is seeking to become a
center in Europe for this technology. Also recently, EXIM
signed two letters of interest to help complete the build out
of the Cernavoda nuclear power plant for different locations.
So that is another area I will be following up on in my--if
I am confirmed. A US led consortium in Black Sea oil is also
working to bring Black Sea gas online from Romania. And Romania
has also shown its leadership in providing energy to Moldova,
which is suffering from, you know, the cut off from energy
supplies from Russia. So I will be following up in all these
areas.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Mr. Sabet.
Mr. Sabet. Senator Kaine, thank you for the question. The
Czech Republic has had a historic reliance on Russia for
natural gas and oil. I think 97 percent of their natural gas
consumption has come from Russia.
So it is a substantial issue. You know, the United States
is engaged in a number of areas here. Number one is
establishing new energy sources, new energy distribution
routes, fuel types, etcetera. I am pleased that Westinghouse,
an American company, has won the tender for the nuclear
facility in Dukovany. It is a 10 year agreement, which is a big
step to transitioning from nuclear energy.
There is currently another tender, a second facility at
Temelin. And we are clearly hoping that that also goes towards
Westinghouse. And if I am confirmed, I will be an active
advocate for U.S. interests there.
The Czech also seeks to be a first mover with SMRs in
Europe. The company is engaged with six pilots at the moment,
and U.S. companies are involved in a number of these
negotiations. And if confirmed, I will be advocating for those
procurement opportunities as well to make sure we are on a
level playing field.
And I commit to you that I will advocate for clean energy
sources as a way to not only deal with our climate crisis, but
as a way to deal with energy security and independence for the
Czech Republic.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. Thanks, Chairman Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Kaine. I would like to
do another round of questions. I have a couple more questions.
I want to go back to the conversation we had about the
commitment from both Latvia and Estonia to NATO and to
complying with the 2 percent of their defense spend
commitments.
And just ask for those of you representing other countries,
Mr. Spent and Mr. Merten most specifically, how can we
encourage both the Czech Republic and Bulgaria to reach their 2
percent of GDP requirement for NATO? Mr. Merten.
Mr. Merten. Thank you, Senator, for the question. We have
been working with the Bulgarians, and we were very happy that
they signed an agreement with us to buy one tranche of F-16
fighters.
This was a major investment for them, $1.3 billion. This is
not the European Union's richest country, and for them to
devote those kind of resources to that, we think that is pretty
important. We are delighted that the parliament has approved
their purchase of an additional eight F-16s.
This is going to be a big investment for them, and this is
going to take them, I think, a long way into meeting their
commitments. You know, they have--certainly should I be lucky
enough to be confirmed, we will continue to encourage them to
do their utmost to work with us on defense modernization,
focusing their procurement on American products.
And I think we are going to be, I hope we will be pushing
on an open door there.
Senator Shaheen. That is encouraging, and I appreciate that
they have many challenges that they are dealing with. Mr.
Sabet.
Mr. Sabet. Senator Shahee, thank you for the question--
Chairman Shaheen. You know, the Czech Republic is an important
NATO ally and security partner with a strong track record of
joint missions in Europe and elsewhere.
The Czechs served courageously with the United States in
Afghanistan, and the Czechs are a framework Nation leading a
new NATO battle group in Slovakia and have contributed 650
troops. It is the case the Czechs are currently short of their
NATO's commitment this year. They have, in their budget 1.35
percent of GDP for their military spend.
But they have announced that they are going to meet their
NATO pledge in their Wales defense investment targets by 2024.
In addition to the procurement of eight Bell Textron
helicopters, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic is
pursuing foreign military sales of 24 F-35s.
And if I am confirmed, you have my commitment to be an
active advocate to help the Czechs achieve their goals for
their NATO commitments and advancing their military capacity.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you all very much.
Senator Cruz.
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Madam Chair. Welcome to each of
the witnesses. Mr. Kent, you have been outspoken throughout
your career, speaking against corruption. And I want to talk
about corruption. I want to talk in particular about corruption
in the current Administration.
And I have serious concerns about corruption of President
Joe Biden that extends for considerable time, both his time as
President and his time as Vice President. To take one obvious
and troubling example, accounts linked to the Biden family's
personal finances received millions of dollars through ties to
CEFC China Energy.
This is where we get the infamous quote about 10 percent to
the big guy from the Chinese communists. But you have also been
involved very directly with Ukraine and corruption in Ukraine.
And I will say, you showed real courage speaking out
against what I think was the very obvious concerns of
corruption of Joe Biden and his son, Hunter Biden, in Ukraine
in particular. On November 13th, 2019, you testified to
Congress that you had become concerned with Hunter Biden's
status as a board member of the Ukrainian natural gas company
Burisma.
You said you would raise those concerns to the White House
in February of 20, 2015, and in particular what you said, ``as
I became aware that Hunter Biden was on the board of Burisma,
soon after that, in a briefing call with the National Security
staff at the office of the Vice President in February of 2015,
I raised my concern that Hunter Biden's status as a board
member could create a perception of a conflict of interest.''
Tell me, why did you have this concern about, as you
described, a perception of a conflict of interest?
Mr. Kent. Well, Senator, I can give you and every member of
this committee my commitments that I will always raise concerns
to members of any Administration and to Congress when I have
concerns.
And so I was made aware of information, and I passed that
along to the staff of the Office of the Vice President.
Senator Cruz. So why were you concerned? Why were you
concerned about Hunter Biden being on the board of Burisma?
Mr. Kent. The issue at hand was the owner of the companies,
Zlochevsky, had awarded himself gas contracts. And as I
testified both in the impeachment hearings and in the Johnson,
Grassley hearings of 2020, our concern was about the corrupt
acts of Zlochevsky, the ex-minister, and the FBI had been
pursuing freezing his assets, and it was in the interest of the
United States to remain at the gold standard of our own
actions.
Senator Cruz. So the Ukrainian oligarch who owned Burisma,
there was very substantial evidence of corruption on his part,
and he named Hunter Biden to his board of directors. To your
knowledge, does Hunter Biden speak Ukrainian?
Mr. Kent. I have never talked to Hunter Biden, no.
Senator Cruz. To your knowledge, did you have any knowledge
before serving on that board about anything concerning oil or
natural gas?
Mr. Kent. I am not aware of his CV.
Senator Cruz. To your knowledge, did Hunter Biden have any
qualification whatsoever for that board job other than the fact
that his daddy was the sitting Vice President at the time?
Mr. Kent. Senator, I--no one consulted me about who was on
the board of Burisma. There was another American, Cofer Black,
who was a former----
Senator Cruz. I asked a question, to your knowledge, did
Hunter Biden have any qualification to be on that board other
than the job his daddy had at the moment?
Mr. Kent. I am not familiar with his resume, sir.
Senator Cruz. Okay. He was paid $83,000 a month by this
Ukrainian oligarch. You are an expert in Ukraine. Have you ever
been paid $83,000 a month?
Mr. Kent. I am a public servant, sir. I have never served
on a corporate board.
Senator Cruz. So does that mean, no, you have not been paid
$83,000 a month?
Mr. Kent. I have not been paid $83,000, no, sir.
Senator Cruz. So, look, the concern here is not Hunter
Biden's own problems, but rather it is official corruption from
the then Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, and
now the President of the United States, Joe Biden. Let me ask
you, while his son was on the board of Burisma, making $1
million a year, did Joe Biden do anything that benefited the
corrupt oligarch who was paying his son?
Mr. Kent. Vice President Biden led our efforts to fight
corruption in Ukraine.
Senator Cruz. Let me ask you the question again, did Vice
President Joe Biden do anything that benefited the corrupt
oligarch who was paying his son $1 million a year?
Mr. Kent. He did not.
Senator Cruz. He did not. Well, it is interesting, someone
who disagrees with you, Mr. Kent, is Joe Biden. And I want to
read from what he said on January 23rd, 2018, at the Council on
Foreign Relations, quote, this is Joe Biden speaking, ``and I
went over, I guess the 12th, 13th time to Kyiv, and I was
supposed to announce that there was another billion dollar loan
guarantee. And I had gotten a commitment from Poroshenko and
Yatsenyuk that they would take action against the state
prosecutor,'' the prosecutor that was investigating Burisma,
``and they did not.''
So Biden continues, ``I said, no, I am not going to--we are
not going to give you the billion dollars. They said, you have
no authority. You are not the President. The President said--I
said, call him. I said, I am telling you, you are not getting
the billion dollars. I said, you are not getting the billion
dollars. I am going to be leaving here. And I think it was
about six hours. I looked at them and said, I am leaving here
in six hours, if the prosecutor is not fired, you are not
getting the money. Well, son of a bitch, he got fired.''
Let me ask you something, do you think Joe Biden holding $1
billion hostage to force the Ukrainian Government to fire the
prosecutor that is investigating the corrupt oligarch who is
paying his son $1 million a year, did getting that prosecutor
fired benefit that oligarch?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Cruz. Senator Van
Hollen.
Senator Cruz. Are you going to allow me to answer the
question, Madam Chairman?
Senator Shaheen. I am not going to allow him to answer the
question.
Senator Cruz. Why are you covering for the Vice President?
Do you not want him to answer that question? He said that the
Vice President did nothing to benefit the oligarch----
Senator Shaheen. I think it is unfortunate for you, Senator
Cruz, to put in positions that are uncomfortable the nominees
to be our Ambassadors.
Senator Cruz. Okay, this is a sworn testimony--this is a
sworn testimony. I understand that you want to cover for----
Senator Shaheen. And he already answered----
Senator Cruz.--the Vice President----
Senator Shaheen.--that he is going to raise those concerns
any time he has responsibility----
Senator Cruz. Was his testimony true or false that Biden
did nothing to benefit the oligarch?
Senator Shaheen. I do not know what his testimony----
Senator Cruz. Let him answer the question. Why are you
afraid of him answering the question?
Senator Shaheen. I am not. I just want to move on because
the votes have started----
Senator Cruz. But you will not let him answer it. I asked a
yes or no question. Will you allow him to answer the yes or no
question?
Senator Shaheen. Yes, you can answer yes or no. Thank you.
Mr. Kent. The prosecutor who was fired by the Ukrainian
parliament did nothing to investigate Zlochevsky. And
everything the Vice President Biden, the State Department and
the U.S. Embassy did acted in good faith to reduce corruption
and help the Ukrainians.
Senator Cruz. So firing him did not benefit the oligarch?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Cruz. Senator Van
Hollen.
Senator Cruz. You are protecting the President well.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair. And
I am going to return in a moment to the comments of Senator
Cruz. But first, congratulations to all of you on your
nominations.
To all of you are Foreign Service Officers, thank you and
your families. I grew up in a Foreign Service family. I
appreciate all that you do. And Mr. Sabet, congratulations to
you. And I do want to echo the comments made by my colleague,
Senator Hagerty, regarding the importance of making sure that
the Czech Republic is not bullied by China because of its
relationship with Taiwan.
I think it is very important that the United States,
whether in the Czech Republic, Lithuania, other parts or places
around the world, makes it clear that the United States is
going to respond to that bullying by making clear we support
those relationships.
Mr. Kent, let me just say at the beginning, and I think you
underscored this in your testimony, that there has been
absolutely no evidence zero, including in the Johnson, Grassley
investigation, suggesting that the State Department, you, or
the Vice President, Vice President Biden at the time, or any
other officials made any changes to U.S. policy because of
Hunter Biden's role on Burisma's board, is not that true?
Mr. Kent. Yes, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. And Senator Cruz, if he would read the
results, the investigations conducted in the Congress itself
and the testimony, would know that full well. I wish we saw the
same level of outrage back in the day when the Trump
administration was withholding badly needed weapons to Ukraine
in order to get the Ukrainian Government the time to come up
and manufacture dirt on the Biden family.
I did not hear a lot from my colleague, Senator Cruz,
complaining about that at the time. Now, if I could just turn
quickly to the issue of Estonia. And Mr. Kent, you may know,
you may not know, the State of Maryland has a special
relationship with Estonia. We have a long time relationship
between the Maryland National Guard and the Estonian military
in the area of cybersecurity.
We have a number of sister city relationships between
cities in Estonia and in Maryland, so I look forward to working
with you to further cement the ties between the State of
Maryland and Estonia. Let me ask you about the issue of money
laundering in Estonia.
And I think you know that Estonia over the years has had
trouble within its banking system for being a place where
Russian oligarchs go to launder a lot of their money. I know
they are making progress.
What is your assessment of the situation today, and what
can we do to help them strengthen the security of their banking
system with respect to anti-money laundering efforts?
Mr. Kent. Thank you for the question, Senator. And I am
also very grateful for the Maryland National Guard for that
great State partnership. So we welcome you to come often and
help support that process.
In terms of the integrity of the financial system, I think
this is a challenge that both Estonia and Latvia have taken on.
We do have a U.S. Secret Service representation at our Embassy
in Estonia, and I think the U.S. law enforcement community, as
well as my Treasury colleagues, are committed to work with
Estonia to ensure that their financial system is also free from
malign influence and undermining of dirty money from Russia in
particular, but in general.
So you have my commitment to work with you, your
colleagues, and with Estonian colleagues to ensure that they
are not--their systems are--have integrity and can avoid being
undermined by malign influences.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And Ambassador Merten, I
listened to the testimony, and I agree that all of the
countries where you are going to be the United States
representatives or Ambassadors to have been firm in standing up
against Putin's aggression and support in Ukraine.
In the case of in the case of Bulgaria, there is a
particular energy situation pending right now that I do not
think has been discussed, and that is the question of their
continuing relationship with Lucas Oil and their decision to
continue refining that oil, not just for domestic purposes, not
just for domestic purposes, which I get, but for exports.
Where, as you know, there is a real, very real question as
to whether that violates the commitment undertaken by the EU
not to import Russian oil. Can you speak to that issue and how
you might help reduce Bulgaria's dependance on Russian oil?
And as you well know, we have a December 5th, I believe,
date coming up where the United States is leading an effort to
impose a price cap on Russian oil, and how will their decision,
if they continue to export that oil, how would that impact
that?
Mr. Merten. Well, thanks for the question, Senator. I am
not going to pretend to be an expert in all the ins and outs of
this complex issue. I do know that, as I mentioned earlier,
that energy issues are front and center of the State
Department's engagement with the Government of Bulgaria.
We have had visits by Amos Hochstein, as well as our Energy
Assistant Secretary, Greg Pyatt out there. We have been working
with the Bulgarians to look at ways that they can reduce this.
This is a historical legacy commitment, as I understand it,
which is obviously problematic in the current circumstances.
I think we need to be working closely with our other
European colleagues, those in the EU and those in the European
Commission, to see what mechanisms we can--what tools we can
give the Bulgarians to break this relationship.
It might take a little bit of time, but I think it is
worth--you will certainly have my commitment that I will work
on that.
Senator Van Hollen. [Technical problems]--Madam Chair. I do
think it is important we have a united front. I think we need
to support the EU decision to not continue to import Russian
oil.
And the reason the Bulgarian decision is troubling is not
so much the part of it where they would continue to use that
oil for their own consumption, but if they continue to export
that, that is obviously a leak in the regime and breaks that
united front.
So I hope you will convey at least my concerns about that
decision. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen. Senator
Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thanks, Madam Chairman. Congratulations
to all of you. Mr. Robinson, I want to visit with you about
some of my trips to Latvia and discussions with Latvia leaders
over the last decade and a half. The security of our NATO
allies is critically important, especially in light of the
increased aggression from Russia, but also from China.
And as a result, NATO is focused on increasing its presence
in the Baltic States, increasing the amount of military aid
being given to the countries to strengthen their defenses. What
additional efforts could help Latvia bolster its security? And
what can specifically be done by the U.S. to reinforce
Latvians' defenses?
Mr. Robinson. Great. Thank you, Senator Barrasso. And thank
you for your leadership and your engagement with Latvia and on
a range of transatlantic security issues over a number of
years. Latvia is committed to increasing its defense
expenditure, including on military equipment.
As I have mentioned before, we expect to provide $145
million in additional foreign military financing to help Latvia
in this effort. They are looking at anti-ship missiles, HIMARS
systems, aircraft. They will be receiving Black Hawks in the
year ahead. They--Canada is the lead Nation for the NATO
battalion, and we are working very closely with Canada and
Latvia to make sure that those commitments and presence is
there. And as you know well, Senator, we have committed to a
heel to toe presence in the Baltics.
We have increased our tempo of exercise and presence. We
just had a Coast Guard cutter in Latvia a few weeks ago as
another visible manifestation of that. So I think all these
platforms provide ways that we can build and deepen this
partnership for what will be a long term challenge to counter
and deter Russian aggression and bolster Latvian security.
Senator Barrasso. And Mr. Kent, moving next door to
Estonia, earlier this year, Estonia announced their intent to
end imports of Russian gas by the end of this year.
In April, Finland and Estonia agreed to develop that
floating liquefied natural gas terminal. They have since agreed
to charter a vessel for U.S. based energy for 10 years. How
soon will that joint floating storage and regasification unit
will come online? I am not sure, do you know?
Mr. Kent. I believe it is starting this winter and it is
going to be located in Finland, sir.
Senator Barrasso. And what impact do you think it is going
to have on energy security in all of Europe?
Mr. Kent. I think the variety of locations that are
increasing take-on points of LNG really helps the region and
because they then have interconnectors. Putting additional gas
into the system helps regionally these countries survive the
lack of Russian sources and pressures from Russia.
Senator Barrasso. Do you support increasing U.S. exports of
natural gas to Europe to help reduce Russia's natural gas
influence?
Mr. Kent. Very much so, sir.
Senator Barrasso. Okay, thanks. And then, Mr. Robertson,
back to you on energy as well. You know, Russia uses energy
resources as a weapon. It is a long term weapon for them. They
get it. It is a currency. It is a universal currency. So the
world has seen Russia cut off gas supplies to Europe.
In July, Gazprom halted natural gas supplies to Latvia for
a week. Latvia is working to end imports of Russian gas. In
fact, the Latvian parliament passed legislation this summer to
ban imports of Russian gas to enter the country by January,
just coming up now in the next month. Do you know, what is the
status of Latvia's efforts to end its reliance on Russian gas?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. Latvia does look to end
its imports of Russian gas by 2023. I expect that they will be
ahead of schedule. They have been looking to fill all their
storages ahead of the winter season, and they have prioritized
building an LNG terminal as a national priority for that--for
investment.
They are also looking at diversifying their sources of
energy to small modular nuclear reactors and wind energy. So
all these provide ways to reduce and eliminate Russia's
dependance.
And you have my commitment, sir, to continue to work with
Latvia and this committee to make that process.
Senator Barrasso. And then you support U.S. exports of
natural gas to Europe to help replace the Russian natural gas?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Barrasso. Great. And I think you made the point,
you said they already filled the storage of natural gas in
Latvia for the upcoming----
Mr. Robinson. I believe they were working on that, and they
expected to meet that objective.
Senator Barrasso. Okay. And then Mr. Kent, the security of
our NATO allies is critically important, especially in light of
increased aggression by Russia and China. Let us--one out of
line--there it is. To both of you in the last time I have left,
the Baltic States reached an agreement with the European
Commission to connect their electricity grids with Europe by
2025.
Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania have long been connected to
Russian electric grid. The grid operators in Europe indicated
that they could immediately implement the switch in the event
if Russia cuts them off. Do you know what the status is right
now of connecting the Baltic States to the European grid?
Mr. Kent. Sir, they do have a plan that would take several
years, and it is quite expensive. It is about $1 billion to
implement. There is contingency planning, if the Russians were
to get them off the grid, and U.S. laboratories are helping
with that contingency planning.
Senator Barrasso. Are there things that we could do to
expedite that, because just we know how Russia behaves in
situations like this?
Mr. Robinson. I think that the concern, Senator, is that
Russia might use that as an opportunity to disconnect the grid
ahead of time. So as my colleague mentioned, we are working
very closely with three countries, a number of projects
underway to make sure that that process is ready.
Senator Barrasso. Okay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Barrasso. I know
that Senator Shaheen is on her way back. I do--I will take this
opportunity, Mr. Robinson, to ask you a question. As you know,
Latvia has become an important haven for Russian journalists
who are fleeing persecution in Russia and has become really a
hub, I think, for opportunities to try to get good information
back to the people of Russia.
Can you talk a little bit more about how we can support
that ongoing effort so that we can get the truth to penetrate
more of Russia's efforts to keep it out?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely, Senator. This is a key priority.
And if confirmed, this will continue to be a priority for me,
and I will work closely with this committee.
There are two factors here. Yes, as Putin intensified his
crackdown on his own people ahead of this war, many Russian
human rights leaders, and importantly, independent media
organizations fled Russia and set up their operations in
Latvia.
Latvia did a lot to welcome these groups in and facilitate
their entry, and to help them get a footing to continue to
communicate the truths about what is happening in Russia and
Russia's war in Ukraine back to the Russian people.
In addition, more than 30 percent of Latvia's population is
either ethnic Russian or Russian speaking, and this provides a
real opportunity for us to continue our public diplomacy and
messaging efforts to reach that community and to continue our
efforts to tell the truth about what is happening in Ukraine
and in Russia, and Putin's atrocious war against the Ukrainian
people.
So we have a number of programs underway, and we are
committed. We thank the committee for its support for those
efforts, and we are committed to supporting independent Russian
journalism and the access of Russian people to fair and
independent media.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you for that. Let me
just say to Ms. Kavalec, congratulations on your nomination.
There are two people who I have had, you know, long term
friendships with who are prior ambassadors to Romania, Al
Moses, as well as a Jim Rosapepe, who is currently now a
Maryland State Senator.
So they both asked me to pass on their best wishes. And
they are, of course, if you have not already, available for any
conversations that you may have as you head off or after you
arrive.
Ms. Kavalec. Great. Thank you so much.
Senator Van Hollen. And is--okay. All right, it looks like
there are no further questions. Again, congratulations to all
of you on your nominations. I look forward to supporting all of
your nominations. And I think we are going to be turning to a
new panel momentarily, but no reason for all of you to wait
around for that.
So, congratulations, and we will do our very best to have
these votes as soon as possible. The hearing is adjourned.
[Recess.]
Senator Shaheen. Good afternoon. Congratulations to all of
our nominees this afternoon. We are in the middle of votes, as
I tried to explain to each of you, and so we expect Senators to
come in and out. But in the interest of trying to move the
panel along, I am going to go ahead and begin.
And very pleased to introduce our nominees, Mr. Manuel
Micaller to Tajikistan, Ms. Stephanie Sanders Sullivan to the
African Union, Mr. Henry Jardine to the Republics of Mauritius
and Seychelles.
And the hearing will also review the nomination of Mr.
Felice Gorordo to be Ambassador to the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, and Mr. Richard Weiner to be
Ambassador to the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development. So let me do brief introductions of each of you,
and then we will ask you to give your opening statements.
Manuel Micaller has been nominated to the position of
Ambassador to Tajikistan. His Foreign Service career has been
marked by distinguished service and depth of knowledge of
Central Asia, including prior service in Dushanbe as Political
Counselor and Acting Deputy Chief of Mission.
More recently, he served as Deputy Chief of Mission at our
embassies in Nepal and Mongolia. I am also pleased to see
Stephanie Sanders Sullivan nominated to lead our Mission to the
African Union.
And she has worked on African issues in Washington and in
the field for more than 20 of her 30 plus year distinguished
career and is revered as a successful leader and manager by her
State Department colleagues.
Senator Menendez just joined us. He is the Chair of this
committee. Senator Menendez, would you like to go ahead and do
your introduction, and then I will continue with the remaining
nominees.
The Chairman. Well, thank you, Madam Chair, for conducting
the previous panel and this panel. It is an important part of
what we do in the Foreign Relations committee is reviewing the
nominees for various positions, and we are pleased that our
subcommittees and our ranking chairs and ranking members of our
committees are willing to do so. So thank you very much for
doing so.
Congratulations to all of the nominees for their
nominations. I am particularly here to introduce Felice
Gorordo, a nominee to be the U.S. Alternate Executive Director
of the World Bank.
At a time when China is increasingly willing to use its
economic power to pressure other nations to do its bidding,
when Latin America is trying to recover from the economic
impact of the COVID pandemic, when Putin's war in Ukraine
threatens the food supply of developing nations around the
world, strong, dependable leadership at the World Bank has
never been more important.
And Felice Gorordo has the experience, commitment, and
vision of the United States that needs to tackle the challenges
the World Bank faces today. His journey starts the way that
mine did. He is the son of Cuban exiles who fled dictatorship
in their country. His parents came to the United States in
search of the American dream. His dad was in law enforcement.
His mother was a teacher.
And from then, Felice learned the value of public service.
That is why Felicia found that Raizes de Esperanza, Roots of
Hope, a nonprofit that empowers young people in Cuba through
technology and entrepreneurship. It is why he worked for both
the Bush and Obama Administrations, advancing the United States
national interest, no matter which party was in the White
House.
At the same time, Felice has an impressive private sector
experience. He has been CEO of three different equity
investment ventures. Emerge Americas, a platform focused on
transforming Miami into the tech hub of the Americas.
Clearpath, a tech company focused on revolutionizing the
paper based immigration filing process. And Libre, a venture
backed mobility tech company with operations in the United
States and Mexico.
In the wake of COVID, his understanding of finance,
economic statecraft, and technology will help the United States
and its like-minded partners make the concerted push to prevent
economic collapse in the developing world.
He should be in this post because we need to make sure that
China will not continue getting away with their malign
influence at the institutions that we, the United States,
created to shape the international order.
And if confirmed to this post at the World Bank, Felice
will advocate for our values, will stand up for democracy and
human rights. So I urge my colleagues to support the nomination
of Felice Gorordo for the post of U.S. Alternate Executive
Director for the World Bank. I do not, as the chairman, very
often come to introduce individuals.
But, Felice, you certainly deserve. Thank you very much,
Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Menendez. And
it is very true, he does not often come to introduce folks, so
it is an honor. Let me continue with the remaining members of
the panel and go to Henry Jardine, who is nominated to serve as
Ambassador to the Republic of Mauritius and Seychelles.
He has a strong record of leadership throughout his nearly
30 year Foreign Service career, with service across four
geographic regions in Washington, where he currently leads the
State Department's Career Development and Assignments Office.
Among his many leadership positions overseas, he served as
Deputy Chief of Mission in Albania and Management Councilor at
our Embassy in Thailand. Finally, I am pleased to introduce
Richard Weiner, who is the nominee to represent the United
States at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
or the EBRD.
Mr. Weiner is one of our leading international trade and
investment lawyers and is qualified to practice law in both the
European Union and the United States. As Senior Partner in the
Washington and Brussels offices of the international law firm
of Sidley Austin, he is a member of the law firm's global
arbitration, trade, and advocacy group.
He spent more than 30 years working on U.S., EU trade and
investment policy and market access issues. So with that, I am
going to ask Ms. Sullivan to begin with your opening statement.
Senator Shaheen. Ms. Sullivan.
STATEMENT OF HON. STEPHANIE SANDERS SULLIVAN OF MARYLAND, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER
MINISTER, NOMINATED TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA TO THE AFRICAN UNION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
Ms. Sullivan. Thank you for your kind introduction, Madam
Chairperson, Ranking Member, and distinguished Members of the
Foreign Relations committee. Thank you for this opportunity to
appear before you today. I am honored to be the President's
nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the African Union. I appreciate
the trust and confidence President Biden and Secretary Blinken
have in me.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our
Nation's interests through our partnership with that key
institution and its member states. I am joined by my husband,
John, my pillar of support, who has accompanied me on each
posting. Our sons, Dan and Scott are here from Maryland and New
Jersey, respectively.
From my first experience in Africa as a Peace Corps
volunteer in the DRC, I have felt drawn to the charms and
challenges of the continent and its people. I have spent two-
thirds of my 35 years of diplomatic service in Africa or
working on African issues with postings in Cameroon, the
Republic of Congo, Ghana, twice, and Washington, D.C.
Throughout my career, I have teamed up with committed
interagency colleagues to advance U.S. diplomatic, economic,
and security interests. A two time Ambassador, I have visited
33 African countries in all five regions on the continent.
If confirmed as the seventh United States ambassador to the
AU, I will be proud to represent our country, which has a
sizable portion of Africa's sixth region, the diaspora. The AU
brings together its member states to deliberate and act on the
continent's most pressing issues and to establish standards by
which all members can hold each other accountable.
The U.S. Mission to the AU enhances our engagement with and
our ability to understand the perspective of the AU Commission
and the AU Member States. If confirmed, I will lead the
talented U.S. AU team to advance the Administration's Africa
strategy, in which the U.S. partnership with the AU plays a
central role.
The strategies mutually reinforcing objectives are to, one,
foster openness and open societies. Two, deliver democratic and
security dividends. Three, advance pandemic recovery and
economic opportunity. And four, support conservation, climate
adaptation, and adjust energy transition.
We have long partnered with the AU on shared priorities,
and the pathways of this strategy will support the AU's Agenda
2063 for a more prosperous and peaceful continent and bolster
the region's ability to solve global problems alongside the
United States.
First, democracy and accountable governance remain
essential for peace, security, and sustained economic growth.
Recent democratic backsliding in some places undermines the
progress African countries have made toward inclusive
development.
If confirmed, I will reinforce our shared commitment to
democratic principles and the rule of law, to include
transparency, justice, free and fair elections with peaceful
transfer of power, and respect for human rights.
Second, fragility and ongoing conflicts in parts of Africa
also threaten global and U.S. National Security. They hinder
economic growth and enable violent extremism to spread. The AU
has made significant strides to prevent, respond to, and
resolve armed conflict, most recently in Ethiopia, and to
counter transnational threats.
If confirmed, I will maintain capacity building efforts to
achieve a more secure continent where people and nations can
reach their full potential. Third, the Africa Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention led the continent's effective
response to the COVID-19 pandemic by mobilizing health
ministers, coordinating a continental strategy, and
establishing a platform to procure vaccines.
The collaboration between Africa CDC and our own CDC, and
other U.S. Government agencies, shaped our life saving support
to the continent. If confirmed, I will continue our partnership
with the AU to improve global security--global health security
and strengthen African health systems.
On the broader economic front, the African Continental Free
Trade Area positions African governments to reduce tariff and
non-tariff barriers, enhance regional integration, and increase
trade and investment, to form a $3.4 trillion trading bloc of
an estimated 1.3 billion people. When fully implemented, this
economic bloc will be the fifth largest in the world.
If confirmed, I will champion additional American private
sector investment in the growing African market to promote
mutual prosperity and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.
Fourth, the United Nations recognizes Africa as the region most
vulnerable to the effects of climate change.
For example, four consecutive years of drought have created
a food security crisis in the Horn of Africa that has been
exacerbated by Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine. If
confirmed, I will work closely with the AU on addressing the
impacts of climate change and help support a just energy
transition through programs like Power Africa.
Madam Chairperson and members of the committee, ranking
member, thank you again for today's hearing. I look forward to
answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Sullivan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Stephanie S. Sullivan
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, distinguished members
of the Foreign Relations Committee, thank you for this opportunity to
appear before you today. I am honored to be the President's nominee for
U.S. Ambassador to the African Union (AU). I appreciate the trust and
confidence President Biden and Secretary Blinken have in me. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our nation's interests
through our partnership with this key institution and its member
states.
This afternoon I'm joined by my husband John, a pillar of support
who has accompanied me on each posting. Our sons Dan and Scott are
here, from Maryland and New Jersey, respectively.
From my first experience in Africa as a Peace Corps Volunteer in
the DRC, I have felt drawn to the charms and challenges of the
continent and its people. I have spent two thirds of my thirty-five
years of diplomatic service in Africa or working on African issues,
with postings in Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Ghana (twice), and
Washington, DC. Throughout my career, I have teamed up with committed
interagency colleagues to advance U.S. diplomatic, economic, and
security interests. I have visited 33 African countries, in all five
regions on the continent. If confirmed as the seventh U.S. Ambassador
to the AU, I will be proud to represent our country, which has a
sizeable portion of Africa's ``Sixth Region''--the diaspora.
The AU brings together its member states to deliberate and act on
the continent's most pressing issues and to establish standards by
which all members can hold each other accountable. The USAU's vantage
point enhances our engagement with--and ability to understand the
perspective of--the AU Commission and the AU member states. USAU
facilitates our collaboration with Africa to solve global problems.
If confirmed, I will lead the talented USAU team to advance the
Administration's Africa Strategy, in which the U.S. partnership with
the AU plays a central role. The Strategy's mutually reinforcing
objectives are to: 1. Foster Openness and Open Societies; 2. Deliver
Democratic and Security Dividends; 3. Advance Pandemic Recovery and
Economic Opportunity; and 4. Support Conservation, Climate Adaptation,
and Just Energy Transition. We have long partnered with the AU on
shared priorities, and the pathways of the strategy will both support
the AU's Agenda 2063 and bolster the continent's ability to solve
global problems alongside the United States.
First, democracy and accountable governance remain essential for
peace, security, and sustained economic growth. Recent democratic
backsliding in some places undermines the progress African countries
have made toward inclusive development. If confirmed, I will reinforce
our shared commitment to democratic principles and the rule of law--to
include transparency; free and fair elections with peaceful transfers
of power; justice; and respect for human rights.
Second, fragility and ongoing conflicts in parts of Africa also
threaten global and U.S. national security. They hinder economic growth
and enable the spread of violent extremism. The AU has made significant
strides to prevent, respond to, and resolve armed conflict--most
recently in Ethiopia--and to counter transnational threats. If
confirmed, I will lead ongoing capacity-building efforts to achieve a
more peaceful and more secure continent where people and nations can
reach their full potential.
Third, the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention
(Africa CDC) led the continent's response to the COVID-19 pandemic by
mobilizing health ministers, coordinating a continental strategy, and
establishing a platform to procure vaccines. The coordination between
Africa CDC and our own CDC and other USG agencies shaped our lifesaving
support to the continent. If confirmed, I will continue our partnership
with the AU to improve global health security and strengthen African
health systems. On the broader economic front, the African Continental
Free Trade Area positions African Governments to reduce trade barriers,
enhance regional integration, and increase trade and investment, to
form a 3.4 trillion-dollar trading bloc of an estimated 1.3 billion
people. When fully implemented, this economic bloc will be the fifth
largest in the world. If confirmed, I will champion additional American
private sector investment in the growing African market, to promote
mutual prosperity and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.
Fourth, the United Nations recognizes Africa as the region most
vulnerable to the effects of climate change. For example, four
consecutive years of drought have exacerbated the food security crisis
in the Horn of Africa. If confirmed, I will work closely with the AU on
addressing the impacts of climate change and help support a just energy
transition through programs like Power Africa.
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you again for this opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to answering your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Ms. Sanders Sullivan.
Mr. Jardine.
STATEMENT OF HENRY V. JARDINE OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF MAURITIUS, AND
TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SEYCHELLES
Mr. Jardine. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member, and
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before this
committee today as President Biden's nominee to be the next
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Mauritius and the
Republic of Seychelles.
I am thankful for the trust that the President and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me to nominate me for this
role, and I consider it a privilege to represent the United
States of America. My parents immigrated to this country from
the United Kingdom in the 1950s.
My father experienced a childhood of poverty in North
Wales, and my mother, the devastating bombings, Nazi bombings
of Liverpool. They understood the promise that the United
States could offer, and from their example and experience comes
my commitment of service to this country for over the past 30
years in both the United States Army and Department of State.
As a career member of the Senior Foreign Service with
extensive work experience in the Indo-Pacific region on a range
of policy and management issues, I have developed the skills
that will allow me to strengthen our relationship with both
countries.
While my professional experience has prepared me for the
opportunity to serve as Ambassador to Mauritius and the
Seychelles, this is only possible with the great support of my
wife, Kathleen Jardine, who is here with me today. She is
presently a Fairfax County public teacher who was there as a
partner through the long years, far from family and in some
difficult circumstances.
I also note with pride my son, Thomas, who, while
experiencing many disruptions in his young life in education as
a result of my career, is now a successful college student in
the Netherlands. In just over 50 years, since gaining
independence from the United Kingdom, Mauritius has achieved
political stability through a commitment to democracy,
establishment of a strong economy, and acceptance of ethnic
diversity.
Mauritius has shown the global community that it is a model
both politically and economically for Africa, the Indian Ocean
region, and beyond. The United States also enjoys a positive
bilateral relationship with the Government of Seychelles, which
in 2020 held free and fair elections and peacefully
transitioned power to the opposition party for the first time
since independence 46 years ago.
We support Seychelles' efforts to solidify its democratic
transition, support of regional peace, and to tackle climate
change. Despite its high per capita income, Seychelles needs
support to strengthen its financial system and anti-corruption
regime. The United States is well-placed to provide assistance
in these areas.
Regional security is an important element of our bilateral
relationship with both Mauritius and Seychelles, and I will
seek additional ways we can partner to combat drug trafficking,
transnational criminal activity, and illegal, unregulated, and
unreported fishing in the Indian Ocean.
Although the United States Embassy is located in Mauritius,
I intend to travel to Seychelles frequently as we continue to
focus on expanding our bilateral relationship. Democracy
promotion continues to be an important element of our foreign
policy in Africa. Both Mauritius and Seychelles are models for
the rest of sub-Saharan Africa.
The 2020 election in Seychelles showed the world that the
Seychelles are fiercely committed to democracy. While the
Mauritian general elections are set to take place in 2024, I
would work with both countries to strengthen their democratic
systems and to spread their examples elsewhere.
Of course, while pursuing all these objectives, I would
make protecting Americans living and traveling in both
Mauritius and Seychelles my highest priority. Again, I am
honored to be the next Ambassador--honored to be nominated to
be the next Ambassador to Mauritius and Seychelles.
And if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
you and other members of the committee. I look forward to your
questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Jardine follows:]
Prepared Statement of Henry V. Jardine
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before this committee today as
President Biden's nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to
the Republic of Mauritius and the Republic of Seychelles. I am thankful
for the trust that the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in
me to nominate me for this role, and I consider it a great privilege to
represent the United States.
My parents immigrated to this country from the United Kingdom in
the 1950s. My father experienced a childhood of poverty in North Wales
and my mother the devastating Nazi bombings of Liverpool. They
understood the promise that the United States could offer, and from
their example and experience comes my commitment of service to this
country over the past 30 years in both the Army and the State
Department.
As a career member of the Senior Foreign Service with extensive
work experience in the Indo-Pacific region on a range of policy and
management issues, I have developed the skills that will allow me to
strengthen our relationship with both countries.
While my professional experiences have prepared me for the
opportunity to serve as Ambassador to Mauritius and the Seychelles,
this was only possible with the great support of my wife, Kathleen
Jardine, presently a Fairfax County public school teacher, who was
there as a partner through the long years far from family and in some
difficult circumstances. I also note with pride my son Thomas, who,
while experiencing many disruptions in his young life and education as
a result of my career, is now a successful college student in the
Netherlands.
In just over 50 years since gaining independence from the United
Kingdom, Mauritius has achieved political stability through a
commitment to democracy, establishment of a strong economy, and
acceptance of ethnic diversity. Mauritius has shown the global
community that it is a model, both politically and economically, for
Africa, the Indian Ocean region, and beyond.
The United States also enjoys a positive bilateral relationship
with the Government of Seychelles, which in 2020 held free and fair
elections and peacefully transitioned power to the opposition party for
the first time since independence 46 years ago. We support Seychelles'
efforts to solidify its democratic transition, support regional peace,
and tackle climate change.
Despite its high per capita income, Seychelles needs support to
strengthen its financial system and anti-corruption regime. The United
States is well-placed to provide assistance in these areas.
Regional security is an important element of our bilateral
relationship with both Mauritius and Seychelles, and I will seek
additional ways we can partner to combat drug trafficking,
transnational criminal activity, and illegal, unregulated, and
unreported fishing in the Indian Ocean.
Although the United States Embassy is located in Mauritius, I
intend to travel to Seychelles frequently as we continue to focus on
expanding our bilateral relationship.
Democracy promotion continues to be an important element of our
foreign policy in Africa. Both Mauritius and Seychelles are models for
the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. The 2020 election in the Seychelles
showed the world that the Seychellois are fiercely committed to
democracy, while Mauritian general elections are set to take place in
2024. I would work with both countries to strengthen their democratic
systems and to spread their example elsewhere.
Of course, while pursuing all these objectives, I would make
protecting Americans living and travelling in both Mauritius and
Seychelles my highest priority.
Again, I am honored to be nominated to be the next ambassador to
Mauritius and Seychelles. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with you and other members of the committee. I welcome your
questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Mr. Gorordo. Am I
pronouncing your name correctly?
Mr. Gorordo. You are.
Senator Shaheen. Great. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF L. FELICE GORORDO OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE
UNITED STATES ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL
BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS
Mr. Gorordo. Good afternoon, Chair, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee. I am humbled and
honored to have been nominated by President Joe Biden to be the
next United States Alternate Executive Director for the World
Bank.
I would also like to personally thank the chairman,
Chairman Menendez, for his very kind and moving introduction,
for which I am deeply grateful. I appreciate this opportunity
to serve at such a critical time for both our Nation and the
world. I want to recognize several important individuals in my
life without whom this would not be possible and who are
present here today.
I would like to begin by thanking my wife of 13 years and
my partner in all things for 19, Bianca Ferrer Gorordo, and our
two children, David, who is here present, and Catalina, who I
am sure is watching from home. I would also like to pause to
recognize members of my family who are not here today, but who
have played a pivotal role in my life.
I am tremendously appreciative to my mother, Marta Serra
Mohr, who was reunited with our creator seven years ago today.
And to all my extended family for their love, sacrifice, and
unwavering support throughout the years.
As the chairman noted, I am the son of Cuban exiles who
fled a communist revolution, risking it all and leaving
everything behind in search of freedom, opportunity, and the
American Dream. This great Nation received them with open arms
and gave them a fighting chance to make a better life for
themselves and their family.
And for these reasons, we have always been indebted to our
country and sought to pay it forward. The call to public
service was instilled in me by my family and by my faith. My
father, Francisco Gorordo, served as a police officer for more
than 25 years, and my mother worked in education for over two
decades.
They nurtured in me a purpose driven resolve to ensure that
we live up to the Gospel of Matthew Chapter 25, to feed the
hungry, heal the sick, and welcome the stranger. My Jesuit
education and upbringing further cultivated my vocation to
service, taking part in humanitarian missions in Latin America
during my high school years and then founding a non-
governmental organization while I was in college called Roots
of Hope, which still exists today, and focuses on empowering
Cuban youth to become the authors of their own futures.
Following my graduation from Georgetown University, I
proudly served in the U.S. Department of Commerce, State, and
Homeland Security during the Administration of President George
W. Bush. In 2011, I was appointed as a White House fellow by
President Barack Obama and served in the White House Office of
Public Engagement and Intergovernmental Affairs, working with
industry leaders on economic competitiveness programs.
There, I developed and organized the first ever White House
Conference on connecting the Americas, which included
participation of business and government leaders from
throughout the Americas in the lead up to the 2012 Summit of
the Americas.
In 2013, I returned home to Miami to pursue a career in
entrepreneurship, and I served as CEO of three mission-driven
technology companies as an investor and advisor of two venture
capital funds with global mandates, one in health care and
another in infrastructure.
I believe this experience has prepared me to take on the
important responsibilities that the President has nominated me
for at the World Bank. The bank's mission is to end extreme
poverty and promote shared prosperity in a sustainable way.
Given Russia's unprovoked war in Ukraine, which has
worsened food insecurity around the world, the prolonged global
pandemic and the rising threat of authoritarian regimes like
China, the bank remains a critically important institution to
create sustainable and inclusive economic growth and resiliency
for the most vulnerable, and to promote prosperity for people
around the world.
If confirmed, I will use my experience to help advance U.S.
development, foreign policy, and National Security priorities,
while also expanding markets for U.S. products and services.
Drawing on my fiduciary experience as an investor, executive,
and board member of both for profit and nonprofit companies, I
am resolved to be a good steward of our tax dollars to ensure
the bank's programs yield the greatest return on investment and
uphold our values.
I will also seek to engage with a diverse range of
important stakeholders, including members of both parties, to
ensure the interests of all Americans are represented in the
bank's boardroom and projects.
Moreover, I will draw on my two decades of experience in
management and oversight to promote the greatest degree of
integrity, transparency, and accountability in the bank's
operations.
As a first generation American whose family suffered at the
hands of a communist totalitarian regime, I am deeply committed
to honoring, protecting, and advancing the cause of democracy,
human rights, and economic prosperity here and abroad.
If confirmed, I will work relentlessly to uphold U.S.
values and advance our interests around the world. Again, I am
so grateful to you all for your consideration of my nomination,
and I would be happy to answer your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Gorordo follows:]
Prepared Statement of L. Felice Gorordo
Good afternoon, Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
the committee, I am humbled and honored to have been nominated by
President Joe Biden to be the next United States Alternate Executive
Director for the World Bank. I appreciate this opportunity to serve at
such a critical time.
I want to recognize several important individuals in my life,
without whom this would not be possible, and who are present here
today. I would like to begin by thanking my wife of 13 years and my
``partner in all things'' for 19 years, Bianca Ferrer Gorordo, and our
two children: Catalina and David.
I would also like to pause to recognize members of my family who
are not here today, but who have played a pivotal role in my life. I am
tremendously appreciative to my mother Martha Serra Mohr and my father-
in-law Jose Ferrer (who have been reunited with our Creator), my father
Francisco Gorordo, my stepfather Charles Mohr, my step-mother Delvis
Mouri, my mother-in-law Carmen Ferrer, my siblings Nicole and Carolina,
and all of my family viewing from home--for their love, sacrifice, and
unwavering support and encouragement throughout the years.
I am the son of Cuban exiles who fled a communist revolution--
risking it all and leaving everything behind--in search of freedom,
opportunity, and the American Dream. This great Nation received them
with open arms and gave them a fighting chance to make a better life
for themselves and their family. For these reasons, we have always been
indebted to our country and sought to pay it forward.
The call to public service was instilled in me by my family and my
faith. My father served as a police officer for more than 25 years, and
my mother worked in education for over two decades. They nurtured in me
a purpose-driven resolve to ensure that we live up to the Gospel of
Matthew, Chapter 25: to feed the hungry, heal the sick, and welcome the
stranger. My Jesuit education and upbringing further cultivated my
vocation to service--taking part in humanitarian missions in Latin
America during my high school years, and then founding a
nongovernmental organization while I was in college called Roots of
Hope, which still exists today and focuses on empowering Cuban youth to
become the authors of their own futures.
Following my graduation from Georgetown University, I proudly
served in the U.S. Departments of Commerce, State, and Homeland
Security during the Administration of President George W. Bush. In
2011, I was appointed as a White House Fellow by President Barack Obama
and served in the White House Office of Public Engagement &
Intergovernmental Affairs, working with industry leaders on economic
competitiveness programs. There, I developed and organized the first-
ever ``White House Conference on Connecting the Americas,'' which
included the participation of business and government leaders from
throughout the Americas in the lead up to the 2012 Summit of the
Americas.
In 2013, I returned home to Miami to pursue a career in
entrepreneurship, serving as CEO of three mission-driven technology
companies, and as an investor and advisor at two venture capital funds
with global mandates, one in healthcare and another in infrastructure.
I believe this experience has prepared me to take on the important
responsibilities that the President has nominated me for at the World
Bank.
The Bank's mission is ``to end extreme poverty and promote shared
prosperity in a sustainable way.'' Given Russia's unprovoked war in
Ukraine which has worsened food insecurity around the world, the
prolonged global pandemic, and the rising threat of authoritarian
regimes like China, the Bank remains a critically important institution
to create sustainable and inclusive economic growth and resiliency for
the most vulnerable and to promote prosperity for people around the
world.
If confirmed, I will use my experience to help advance U.S.
development, foreign policy and national security priorities, and
expand markets for U.S. products and services. Drawing on my fiduciary
experience as an investor, executive and board member of both for-
profit and nonprofit companies, I resolve to be a good steward of our
tax dollars to ensure the Bank's programs yield the greatest return on
investment and uphold our values. I will also seek to engage with a
diverse range of important stakeholders, including Members of both
parties, to ensure the interests of all Americans are represented in
the Bank's boardroom and projects. Moreover, I will draw on my two
decades of experience in management and oversight to promote the
greatest degree of integrity, transparency, and accountability in the
Bank's operations.
As a first-generation American whose family suffered at the hands
of a communist totalitarian regime, I am deeply committed to honoring,
protecting, and advancing the cause of democracy, human rights, and
economic prosperity here and abroad. If confirmed, I will work
relentlessly to uphold U.S. values and advance our interests around the
world.
Again, I am so grateful to you all for your consideration of my
nomination. I would be happy to answer your questions.
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Mr. Weiner.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD L.A. WEINER OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES DIRECTOR OF THE EUROPEAN BANK FOR
RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Weiner. Thank you for your kind introduction, Madam
Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee. I am honored to have been nominated by President
Biden to be the U.S. Director of the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development and humbled to appear before you
today.
I wish to take a moment to recognize several individuals in
my life, in particular my wife of 33 years, Joann Weiner, who
seated behind me, herself a former U.S. Treasury Department Tax
Economist and now Professor of Economics at George Washington
University. Watching online are our three adult children, Josh,
Steven, and Naomi, whose love sustains us both.
I would also like to recognize family members who are not
here today. My late parents, Professors Herbert and Dora B.
Weiner, came to this country from Hitler's Europe and crafted
distinguished academic careers, first in New York and then at
UCLA. My father was born in Vienna and raised in London, coming
to the United States as an immigrant in 1939. My mother was
born in Germany and fled the Nazis, first to France, then
Morocco, then Cuba, before entering America as a refugee in
December 1942.
My parents seized the enormous opportunity of this Nation,
teaching my brothers Tim and Tony and me of America's
greatness, but also of her essential goodness. Their memories
are a blessing to all who knew them.
My family's experience fueled my professional pursuits. I
was educated at Harvard College, where I served as the Student
Chairman of the John F. Kennedy Institute of Politics, the
University of Cambridge and Columbia Law School. I clerked for
an extraordinary Federal judge, the Honorable Barefoot Sanders,
before entering private practice. For 35 years, I have worked
on international trade, energy, environmental and investment
issues, including the past 19 years as a partner in the
Washington and Brussels offices of the international law firm
Sidley Austin LLP. I am dual qualified as a lawyer in the
European Union and the United States, and I have worked on
U.S., European issues throughout my career, including 10 years
resident in Brussels, where I was the founding managing partner
of Sidley's Brussels office.
I hope to use my personal and professional background as a
foundation for taking on the important responsibilities of U.S.
Director of the EBRD at this critical time.
As members of the committee know, the EBRD was formed after
the collapse of Soviet communism to promote open markets and
private entrepreneurship in Central and Eastern Europe, and in
turn to promote stability, democracy, and the rule of law.
Pursuit of these goals advances America's political and
economic interests in foreign policy, National Security,
diplomacy, development, and commerce.
Overall, the Bank has done a commendable job advancing
market transitions, improving the business climate, and
promoting private sector solutions in emerging economies in
Europe, Eurasia, the Middle East, and North Africa.
The Bank is unique among development banks in having a
political mandate, to promote democracy, the rule of law, and
democratic institutions. A clear eyed assessment would suggest
that its results in this area have been uneven. Should I be
confirmed, I look forward to harnessing the comparative
advantages of the EBRD to help rebuild Ukraine, wean Europe off
Russian fossil fuels, green the economy of borrower nations,
and promote democracy and democratic institutions in accordance
with the Bank's Charter.
Nowhere is the Bank's role more vital than in Ukraine and
other frontline states fighting to resist Russia's unprovoked
aggressions. The Bank has played and will play a vital role in
sustaining national economies in the region and addressing
immediate needs, such as food and energy security. The Bank has
taken important steps via loan deferral, liquidity support, and
trade financing, and Congress appropriated an additional $500
million to the Bank in its second Ukraine supplemental this
May.
Over the longer term, the Bank will help Ukraine in
reconstruction, including rebuilding infrastructure,
revitalizing the engines of economic growth, binding the wounds
of its people, and fostering private sector job creation.
Nearly a century ago, my grandfather fled instability and
antisemitism in Central Europe to work as a banker in London.
It is an extraordinary testament to history's arc that I may
have the honor to return there now to promote American values
in the region.
I am grateful for your consideration, and I would be
delighted to answer your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Weiner follows:]
Prepared Statement of Richard L.A. Weiner
Good afternoon, Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
the committee, I am honored to have been nominated by President Biden
to be the U.S. Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development and humbled to appear before you today.
I wish to take a moment to recognize several individuals in my
life, in particular my wife of 33 years, Joann Weiner, herself a former
U.S. Treasury Department tax economist and now professor of economics
at George Washington University. Watching on-line are our three adult
children, Josh, Stephen, and Naomi, whose love sustains us both.
I would also like to recognize family members who are not here
today. My late parents, Professors Herbert and Dora B. Weiner, came to
this country from Hitler's Europe and crafted distinguished academic
careers, first in New York and then at UCLA. My father was born in
Vienna and raised in London, coming to the United States as an
immigrant in 1939. My mother was born in Germany and fled the Nazis
first to France, then Morocco, then Cuba, before entering America as a
refugee in December 1942.
My parents seized the enormous opportunity of this nation, teaching
my brothers, Tim and Tony, and me of America's greatness, but also of
her essential goodness. Their memories are a blessing to all who knew
them.
My family's experience fueled my professional pursuits. I was
educated at Harvard College, where I served as student chairman of the
John F. Kennedy Institute of Politics, the University of Cambridge, and
Columbia Law School. I clerked for an extraordinary judge, Hon.
Barefoot Sanders, before entering private practice. For 35 years, I
have worked on international trade, energy, environmental, and
investment issues, including the past 19 years as a partner in the
Washington and Brussels offices of the international law firm, Sidley
Austin LLP. I am dual-qualified as a lawyer in the European Union and
the United States and have worked on U.S.-European issues throughout my
career, including ten years resident in Brussels where I was the
founding managing partner of Sidley's Brussels office.
I hope to use my personal and professional background as a
foundation for taking on the important responsibilities of U.S.
Director of the EBRD at this critical time.
As members of the committee know, the EBRD was formed after the
collapse of Soviet Communism to promote open markets and private
entrepreneurship in Central and Eastern Europe and, in turn, to promote
stability, democracy, and the rule of law.
Pursuit of these goals advances America's political and economic
interests in foreign policy, national security, diplomacy, development,
and commerce.
Overall, the Bank has done a commendable job advancing market
transitions, improving the business climate, and promoting private-
sector solutions in emerging economies in Europe, Eurasia, the Middle
East, and North Africa.
The Bank is unique among development banks in having a political
mandate--to promote democracy, the rule of law, and democratic
institutions. A clear-eyed assessment would suggest that its results in
this area have been uneven. Should I be confirmed, I look forward to
harnessing the comparative advantages of the EBRD to help rebuild
Ukraine, wean Europe off Russian fossil fuels, green the economies of
borrower nations, and promote democracy and democratic institutions, in
accordance with the Bank's Charter.
Nowhere is the Bank's role more vital than in Ukraine and other
front-line states fighting to resist Russia's unprovoked aggressions.
The Bank has played and will play a vital role in sustaining national
economies in the region and addressing immediate needs such as food and
energy security. The Bank has taken important steps via loan deferral,
liquidity support and trade financing, and Congress appropriated an
additional $500 million to the Bank in its Second Ukraine Supplemental
this May.
Over the longer-term, the Bank will help Ukraine in reconstruction,
including rebuilding infrastructure, revitalizing the engines of
economic growth, binding the wounds of its people, and fostering
private-sector job creation.
Nearly a century ago, my grandfather fled instability and
antisemitism in Central Europe to work as a banker in London. It is an
extraordinary testament to history's arc that I may have the honor to
return there now to promote American values in the region.
I am grateful for your consideration and would be delighted to
answer your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Mr. Micaller, is that
correct?
Mr. Micaller. That is correct.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF MANUEL P. MICALLER, JR. OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF TAJIKISTAN
Mr. Micaller. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman,
distinguished members, it is an honor to appear before you as
the President's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Tajikistan.
I am grateful to be joined today by my dear mother, Monina
Micaller, and I want to acknowledge my brother Jose, who is
watching from home in San Francisco. Both have supported me
throughout my Foreign Service career, and I would like to take
this opportunity before the Senate to recognize and honor my
late father, Manuel Micaller Senior, who inspired and
encouraged me to embark on this journey of service to our great
country.
If confirmed, I will return to Central Asia, where I began
my career in 1996 at the U.S. Embassy in Turkmenistan. I was
drawn to this region, having studied the former Soviet Union,
and I keep returning because of the critical importance it
plays in our National Security and the opportunity to use my
experience in a challenging environment to advance our shared
interests.
Tajikistan is a fascinating country, rich in culture and
long at the crossroads of history. Bordering Afghanistan and
China and exposed to Russian influence, Tajikistan is seeking
to diversify its foreign partners, and the United States has
proven itself as a reliable partner over the course of our 30
year diplomatic relationship.
Today, we have an opportunity to strengthen this
relationship by easing economic and food insecurity caused by
Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and by helping Tajikistan to
diversify away from PRC investments.
Tajikistan is balancing between a cautious generation that
experienced the brutal civil war and a younger generation that
is keen to advocate for itself and address challenges. We can
seize this critical moment by building people to people
connections.
Tajikistan is an increasingly important security partner
and has long been a key partner in supporting Afghanistan's
stability. If confirmed, I will prioritize bilateral and
regional security cooperation.
I will also not hesitate to urge the Government to
strengthen rule of law, demonstrate accountability in
government--governance, protect freedom of expression,
including for the press, and uphold the rights of minority and
marginalized groups, including persons with disabilities,
women, and religious and ethnic minorities.
I will stress how addressing human rights can benefit
Tajikistan's economic and security goals by attracting
investment and preventing the radicalization of potential
terrorists. If confirmed, I will work to expand and deepen our
economic efforts with Tajikistan by supporting initiatives that
develop accountable business practices and transparent
institutions, improve the investment climate, reduce
corruption, and create an equitable business environment.
Tajikistan is eager to become a regional leader on
addressing environmental challenges, so there are tremendous
opportunities for enhanced partnership that can ultimately lead
to a more prosperous Tajikistan.
Protecting Americans abroad is the State Department's most
important responsibility. If confirmed, I will endeavor to
ensure the safety and health of our Embassy team, as well as of
all American citizens in Tajikistan. The diversity of our staff
is our greatest strength.
I remain committed to an inclusive work environment
consistent with the Biden Administration's and this committee's
vision of a State Department workforce culture that values
collegiality, teamwork, and respect.
In closing, Madam Chair, Ranking Member, members of the
committee, our goal is a stable, secure, sovereign, and
prosperous Tajikistan. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen
our bilateral security, reinforce people to people and economic
ties, and promote the democratic values we share.
I pledge to work closely with you to strengthen the United
States' strategic partnership with Tajikistan. I appreciate the
opportunity to speak with you today, and I welcome your
questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Micaller follows:]
Prepared Statement for Manuel P. Micaller
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Portman, distinguished members
of this committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Tajikistan.
I am grateful to be joined today by my mother, Monina Micaller, and
I want to acknowledge my brother, Jose Micaller, who is watching from
home in San Francisco. Both have supported me throughout my Foreign
Service career. And I would like to take this opportunity before the
Senate to recognize and honor my late father, Manuel Micaller, Sr., who
inspired and encouraged me to embark on this journey of service to our
great country.
If confirmed, I will return to Central Asia, where I began my
career in 1996 as Vice Consul at the U.S. Embassy in Turkmenistan and
later served as Political-Economic Chief in Tajikistan. I was drawn to
this region having studied the former Soviet Union in college, and I
keep returning because of the critical importance it plays in our
national security and the opportunity to use my experience in a
challenging environment to advance our shared interests.
Tajikistan is a fascinating country, rich in history and culture.
It has long been at the crossroads of history, and so it is again with
the significant global shifts of recent years. With an 843-mile border
with Afghanistan, a 280-mile border with China, and exposure to Russian
influence, Tajikistan is seeking to diversify its foreign partners
beyond its immediate neighbors. Despite the unique challenges presented
by Tajikistan's neighborhood and our geographic distance, the United
States has proven itself as a reliable partner over the course of our
30-year diplomatic relationship. Today we have an opportunity to
strengthen this relationship by easing economic and food insecurity
caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and by helping Tajikistan's
economy to diversify away from PRC investments.
The only Central Asian country to experience a civil war after the
fall of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan is confronting generational
dynamics as it balances between a cautious generation that experienced
the brutal 1992-1997 civil war and a younger generation that is keen to
advocate for itself and address upcoming challenges. We can seize this
critical time in generational discussions by using our public diplomacy
work to build people-to-people connections that will benefit
individuals and civil society for decades to come. Tajikistan has
become an increasingly important strategic security partner and has
long been a key partner in supporting Afghanistan's stability. We
welcome the growing relationship on counterterrorism and border
security efforts and continue to carefully consider how to partner with
Tajikistan to implement programs and train security and law enforcement
officers in accordance with international human rights standards. If
confirmed, I will prioritize bilateral and regional security
cooperation.
As a previous Political Chief in Dushanbe, I understand how
delicate discussions about human rights can be with the Government of
Tajikistan. I will not hesitate to urge the Government to strengthen
the rule of law, institute fair legal processes and institutions,
demonstrate accountability in governance, protect the freedom of
expression--including for the press--and uphold the rights of minority
and marginalized groups, including persons with disabilities, women,
and religious and ethnic minorities. I will stress how addressing human
rights can benefit Tajikistan's most pressing economic and security
goals by attracting foreign direct investment and preventing the
radicalization of potential terrorists.
If confirmed, I will work to expand and deepen our economic efforts
with the Government of Tajikistan by supporting the already significant
initiatives that develop accountable business practices and transparent
institutions, strengthen Tajikistan's banking system, improve the
investment climate, reduce corruption, and create an equitable business
environment. Tajikistan is eager to become a regional leader on
addressing water-related environmental challenges. In both economic and
environmental areas of cooperation, there are tremendous opportunities
for enhanced partnership that can ultimately lead to a more prosperous
Tajikistan.
Protecting Americans abroad is the State Department's most
important responsibility. If confirmed, I will endeavor to ensure the
safety and health of my Embassy team, as well as all American citizens
in Tajikistan.
None of this critical work can be accomplished without our
dedicated Locally Engaged Staff, Eligible Family Members, and Foreign
Service Officers. The diversity of our staff is our greatest strength.
I remain committed to an inclusive work environment, consistent with
the Biden administration's and this committee's vision of a State
Department workforce culture that values collegiality, teamwork, and
respect.
In closing, Madam Chair, Ranking Member, members of the committee,
I understand our goal is a stable and prosperous Tajikistan that is
free to pursue political, economic, and security interests on its own
terms. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen our bilateral security,
reinforce people-to-people and economic ties, and promote the
democratic values we share.
I pledge to work closely with you to strengthen the United States'
strategic partnership with Tajikistan. I appreciate the opportunity to
speak with you today. I welcome your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Thank you to each of
you. I am going to now turn it over to Senator Hagerty while I
go vote, and I shall return shortly.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And I will see
you shortly too and we will get this voting underway. I hope
you will understand and appreciate some of the complexities of
navigating these hearings in the afternoon when we have votes
ongoing. I would like to first and foremost congratulate all of
you for being here today.
In your various roles, you will have the opportunity to
represent the most exceptional Nation in the world, and I
cannot think of a higher honor than the ones that you have been
nominated for.
So my deep congratulations to you and my deep appreciation
to all of your families for the support that they will give you
in hopes of being very successful in the roles that you will
fulfill, if you are confirmed.
To our career Foreign Service Officers, I want to thank you
for your service. It has been my pleasure to have the
opportunity to work closely with many of you, and I appreciate
what you and your families have done for our Nation.
And then for Mr. Gorordo and Mr. Weiner, I want to
congratulate you and welcome you to a new world. A little bit
less so for you, Mr. Gorordo, because I understand you were a
White House fellow, as was I.
A few years after I was, I might say. But congratulations
on that. I think that service probably served as an inspiration
for you to be sitting here today, so I am very pleased to see
you here. And Mr. Weiner, it is great to see you.
Our mutual friend, Tennessean, Alice Randall, who is a
professor at my alma mater, Vanderbilt, was kind enough to
introduce us, and I appreciate the conversations that we have
had.
We touched on this somewhat, but I would like to come back
to our conversations, particularly with respect to the
challenge that you will be facing as Ukraine is to be rebuilt
in a number of areas that will be a matter of focus.
I would like to get your perspective on your top priorities
as you investigate and pursue that challenge.
Mr. Weiner. Well, Senator, thank you very much for the kind
introduction and for being so gracious as to spend time with me
before Thanksgiving. I cannot tell you how much I appreciate
it.
It is hard to find words sufficient to condemn Russia's
unprovoked attacks on Ukraine.
Besides, the tens of thousands killed and wounded, Russia's
targeting of civilians, its destruction of utilities, oil, gas,
and water, its bombardment of hospitals and apartment blocks
are absolutely grotesque. And we have seen, at the economic
level, if I can limit discussion there, a third of the
population estimated to have been displaced, and GDP falling 35
percent approximately.
We thought we had seen the end of land wars in Europe, but
obviously that is not the case. And the United States to-date
has been the leader in security assistance to Ukraine and in
economic aid to the country.
Before the war, Ukraine was already the third largest
client of the EBRD. The EBRD has had more than 500 projects in
Ukraine and has invested more than =5 billion to date in the
country. Since the war, since the wintertime, the Bank has
established a special support fund for grants and risk sharing,
approximately =3 billion of commitments through the end of next
year, of which the Congress has appropriated $500 million
through the second Ukraine supplemental in May.
The focus of this support fund is really in five areas,
food, security, energy security, infrastructure, trade
facilitation, and medicines and pharmaceuticals. So that is the
initial focus of the EBRD.
Over the longer term, of course, we look towards the relief
efforts phasing into reconstruction, phasing into
modernization, and ultimately into EU accession, which will
look something like the Marshall Plan, but it will be different
in very important respects. There will be more than one donor.
There will be one primary recipient instead of 16. And of
course, unlike 1945, the shooting may not have stopped or may
not have stopped in all of Ukraine, and therefore, it is a
unique situation. Each of these steps will overlap. And it
requires several things which you, and given your private-
sector expertise, and given your tenure as Ambassador in Japan,
understand very well.
We have got to find a way to pool political risk. We have
got to find a way to provide insurance coverage that will bring
the private sector in. And we need to rethink how force majeure
provisions will be provided.
I have gone on too long, but let me just mention one other
thing, oversight is critical.
Accountability is critical. Transparency is critical. We
have got to make sure the money is spent for its intended uses.
Ukraine historically is considered as the third most corrupt
country in Europe, and we have got to make sure that high
integrity standards are applied to American taxpayers' dollars
spent in support of Ukraine.
Senator Hagerty. I have utmost appreciation for the final
point that you made and a great deal of concern, given the
amount of taxpayer money that the United States Government has
already committed and the lack of clarity that we have at this
point in terms of where those funds are directed.
If I could come back again to the role of the bank, and
specifically comment on a point of concern that I have. And I
am going to stay with you for just a moment, Mr. Weiner. This
is on the bank's website. The bank, ``is aligned with some of
the stated objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative of
China.''
And it is something that I think we need to look at. Back
in June of last year, National Security Adviser Sullivan said
that the United States is, along with like-minded countries in
the G-7, should be looking to embrace alternatives to the Belt
and Road Initiative. I could not agree with that statement
more.
And I am very concerned about the abuse of debt trap
financing and the predatory practices that the CCP uses in the
Belt and Road Initiative all around the world. I am also very
concerned about China's continued support for Russia in the
face of their invasion of Ukraine.
So I am going to ask you about your position on the
European banks' continued cooperation on projects that are
associated with communist China's Belt and Road Initiative.
Mr. Weiner. Senator, thank you for that very important
question. It is no question that confronting China is perhaps
the essential U.S. foreign policy challenge of the 21st
century. Let me take the question, if I may, in two parts.
The first is that China is not a client of the Bank. It
does not receive loans from the EBRD. It is a shareholder, but
its shareholding is less than 1/10th of 1 percent of total
shares. I believe the correct number is 0.097 percent.
Put differently, the United States with a 10 percent
shareholding has it more than 100 times the say of China in
terms of the Bank's operations.
Now, that is not fully responsive to your question. China
is a malign actor. And as Congress and the Administration have
made very clear, we are in competition with China's form of
economic statecraft: the use of state-owned enterprises, unfair
trade practices, theft of technology, forced labor,
environmental degradation, the list goes on from there.
The EBRD is essential to the United States and its allies
in confronting Chinese reach in the 37 client countries of the
EBRD. We have to offer an alternative to Chinese financing. It
is an opportunity for us to project a Western power.
And we have got to make sure, as an example and we talked
about this the other day and I was grateful for your comments,
we have to make sure that the lifecycle costs of projects do
not allow the Chinese to offer low standards and cheap
construction at the inflated prices that we have seen.
As you have mentioned and correctly so, it is essential
that we provide an alternative that is the opposite of the
Chinese model. And there, if I may, one other comment. When we
talked the other day, you mentioned JBIC, and I would be very
grateful if we had the opportunity to get your expertise with
respect to JBIC and similar Asian institutions in terms of
their role in supporting what the EBRD and similar institutions
are doing to confront China in Central Asia and elsewhere.
Senator Hagerty. I think that could be very helpful because
Japan has taken an increasingly greater interest in what is
happening, particularly in the wake of the attack on Ukraine by
Russia. They have been attending NATO meetings. They are much
more focused, I think, on the region broadly today.
And I do believe that there is great opportunity, as you
and I discussed, and I am more than happy to facilitate that.
Mr. Gorordo, I do not want to miss the opportunity to get your
perspective on China's role with the bank, and your perspective
on how you would handle and manage the relationship, in path
with the United States.
Mr. Gorordo. Well, first of all, thank you, Senator. And
thank you for your kind words about my previous service and our
shared affinity for the White House fellowship, which was
undoubtedly a transformative experience for me personally, and
very much which has helped cultivate in me a calling for public
service.
And so in the spirit of the fellowship, I have seek to, in
this new role, if confirmed, pay it forward and take to heart
all that has been invested in my time as a fellow and in my
great appreciation for this country and what it has done for my
family.
I would like to echo the sentiments of Mr. Weiner and
associate myself with his comments, especially with regards to
China and its role as a malign actor. There is no question, as
the Secretary of the Treasury and Deputy Secretary have said,
we are in a strategic competition with China.
And there is no doubt, and I have seen it firsthand in
Latin America, operating there previously, how it acts in an
adversarial way as it tries to steal our intellectual property
and undermine American values every chance it gets.
So for those reasons, I would push--I would ensure that we
push back and outcompete China at every chance that we get. My
understanding is that in 2018, as part of the capital increase
of the bank, the bank made certain commitments about graduating
companies--countries that meet the criteria for graduation.
My understanding is that China, because of its high per
capita income, its own institutional capacity, as well as its
access to other alternative forms of financing, has met that
criteria.
And so I would use the voice and vote of the U.S.
Government to ensure that we push China to graduate from the
World Bank.
Senator Hagerty. Let us stay on--welcome, Madam Chairman. I
was trying to keep a conversation going while you were----
Senator Shaheen. And you did a very nice job. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty. I will turn the gavel back to you.
Senator Shaheen. Okay. Well, thank you very much, Senator
Haggerty. I am--I will try not to repeat your questions,
although certainly on China and the World Bank, I guess I do
want to follow up. And forgive me if you have already responded
to this--but, as soon as I can find it.
So I know that Senator Hagerty was asking about the World
Bank's engagement with China, and Chinese firms have received
$52 billion out of the $280 billion of outstanding World Bank
contracts. And at the same time, state-owned Chinese firms have
been debarred for violating procurement policies.
So, can you talk about how we should be addressing this
challenge? And is the World Bank's reliance on Chinese firms
problematic? And what can we do to address that? And also, can
you speak to whether we should support a suspension of Russia's
membership from the World Bank?
Mr. Gorordo. Well, first of all, thank you, Senator, for
your question. This is actually a question that is very near
and dear to my heart. I first started working with our
multilateral development banks when I worked at the Department
of Commerce and worked with our commercial service liaisons at
the various MDBs, including the World Bank.
Specifically working with them to help American companies
be able to win procurement opportunities. And so it would be a
priority of mine, if confirmed, to help our American companies
get a fair share of the contracts that they are competing for,
level the playing field, and expand U.S. markets for U.S.
products and services.
With regards to China, as I stated with Senator Hagerty,
there is no question that we are in a strategic competition
with China, and that when it is looking to undercut our values
or steal our intellectual property, that it is acting in an
adversarial way.
Moreover, with regards to procurement opportunities, and
specifically, I would advocate for a greater focus, an emphasis
on lifetime costs and lifecycle costs, as well as value for
cost versus the lowest bid, which is how often times China wins
its contracts.
Lastly, I would push for resourcing the World Bank's
integrity unit to ensure that we are combating corruption
everywhere, and specifically also in our procurement. With
regards to Russia, I would like, as I stated in the record, to
condemn Russia for its illegal and unprovoked war in Ukraine.
There is no question that in the bank right now since--the
bank has ceased operations rather in Russia and also ceased all
projects in Russia, that Russia is isolated. And so I would
work very closely with our allies and build a coalition to
ensure that we further isolate Russia.
And I am happy, if confirmed, to work with my colleagues to
get an answer to your question with regards to the suspension.
Senator Shaheen. And when you talked about focusing on some
of the other areas that are important other than just the
lowest bid for Chinese firms, is there support among other--
among the international community and other colleagues at the
bank to put in place those kinds of criteria for making
determinations on loans?
Mr. Gorordo. Well, Senator, thank you for your follow up
question. With regards, you know, to the specifics of those
details, given that I am not in the Administration, not yet
confirmed, I cannot speak to those details of the bank's
management and other executive directors.
But what I can say that I will commit myself wholeheartedly
to work, to build coalition with our allies, to be able to
advance our values and our interests, especially in this
regard.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Mr. Weiner, staying on
international finance, I want to ask you to explore a little
bit more about the importance of the EBRD to rebuilding Ukraine
after the war and the kinds of initiatives that you think could
be supported by the European community.
Mr. Weiner. Well, thank you very much for your question,
Senator. The rebuilding of Ukraine, the efforts that have begun
or at least are being thought about today, really have four
stages to them.
There is the relief phase which we are in now, efforts then
ultimately to rebuild and modernize, and then ready Ukraine for
accession to the European Union. It will be a form of Marshall
Plan, but that really does not do it justice because the
fighting may not have stopped.
Also, there will be multiple donors, not just one, and
there will be one principal target, not to minimize the needs
of the other frontline states, but the principal target will be
Ukraine itself, not 16 countries as it was in the post-World
War II period.
It is absolutely critical that the multiple donors that
commit to funding Ukrainian reconstruction actually step up,
that there be burden sharing. The commitments that have been
made by the EU, since that is your specific question, as I
understand it, and of course, like the others on this panel, I
am not yet in a position to speak in terms of the
Administration's understanding, but my understanding is that
those commitments have not yet been lived up to.
There is a shortfall with respect to Ukraine. And that is
not acceptable. It cannot be acceptable as we talk about the
rebuilding in a very different sort of way, because the
shooting may not have stopped. We may be talking about
rebuilding in certain parts of the country or certain sectors
of the economy, and that it may not be uni-directional, it will
not be uni-dimensional. It will be different.
As part of that process, accountability, transparency,
oversight, return on investment are absolutely critical because
if the money is not wisely spent, if we cannot account for the
money, there will not be a next tranche, and no one interested
in the future of Ukraine should be willing to accept that
result, including the Ukrainians, of course, themselves.
One other point, as we get closer to European Union
accession, historically, the European Commission and the member
states, the European Investment Bank, and others have funded
that process. They did it for every other member state seeking
accession as they figured out how to accept the acquis
communautaire in their laws and worked on infrastructure and so
on that met European standards, there is no reason that should
not happen in this case as well.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I appreciate that. I especially
appreciate the accountability piece because I think there will
be more and more focus on that as time goes on. Another area of
Europe that I think, that is of great concern to me is what is
happening in the Western Balkans.
It is a part of Europe that I think we have taken our eyes
off of after the end of the conflict that followed the breakup
of Yugoslavia, and we are seeing the results of not keeping a
focus on what is happening there. And one of the biggest
challenges, of course, is the economy in countries like Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
So can you talk about what kind of avenues the EBRD might
explore to help countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina?
Mr. Weiner. Senator, thank you. That is a very, very
important question, and thank you for posing it. And I also
wanted to welcome your leadership on this issue, and
particularly the legislation you introduced in the summer, with
respect to the Western Balkans.
The EBRD has played a key role in the Western Balkans, in
the six nations of the Western Balkans, through its financing,
its policy engagement, and through hosting of regional summit
meetings there to promote regional integration and to advance
the Western Balkans as an attractive investment destination.
And both of those are needed to maintain the region's
stability. Pursuant to the EBRD's investment plan to advance
regional integration, the Bank has invested more than =15
billion in the region, and it is investing more than =1 billion
a year. That is more than any other multilateral development
bank. And it shows again that an institution like the EBRD can
have a big voice in small nations.
The key focus of the Bank's operations has been to build
connective tissue. I use that phrase both talking about
infrastructure, the building of highways that link the
countries, but also in terms of setting up a registry for
businesses in the region. 1.5 million businesses are linked
together in a way to help facilitate their cooperation.
The Bank has placed its emphasis in four areas where I
think historically it has done very well: policy reform and
good governance; investment in the private sector, which is the
Bank's focus, and particularly in small- and medium-sized
enterprises; the green economy transition, to use their
parlance, including an issue that was very important to you,
which is curbing ties to Russian fossil fuels; and trying to
overcome the digital divide and help forge e digital
transformation in these six countries, particularly to help
youth and to help women.
And on that point, let me just say that as the son, the
husband, and the father of professional women, the issue of
women's empowerment is of critical importance to me, and I
would welcome the opportunity to work with you and your staff
on those issues, should I be fortunate enough to be confirmed.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I am sure we will take
you up on that, should you be confirmed. Ms. Sanders Sullivan,
one of the developments that I have found quite concerning as a
result of Russia's war on Ukraine has been what that has meant
to the availability of food for African countries.
And what is even more concerning is not just that the food
is not available because of the blockade of the Black Sea.
Although, and I appreciate Turkey's help in trying to negotiate
some ships to get that grain out of Ukraine, but it is really
the disinformation that Russia has spread in Africa that says
that it is the United States that is at fault, not Russia's war
on Ukraine.
Can you talk about the kinds of things that we might be
doing and should be doing with the African Union to help
correct that misinformation or disinformation because I think
it is deliberate, in a way that addresses the responsibility
for what is really happening with the food stocks?
Ms. Sullivan. Senator, thank you very much for raising this
important point. The disinformation has become on steroids.
There has always been disinformation, but I think the ready
availability of all the social media and the speed with which
it circulates around the globe is unprecedented, and I think we
do need to do a better job of not just getting our story out in
a very traditional way, but also developing new tools where we
can meet this disinformation on the battlefield.
Interestingly, this week, Merriam-Webster dictionary
announced that the word of the year was gaslighting. And if
confirmed, I pledge to take that on in a way that not only
tells our story about the good things that we are doing with
the future, with working with African partners on a just energy
transition, working on amplifying the availability of
fertilizer, and also on the food and agriculture piece, working
to address the root causes as well as the real time
humanitarian crises that have been exacerbated certainly by
Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but also the climate issue.
So all of these are intertwined. There is no one answer to
it, but we do have our global engagement center. If confirmed,
I would work with my team to figure out ways that we might
tackle that, not just, you know, at the level of the African
Union, but there are no more borders when it comes to
information these days and figuring out a way to get our story
out there and straighten out the disinformation that is
circulating. So thank you for the question.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I think that this is an
issue that is also about how do we better coordinate our
messages across various agencies of the United States. So
USAID, State, all of the efforts that we have, DOD, because we
do not--we are not always talking with the same message in a
way that I think would be important as we try and counter the
disinformation that is out there.
So, I appreciate your response. Mr. Jardine, I had the
opportunity a number of years ago to meet with the former
President of Mauritius. And one of the things that really
struck me, it was at a time when we were trying to do some work
in Africa to address the peaceful transition of power.
And he had a very impressive story to tell about Mauritius'
ability to better transition than most African countries. Why
do you think that is and what do you think--can you assess the
current governance in both Mauritius and Seychelles and how it
compares?
Mr. Jardine. Madam Chairwoman, thank you. Thank you very
much for the opportunity to answer the question about democracy
in Mauritius, why it has experienced successful democratic
system, and similarly the experiences that are ongoing in
Seychelles.
Again, I think both countries, as you noted, do represent
potential models for sub-Saharan Africa because of the success
they have had. I think it is hard to characterize why, you
know, some countries are more successful than others. I think
in the case of Mauritius, one, has been, you know, focus on
education, which is critical.
It is not a large population, so there is a sense of
community. I think that is helpful. In addition, I think there
is a strong sense of family and stability within the community,
and there is also the historical traditions of parliamentary
democracy that they inherited. But again, in some cases, it may
be hard to just assess any one country and its unique
development. And sometimes there is also an element of luck I
would have to say.
In the context of Seychelles, also similar situation in
which it gained independence from the United Kingdom. Small,
you know, small population, a fairly close community, however
it experienced a period of single party state, a coup d'etat in
1977, and which essentially suppressed or stopped the
democratic progress.
However, more recently, they have had a very successful
transition, democratic elections and a transition to an
opposition party, as I mentioned, just in 2020. So again, I
think it is very encouraging that they--that in Seychelles,
that they are seeing sort of a path forward and consolidating
the success of head on democracy.
And again, I think from the United States position, we want
to try to encourage others to look at Mauritius and Seychelles
as a model and to see if those countries can assist. I know
they are very engaged within the context of the African Union
and see that membership as very important.
And so I would hope that through that forum, that they
would be able to again exchange and develop that perspective on
democracy within the context of that multilateral organization.
Again, if confirmed, that would be one area that I want to
continue to focus on extensively, which is promoting the
democratic progress that those two countries have experienced.
I think the key approach would be to engage broadly,
inclusively, and to reach a whole cross-section of the
community in both islands, both republics. Thank you, Madam
Chair. Madam Chair, I hope I answered your question.
Senator Shaheen. Yes, that is helpful. Thank you. Senator
Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thanks, Madam Chairman. Mr. Gorordo,
the--I want to talk about energy. Global philanthropist Bill
Gates explains that ``increasing access to electricity is
critical to lifting the world's poor out of poverty,''
something about which we can agree.
For the first time in decades, the number of people around
the world without access to electricity is actually set to rise
in 2022. That means about 775 million people living without
electricity.
Due to inflation, the energy crisis, failed development
policies, these people are struggling to safely and reliably
cook and heat their homes. In fact, nearly 3 billion people
today on this globe today rely on wood and waste for household
energy.
People living in poor and developing nations want and need
a stable energy supply. They are looking for power generation
that provides energy security. It helps create jobs and
improves their lives.
While traditional fuels are a vital tool for escaping
poverty, they always have been, yet over the past few years,
the World Bank has been imposing restrictions on the financing
of traditional energy projects. It is a policy decision. It is
critical that the World Bank immediately lift these harmful
restrictions that are hurting people around the globe, people
that they claim to be helping.
To achieve its mission, the World Bank must embrace, not
exclude, affordable energy resources. Ultimately, the solution
to energy poverty does not lie in limiting options, but in
using all available options for people in need.
So if confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the World Bank
is promoting all forms of energy projects across the globe,
including oil, natural gas, and coal?
Mr. Gorordo. Senator, first of all, thank you for that
question. I actually cut my teeth in the private sector working
in the energy sector and continue through my work at a private
equity fund focused on infrastructure working in this sector.
So this is a question very near and dear to my heart.
With regards to the specifics of the current, you know,
bank and its policies and programs, obviously I am not
confirmed yet and not in the Administration so I cannot speak
to those details, but my understanding is Deputy Secretary of
Treasury has said it is vitally important for the U.S. and our
allies to take steps to ensure that developing countries have
the resources they need for public health and economic
recovery, especially during this very difficult time after the
pandemic.
And so, if confirmed, I will work with Treasury and bank
staff to support the most vulnerable countries and ensure that
these countries have access to the tools needed to mitigate and
adapt to the impact of climate change, as well as to have the
energy that they need to be able to promote their own
economies, and to balance the short term and long term needs of
their development.
In addition to that, I commit myself to evaluating each
project on its own merits and aligned with the country's
strategy and needs, according to the bank and U.S. regulations
and Treasury guidance from my colleagues at Treasury, to ensure
that we are upholding the highest standards.
Senator Barrasso. And given that you are not confirmed yet
and will consult with the folks from Treasury, the U.S.
Department of Treasury announced plans to end support for
fossil fuels at multilateral development banks.
They said, except for exceptional circumstances. So to me,
I want to know your opinion. What are exceptional circumstances
in which the United States would support a fossil fuel project
at the World Bank?
Mr. Gorordo. Senator, thank you for your follow up
question. As I shared and as you stated, I am not currently
confirmed to this role and not in the Administration, but I do
commit myself to work with my Treasury colleagues to get you a
response to your question.
Senator Barrasso. Can you tell me what actions the United
States has taken already to end World Bank's support for fossil
fuel?
Mr. Gorordo. Again, Senator, currently not in the role so I
cannot speak to the specifics and details. My understanding is,
as I shared, that the current--the Administration is focused on
balancing the short term and long term needs of each country.
If confirmed, I will work to judge each project based on
its own merits, taking into account the country's strategy and
needs, and ensure that it is aligned with our U.S. regulations
and policy, as well as the bank's guidance.
Senator Barrasso. With regard to Russia in the World Bank,
the World Bank has not provided any new financing for Russia
since the invasion of Crimea in 2014. So we are going back now
eight years. In March of this year, the World Bank suspended
all programing in Russia.
There has been some discussion by analysts that Russia
should be suspended from its membership in the international
financial institutions. Do you support a suspension of Russia's
membership from the World Bank?
Mr. Gorordo. Thank you, Senator, for that question. As I
shared with the chair, as well as with Senator Hagerty when
they asked a similar question, I take this opportunity to
condemn Russia's unprovoked and illegal war in Ukraine.
My understanding, as you stated, is that the bank has
ceased all operations in Russia, as well as is not financing
any additional projects in Russia. And I will work tirelessly
with our allies in building coalition to effectively isolate
Russia. And I can get you an answer back on----
Senator Barrasso. And Madam Chairman, if I may, I have one
question on China. Thank you, Madam Chairman. This is regarding
China's predatory lending. You know, through the Belt and Road
Initiative, the Chinese Communist Party offers countries the
ability to borrow a lot of money for infrastructure projects.
Problem is, these countries accumulate large amounts of
debt, debt to China. They are unable to pay it back while still
not achieving the development gains the countries are seeking.
Unable to escape the massive debt owed to China, countries face
default or forfeiture of strategic assets and natural
resources.
And we are seeing this around the world. So on top of the
financial pressure, countries are now facing the economic
hardships caused by coronavirus, inflation, energy crisis,
things you have raised, is a recipe for disaster.
What actions do you believe the World Bank should take, and
how should we ensure that American taxpayers are not bailing
out Chinese financial institutions and further enabling China's
predatory lending?
Mr. Gorordo. Thank you again, Senator, for that question
regarding China. As I shared with the chair, as well as Senator
Hagerty on similar questions, I believe we are, as the Deputy--
as the Secretary of Treasury and the Deputy Secretary have
stated, in a strategic competition with China, and that China
is in fact a maligned actor that tries to undercut American
values and interests every chance that it gets, and that acts
in an adversarial way, specifically also when it is trying to
steal our intellectual property.
In addition to that, with regards to procurement at the
bank, you know, this is something that is very near and dear to
my heart as I shared with the with the chair. I started my
career working at the Commerce Department with our commercial
service officers at the various multilateral development banks,
including the World Bank, to help American companies be able to
compete and get their fair share of contracts and to expand
markets for U.S. products and services.
And so I would work very closely with our allies and with
the bank management to ensure that American companies are able
to compete for those opportunities. And then with regards to
China itself, with regards to its role at the bank, my
understanding is that in 2018, as part of the capital increase
of the bank, the bank made certain commitments to graduate
countries that have met the criteria for graduation.
And that China, because of its high per capita income, its
own institutional capacity, as well as alternative sources of
financing, has met that criteria. And I would work very closely
to push back on China in regards to its adversarial actions as
well as to ensure that it graduates, as the bank has made that
commitment.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Barrasso. I just want
to finish up with a few questions for Mr. Micaller with respect
to Tajikistan. Can you talk about what we are seeing in terms
of Tajikistan's economy from Russia's war on Ukraine?
Mr. Micaller. Thank you, Madam Chair, for your question,
and for highlighting this very important issue. I think it is
important to note first and recognize the significant levers
and pressure points that Russia has over Tajikistan,
particularly the reliance on remittances from up to 1 million
Tajik migrant workers in Russia, and Moscow's control over
critical trade, infrastructure, transportation, and energy
linkages.
So they do have significant levers, and the Government of
Tajikistan has long sought to diversify its economic partners.
Russia's war against Ukraine has underscored the critical
importance of continuing that approach.
And I would add that supporting options and choices for the
Tajik Government and the Tajik people has long underpinned our
approach to the bilateral relationship, with an eye towards
enhancing the country's security, prosperity, and sovereignty.
If confirmed, I will continue this approach and continue to
have these discussions with the Tajik Government and our
partners. I do want to add that it is also important to
recognize that in the face of the tremendous pressure and
economic challenges resulting from Russia's war in Ukraine,
Tajikistan continues to admirably attempt to pursue its own
independent course, and I could offer several examples
recently.
It has continued to resist calls and pressure to join the
Eurasian Economic Union. It has resisted calls to deploy
peacekeeping troops from the Collective Security Treaty
Organization to its own borders.
And most significantly, the Government warned its own
citizens, Tajik migrant workers in Russia, not to participate
in Moscow's illegal war against the Ukrainian people,
underscoring that such activities would be in violation of
Tajikistan's own laws.
So again, I do want to recognize the challenges they face
and commit to working in partnership with the Government and
with our likeminded friends to support their efforts to
diversify economic relations.
Senator Shaheen. It is impressive that the Government has
taken that position. Has Russia responded in any way to their
admonition to Tajik citizens?
Mr. Micaller. I am aware of media reporting that there was
continued pressure on Tajik migrant workers. There have been
reports of document checks and threats of revoking registration
and visas. And again, this is a significant threat to the
economy and the livelihoods of individual Tajiks and families.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much. Thank you to
each of you. I am being told I need to go vote so we can close
out our votes this afternoon, but we will leave the record of
this hearing open until close of business tomorrow, November
30th.
And I hope that if you do receive any questions from my
colleagues on the committee, that you will respond as soon as
possible. Our hope is to advance your nominations in an
expeditious way. I hope before the end of the year. And so
anything you can do to help us to get that done would be
appreciated.
And again, thank you to each of you for your willingness to
serve the country. At this time, I will close this hearing on
the committee on Foreign Relations.
[Whereupon, at 5:35 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Christopher T. Robinson by Senator James E. Risch
Russia
Question. How will you engage with the Latvian Government and
address their concerns about threats from Russia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Latvian
Government to strengthen Latvia and NATO's ability to defend Latvian
borders against Russia's aggression. Congress's generous support
through Foreign Military Financing and Section 333 funds have been
critical to U.S. Embassy Riga's work with the Latvian military to
strengthen its defense and tighten integration with NATO defense
planning. I will also work with the Canadians and other partner
countries on the NATO battlegroup in Latvia to ensure plans are moving
forward to strengthen that battlegroup in line with NATO's Madrid
Summit declaration and Strategic Concept.
Question. How will you respond to Latvia's requests for a stronger
forward presence from the U.S. and NATO?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Department of
Defense to ensure our posture is commensurate to the threats and
challenges we face on NATO's eastern flank. I will also work to
continue implementing our commitment to maintain a persistent, heel-to-
toe presence in the region and intensify training with the Latvian
Government to ensure that it is fully interoperable with NATO and
capable of supporting the battle group it hosts.
Question. How will you engage with the significant minority
population of ethnic Russians living in Latvia and ensure they are not
disenfranchised within U.S.-Latvian diplomatic efforts and fall under
the malign influence of the Kremlin?
Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly engage with the ethnic
Russian population in Latvia through trips to Russian-speaking regions
and engagement with Russian-speaking minority groups, so that these
groups know that their voices are being heard and that they are welcome
in the Transatlantic community. I will work with Latvian Russian-
language media to help them compete with Kremlin-controlled media and
reach ethnic Russian populations with independent messaging.
Defense
Question. What are the most effective ways Latvia can further its
defense cooperation with the U.S. and within NATO?
Answer. Latvia has done incredible work to strengthen its defense
cooperation with the United States and NATO. Latvia has met its Wales
Pledge commitment to spend two percent of GDP on defense in 2018, and
plans to hit 2.5 percent in 2025. Latvia has worked closely with the
United States and NATO to ensure that this spending effectively
contributes to collective defense. It is currently working on plans to
build additional facilities for the lodging and training of additional
troops. If confirmed I will work with the Latvian Government to build
on these efforts and strengthen the defense of NATO's Eastern Flank.
Question. How will you respond to Latvia's requests for a stronger
forward presence from the U.S. and NATO?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Department of
Defense to ensure our posture is commensurate to the threats and
challenges we face on NATO's eastern flank. I will also work to
continue implementing our commitment to maintain a persistent, heel-to-
toe presence in the region and intensify training with the Latvian
Government to ensure that it is fully interoperable with NATO and
capable of supporting the battle group it hosts.
Support to Ukraine
Question. How will you work with the Government of Latvia to assist
their efforts to host and provide support to Ukrainian refugees?
Answer. Latvia provides government benefits to more than 43,000
refugees from Ukraine, and there continues to be widespread public
support for helping refugees despite the significant costs of hosting
them. At the same time, the U.S. Department of State is developing ways
for U.S. embassies in the Baltic states to complement these activities
with small grants to local organizations to respond to critical gaps,
not covered by existing federal, state, and local government. The State
Department is also engaging with the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees to ensure that Latvia and other Baltic states are receiving
the support they need. If confirmed, I will ensure the Embassy
continues to support efforts to provide support to refugees from
Ukraine in Latvia.
Question. Latvia has given a significant amount of their military
stocks to Ukraine. As Ambassador, how would you work with the
Government of Latvia to assess their needs and help provide backfill
for their military stocks?
Answer. The U.S. Government has prioritized regional Foreign
Military Financing for the Baltics to develop defensive capabilities,
such as electronic and hybrid warfare, border security, and maritime
and air domain awareness. It has also increased the Baltic states'
interoperability with NATO armed forces and contributed to
strengthening NATO's defense and deterrence posture in the region. If
confirmed, I will continue to work with the U.S. Department of Defense
and our Baltic Allies to align security assistance with our interests
in enhancing collective defense and confronting Russia's aggression.
Economic Engagement and Energy
Question. How will you support economic engagement between Latvian
and U.S. business sectors?
Answer. I will work closely with the Latvian Government, the U.S.
business community, and the U.S. interagency to ensure a level playing
field for U.S. companies and ensure that Latvian companies are aware of
opportunities to partner with U.S. companies to strengthen supply
chains and build needed infrastructure. I will work with the U.S.
Department of Commerce to ensure that U.S. companies are aware of
opportunities in Latvia and have everything they need to successfully
compete for those opportunities.
Question. What are the perceived risks to western investment, and
how can they be mitigated?
Answer. The Latvian Government has done incredible work in recent
years to protect its economy from the risks of corrosive capital.
Latvia launched a major anti-money laundering drive that has helped
protect its banking sector from criminal activity and has implemented
and strengthened investment screening legislation that will allow it to
protect its economy from future malign investments. U.S. Embassy Riga
has worked closely with the Latvian Government on these efforts, and,
if confirmed I will continue sharing information and best practices to
ensure that Latvia remains a safe place for U.S. investment.
Question. What role, if any, do you see the U.S. Development
Finance Corporation playing in stimulating western investment in
Latvia?
Answer. Latvia was extremely grateful for the U.S. Development
Financing Corporation's (DFC) announcement of $300 million in loans to
support the Three Seas Initiative, and looks forward to working with
the DFC in coming years to bring more infrastructure investment to the
region. Due to the European Energy Security and Diversification Act of
2019, the DFC can be particularly helpful in supporting Latvia's
efforts to break free from Russian energy dependence and meet its clean
energy targets.
Question. What sectors do you see as potential areas of growth for
U.S.-Latvia business ties?
Answer. Latvia has a growing technology sector, which is already
closely tied to the United States. Latvia's first billion-dollar
startup, Printful, has investments in Texas, California, and North
Carolina. If confirmed I will work to strengthening ties between our
technology sectors, to attract more investments like these and create
more opportunities for U.S. exports.
Latvia also has plans to expand investment in energy infrastructure
in the next few years. It plans to build a liquified natural gas
terminal in the next two years and is looking into the possibility of
building a small modular nuclear reactor within the next decade. If
confirmed, I hope to work with the Latvian Government to ensure that
U.S. companies can take full advantage of these opportunities to expand
their markets in Latvia.
Question. What can the U.S. do to help Latvia maintain a sufficient
supply of energy as it decouples from Russia?
Answer. Latvia is building a new liquified natural gas (LNG)
terminal and hopes that LNG will be able to fill the gap left by
Russian gas until clean alternatives can be developed. U.S. efforts to
expand production of LNG to meet this growing demand will be critical
to Latvia's medium-term energy security. Over the longer-term, the U.S.
can continue to work with Latvia and other countries in the region to
develop and deploy clean energy technologies that can take the place of
Russian gas, including potential investments in advanced nuclear
reactors such as small modular nuclear reactors.
Question. What can the U.S. do to help Latvia maintain a sufficient
supply of energy as it decouples from Russia?
Answer. Latvia is building a new liquified natural gas (LNG)
terminal and hopes that LNG will be able to fill the gap left by
Russian gas until clean alternatives can be developed. U.S. efforts to
expand production of LNG to meet this growing demand will be critical
to Latvia's medium-term energy security. Over the longer-term, the U.S.
can continue to work with Latvia and other countries in the region to
develop and deploy clean energy technologies that can take the place of
Russian gas.
Question. How can the U.S. help Latvia's efforts to decouple its
electrical grid from Russia and Belarus and integrate with its western
neighbors?
Answer. The U.S. Department of State is supporting a technical
assistance program to help the Baltics ensure the reliability and
resilience of their grid with the goal of promoting a safe decoupling
from the Russia-controlled BRELL electricity grid for all three
countries, including Latvia. If confirmed, I will continue to work with
Latvia to ensure that this process moves forward, and that Latvia has
everything it needs to decouple as soon as possible.
Question. How will you work with your State Department and
interagency colleagues to coordinate U.S. economic engagement with
Latvia across the Baltics and greater Eastern European region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Latvian Government,
fellow U.S. Ambassadors, the U.S. Department of State, and the
interagency to ensure strong participation in regional forums such as
the Three Seas Initiative and the U.S. Department of Energy's
Partnership for Transatlantic Energy and Climate Cooperation (P-TECC).
I will work with my colleagues within the U.S. Department of State and
the interagency to ensure that the United States is aware of and fully
engages with any opportunities to strengthen economic engagement and
economic security.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Riga?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Riga has faced challenges posed by COVID-19,
and I am thankful for the staff's resilience and continued service. If
confirmed, the health and safety of the personnel and family members of
Mission Riga will be my top priority, and I look forward to working
with the talented team of U.S. Direct Hires, locally employed staff,
and their families, and ensuring that everyone on my team understands
they are valued and have my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Riga?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Latvian relationship and the
interests of the United States and the American people.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Riga?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and
continuous communication throughout the Mission. We are all one team
working together to advance the U.S.-Latvian relationship and the
interests of the American people, so I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, I am committed to
supporting a diverse and inclusive workforce at U.S. Embassy Riga.
Diversity makes the Mission strong by bringing different perspectives
and enhancing creativity. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have been blessed with opportunities that have prepared
me to be a Chief of Mission, and to build consensus among diverse
stakeholders. I have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues of
all backgrounds and if confirmed, I will regularly engage with members
of my team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue and
diversity of thought. I also believe in leading by example. If
confirmed, I will work hard to foster an environment of respect as U.S.
Embassy Riga carries out important work on behalf of the American
people.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private. If confirmed, I will work
hard to foster an environment of respect and professionalism as U.S.
Embassy Riga carries out important work on behalf of the American
people.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) to advance U.S.
priorities in Latvia, including protecting the safety and security of
Americans, expanding our economic relationship, and advancing shared
priorities.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy Chief of Mission
with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the Mission and to
serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence. If confirmed, I will consult
closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission on a range of issues and I
will value the institutional knowledge that my talented fellow career
Foreign Service officers provide.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and reward those who succeed in their roles. If confirmed,
I hope to be an inspiring leader with an open-door policy to discuss
constructive and timely feedback to enhance and lift the performance of
the entire team.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts abroad to
meet with local actors, including host government officials, non-
government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Greece.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get
outside of the Embassy to meet with local citizens, including host
government officials and non-governmental organizations. The COVID-19
pandemic has been a challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully
engage face-to-face with host country nationals, but as conditions
improve, I understand that U.S. diplomats have resumed in-person
engagements and programs again, as appropriate.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
Embassy public diplomacy section to use both social and traditional
media to reach people across Latvia. Diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility are also an important part of public diplomacy outreach
to ensure efforts reflect the diversity of U.S. society and societies
abroad and encourage the involvement of people from traditionally
underrepresented audiences. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy
team to leverage engagements with the media, cultural and educational
exchange organizations, and individual interactions to expand the
people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral
relationship.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Latvia?
Answer. The U.S. has strong academic, cultural, and professional
exchanges with the people of Latvia. If confirmed, I will work with my
Embassy team to continue leveraging the media, cultural and educational
exchange organizations, and individuals to expand the people-to-people
bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While the Kremlin's and the PRC's malign influence and
disinformation have not gained a foothold in Latvia in recent years,
both remain a persistent threat that requires vigilance.
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to continue its
engagement with the Latvian Government to assess and address the
threats of malign influence and disinformation posed by the Kremlin and
the PRC. I will also encourage my team to continue its use of public
diplomacy tools to expand digital and media literacy programs and to
empower local opinion leaders who can raise awareness of these threats.
Finally, I will ensure that we quickly deploy additional resources, in
coordination with the Government of Latvia, should these threats become
a new reality.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people and if confirmed, I look forward to working with the offices at
U.S. Department of State to advance U.S. foreign policy goals in
Latvia. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy resources to
enhance security cooperation, strengthen collaboration on climate
issues, expand economic and trade relations, and deepen people-to-
people ties that highlight our shared values. I will also work to
counter malign influence, propaganda, and disinformation with the wide
range of public diplomacy tools at our disposal. Working with the
public diplomacy team, we will tailor our messaging in a way that is
most appropriate for Latvian audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
```Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that might have affected U.S. Government personnel and their
family members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the
cost of one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to
the wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously.
If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Latvia personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, Latvia
remained on Tier 2 for its increased efforts to prosecute more
traffickers, identifying more victims, and approving a new national
action plan. Yet, the Government did not investigate as many cases and
fell behind in a few additional areas. How will you address these
issues with the host government and civil society actors if you are
confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Latvia has made key achievements in this past reporting
period, which if confirmed, I look forward to building on. If
confirmed, I would leverage the TIP Report as the primary guide for
U.S. anti-trafficking policy and encourage the Latvian Government to
implement the TIP Report's prioritized recommendations, including to
investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers under the trafficking
statute, develop and implement a national referral mechanism to include
guidance on identification, referral, and information exchange among
stakeholders, and enhance training for investigating cases and
collecting evidence against suspected traffickers.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Latvia?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting accurate information as
it pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Latvia.
International Religious Freedom
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report,
Latvia was noted as having several antisemitic and anti-Islam incidents
and that U.S. officials in country continued engagements with religious
and government leaders to press on the importance of religious
tolerance. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the office of the Ambassador-at-Large
for international religious freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. In this past year, the Latvian Government showed its clear
commitment to strengthening religious freedom when it passed a law in
February providing =40 million in restitution for Jewish communal and
heirless properties seized during the Holocaust. This money will be
used to support and strengthen the Latvian Jewish community, and
provides a clear signal that Latvia stands against religious
intolerance. Our Embassy in Riga engages regularly with religious
minority groups, the Latvian Government, and the U.S. Ambassador-at-
Large for international religious freedom, and, if confirmed, I will
continue this engagement.
Human Rights
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Latvia was identified as
having no significant human rights abuses but the U.S. Mission can
still support the work of civil society actors in country or regionally
to better overall respect for human rights. How will you direct your
Embassy to work with civil society organizations to improve the human
rights situation on the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Latvian
Government to maintain its strong human rights record for all, through
meetings and outreach with counterparts in the Government and
throughout civil society. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly
engages on this issue.
Refugees and Asylum Seekers
Question. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in early 2022, Latvia
has taken in around 43,000 Ukrainian refugees, a number equal to nearly
2.3 percent of its population. Latvia has also been a destination for
Russian citizens who are leaving their country to avoid the military
draft or to escape persecution by their government for anti-war or
anti-government views or actions.
Do you believe that Ukrainian refugees in Latvia are being well-
treated? Do you have any concerns that they will be subject to
human trafficking or otherwise exploited?
Answer. Latvia's unflagging support for more than 43,000 refugees
from Ukraine, is yet another example of its willingness to support
Ukraine despite the economic cost. The Embassy engages regularly with
the Government, and NGOs supporting the migrant community, and we have
seen that refugees are being treated well, though resources in some
cases are strained. The U.S. Department of State is developing ways for
embassies to complement these activities with small grants to local
organizations to respond to critical gaps, not covered by existing
federal, state, and local government. If confirmed I commit to working
with the Latvian Government, international organizations, and local
partners to protect these refugees.
Question. If it becomes clear that Ukrainian refugees in Latvia are
being exploited or poorly-treated, would you as ambassador commit to
raising their condition with the Government of Latvia and acting to
defend their human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regularly engaging with the
Government of Latvia on the status of refugees from Ukraine, including
raising their condition with the Government of Latvia and acting to
defend their human rights if it becomes clear that refugees from
Ukraine are being exploited or poorly treated.
Question. Do you believe that Russian asylum-seekers refugees in
Latvia are being well-treated?
Answer. The Latvian Government has a long history of welcoming
dissidents and exiles from Russia, including hosting the Russian-media
outlet Meduza since 2014. Since the start of Russia's full-scale
invasion of Ukraine, Latvia has welcomed more than 400 journalists and
their families from Russia. This record is why U.S. institutions such
as Radio Free Europe have felt comfortable basing their Russian
language operations in Riga.
Latvia has attempted to balance this effort with a policy of
denying visas to those looking to escape sanctions or to engage in
disruptive activities in Latvia or in the EU. Our Embassy in Riga has
been in regular discussion with the Latvian authorities to ensure that
the needs of legitimate asylum seekers are being taken into account
during this process, and if confirmed I will continue to work with the
Latvian authorities on this issue.
Question. News reports indicate that Russian asylum-seekers in
Latvia and other Baltic nations are increasingly made to feel unwelcome
by both the local populations and governments. If confirmed, do you
commit to using the resources of the U.S. Embassy in Riga to track the
treatment of Russian asylum-seekers in Latvia and to encouraging the
Government of Latvia to provide them with the rights and treatment
guaranteed them under European Union law?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will use the resources of the U.S.
Embassy in Riga to track the treatment of Russian Federation nationals
who are asylum-seekers in Latvia and will encourage the Government of
Latvia to provide them with the rights and treatment guaranteed to them
under European Union law.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Christopher T. Robinson by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest in
America, align with our Allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our
interests and build our vision for the future. If confirmed, I will
strengthen our partnership with Latvia concerning the PRC.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Latvia
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Latvia
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Latvia?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because
it is the only competitor with the intent and increasingly the
capability to remake the international order. And Beijing's actions
suggest PRC officials have the intention to do so. Latvia shares our
skepticism of the PRC and has downgraded its cooperation and actively
pushed back against PRC influence, including departing the regional
mechanism formerly known as 17+1 (now 14+1 after Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania exited), protecting Latvian critical infrastructure from
untrusted vendors, and putting in place CFIUS-like legislation to
review foreign direct investment in Latvia. The United States' approach
towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our interests
and values differ and cooperating with them when they align. If
confirmed, I will support the Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. Since Vladimir Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine
this past February, the United States has provided the largest amount
of security and financial assistance to Ukraine. While this assistance,
if properly overseen and monitored, is a cost-effective way to
safeguard American interests in Europe, our European allies and
partners must also step up to assist Ukraine in fending off Putin's
assault on their doorstep. In contrast to other European states, Latvia
has gone above and beyond in providing military assistance to Ukraine.
In this year alone, Latvia has provided 32.1 percent of its total
defense budget to Ukraine. To compare, total U.S. assistance to Ukraine
equals just 3.3 percent of our defense budget.
What can the United States do, in concert with other European
allies, to ensure Latvia and other frontline states can
continue to provide military assistance to Ukraine while also
maintaining their own defensive readiness against a Russian
attack on their own borders?
Answer. Latvia has been a steadfast defender--along with the United
States and other European Allies and partners--of Ukraine's sovereignty
and territorial integrity. If confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. and
Latvian policies toward Russia remain closely coordinated.
Latvia faces continued security threats from Russia. To combat
these threats our assistance focuses on bolstering NATO
interoperability, deterrence, and defense, strengthening Latvian
national defenses, and combating hybrid threats. Since 2017, the United
States provided approximately $478 million in total security assistance
to build Latvia's defensive capabilities and over $145 million in
Foreign Military Financing this year. The resurgence of Russia's
aggression has changed the priorities for these investments and
resulted in Latvia's request to procure more capable military systems
such as the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS).
The State Department has prioritized regional Foreign Military
Financing for the Baltics to develop defensive capabilities, such as
electronic and hybrid warfare, border security, and maritime and air
domain awareness. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the
Department of Defense and our Baltic Allies to align security
assistance with our interests in enhancing collective security and
confronting Russia's aggression.
Question. Is there a role that Latvia and other Baltic states play
in ensuring that assistance provided to Ukraine is properly used and
not siphoned off by corruption?
Answer. The U.S. Plan to Counter Illicit Diversion of Certain
Advanced Conventional Weapons in Eastern Europe is a comprehensive,
whole-of-government approach to mitigate the risk of illicit diversion
of advanced weapons systems transferred to Ukraine for its urgent
defense needs. The Plan has three lines of effort:
Bolster Accountability through safeguarding and accounting for arms
and munitions in Ukraine and neighboring countries when they
are transferred, stored, and deployed;
Strengthen Borders by enhancing regional border management and
security; and
Build Capacity of security forces, law enforcement, and border
control agencies in the region to deter, detect, and interdict
illicit arms trafficking.
The Plan emphasizes the importance of cooperation with Allies and
partners. The United States is coordinating closely with both NATO and
the European Union, the latter of which is developing its own plan that
will complement ours. As EU Member States, Latvia and its Baltic
neighbors will be well positioned to support similar lines of effort
and contribute to counter-diversion efforts. The United States can also
work with Latvia to identify bilateral activities, as well as through
NATO, to pursue these efforts.
Question. Since February, the CCP has worked feverishly to create
the facade that it's somehow not complicit in Putin's invasion of
Ukraine. They do this by issuing statements emphasizing their support
for a peaceful resolution and respect for sovereignty. In reality, the
CCP continues to purchase Russian energy and do business with
sanctioned Russian companies. Earlier this year, Latvia and Estonia
both withdrew from the ``Cooperation between China and Central and
Eastern European Countries Initiative,'' also known as the ``16+1,''
which the CCP uses to promote its views within Europe. In August, I
sent a letter to the President, urging the Administration to support
countries that leave the 16+1 and face a CCP economic blockade as a
result.
What consequences has the CCP tried to impose on Latvia since it
announced it was leaving the 16+1?
Answer. Latvia, in coordination with Estonia, left the PRC's
initiative originally known as 17+1 (from 2019-21), then 16+1 (2021-22
after Lithuania departed), and now 14+1, having assessed it delivered
little benefit. Latvia and the PRC have a limited economic
relationship, with no observed fallout since the Latvia withdrawal. If
confirmed, I will continue our close consultations with Latvia on this
matter.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with Latvia to
help convince other European countries to also withdraw from 16+1?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Latvian
officials and the Latvian business community on the challenges posed by
the PRC, as well as working to increase U.S.-Latvian trade and economic
ties. We must collaborate to promote shared economic growth and work
together to ensure PRC investment meets global best practices for
transparency and good governance, while warning our partners of the
PRC's economic coercion and market distorting practices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Christopher T. Robinson by Senator Todd Young
Question. You stated that, if confirmed, your ``first priority
would be to ensure the safety and security of U.S. citizens in the
Republic of Latvia.'' Aside from Russian influence and aggression, what
do you assess impacts U.S. citizen security and safety within Latvia?
Answer. Latvia is a safe country, but U.S. citizens in Latvia face
a range of problems typical to visitors and residents of any country,
including sickness, injury, and occasional petty crime. Beyond these
issues, the threat of Russia's aggression and malign activities poses a
unique threat and must be deterred.
Question. As Ambassador, what steps would you take to engage the
U.S. citizen community to accomplish this?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our consular team to ensure
our U.S. citizens are registered with the Embassy and that they are
aware of the resources available to help the U.S. citizen community in
Latvia. We will engage in regular outreach to the U.S. citizen
community in Latvia to ensure we know what problems they face, and that
they know we are there to help them.
Question. I was intrigued at your specific mention of China's
economic aggression. If confirmed, what steps would you take to
demonstrate to Beijing that such behavior will not be tolerated in
Latvia?
Answer. The PRC's recent economic coercion of Lithuania, Latvia's
neighbor, over the name of the local Taiwan representative office was a
wake-up call for the entire EU. The U.S. Department of State has
actively engaged the region to make sure that governments are aware of
the risks of economic dependence on Beijing and ensure that countries
can access alternative vendors for critical infrastructure and critical
supply chain goods. Latvia takes this risk seriously and, if confirmed,
I will work with the Latvian Government to strengthen economic ties and
develop resilient, strong supply chains.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to George P. Kent by Senator James E. Risch
Russia
Question. How will you engage with the Estonian Government and
address their concerns about threats from Russia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Estonian
Government to strengthen Estonia and NATO's ability to defend Estonian
borders against Russia's aggression and counter cyber threats.
Congress's generous support through Foreign Military Financing and
Section 333 funds have been critical to U.S. Embassy Tallinn's work
with the Estonian military to strengthen its defenses and tighten
integration with NATO defense planning. The United States has been a
member of the Estonia-based NATO Cooperative Cyber Defense Center of
Excellence since 2011. I will also work with the United Kingdom and
other partner countries on the NATO battlegroup in Estonia to ensure
plans are moving forward to strengthen that battlegroup in line with
the NATO Madrid Summit declaration and Strategic Concept.
Question. How will you engage with the significant minority
population of ethnic Russians living in Estonia and ensure they are not
disenfranchised within U.S.-Estonian diplomatic efforts and fall under
the malign influence of the Kremlin?
Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly engage with the ethnic
Russian population in Estonia through trips to Russian-speaking regions
and support for programs that promote social inclusion so that these
Russian speakers in Estonia know that their voices are being heard and
that they are welcome in the Transatlantic community. I will also work
with Estonia-based Russian-language media to help them increase their
reach into ethnic Russian populations, providing independent messaging
that can counter Kremlin-based media narratives.
Defense
Question. What are the most effective ways Estonia can further its
defense cooperation with the U.S. and within NATO?
Answer. Estonia has done incredible work to strengthen its defense
cooperation with the United States and NATO. Estonia has exceeded its
Wales Pledge commitment to spend two percent of GDP on defense; it is
on track to spend close to three percent of GDP in 2023. Estonia has
worked closely with the United States and NATO to ensure that this
spending effectively contributes to collective defense. If confirmed I
will work with the Estonian Government to build on these efforts and
strengthen the defense of the eastern flank.
Question. How will you respond to Estonia's requests for a stronger
forward presence from the U.S. and NATO?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Department of
Defense to ensure that we follow through with the commitments made in
the NATO Madrid Summit declaration to provide heel-to-toe rotations of
U.S. troops in the region. If confirmed, I will also work with the
Estonian Government to ensure that it is fully prepared to host and
work with any additional U.S. troops.
Support To Ukraine
Question. How will you work with the Government of Estonia to
assist their efforts to host and provide support to Ukrainian refugees?
Answer. Estonia hosts more than 60,000 refugees from Ukraine. This
represents about 4.6 percent of the population of Estonia. Refugees
from Ukraine are entitled to register for Temporary Protection in
Estonia, which provides access to work, housing, healthcare, and
education. While support for hosting refugees from Ukraine among
Estonian citizens remains high--at more than seventy percent--the costs
of hosting them are significant. The U.S. Department of State is
engaging through U.S. Embassy Tallinn with U.N. and other international
organizations to coordinate U.S. humanitarian assistance to the
refugees. At the same time, the U.S. Department of State is developing
ways for embassies to complement these activities with small grants to
local organizations to respond to critical gaps. If confirmed, I will
ensure the Embassy continues to support efforts to provide support to
refugees from Ukraine in Estonia.
Question. Estonia and the U.S. are developing the ``Shield Wall''
project to support cyber defense training and resilience in Ukraine. As
Ambassador, how will you take part in this effort?
Answer. Estonia is a close bilateral partner with which we
collaborate on a wide range of cyber issues, including cybersecurity,
cyber defense, and cyber capacity building programming. The host of the
NATO Cooperative Cyber Defense Center of Excellence (CCDCOE), Estonia
also stands as a strong likeminded partner, advancing responsible state
behavior in cyberspace across numerous multilateral fora and finding
tools to deter state-sponsored malicious cyber activity. If confirmed,
I look forward to strengthening our cooperation with the Estonian
Government, CCDCOE, and the local IT industry on cyber issues.
Question. Estonia has given a significant amount of their military
stocks to Ukraine. As Ambassador, how would you work with the
Government of Estonia to assess their needs and help provide backfill
for their military stocks?
Answer. Since 2016, the United States provided approximately $442
million in total security assistance to build Estonia's defensive
capabilities, including over $140 million in Foreign Military Financing
in Fiscal Year 2022, as well as Section 333 funds as part of the Baltic
Security Initiative. The resurgence of Russia's aggression has changed
the priorities for these investments and resulted in Estonia's request
to procure more capable military systems such as the High Mobility
Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), as announced in June.
The State Department has prioritized regional Foreign Military
Financing for the Baltics to develop defensive capabilities, such as
electronic and hybrid warfare, border security, and maritime and air
domain awareness. It has also increased the Baltic states'
interoperability with NATO armed forces and contributed to
strengthening NATO's defense and deterrence posture in the region. If
confirmed, I will continue to work with the U.S. Department of Defense,
European Command, and our Baltic allies to align security assistance to
build their capabilities with our interests in enhancing collective
security and confronting Russia's aggression.
Economic Engagement and Energy
Question. How will you support economic engagement between Estonian
and U.S. business sectors?
Answer. I will work closely with the Estonian Government, the U.S.
and Estonian business communities, and the U.S. interagency to ensure a
level playing field for U.S. companies and make sure that Estonian
companies are aware of opportunities to partner with U.S. companies to
strengthen supply chains, migrate to green energy options, including
nuclear and renewables, and build needed infrastructure. I will work
with the U.S. Department of Commerce to ensure that U.S. companies are
aware of opportunities in Estonia and have everything they need to
successfully compete for those opportunities.
Question. What are the perceived risks to western investment, and
how can they be mitigated?
Answer. The Estonian Government has taken steps in recent years to
protect its economy from the risks of corrosive capital and untrusted
vendors. A committee of government experts and a parliamentary working
group have both made recommendations for improving Estonia's regime to
prevent and prosecute financial crimes in Estonia. The Parliament has
approved a series of legal changes to strengthen Estonia's anti-money
laundering regime. In 2021, the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) was
re-established as an independent agency under the Ministry of Finance
and provided additional resources to enhance supervision. U.S. Embassy
Tallinn has worked closely with the Estonian Government on these
efforts, including providing a U.S. Treasury Advisor to the FIU., If
confirmed I will continue sharing information and best practices to
ensure that Estonia remains a safe place for U.S. investment.
Question. What role, if any, do you see the U.S. Development
Finance Corporation playing in stimulating western investment in
Estonia?
Answer. Estonia was grateful for the U.S. Development Financing
Corporation's (DFC) announcement of $300 million in loans to support
the Three Seas Initiative and looks forward to working with the DFC in
coming years to bring more infrastructure investment to the region. Due
to the European Energy Security and Diversification Act of 2019, the
DFC can be particularly helpful in supporting the region's efforts to
break free from its dependence on Russian energy and meet its clean
energy targets.
Question. What sectors do you see as potential areas of growth for
U.S.-Estonia business ties?
Answer. The United States' trade relationship with Estonia is
driven in large part by innovative small- and medium-sized enterprises,
a sector in which Estonian companies have been particularly successful,
as well as the IT sector. The United States and Estonia work closely
together to drive technological innovation. As leaders in the digital
arena, Estonian businesses provide innovative solutions in a wide range
of sectors: retail sales software, delivery robots, money transfer
services, and telecommunications solutions to U.S. companies. They have
also helped with supply chain issues, replacing untrusted vendors. If
confirmed, I will work with the Government and the private sector to
increase and strengthen our trade and economic ties.
Question. What can the U.S. do to help Estonia maintain a
sufficient supply of energy as it decouples from Russia?
Answer. Estonia has committed to ending imports of Russian gas by
2023 and has secured rights to purchase LNG from a floating terminal
based in Finland. Estonia is currently investing in alternate sources
of energy, including renewables and LNG. Over the longer-term, the U.S.
can continue to work with Estonia, Latvia, and other countries in the
region to develop and deploy clean energy technologies that can take
the place of Russian gas.
Question. How can the U.S. help Estonia's efforts to decouple its
electrical grid from Russia and Belarus and integrate with its western
neighbors?
Answer. The U.S. Department of State is providing technical
assistance to the Estonia and its neighbors to help them through the
process needed to ensure that Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania can safely
decouple from the Russia-controlled BRELL electricity grid and join
ENTSO-E, the European network, a move currently scheduled to take place
by 2025. If confirmed, I will continue to work with Estonia to ensure
that this process moves forward, and that Estonia with its two
neighbors has everything it needs to decouple as soon as possible.
Question. How will you work with your State Department and
interagency colleagues to coordinate U.S. economic engagement with
Estonia across the Baltics and greater Eastern European region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Estonian Government,
fellow U.S. Ambassadors, the U.S. Department of State, and the
interagency to strong participation in regional economic forums such as
the Three Seas Initiative and Partnership for Transatlantic Energy and
Climate Cooperation. I will work with my colleagues within the U.S.
Department of State and the interagency to ensure that the United
States and our business community are aware of and fully engages with
any opportunities to strengthen economic engagement and economic
security.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Tallinn?
Answer. Mission Tallinn has faced challenges posed by COVID-19, and
I am thankful for the staff's resilience and continued service, as
reflected in a positive Office of the Inspector General periodic review
in early 2022. The current Chancery, in use for nearly 100 years, is
cramped, and a more spacious replacement facility is currently in the
design phase, years away from completion. If confirmed, the health and
safety of the personnel and family members of Mission Tallinn will be
my top priority, and I look forward to working with the talented team
of U.S. Direct Hires, locally employed staff, and their families, and
ensuring that everyone on my team understands they are valued and has
my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Tallinn?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Estonian relationship and the
interests of the United States and the American people. Local staff
compensation and retention are related issues, and I will work with the
Department of State on local staff compensation in a high inflation
country.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Tallinn?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and
continuous communication throughout the Mission. Since we are all one
team working together to advance the U.S.-Estonian relationship and the
interests of the American people, I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, I am committed to
supporting a diverse and inclusive workforce at U.S. Embassy Tallinn.
Diversity makes the Mission strong by bringing different perspectives
and enhancing creativity. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. In my 30 years in the Foreign Service, I have worked to
model integrity, ensure accountability, built consensus among diverse
stakeholders. I have consistently acted in the spirit that sharing
information, rather than restricting it, empowers the entire team to
perform better. I have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues
of all backgrounds, and if confirmed, I will regularly engage with
members of my team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue
and diversity of thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an
environment of respect as Embassy Tallinn carries out important work on
behalf of the American people.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). From my own
experience as DCM in Kyiv, Ukraine, I know that it is critical to have
full alignment between an ambassador and Deputy Chief of Mission,
working smoothly as a team. I would work closely with the DCM to manage
our Mission and advance U.S. priorities in Estonia, including
protecting the safety and security of Americans, expanding our economic
relationship, and addressing the security challenges faced by Estonia
and the transatlantic community.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy Chief of Mission
with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the Mission, to
serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence, and be another important
voice in our public diplomacy outreach. If confirmed, I will consult
closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission on every issue that I will
address as Chief of Mission.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles. If
confirmed, I will continue with my career-long, open-door approach to
be open to ideas and to share constructive and timely feedback to
enhance and lift the performance of the entire team.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Greece.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I firmly believe that all U.S. diplomats, not just the
Ambassador and public diplomacy section officers, should regularly
engage with local citizens, including host government officials,
students, businesses, and non-governmental organizations. We all have
stories of America to share. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge
for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-face with host
country nationals, but as conditions have improved, U.S. diplomats have
resumed in-person engagements and programs, as appropriate.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
Embassy public diplomacy section to use both social and traditional
media to reach people across Estonia, as well as our America Spaces in
four Estonian cities, and to expand the number of day trips for
outreach in the geographically compact country. Diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility are also an important part of public
diplomacy outreach to ensure efforts reflect the diversity of U.S.
society and societies abroad and encourage the involvement of people
from traditionally underrepresented audiences. If confirmed, I will
work with the Embassy team to leverage engagements with the media,
cultural and educational exchange organizations, and individual
interactions to expand the people-to-people bonds that are the
foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Estonia?
Answer. We have strong public diplomacy engagement with the people
of Estonia, through academic, cultural, and professional exchanges and
programs. The level of English usage is strong, particularly in the
student and business populations, and Estonians are receptive to
Americans and our outreach. If confirmed, I will work with my Embassy
team to continue our strong partnerships with the media, cultural,
educational, and business organizations, and individuals to expand the
people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral
relationship.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While Kremlin and PRC malign influence and disinformation
have not gained a foothold in Estonia in recent years, both remain
persistent threats that requires vigilance.
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to continue
engagement with the Estonian Government and civil society to assess and
address the threats of malign influence and disinformation posed by the
Kremlin and the PRC. I will also encourage my team to continue its use
of public diplomacy tools to expand digital and media literacy programs
and to empower local opinion leaders who can raise awareness of these
threats. Finally, I will ensure that we quickly deploy additional
resources, in coordination with the Government of Estonia, should these
threats become a new reality.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the offices at
U.S. Department of State in Washington to advance U.S. foreign policy
goals in Estonia. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy
resources to enhance security cooperation, strengthen collaboration on
climate issues, expand economic and trade relations, and deepen people-
to-people ties that highlight our shared values. I will also work to
counter malign influence, and disinformation with the wide range of
public diplomacy tools at our disposal. Working with the public
diplomacy team, we will tailor our messaging in a way that is most
appropriate for Estonian audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that might have affected U.S. Government personnel and their
family members, and have received both unclassified and classified
briefings. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost
of one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority, and I am committed to good communication to all stakeholders
in such situations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Estonia personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, Estonia
remained on Tier 1 for its sustained efforts to combat human
trafficking but fell behind in a few key areas, including less
prosecutions and convictions of suspected traffickers. How will you
work with the host government and civil society actors to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Estonia has made key progress during this past reporting
period which, if confirmed, I look forward to building on. As noted in
this year's TIP Report, the Estonian Government ordered convicted
traffickers to pay restitution and approved a four-year violence
prevention agreement, which included several anti-trafficking
activities. Additionally, the Government participated in a European
study aimed at exploring the national practices of detecting,
identifying, and protecting potential foreign trafficking victims
through national policy and legislative developments. If confirmed, I
would leverage the TIP Report as the primary guide for U.S. anti-
trafficking policy and encourage the Estonian Government to implement
the TIP Report's prioritized recommendations, including to investigate,
prosecute, and convict traffickers under the anti-trafficking provision
and develop and implement a reliable comprehensive statistical system
for collecting and collating data.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Estonia?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting accurate information as
it pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Estonia.
International Religious Freedom
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report,
Estonia was listed as protecting religious freedom, but antisemitic
acts in society were common. What is your assessment of this particular
issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the office of the
Ambassador-at-Large for international religious freedom to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The U.S. Department of State is monitoring the rise of
antisemitism across Europe. In April 2021, the Estonian Government
approved a plan to combat antisemitism designed by representatives of
the Ministries of the Interior, Culture, Foreign Affairs, Education and
Research, and Justice, the Police and Border Guard Board, the Estonian
Jewish Community, and the Estonian Jewish Congregation. If confirmed, I
will regularly meet with the Jewish community to discuss religious
tolerance and the state of religious freedom in Estonia. I will also
work with the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom, the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, the
Estonian Government, and Estonian civil society to raise the importance
of combating antisemitism, promoting religious tolerance, and promoting
Holocaust education in meetings with government officials.
Human Rights
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Estonia was listed as
having no reports of significant human rights abuses, but the U.S.
Mission can still support civil society actors in country to bolster
human rights. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Estonian
Government to maintain its strong human rights record for all, through
meetings and outreach with counterparts in the Government and
throughout civil society. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly
engages on this issue.
Refugees and Asylum Seekers
Question. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in early 2022, Estonia
has taken in 62,000 Ukrainian refugees, a number equal to nearly 5
percent of its population. Estonia has also been a destination for
Russian citizens who are leaving their country to avoid the military
draft or to escape persecution by their government for anti-war or
anti-government views or actions.
Do you believe that Ukrainian refugees in Estonia are being well-
treated? Do you have any concerns that they will be subject to
human trafficking or otherwise exploited?
Answer. Estonia hosts more than 60,000 refugees from Ukraine. More
than seventy percent of all Estonian citizens support hosting refugees.
The Estonian Government has undertaken generous efforts to ensure the
safety and security of refugees from Ukraine, including registering
nearly 39,000 for temporary protection benefits. If confirmed, I will
continue to work closely with the Estonian Government, international
organizations, and local partners to protect refugees.
Question. If it becomes clear that Ukrainian refugees in Estonia
are being exploited or poorly-treated, would you as Ambassador commit
to raising their condition with the Government of Estonia and acting to
defend their human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Estonian
Government to maintain its strong human rights record, through meetings
and outreach with counterparts in the Government and throughout civil
society.
Question. Do you believe that Russian asylum-seekers refugees in
Estonia are being well-treated?
Answer. Estonia is already home to more than 300,000 native Russian
speakers, a category that includes ethnic Russians and other
nationalities from the former Soviet Union. Estonia has continued to
provide humanitarian exceptions to travel restrictions imposed on
Russian citizens following Russia's further invasion of Ukraine. Our
Embassy in Tallinn has been in regular discussion with the Estonian
authorities to ensure that the needs of legitimate asylum seekers are
being taken into account during this process, and if confirmed I will
continue to work with the Estonian authorities on this issue.
Question. News reports indicate that Russian asylum-seekers in
Estonia and other Baltic nations are increasingly made to feel
unwelcome by both the local populations and governments. If confirmed,
do you commit to using the resources of the U.S. Embassy in Tallinn to
track the treatment of Russian asylum-seekers in Estonia and to
encouraging the Government of Estonia to provide them with the rights
and treatment guaranteed them under European Union law?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will use the resources of the U.S.
Embassy in Tallinn to monitor the treatment of Russian Federation
nationals who are asylum-seekers in Estonia and to encourage the
Government of Estonia to provide them with the rights and treatment
guaranteed them under European Union law.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to George P. Kent by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest in
America, align with our Allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our
interests and build our vision for the future. If confirmed, I will
strengthen our partnership with Estonia, including working with Estonia
to implement investment screening mechanisms to protect ports and other
critical infrastructure.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Estonia
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Estonia
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Estonia?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because
it is the only competitor with the intent and increasingly the
capability to remake the international order. And Beijing's actions
suggest PRC officials have the intention to do so. Estonia shares our
skepticism of the PRC and has downgraded its cooperation and actively
pushed back against PRC influence, including departing the regional
mechanism formerly known as 17+1 (now 14+1 after Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania exited), passing legislation to protect Estonian supply
chains from untrusted vendors, and forwarding CFIUS-like legislation to
review foreign direct investment in Estonia. The United States'
approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our
interests and values differ and cooperating with them when they align.
If confirmed, I will support the Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. Since Vladimir Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine
this past February, the United States has provided the largest amount
of security and financial assistance to Ukraine. While this assistance,
if properly overseen and monitored, is a cost-effective way to
safeguard American interests in Europe, our European allies and
partners must also step up to assist Ukraine in fending off Putin's
assault on their doorstep. In contrast to other European states,
Estonia has gone above and beyond in providing military assistance to
Ukraine. In this year alone, Estonia has provided 37.5 percent of its
total defense budget to Ukraine. To compare, total U.S. assistance to
Ukraine is equal to just 3.3 percent of our defense budget.
What can the United States do, in concert with other European
allies, to ensure Estonia and other frontline states can
continue to provide military assistance to Ukraine while also
maintaining their own defensive readiness against a Russian
attack on their own borders?
Answer. Estonia has been a steadfast defender--along with the
United States and other European Allies and partners--of Ukraine's
sovereignty and territorial integrity. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure U.S. and Estonian policies toward Russia remain closely
coordinated.
Estonia faces continued security threats from Russia. To combat
these threats our assistance focuses on bolstering NATO
interoperability, deterrence, and defense, strengthening Estonian
national defenses, and combating hybrid threats. Since 2016, the United
States provided approximately $442 million in total security assistance
to build Estonia's defensive capabilities and over $140 million in
Foreign Military Financing this year. The resurgence of Russia's
aggression has changed the priorities for these investments and
resulted in Estonia's request to procure more capable military systems
such as the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), as
announced in June.
The State Department has prioritized regional Foreign Military
Financing for the Baltics to develop defensive capabilities, such as
electronic and hybrid warfare, border security, and maritime and air
domain awareness. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the
Department of Defense and our Baltic Allies to align security
assistance with our interests in enhancing collective security and
confronting Russia's aggression.
Question. Is there a role that Estonia and other Baltic states can
play in ensuring that assistance provided to Ukraine is properly used
and not siphoned off by corruption?
Answer. The U.S. Plan to Counter Illicit Diversion of Certain
Advanced Conventional Weapons in Eastern Europe is a comprehensive,
whole-of-government approach to mitigate the risk of illicit diversion
of advanced weapons systems transferred to Ukraine for its urgent
defense needs. The Plan has three lines of effort:
Bolster Accountability through safeguarding and accounting for arms
and munitions in Ukraine and neighboring countries when they
are transferred, stored, and deployed;
Strengthen Borders by enhancing regional border management and
security; and
Build Capacity of security forces, law enforcement, and border
control agencies in the region to deter, detect, and interdict
illicit arms trafficking.
The Plan emphasizes the importance of cooperation with Allies and
partners. The United States is coordinating closely with both NATO and
the European Union, the latter of which is developing its own plan that
will complement ours. As EU Member States, Estonia and its Baltic
neighbors will be well positioned to support similar lines of effort
and contribute to counter-diversion efforts. The United States can also
work with Estonia to identify bilateral activities, as well as through
NATO, to pursue these efforts.
Question. Since February, the Chinese Communist Party has worked
feverishly to create the facade that it's somehow not complicit in
Putin's invasion of Ukraine. They do this by issuing statements
emphasizing their support for a peaceful resolution and respect for
sovereignty. In reality, the CCP continues to purchase Russian energy
and do business with sanctioned Russian companies. Earlier this year,
Latvia and Estonia both withdrew from the ``Cooperation between China
and Central and Eastern European Countries Initiative,'' also known as
the ``16+1,'' which the CCP uses to promote its views within Europe. In
August, I sent a letter to the President, urging the Administration to
support countries that leave the 16+1 and face a CCP economic blockade
as a result.
What consequences has the CCP tried to impose on Estonia since it
announced it was leaving the 16+1?
Answer. Estonia, in coordination with Latvia, left the PRC's
initiative originally known as 17+1 (from 2019-21), then 16+1 (2021-22
after Lithuania departed), and now 14+1, having assessed it delivered
little benefit. Estonia and the PRC have a limited economic
relationship, with no observed fallout since the Estonia withdrawal. If
confirmed, I will continue our close consultations with Estonia on this
matter.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with Estonia to
help convince other European countries to also withdraw from 16+1?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Estonian
officials and the Estonian business community on the challenges posed
by the PRC, as well as working to increase U.S.-Estonia trade and
economic ties. We must collaborate to promote shared economic growth
and work together to ensure PRC investment meets global best practices
for transparency and good governance, while warning our partners of the
PRC's economic coercion and market distorting practices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to George P. Kent by Senator Todd Young
Question. Without Russian language media outlets to amplify
Moscow's propaganda, how do you assess Putin is attempting to threaten,
intimidate, and manipulate ethnic Russians in Estonia?
Answer. While the Kremlin's malign influence and disinformation has
not gained a foothold in Estonia in recent years, it remains a
persistent threat that requires vigilance. Estonian media platforms,
both government-owned and privately-held, do produce Russian language
news for TV and online to provide objective coverage.
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to continue its
engagement with the Estonian Government to assess and address the
threats of malign influence and disinformation posed by the Kremlin. I
will also encourage my team to continue its use of public diplomacy
tools to expand digital and media literacy programs and to empower
local opinion leaders who can raise awareness of these threats.
Finally, I will ensure that we work in coordination with the Government
of Estonia, should these threats become a new reality.
Question. In your view, is the United States effectively countering
Moscow's propaganda? And how would you support this work, if confirmed?
Answer. The United States is using the full range of diplomatic,
public diplomacy, and foreign assistance tools to effectively counter
the Kremlin's disinformation in Estonia, as well as across Europe. Our
work to declassify and expose Russia's plans for a wider invasion of
Ukraine last February is a clear example of how we have effectively
limited Russia's ability to manipulate the information space. We
continue to publicly expose the Kremlin's disinformation and propaganda
ecosystem through our public webpage state.gov/disarming-disinformation
If confirmed, I would continue the effective cooperation between
the U.S. and Estonian Governments and Estonian media and civil society
on all fronts, including information-sharing, public diplomacy, and
further increasing the Estonian public's resiliency against Russia's
disinformation through media literacy programs and support for Estonia-
based Russian-language media.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Kenneth Merten by Senator James E. Risch
War in Ukraine
Question. How will you work with the Government of Bulgaria to
assist their efforts to host and provide support to Ukrainian refugees?
Answer. Since Russia's unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine,
Bulgarians have generously opened their hearts and homes to refugees
from Ukraine. According to Bulgarian Government figures, as of early
November, over 900,000 refugees from Ukraine have entered Bulgaria
since the start of the war. Over 55,000 Ukrainian citizens remain in
Bulgaria, with 87 percent of them women and children. The United
States, through the Bureau for Population, Refugees and Migration, has
provided humanitarian assistance funding to UNHCR, IOM, UNICEF, and the
WHO for their support to Ukrainian refugees in Bulgaria. If confirmed
as Ambassador, I will continue to prioritize these and other avenues of
support and ensure that U.S. assistance is used resourcefully and
effectively.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you work with the Government of
Bulgaria to assess their needs and help provide backfill for military
stocks that have been donated Ukraine?
Answer. Bulgaria was quick to condemn Russia's full-scale invasion
of Ukraine, supported sanctions against Russia, and provided various
forms of humanitarian aid to Ukraine and refugees from Ukraine. On
November 3, Bulgaria's parliament passed a resolution to provide lethal
military assistance to Ukraine, reversing Bulgaria's earlier position
which limited the Government to providing non-lethal military
assistance only. Bulgaria can now expand the scope of its assistance
beyond humanitarian aid and repair of Ukrainian heavy military
equipment. If confirmed, I will work closely with our Bulgarian
partners to identify Bulgaria's defense requirements, Bulgarian
military assets that could bolster Ukraine's defense against Russia's
unprovoked war, and the forms of support that the United States and our
allies can provide to Bulgaria to facilitate such support of Ukraine.
Black Sea
Question. The war on Ukraine has also given increased attention to
the Black Sea. Bulgaria, along with Romania and Turkey, are Black Sea
littoral states who are also members of NATO. The other three littoral
states, Ukraine, Russia, and Georgia, are not NATO members.
Do you believe that the U.S. has placed enough importance on the
Black Sea region?
Answer. The Black Sea region will continue to be an area of great
geostrategic importance, and there is no question that the biggest
threat to the region is Russia's continued aggression. While more work
remains to be done, the United States and NATO have expanded our
presence in littoral countries before and since Russia's unprovoked
full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Earlier this year, NATO established a
multinational battlegroup to which the United States contributes a
Stryker armored company. The U.S. Department of State spearheaded the
Black Sea Maritime Domain Awareness program in 2019, providing Foreign
Military Financing allocation across Bulgaria, Georgia, Romania, and
Ukraine to bolster regional security and cooperation. The U.S.
Department of Defense has built upon this program, and it remains a key
security cooperation line of effort. If confirmed, I am committed to
working with Congress, the interagency, and our Allies and partners
within the Black Sea region as we continue to address the region's
needs.
Question. What are the most effective ways Bulgaria can further its
defense cooperation with the U.S. and within NATO?
Answer. Since joining NATO in 2004, Bulgaria has proven itself an
enthusiastic Ally proactively contributing to NATO operations. To date,
21,000 Bulgarian troops have participated in various NATO missions.
Earlier this year, Bulgaria agreed to host one of four new
multinational NATO battlegroups, in which U.S. forces play a key role,
to bolster NATO's deterrence and defense posture along its eastern
flank after Putin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Additionally,
Bulgaria hosts, staffs, and funds a NATO Force Integration Unit and the
NATO Crisis Management and Disaster Response Center of Excellence.
Bulgaria understands burden sharing and is willing to do more as its
capabilities and economy develop. The United States and Bulgaria have a
strong history of security cooperation and training, especially through
named exercises with US EUCOM, NATO, and the 30-year Tennessee State
Partnership Program (SPP). The United States Army also has a rotational
infantry battalion conducting training at the Novo Selo Training Area.
If confirmed, I will work with U.S. interagency partners and Bulgaria
to build upon this progress, bolstering NATO interoperability through
joint training, regional infrastructure development, and foreign
military sales to trusted Allies.
Question. How will you respond to Bulgaria's requests for a
stronger forward presence from the U.S. and NATO?
Answer. Through a 2006 Defense Cooperation Agreement, the Bulgarian
Government granted the United States access to several military
facilities. Since 2006, the facilities have been used for hundreds of
military-to-military engagements of various sizes. Earlier this year,
Bulgaria agreed to host one of four new multinational NATO
battlegroups, in which U.S. forces play a key role, to bolster NATO's
deterrence and defense posture along its eastern flank after Putin's
full-scale invasion of Ukraine. If confirmed, I will partner with the
U.S. Department of Defense to ensure that we honor our commitments made
in the 2022 Madrid NATO Summit declaration to provide consistent
rotations of U.S. troops in the region.
Economic Engagement and Energy
Question. How will you support economic engagement between Bulgaria
and U.S. business sectors?
Answer. If confirmed, my top priority in the economic sphere is to
ensure a fair and transparent playing field for U.S. businesses.
Increased transparency, predictability, and stability in the investment
climate are key. I will also, if confirmed, promote U.S. exports and
help U.S. businesses identify and take advantage of economic
opportunities in areas such as agriculture, education, energy, defense,
technology, and water, among others. This includes encouraging more
U.S. trade delegation visits to Bulgaria, and vice versa.
Question. What are the perceived risks to western investment, and
how can they be mitigated?
Answer. Greater transparency and improved corporate governance
would benefit not only U.S. firms that consider investing in Bulgaria,
but also the Bulgarian economy as a whole. Increased predictability,
stability, and rule of law enforcement in the investment climate are
key. Bulgaria can enhance its appeal to U.S. businesses by improving in
these domains.
Question. What sectors do you see as potential areas of growth for
U.S.-Bulgarian business ties?
Answer. Russia's weaponization of energy supplies has motivated
several European states to seek out more reliable suppliers, and the
United States has an important role to play here. If confirmed, I will
prioritize supporting partnerships with U.S. firms that bolster
Bulgaria's energy security and its adoption of low-carbon energy
sources and the technologies that facilitate this transition.
Bulgaria's market presents broader opportunities for partnerships with
U.S. firms in areas as diverse as agriculture, education, healthcare,
defense, and technology, among others.
Question. What role, if any, do you see the U.S. Development
Finance Corporation playing in stimulating western investment in
Bulgaria?
Answer. Bulgaria enthusiastically welcomed the U.S. Development
Financing Corporation's (DFC) announcement of $300 million in financing
to support the Three Seas Initiative. As a Black Sea littoral state,
Bulgaria will continue to seek opportunities to partner with the DFC in
the coming years to bring more infrastructure investment to the region.
Investments that promote regional energy and commercial integration
will benefit Bulgaria and broader regional prosperity.
Question. What can the U.S. do to help Bulgaria maintain sufficient
energy supplies as it faces cuts from Russia?
Answer. Bulgaria has taken positive steps toward energy
diversification, particularly since Russia cut off natural gas supplies
in April after the Bulgarian Government refused to pay Gazprom in
rubles. The completion of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, which
facilitates natural gas imports from Azerbaijan, was a major
achievement in this regard. More remains to be done, from securing
further liquified natural gas supplies to procuring nuclear fuel that
does not rely upon Russian inputs. If confirmed, I am committed to
supporting Bulgaria's efforts to strengthen energy security, including
with the help of U.S. companies' technology and know-how.
Question. How will you work with your State Department and
interagency colleagues to coordinate U.S. economic engagement with
Bulgaria across the Balkans and greater Eastern European region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for continuously deepening
regional economic integration between Bulgaria and the Eastern European
region. Improving energy supply interconnectivity, as well as
commercial and logistical linkages, will require close coordination
with U.S. interagency partners such as the U.S. Department of Commerce
and the U.S. Department of Energy, while also leveraging the expertise
of the U.S. Development Finance Corporation and U.S. Export-Import
Bank. Successful economic engagement across the region will also hinge
on effective partnership with Bulgaria and the EU. The United States
has strongly supported North Macedonia's and Albania's integration into
the EU and believes the future of the Western Balkans is squarely
within the EU. The EU accession process promotes economic growth
through market integration and heightens prosperity throughout the
region.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Sofia?
Answer. The staff of the U.S. Embassy in Sofia demonstrated
resilience, professionalism, and a spirit of service throughout what I
hope will prove to have been the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic, and I
am grateful for their unwavering service. If confirmed, ensuring the
safety and well-being of the Embassy Sofia team and their families will
be among my most important and sacred duties, and I will be firmly
committed to fostering an environment where colleagues feel valued and
their contributions to our national security and prosperity are
recognized.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Sofia?
Answer. I have had the honor of representing the United States
overseas for over twenty years of my thirty-five years in the Foreign
Service, serving as Chief of Mission in two very different countries
for six of those years. While holding these positions of leadership, I
have committed to bringing integrity, honesty, and energy to my
engagements with Embassy staff. If confirmed, I will continue to apply
this philosophy while holding regular consultations with colleagues at
all levels to seek feedback on Mission morale. I understand that
Russia's unprovoked February invasion of Ukraine has elevated the pace
and volume of work at U.S. Embassy Sofia, and I hold the greatest
respect for the dedication demonstrated by the team there.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Sofia?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to proactively engaging with
all U.S. Embassy Sofia colleagues to ensure we hold a shared
understanding of our Mission's strategic priorities. It will be my
responsibility to guarantee that all in the Mission understand their
role in advancing these priorities and receive the support they need to
consistently deliver on the responsibilities before them. In my
experience, colleagues are most engaged when they grasp the broader
impact of their work and share responsibility for the Mission's
success. If confirmed, it will be my intent to actively foster such an
environment through open, honest communication with U.S. direct hires,
their families, and locally employed staff.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As a Chief of Mission, I aim to foster a collaborative
environment. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to encourage all members
of the U.S. Embassy team to take ownership of the challenges we
confront and think creatively in developing sustainable solutions. I am
also an advocate for open communication and recognizing the
contributions of individuals. This includes ensuring that colleagues
have opportunities to develop skills to advance their careers.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not. It is never appropriate to berate
subordinates, either in public or private. Such behavior undermines
morale, reduces productivity, and is never acceptable from any manager.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of
Mission to ensure the effective management of U.S. Embassy Sofia. I
will develop a relationship of trust and honest communication. I will
mentor and provide the appropriate tools to the deputy to serve as the
Mission's chief operating officer and ensure they can step in for me if
I am not available. If confirmed, I will work closely with my Deputy
Chief of Mission to foster their success.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I see the role of the Deputy Chief of Mission as a chief
operating officer who complements the relative strengths of an
ambassador. The exact division of labor would be determined based on
the interests and skills of the Deputy Chief of Mission and the needs
of the Mission.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Having previously served as the Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary of the Bureau of Global Talent Management, I believe it is
important to provide employees with accurate, timely, and constructive
feedback. If confirmed, I will ensure all U.S. direct hires and locally
employed staff fully appreciate the importance of fair, transparent,
and objective measures of employee performance and are appropriately
acknowledged for their successes.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. Clear, accurate, and direct communication is critical
to maintaining a high functioning and trusting work environment.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Greece [Bulgaria].
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. As a leader and a diplomat, I wholeheartedly believe that
we must engage with as many local actors and organizations as possible
to advance U.S. foreign policy and national security objectives. We
also have the responsibility to balance these needs with an accurate
assessment of risks. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the
Regional Security Office and my management team to keep our employees
safe while giving them maximum flexibility to travel the country and
meet people. I intend to interact with a wide array of Bulgarians
around the country and will encourage my team to follow by example.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage all employees at Mission
Sofia to get outside the Mission walls, meet with the local population,
and travel widely throughout the country to learn as much as possible
about local issues. We will balance all security considerations
appropriately. My understanding is that the team in Sofia regularly
travels throughout the country, and I intend to continue to support for
these efforts.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Bulgaria?
Answer. Bulgarians are eager to engage with the West but continue
to maintain a strong historic affinity for Russia, whom many view as
having liberated them from 500 years of Ottoman rule. While younger
Bulgarians view the United States positively, favorable public opinion
of the United States as a whole is considerably lower than that of
Russia--even in the aftermath of Russia's full-scale invasion of
Ukraine. As has been widely reported, Bulgarians are heavily
susceptible to Russia's propaganda and malign influence. This situation
is exacerbated by a weak and highly concentrated media environment that
is heavily influenced by oligarchs and entrenched political and
economic interests, and marked by frequent self-censorship. Bulgarian
Government and civil society actors have shown increasing willingness
to counter disinformation and strengthen the media landscape, although
efforts to date have had limited effect. Working closely with the U.S.
interagency and with Bulgarian and international partners, the Embassy
is deeply engaged to address these deficits in the public diplomacy
landscape and to reinforce, at every turn, Bulgaria's western
orientation. Cultural and educational programming that underscores our
shared values is integral to this effort.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While younger Bulgarians view the United States positively,
favorable public opinion of the United States as a whole is
considerably lower than that of Russia--even in the aftermath of
Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. NATO faces a formidable public
opinion challenge, with a significant percentage of Bulgaria's
population believing NATO and the West are to blame for Russia's war
against Ukraine and opting for ``neutrality'' to avoid being drawn into
the conflict. Bulgarians are heavily susceptible to Russia's malign
influence, and according to recent research, Kremlin propaganda has
increased tenfold since Russia's February 24 full-scale invasion of
Ukraine. This situation is exacerbated by a weak and highly
concentrated media environment that is heavily influenced by oligarchs
and entrenched political and economic interests, and marked by frequent
self-censorship. Bulgaria also lacks a robust civil society, and
efforts by civil society organizations and the Government to counter
disinformation and strengthen the media environment have had limited
effect to date. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's engagement
with the Bulgarian Government and civil society to ensure a unified and
proactive approach to countering Russia's disinformation and to
strengthening democratic institutions to solidify Bulgaria's long-term
orientation towards the West.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I understand that Embassy Sofia's Mission objectives align
closely with top Department and Administration priorities--
strengthening democracy, combating corruption, advancing shared
security, and building prosperity--and the Public Diplomacy team, as at
all U.S. Embassies, creatively tailors and deploys high-level USG
messaging to local audiences. If confirmed, I will work with the Public
Affairs section to ensure a unified approach to highlighting key U.S.
messages and policies in Bulgaria. The Public Affairs section routinely
engages in a wide range of public outreach--through traditional and
social media, and in-person engagements--to inform and engage
Bulgarians about U.S. policy; promote Embassy activities and events;
enhance the image of the United States; and provide information on
security, voting, and other topics of interest to U.S. citizens.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Sofia personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to sharing what information I
can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with Mission
Sofia personnel.
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bulgaria was
identified as Tier 2 Watch List for a lack of sustained efforts to
combat trafficking and hold traffickers accountable. How will you work
with the host government and civil society actors to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Human trafficking is a multifaceted crime and a challenging
problem faced by all countries. Bulgaria remains one of the largest
source countries of trafficking victims in the EU. I understand Embassy
Sofia is working closely with Bulgaria's National Commission for
Combatting Trafficking in Human Beings and relevant ministries to
encourage further progress. Embassy officials promote a victim-centered
approach to trafficking in persons by the Commission and other
government institutions such as the prosecution service and the law
enforcement authorities. The U.S. Government has also participated in
training for Bulgarian officials on issues ranging from collecting
evidence to identifying victims of trafficking. If confirmed, I will
ensure resources are made available to continue our partnership with
Bulgaria to prevent and mitigate human trafficking.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Bulgaria?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure we base our reporting on
the trafficking situation in Bulgaria on the best information available
to us. Only through transparent, objective reporting can we identify
the necessary steps to improve enforcement.
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report,
Bulgaria was identified as generally tolerant of religious freedom but
reports of harassment of religious minorities were clear. What is your
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
with the office of the Ambassador-at-Large for international religious
freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Bulgaria's constitution provides for freedom of religion
and conscience. Nonetheless, instances of threatening behavior and
rhetoric against religious minorities persist. I understand that
Embassy Sofia officials have met with relevant government officials,
including representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs'
Directorate for Human Rights, the Council of Ministers' Directorate for
Religious Affairs, Office of the Ombudsman, Commission for Protection
against Discrimination, and local governments regularly to discuss
cases of religious discrimination, harassment of religious minorities,
and their efforts to promote interfaith dialogue. Embassy Sofia
officials have also developed strong relationships with religious
leaders and communities across the country and are engaged with them on
these issues. If confirmed, I will closely coordinate with the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and maintain
dialogue with Bulgarian interlocutors representing the Government,
religious, and civil society communities to encourage tolerance and
interfaith dialogue.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Bulgaria was identified
as having committed significant human rights abuses including abuse of
freedom of assembly, speech and media, lack of judicial independence,
corruption, violence against children, and more.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. Human rights reform is a long-term, multifaceted, and
challenging process. Bulgaria has taken some steps to build a more
open, inclusive, just, and prosperous society. More needs to be done,
however. As noted in the most recent Human Rights Report for Bulgaria,
the United States is concerned about reports of the intimidation of
journalists by individuals with political and economic power and
incidents of violence directed at journalists. If confirmed, I will
speak out publicly and privately on the importance of protecting media
freedom and editorial independence and encouraging responsible
journalism. If confirmed, I will also prioritize continued, regular
engagement with the host government to identify critical areas for
improvement and provide U.S. support and technical assistance as
appropriate to efforts at reform.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with civil
society to make tangible progress toward improved human rights
practices in Bulgaria. Department of State programs currently support
capacity-building for civil society, law enforcement, and members of
the judiciary. I understand that Embassy Sofia has also supported
progress by engaging civil society and speaking publicly about the
importance of reforms. If confirmed, I would like to continue our
capacity-building programs and encourage my team to engage frequently
and at all levels with Bulgarian civil society actors.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Kenneth Merten by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. The PRC is a strategic competitor, and Secretary Blinken has
committed to align our efforts with partners and allies and compete
with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for the
future.
If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to strengthen our
cooperation with Bulgaria to uphold shared values. This includes
encouraging Bulgaria to adopt an investment screening mechanism.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Bulgaria
to promote our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Bulgaria
to promote our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Bulgaria?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the PRC is the greatest
geopolitical challenge that we face because it is the only competitor
with the intent and increasingly the capability to remake the
international order. And Beijing's actions suggest PRC officials have
the intention to do so. While Bulgaria maintains friendly political
relations with the PRC and remains open to PRC investment, the
Bulgarian Government notably signed a Joint Declaration on 5G Security
with the United States in October 2020. The United States' approach
towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our interests
and values differ and cooperating with them when they align. If
confirmed, I will support the Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. This past week, protesters gathered in several Bulgarian
cities against the Bulgarian Government's decision to provide military
medical training to Ukrainian soldiers. While the protests were small
in scale, we can only expect protests like these to continue in Europe
and even in the United States as Putin's war drags on and the West does
not have a clearly communicated objective for assistance to Ukraine. It
is imperative that European countries especially maintain the will and
unity in providing assistance to Ukraine, as the United States must
primarily focus on the threat from the CCP in the Indo-Pacific.
To what extent do you believe that these recent protests reflect
genuine fatigue and dissatisfaction with ongoing Western
assistance to Ukraine rather than as the result of a Russian
influence campaign?
Answer. While Bulgaria maintains cultural and historical affinities
with Russia, the Bulgarian Government's response to Russia's February
invasion of Ukraine affirms its status as a stalwart NATO Ally.
Bulgarian citizens have opened their hearts and their homes to refugees
from Ukraine as the Government supported sanctions against Russia and
authorized the supply of humanitarian aid and military equipment repair
for Ukraine. On November 3, Bulgaria's parliament overwhelmingly passed
a resolution to provide lethal military assistance to Ukraine. I cannot
profess to know what inspires individuals to protest--a right protected
in Bulgarian law--but we do know that Russia is actively engaged in a
disinformation campaign aimed at undermining Bulgarian democracy and
diminishing public support for the Euro-Atlantic partnership, taking
advantage of longstanding cultural ties between the countries as well
as the economic challenges that are, in fact, exacerbated by Russia's
full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that the
Bulgarian Government is equipped to effectively communicate to the
Bulgarian people the objectives and necessity of providing continued
European assistance to Ukraine?
Answer. Many stakeholders, including the U.S. Government, the
Government of Bulgaria, and European allies work to emphasize a
positive narrative about transatlantic values. This lets Bulgarians,
who chose to join NATO and the EU, judge for themselves the relative
value of the messages promoted in the Kremlin's propaganda regarding
the war in Ukraine and the necessity of supporting Ukraine's self-
defense. The U.S. Government works closely with NATO and EU partners on
a variety of initiatives that build strategic communications capacity
for the Bulgarian Government. Delivering fair, objective reporting to
the Bulgarian public has become more critical since Russia's
unprovoked, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We need more of this to
help counter the Kremlin's propaganda machine. If confirmed, I will
continue our capacity-building programs for the Bulgarian Government,
civil society partners, and independent media--including training that
applies U.S. best practices in fact-checking, investigative reporting,
digital and multimedia communications, and financial sustainability.
Question. When the CCP first announced its pernicious Belt and Road
Initiative in Europe, Bulgaria was among its most enthusiastic
adopters. Bulgaria announced a strategic partnership with China in 2018
and even hosted a meeting of China's 16+1 initiative, which it uses to
spread its influence in Central and Eastern Europe. Since then,
Bulgaria has cooled its support for CCP initiatives. It has stopped
sending senior government officials to meetings of 16+1 and, to date
has received the second lowest amount of Chinese lending in central and
eastern Europe.
Former Prime Minister Boyko Borissov last week was given the
mandate to form a government. His last tenure in office saw the
strengthening of Bulgarian-Chinese relations. Should we expect
Bulgaria to resume a pro-CCP course under another Borissov
tenure?
Answer. Since it joined the EU in 2007, Bulgaria has garnered
increasing interest from PRC investors, but concerns about EU
regulations, lack of state guarantees, and Bulgaria's reluctance to
take on debt impede significant PRC investments. Currently, PRC
investments in Bulgaria include wind energy, telecommunications, IT,
and agriculture. Bulgaria has friendly political relations with the
PRC, but Sino-Bulgarian trade remains relatively low for the region. In
February 2021, under the Borissov government, Bulgaria sent its tourism
minister rather than its prime minister to the PRC-Central and Eastern
European Countries summit (CEEC or ``16+1,'' currently ``14+1'').
If confirmed, I will continue to convey to Bulgarian interlocutors
the risks involved with PRC investment and the broader utility of
adopting an investment screening mechanism in line with EU directives.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that Bulgaria
does not fall victim to the debt trap diplomacy of the CCP's Belt and
Road Initiative, as have Sri Lanka and other counties?
Answer. Bulgaria is the poorest state in the European Union but
boasts strong macroeconomic fundamentals, with a history of steady
growth, an ironclad peg of its currency, the Lev, to the Euro, and
fiscal discipline. Bulgaria also has one of Europe's lowest budget
deficits and debt-to-GDP ratios. Bulgaria maintains friendly political
relations with the PRC, but concerns regarding EU regulations, lack of
state guarantees, and Bulgaria's reluctance to take on debt impede
significant PRC investments. If confirmed, I will advocate for U.S.
commercial and investment entities that are well-positioned to serve as
reliable partners of Bulgaria while making market-driven decisions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Kenneth Merten by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, what does a ``Chief of Mission who leads,
manages, and safeguards'' look like in practice to you?
Answer. Based on my experience serving as the Ambassador in Haiti
and Croatia, I believe a Chief of Mission must bring integrity,
honesty, and energy to all of their engagements with Embassy staff,
host government officials, and the broader, host country community.
Effective leaders create a vision for their team, entrust staff with
the resources to execute on those priorities, and remain vigilant in
creating and preserving an appropriate environment where this work can
be done. This simple formula has served me well no matter the size of
the Mission I led, the scope of resources with which I was entrusted,
or the complexity of issues that defined the bilateral relationship. It
is a philosophy that I leaned heavily upon in Haiti, where I oversaw
the United States' on-the-ground efforts to provide immediate relief
after the 2010 earthquake and subsequent evacuation efforts, and one
that I will continue to abide by, if confirmed.
Question. Noting your past experience as Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for the Bureau of Global Talent Management, did you witness
any particularly positive examples of leadership during the pandemic
that you could model? Or conversely, can you provide any examples of
Missions that needed better support and leadership during that time?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented challenge for
the global community and a stress test for the resilience, creativity,
and agility of the dedicated public servants of the Department of
State, whether serving abroad or in the United States. As the Principal
Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Global Talent Management
throughout much of the pandemic, I witnessed countless instances of
exemplary leadership at all levels from which I drew inspiration and
the confidence that we would adapt and overcome. From the early stages
of the pandemic that required our posts to support the safe evacuation
of American citizens, to the rapid implementation of technological
solutions that enabled many of our colleagues to work safely from home,
I was particularly impressed by the commitment that our entry- and mid-
level public servants brought to bear on these challenges. Their
collective, innovative responses to the hardships brought by the
pandemic continue to give me great confidence in the Department's
future corps of leaders.
Question. With your wealth of experience both leading Missions and
supporting the Department's personnel from Washington, what is the
biggest challenge to the Department's efforts to hire and retain a
qualified and diverse workforce?
Answer. The goal of creating and maintaining a qualified and
diverse work force is one worth diligently pursuing. I believe a more
diverse, equitable, inclusive, and accessible (DEIA) Department leads
to a stronger, smarter, and more creative foreign policy, and one
delivered by a diplomatic corps that looks like the America it
represents. In March 2022, the Department of State submitted its five-
year DEIA Strategic Plan to the Office of Personnel Management.
Important elements of the plan include an effort to promote recruitment
activity across the diversity spectrum, implement a recruitment
strategy that targets underrepresented groups, and examine the hiring
process to address barriers to entry for diverse candidates. These
efforts will advance our efforts to hire and retain a workforce that
reflects the diversity and talents we will need to succeed in 21st
century diplomacy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen Ann Kavalec by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has had huge effects on
Ukraine's neighbors, not least Romania. Hundreds of thousands of
refugees have flowed through Romania; many have settled there
temporarily. The conflict
Do you believe that the support provided to Romania in the spheres
of humanitarian assistance, energy, and defense has been
adequate? Why?
Answer. Since Russia's further invasion of Ukraine, the United
States has greatly increased support for Romania. The Department of
Defense tripled the number of U.S. troops in Romania and President
Biden announced at the NATO summit in June that the United States will
headquarter a Brigade Combat Team in Romania. The Department of State,
through the Bureau for Populations, Refugees, and Migration, has given
over $40 million to international organizations in Romania that are
helping to process the entry and transit of refugees from Ukraine
fleeing Putin's violence. On energy, the United States and Romania have
a strong partnership on energy diversification and are cooperating on
nuclear energy. If confirmed, I pledge to work with the Romanian
Government, my U.S. Government counterparts, and the private sector to
assess Romania's needs and ensure that U.S. assistance is impactful and
spent well.
Question. In what areas has international support to Romania not
been adequate?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked war on Ukraine has stretched the
resources of many of our European allies, including Romania. If
confirmed, I pledge to advocate for appropriate support to Romania and
ensure that such support is utilized effectively.
Question. How will you work with the Government of Romania to
assist their efforts to host and provide support to Ukrainian refugees?
Answer. Romania has welcomed more than two and a half million
refugees from Ukraine, 85,000 of whom remain in the country. Romania
has created a significant humanitarian assistance apparatus to
facilitate the entry, processing, and transit for the large number of
refugees who have entered since Russia's full-scale invasion. Through
the State Department's Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration,
the United States has provided more than $40 million to international
humanitarian organizations in Romania supporting refugees from Ukraine.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to prioritize these and
other avenues of support and ensure that any U.S. assistance is
impactful and spent well.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you work with the Government of
Romania to assess their needs and help provide backfill for military
stocks that have been donated to Ukraine?
Answer. Romania has been a strong backer of international efforts
to support Ukraine. Russia's unprovoked, full-scale invasion of Ukraine
has stretched Romania's resources, as it has the resources of many
countries in the region. Romania would benefit from U.S. assistance,
above all in Foreign Military Financing. Romania received $86.3 million
in the second Ukraine supplemental to help deter and defend against the
increased threat from Russia. Assistance would also be useful to
address disinformation, bolster civil society, and fight corruption. If
confirmed as Ambassador, I would advocate for appropriate U.S. support
for Romania, and I will ensure that any U.S. assistance is impactful
and spent well.
Question. The war on Ukraine has also given increased attention to
the Black Sea. Romania, along with Bulgaria and Turkey, are Black Sea
littoral states who are also members of NATO. The other three littoral
states, Ukraine, Russia, and Georgia, are not NATO members.
Do you believe that the U.S. has placed enough importance on the
Black Sea region?
Answer. There is no question that the biggest threat to the Black
Sea region is Russia's continued aggression. I understand the
Administration is working across the inter-agency to develop an
approach that addresses the United States' vital long-term interests in
the region. The first priority must be to ensure Ukraine prevails in
this war. At the same time, the Administration can continue and deepen
our already multifaceted engagement in the region. The United States
and NATO have expanded our presence in Black Sea littoral countries
since February 24. The United States is headquartering a new Brigade
Combat Team in Romania. The administration has tripled the number of
U.S. troops in Romania since the start of the war and has redoubled
efforts to support Romania's defense modernization.
I understand the Administration is also already thinking longer-
term about how to ensure a Black Sea region that is free and
prosperous. The United States is working with our Black Sea partners to
diversify energy sources away from a reliance on Russian oil and gas.
If confirmed, I commit to continuing to work with Congress, the
interagency, and our Allies and partners within the Black Sea region as
we continue to address the region's needs.
Question. What are the most effective ways Romania can further its
defense cooperation with the U.S. and NATO?
Answer. Romania is a stalwart NATO Ally, a frontline country in
Russia's aggression in Ukraine, a member of the Global Coalition to
Defeat ISIS, and a consistent supporter of our highest-priority
international security policies. Romania meets its fair share of common
defense burdens by consistently allocating 2 percent of its GDP to
defense spending--and pledged an increase to 2.5 percent in 2023.
Romania has 123 active Foreign Military Sales cases valued at $4.7
billion and currently hosts approximately 3,000 U.S. military personnel
in country, including a rotational Brigade Combat Team announced by
President Biden at the June NATO Summit in Madrid. Romania also hosts a
NATO Battlegroup led by the French, which was approved at the March 24
NATO Summit. If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our already strong
security partnership in the face of Russia's further invasion of
Ukraine.
Question. How will you respond to Romania's requests for a stronger
forward presence from the U.S. and NATO?
Answer. I understand that Romania has been vocal about the need for
a stronger, more unified EU-NATO stance against Russia's encroachment
in the region. The administration's recent decision to headquarter a
Brigade Combat Team in Romania underscores U.S. resolve to anchor our
presence on NATO's Eastern Flank. The United States continues to work
with our Allies at NATO on force posture positioning as the security
situation on the ground evolves.
Question. How will you support economic engagement between Romanian
and U.S. business sectors?
Answer. The Romanian market has excellent potential and Romanians
are generally pro-American and very favorably disposed to U.S. products
and services. Romania welcomes all forms of foreign investment. Its
strategic location, membership in the EU, sizable domestic market,
relatively well-educated workforce, competitive wages, and abundant
natural resources make it a desirable, relatively low-cost foothold for
accessing the wider EU, Central Asia, and Near East markets. If I am
confirmed as ambassador, promoting greater economic engagement and
assisting U.S. businesses in Romania will be a top priority. Business
plays an important role in fostering prosperity and bringing people
together. I will be personally involved in advocating and supporting
our companies to promote prosperity for the American people.
Question. What are the perceived risks to western investment, and
how can they be mitigated?
Answer. I understand that a number of challenges to the business
climate persist, despite reforms and some improvements. Romania has
made significant strides in combatting corruption, but this remains an
ongoing challenge. The Romanian Government still plays an oversized
role in the economy in terms of employment and ownership of assets.
State-owned enterprises shape many sectors as dominant customers,
suppliers, or competitors. If I am confirmed as ambassador, assisting
U.S. businesses in Romania will be a top priority. I will work closely
with the U.S. Department of Commerce, if confirmed, to ensure that the
full resources of the U.S. Government are used to advocate for and
support U.S. companies to promote prosperity for the American people.
Question. What sectors do you see as potential areas of growth for
U.S.-Romania business ties?
Answer. U.S. firms have invested billions of dollars in Romania
since the fall of communism, and there are many opportunities for
greater bilateral trade and investment--especially in the defense,
energy, IT, transportation, film, and agricultural sectors. If
confirmed, I will encourage Romania to implement policies and practices
to improve its business and investment climate, foster a stronger
environment for entrepreneurship and innovation, and unlock its
potential. Romania has enormous economic potential and a positive
economic story to tell. If confirmed, I will work to improve Romania's
visibility to U.S. exporters and investors.
Question. What role, if any, do you see the U.S. Development
Finance Corporation playing in stimulating western investment in
Romania?
Answer. The U.S. Development Finance Corporation (DFC) is an
important partner in stimulating investment overseas, including in
Romania. It is my understanding that the DFC can play a role in the
context of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI), which aims to strengthen
North-South infrastructure on the EU's eastern flank in energy,
transportation, and digital infrastructure, as well as outside of the
3SI context, directly in bilateral financing. Romania is an active
participant in 3SI and will host the 2023 summit. If confirmed, I
commit to using the full range of U.S. Government tools, including
collaboration with the DFC, to advance our economic goals in Romania.
Question. While Romania has a lower dependence on Russia for its
energy supplies, how can the U.S. help further increase its energy
security?
Answer. Romania is a strong proponent of energy security in Europe
and has prioritized support for vulnerable neighbors like Moldova since
the beginning of Russia's war against Ukraine. The United States and
Romania have a strong partnership on energy, and I understand that
Romania is working hard to reduce its reliance on Russian oil and
natural gas in ways that meet our shared climate objectives.
In partnership with the United States, Romania plans to double its
nuclear energy capacity in the coming decade by building two additional
reactors at the Cernavoda nuclear power plant by 2031 and by hosting a
``first-of-its-kind'' small modular reactor (SMR) by 2028 or 2029. This
expansion of Romania's nuclear power program will bolster Romania's
energy security and reduce its reliance on Russian oil and natural gas
in ways that meet our shared climate objectives. Once these projects
are completed, Romania will be able to export more electricity to
Moldova and Ukraine. The United States is also assisting Romanian
policy makers and regulators in developing the administrative capacity
for offshore wind, hydrogen, and geothermal energy.
If confirmed, I commit to continuing to support U.S.-Romania energy
cooperation to advance our energy security goals.
Question. How can the U.S. and Romania work together to reduce
dependence on Russian for energy supplies in the region?
Answer. Romania's significant and diverse domestic energy resources
provide it greater energy security than many of its neighbors. Romania
supports energy diversification efforts and is uniquely positioned to
bolster European energy security with its potential to increase energy
supply from the Black Sea. The United States and Romania are working
together to develop alternate sources of energy including through civil
nuclear cooperation and building Romania's capacity for offshore wind,
hydrogen, and geothermal energy.
Romania also plays a critical role in helping neighbors like
Moldova reduce dependence on Russian energy sources. Natural gas
carrier Transgaz built reverse flow capacity with Bulgaria and Hungary,
and a pipeline from the Romanian border to Chisinau, providing a
potential alternative gas route for Moldova. If confirmed, I will
continue these efforts to foster greater U.S.-Romanian energy
cooperation.
Question. How will you work with your State Department and
interagency colleagues to coordinate U.S. economic engagement with
Romania across the Balkans and greater Eastern European region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues at Mission
Bucharest, in Washington, and in the region to build on the already
strong economic relationship between the United States and Romania. One
vehicle for expanded regional economic cooperation is offered by the
Three Seas Initiative (3SI), which aims to strengthen North-South
infrastructure on the EU's eastern flank in energy, transportation, and
telecommunications. The Initiative now includes 12 countries across the
Balkans and greater Eastern Europe region. Romania is an active
participant and will host next year's summit.
The U.S. Government strongly supports the 3SI, as it fosters
regional prosperity and security, making its members stronger partners
of the United States and more effective partners in building a Europe
strong and free. If confirmed, I will support 3SI efforts as well as
other regional efforts to build interconnectivity and economic
cooperation.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Bucharest?
Answer. My understanding from the State Department is that, despite
the challenges posed by COVID and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, morale
is high, and the Mission is well-run. I am aware that following
Russia's full-scale February invasion of neighboring Ukraine, the
Mission has been called upon to do much more and has risen to the
challenge. If confirmed, I will make it my priority to nurture and
maintain high morale through open communication, frequent consultation,
and listening to all employees as valued members of the team.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bucharest?
Answer. In my experience, building and sustaining high morale among
team members is critical to the effectiveness of the Mission. If
confirmed, upon arrival I intend to meet with all parts of the Mission
community to offer support and encouragement, to understand their
challenges and concerns, to establish regular channels of
communication, and to identify key issues that need to be addressed.
One area which I understand requires early attention is that of the
level of compensation for Locally Employed staff. If confirmed, I will
work with Washington colleagues to ensure that Locally Employed staff
salaries keep up with those of the local labor market. I will strive to
ensure that the Mission has the personnel and tools necessary to
effectively carry out its expanded responsibilities.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bucharest?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to lead an inclusive strategic
planning exercise involving all Mission elements and drawing on
previous planning exercises to ensure that the Mission team has a clear
and unified vision of our goals and priorities. I will also ensure that
there is a process for periodically assessing progress and making
adjustments as needed. I will work with the Embassy management team,
senior staff, and Community Liaison Office to promote open,
constructive communication and an inclusive, welcoming culture in which
creativity and initiative is encouraged and recognized. I will promote
and attend community events, including Town Halls, informal get-
togethers, holiday celebrations, awards ceremonies and other happenings
that contribute to a sense of teamwork and community.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As a manager, I seek to build a team environment in which
employees feel empowered to speak up, offer creative ideas, take
initiative, do work that matters, and be recognized for their
contributions. I am a strong advocate for the principles of diversity,
equity, inclusion, and accessibility, and believe it is important that
every leader and manager in the Mission model these values. As we work
for the American people, we have the responsibility to hold ourselves
to the highest ethical standards. If confirmed, I pledge to create a
positive and productive work environment so we can successfully execute
our mission.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not. It is never acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or in private. Such behavior
undermines morale, reduces productivity, and is never acceptable from
any manager. If confirmed, I pledge to treat all staff at Mission
Bucharest with the utmost respect.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having served myself as a Deputy Chief of Mission, I
understand the importance of establishing a strong, open, and honest
partnership between the Ambassador and Deputy Chief of Mission, as this
relationship is critical to the success of the Mission. As Ambassador,
if confirmed, my intent is to empower my Deputy Chief of Mission as a
chief operating officer to oversee day-to-day Mission management, to
serve as my alter ego, and to act on my behalf in my absence.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission to
serve as the U.S. Embassy's Chief Operating Officer and my closest
advisor. I will count on my Deputy Chief of Mission to offer honest,
sound advice and well-founded recommendations. The position of Deputy
Chief of Mission traditionally ensures its smooth operations and steps
in for the Ambassador when he or she is not available. If confirmed, I
will work closely with my deputy to ensure his or her success.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I agree that accurate, timely, and constructive feedback is
critical to foster morale and encourage high performance, as well as to
encourage improvement. In my previous assignments as a manager, I
always sought to offer constructive feedback, address deficiencies, and
write effective evaluations that accurately reflect the employee's
performance and contributions. If confirmed, I will continue to
prioritize this management imperative.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees, as I have done in my
previous assignments as a manager and a leader.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Romania.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their Missions?
Answer. As a leader and a diplomat, I believe that we must engage
with as many local actors and organizations as possible to advance U.S.
foreign policy and national security objectives. It is my understanding
that our Embassy regularly engages with contacts outside the Mission.
In my previous tour in Romania, I traveled widely throughout the
country to promote our public diplomacy and advance people-to-people
ties. If confirmed, I intend to interact with a wide array of Romanians
around the country and will encourage my team to follow by example.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage all employees at Embassy
Bucharest to get outside the Mission walls, meet with local
populations, and travel widely throughout the country to learn as much
as possible about local issues. We will balance all security
considerations appropriately. My understanding is that the team in
Bucharest regularly travels throughout the country, and I intend to
continue support for these efforts.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Romania?
Answer. The Romanian people admire and respect the United States
and its people and desire closer ties at all levels. The Romanian
people share our democratic principles and values, including respect
for media freedom. As cultural affairs officer in Romania between 2005-
2008, I helped create the vibrant network of ten American Corners
throughout Romania that regularly hold programs to educate Romanians
about American culture and values.
If confirmed, my public diplomacy objectives will mirror my Mission
objectives, namely to leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance
security cooperation, support a free, independent, and diverse press,
counter malign influence, expand free market opportunities between the
United States and Romania, strengthen democratic institutions, and
deepen people-to-people ties. I will work to counter malign influence,
in all its forms, with the variety of tools at our disposal, including
with traditional media, social media, outreach, educational and
capacity building grants and programs, and personal interactions.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Disinformation poses problems throughout the world, and
Romania is no exception. Russia has a long history of disseminating
disinformation to Romania, and currently uses social media, messaging
applications, and other avenues to this end. The messaging is
frequently focused on the drawbacks of Romania aligning itself with the
West.
The amount of disinformation Russia disseminates to Romania has
grown since Russia's further invasion of Ukraine this year, and the
Kremlin's false narratives often accuse Ukraine of poor treatment of
its Romanian minority. Disinformation about vaccines during the COVID
crisis unfortunately discouraged many Romanians from getting
vaccinated. If confirmed, I will engage with the Romanian Government,
civil society, media outlets, and thought leaders ranging from
politicians to journalists to ensure a unified and proactive approach
to countering Russia's disinformation.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to closely coordinate the efforts of public diplomacy professionals in
both Washington and Bucharest to ensure that there is a unified
approach to highlighting key U.S. messages and policies in Romania. The
Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety of different social media
platforms in both English and Romanian to deliver tailored messages on
U.S. foreign policy priorities; promote Embassy activities and events;
provide information on security, voting, and other topics of interest
to U.S. citizens; and communicate with the Romanian public.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to have no higher priority than the
safety and security of the Embassy team and their family members.
President Biden has said that the well-being of American public
servants is of paramount importance to the Administration, and I share
his view. If confirmed, I pledge to make every effort to protect and
care for our personnel serving at the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Bucharest personnel?
Answer. Throughout my career, including my past assignments as Head
of Mission and Deputy Chief of Mission, I have placed a high value on
open communication with those I manage. Effective communication enables
us to operate as one Mission, and I understand that as a leader I set
the tone. If confirmed, I commit to open communication with Mission
Bucharest personnel.
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, Romania was
upgraded to Tier 2 for various efforts to combat and monitor
trafficking in persons. How will you work with the host government and
civil society actors to address these issues if you are confirmed as
Ambassador?
Answer. Romania was upgraded to Tier 2 in the 2022 TIP Report, as
the Government demonstrated improvement in anti-trafficking efforts,
including by investigating more trafficking cases, prosecuting and
convicting more traffickers, and increasing prevention efforts.
However, trafficking remains a significant problem in Romania. Romania
is one of the primary source countries of human trafficking in the EU.
I understand that the U.S. Government works closely with Romania on
law enforcement, judicial training, education, and victim assistance
programs. If confirmed, I will engage frequently with civil society
actors working on trafficking issues and encourage Romanian authorities
to prioritize combating trafficking in persons, intensify victim
identification efforts, collaborate with NGOs, and support trafficking
victims through a victim-centered approach.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Romania?
Answer. The Department of State's Trafficking in Persons report is
an important diplomatic tool for engaging with foreign governments on
efforts to end human trafficking. As Secretary Blinken said on his
message for the 2022 TIP report, human trafficking affects all
countries ``by diminishing and destroying our communities, sense of
security, and the global economy.'' If confirmed, I pledge that Mission
Bucharest will report accurate information as it pertains to the
trafficking situation in Romania.
Question. What efforts, if any, does the Government of Romania
provide to local NGOs to support trafficking victims and to prevent
further trafficking?
Answer. I understand from the 2022 TIP Report that the Government
of Romania implemented a pilot program that authorized funding at the
local level to an NGO for victim services. Additionally, the Government
adopted an emergency ordinance and an action plan aimed at improving
its capacity to assist vulnerable children and other at-risk
populations and investigate various crimes against children, including
trafficking. These efforts contributed to Romania's upgrade to Tier 2.
If confirmed, I pledge to continue the Mission's support for Romania's
efforts to support trafficking victims, hold traffickers accountable,
and prevent future trafficking.
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report,
Romania was identified as generally intolerant of religious freedom,
particularly regarding the treatment of Jewish individuals and
institutions. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the office of the Ambassador-at-Large
for International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. As noted in the State Department International Religious
Freedom report, there have been isolated cases of government
discrimination against minority religious groups in Romania. As in many
countries in the region, antisemitism in Romania tends to manifest as
hate speech (including online hate speech), vandalism, and Holocaust
distortion or conspiracy theories. In May 2021, the Government approved
a two-year national strategy and action plan to combat antisemitism,
xenophobia, radicalization, and hate speech. On November 15, 2021, the
Romanian Senate passed a bill making Holocaust education compulsory for
all high school students by 2023, marking an important step forward for
Holocaust remembrance and education in Romania.
If confirmed, I will advocate for religious freedom and equality of
treatment for all religious groups, and work with the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom, the Special Envoy to Monitor
and Combat antisemitism, and our Romanian Government and NGO partners
to counter antisemitism, anti-Muslim hatred, and other forms of
discrimination against minority religious groups.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Romania was identified
has having significant human rights abuses, including widespread
corruption and cruel and inhuman punishment of individuals by the
Government. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. Advancing human rights is a cornerstone of U.S. foreign
policy and if confirmed I pledge to work closely with the Government of
Romania and with civil society to advocate for human rights
protections.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Civil society plays in important role in advocating for
human rights and reporting human rights violations. I understand our
Embassy already has strong relationships with various civil society
organizations in Romania. As part of my efforts to ensure Embassy staff
are getting out and talking to all members of the local society, if
confirmed, I will encourage my team to proactively meet with civil
society organizations in Romania.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen Ann Kavalec by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Romania's access to the Visa Waiver Program is very
important to Romanian citizens and Americans of Romanian origin.
Romania is a key and steadfast U.S. ally and one of only two EU member
nations whose citizens cannot travel to the U.S. without a visa. How do
you plan to work to change this situation?
Answer. I am aware of Romania's desire to join the U.S. Visa Waiver
Program (VWP) and look forward to Romania joining the program when it
meets the eligibility criteria. If confirmed, I pledge to work with the
Department of Homeland Security, which administers the VWP in
consultation with the State Department, and with the Government of
Romania, as it works to meet the various law enforcement, immigration,
and security requirements for designation into the program. Romania
does not currently meet the Congressionally mandated visitor visa
refusal rate of less than three percent, although this is only one of
many criteria required for designation into the program. Romania's
refusal rate has remained steady around 10 percent over the past
decade.
Question. What role could Romania's oil and natural gas resources
play in bolstering energy security in central and eastern Europe? What
types of projects or support would enable their development and
transportation?
Answer. Romania's significant domestic energy resources provide it
greater energy security than many of its neighbors. Romania produced
8.7 billion cubic meters (bcm) of natural gas and 3.5 million tons of
oil in 2020, ranking fourth for gas production and fifth for oil
production in Europe. With at least 200 bcm of proven natural gas
reserves and 600 million barrels of proven oil reserves, Romania has
potential to bolster European energy security by providing Romania and
other European countries an alternative to Russian oil and gas.
Romania also plays a critical role in helping neighbors like
Moldova reduce dependence on Russian energy sources. Natural gas
carrier Transgaz built reverse flow capacity with Bulgaria and Hungary,
and a pipeline from the Romanian border to Chisinau, providing a
potential future alternative gas route for Moldova.
The United States and Romania have a strong partnership on energy
security and diversification. Business plays an important role in
bringing prosperity to both our nations. Romania has made strides in
improving its investment climate in recent years, although challenges
remain. The United States Government is currently working with U.S.
companies eager to enter Romania's oil and gas market with a view to
investing for the long-term. If confirmed, I pledge to continue
assisting U.S. companies interested in investing in Romania and to
advocate for policies that facilitate foreign investment, including in
the oil and natural gas sector.
Question. Please discuss U.S.-Romania cooperation on nuclear
energy. To what extent could nuclear energy bolster Romania's energy
security?
Answer. In partnership with the United States, Romania plans to
double its nuclear energy capacity in the coming decade by building two
additional reactors at the Cernavoda nuclear power plant by 2031 and
hosting a ``first-of-its-kind'' small modular reactor (SMR) by 2028 or
2029. This expansion of Romania's nuclear power program will bolster
Romania's energy security and reduce its reliance on Russian oil and
natural gas in ways that meet our shared climate and energy security
objectives. Once these projects are completed, Romania will be able to
export more electricity to Moldova and Ukraine. Romania is working with
U.S. SMR designer NuScale on building the SMR, which represents
preeminent U.S. nuclear power technology with a remarkable level of
safety, creates thousands of jobs, strengthens Romanian and European
energy security, and addresses the climate crisis head on.
At COP27, the United States reaffirmed our support for projects to
refurbish the Cernavoda nuclear power plant's Unit 1 and complete
construction of Unit 3 and Unit 4 by delivering letters of interest for
more than $3 billion in financing from EXIM. I pledge to continue this
important cooperation as Ambassador, if confirmed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen Ann Kavalec by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. The PRC is a strategic competitor, and Secretary Blinken has
committed to align our efforts with partners and allies and compete
with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for the
future.
Romania shares our clear-eyed assessment of the PRC and has pushed
back on PRC influence with respect to 5G and nuclear energy issues, and
banned countries, like the PRC, that did not comply with EU rules from
competing in state-owned procurement tenders. Romania has participated
in the PRC's China-CEEC (Central and Eastern European Countries) or
``14 +1'' platform leadership events by sending representatives at the
ministerial or lower levels.
If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to strengthen our
cooperation with Romania to uphold shared values.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Romania
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with Romania
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based order.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Romania?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because
it is the only competitor with the intent and increasingly the
capability to remake the international order. And Beijing's actions
suggest PRC officials have the intention to do so. Romania shares our
skepticism of the PRC and has downgraded its cooperation and actively
pushed back against PRC influence. The United States' approach towards
the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our interests and
values differ and cooperating with them when they align. If confirmed,
I will support the Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. Last month, we saw what was widely suspected to be
Russian missile attack on Polish territory. Had this been true, we
would have been in a situation where a NATO ally would invoke Article 5
and we would need to respond and uphold our treaty commitments to
defend NATO territory. Thankfully, the Polish Government kept its cool,
waited for all information to come in, and determined that it was
shrapnel from a Ukrainian air defense missile. It is a tragedy,
nonetheless, for the two Polish victims and their families, but not a
cause for potential nuclear war. Romania, like Poland, is a NATO ally
that has an extensive border with Ukraine.
If confirmed, how would you handle a situation where there is
reasonable suspicion that Russia has attacked Romania?
Answer. Secretary Blinken has reiterated that the United States has
full confidence in the Polish Government's investigation of the
explosion near their border with Ukraine and commended them for the
professional and deliberate manner in which they are conducting it. It
is clear that the party ultimately responsible for this tragic incident
is Russia. Ukraine had--and has--every right to defend itself. Romania
shares a land border with Ukraine and is a Black Sea littoral state,
and it has been vocal about the need for a unified NATO stance against
Russia's encroachment in the region. I understand there are currently
nearly 5,000 NATO Allied troops in Romania. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with Romania and other NATO Allies to develop our
response to Russia's unprovoked and horrific war and, if necessary,
uphold our Article 5 commitments.
Question. What is your assessment of the Romanian Government's
ability to respond in the same way Poland had last month?
Answer. Romania is a steadfast NATO Ally and partner. We have a
close and collaborative security relationship and Romania has been
united with us and other NATO Allies on NATO's response to Russia's
invasion of Ukraine. The explosion that led to the tragic deaths of two
Polish citizens recently in Przedowow highlighted the importance of
continued, close coordination among NATO Allies. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with Romania and our other NATO Allies to encourage
unity in our response to Russia's continued aggression.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to advise the Romanian
Government to convey to the Russians the disastrous mistake they would
make should they attempt an attack on NATO?
Answer. Romania is an enthusiastic supporter of a strong and united
NATO. Romanians view Russia as their greatest threat, a view that has
been shaped by history and Russia's repeated incursions into
historically Romanian territory. Romania understands that now is not a
time for business as usual with Russia. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Romanian Government to ensure NATO Allies speak with
one voice in condemning Russia's aggression.
Question. Putin's war in Ukraine has wreaked a tremendous
humanitarian cost on the people of Ukraine. Not least among these is
the issue of orphans, many of whom were in the middle of the process to
be adopted by American families. Several of my constituents across the
State of Florida are worried about the safety of the children they have
selflessly committed to welcoming into their families. I understand
that the Ukrainian Government had relocated these orphans to facilities
in Romanian. My office has received reports that these facilities are
lacking compared to those in Ukraine and the United States.
If confirmed, what will you do to ensure the wellbeing of these
orphans in Romanian while they wait until it is safe again to
resume intercountry adoptions?
Answer. The United States fully recognizes and respects concerns
and desires to care for these children in need. If confirmed, I would
do everything in my power to work with the Romanian authorities to
ensure the well-being of any Ukrainian children in Romanian care and
destined for U.S. adoption. As the Government of Ukraine is the legal
guardian of the refugee orphans, we must defer to Ukraine in its
authority over decisions about the best interests of their citizens.
We understand many families seek to bring children in the process
of being adopted to the United States temporarily for their safety. The
Department does not have the ability to facilitate the transfer of
Ukrainian children to the United States or other countries outside of
the adoption process in compliance with U.S. and Ukrainian laws that
govern adoption and immigration.
Question. Last year, Romania passed a law, similar to my Secure
Equipment Act, that banned Huawei from entering the Romanian telecoms
market. While this is a great first step more is needed to protect the
integrity of Romania's telecommunications networks from companies
controlled by the Chinese Communist Party.
If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Romania to adopt
policies that also ban Tiktok, Hikvision, ZTE and other CCP-
controlled companies?
Answer. Romania has shown great leadership in pushing back on PRC
influence with respect to 5G and nuclear energy issues, and on banning
countries, like the PRC, that did not comply with EU rules on competing
in state-owned procurement tenders. As you note, in 2021, Romania
passed legislation that banned untrusted vendors from its 5G
infrastructure. In October, the Romanian Government finalized
regulations for a new investment screening committee, modeled off the
process facilitated by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the
United States (CFIUS) to block malign influence. If confirmed, I will
actively seek opportunities to strengthen our cooperation with Romania
to uphold shared values and promote rules-based economic cooperation.
Question. How can the U.S. work with the Three Seas Initiative and
other regional fora to provide alternative sources of investment and
financing to improve telecommunications infrastructure in Romania and
other European countries?
Answer. I understand that Romania is an enthusiastic participant in
the Three Seas Initiative (3SI), which aims to strengthen North-South
infrastructure on the EU's eastern flank in energy, transportation, and
telecommunications. Romania invested 20 million euros in the 3SI
Investment Fund and will also host the next 3SI summit in 2023.
The U.S. Government strongly supports the Three Seas Initiative;
the U.S. Development Finance Corporation has agreed to provide up to
$300 million in financing to the 3SI Investment Fund. The Three Seas
Initiative fosters regional prosperity and security, making its members
stronger partners of the United States and more effective partners in
building a Europe strong and free. It also creates important
opportunities for U.S. businesses. If confirmed, I will urge Three Seas
member countries to focus on concrete outcomes that will position the
Initiative as a platform for meaningful action.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kathleen Ann Kavalec by Senator Todd Young
Question. What role could Romania's oil and natural gas resources
play in bolstering energy security in central and eastern Europe?
Answer. Romania's significant domestic energy resources provide it
greater energy security than many of its neighbors. Romania produced
8.7 billion cubic meters (bcm) of natural gas and 3.5 million tons of
oil in 2020, ranking fourth for gas production and fifth for oil
production in Europe. With at least 200 bcm of proven natural gas
reserves and 600 million barrels of proven oil reserves, Romania has
the potential to bolster European energy security by providing Romania
and other European countries an alternative to Russian oil and gas.
In June 2022, a consortium led by U.S. company Carlyle--Black Sea
Oil and Gas--went online, extracting natural gas from the Black Sea at
a rate of approximately 1 bcm per year, helping to diversify the
region's natural gas supply. State-owned natural gas producer Romgaz
took over ExxonMobil's share in Neptun Deep, a deep-water offshore
natural gas project, in 2022. If Romania develops this offshore bloc,
it could become a net exporter of natural gas to the region.
Romania also plays a critical role in helping neighbors like
Moldova reduce dependence on Russian energy sources. Natural gas
carrier Transgaz built reverse flow capacity with Bulgaria and Hungary,
and a pipeline from the Romanian border to Chisinau, providing a
potential future alternative gas route for Moldova.
Question. What types of projects or support would enable their
development and transportation?
Answer. The United States and Romania have a strong partnership on
energy security and diversification. Business plays an important role
in bringing prosperity to both our nations. Romania has made strides in
improving its investment climate in recent years, although challenges
remain. The United States Government is currently working with U.S.
companies eager to enter Romania's oil and gas market with a view of
investing for the long-term. If confirmed, I pledge to continue
assisting U.S. companies interested in investing in Romania and to
advocate for policies that facilitate foreign investment, including in
the oil and natural gas sector.
Question. There is a growing concern about the vulnerability of
refugees to human trafficking in Romania and elsewhere in the region.
Will you prioritize this issue in your engagement with the Romanian
Government and civil society organizations?
Answer. Secretary Blinken noted at the launch of the Department of
State's 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report that Russia's war against
Ukraine has forced millions of Ukrainians to flee their homes, making
them highly vulnerable to exploitation. Romania has welcomed more than
two and a half million refugees from Ukraine, 85,000 of which remain in
the country. Romania has created a significant humanitarian assistance
apparatus to facilitate the entry, processing, and transit for this
large number of refugees, and through the State Department's Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration, the United States has provided
more than $40 million to international humanitarian organizations in
Romania supporting refugees from Ukraine.
The United States supports Romania's efforts to support trafficking
victims, hold traffickers accountable, and prevent future trafficking.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will prioritize this important issue in
my engagements with the Romanian Government and civil society
organizations and continue our efforts to combat trafficking.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bijan Sabet by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Prague?
Answer. My understanding is that morale at U.S. Embassy Prague is
good, though challenges with retention of local staff due to salaries
not keeping up with the local labor market have put a strain on many
sections. With Russia's war against Ukraine impacting the Czech
Republic and other nearby EU member states, the Czech Republic holding
the Council of the EU presidency since July 2022, and numerous high-
level visits to Prague, I understand the Mission's workload has grown,
and the team has stepped up to meet the challenge. If confirmed, I will
prioritize morale throughout the Mission, advocate for increases to
Locally Employed Staff salaries that keep up with the labor market and
focus on strategies for improving retention.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Prague?
Answer. If confirmed, I will bring my experience, energy,
creativity, and leadership to Embassy Prague. One of my first actions
will be to meet the entire Embassy team, and I will mentor employees to
prioritize objectives, seek creative ways to address challenges, and
focus on efficiency. I will lead by example and hold myself to the same
standard expected of the entire team. I understand that great ideas can
come from all parts of an organization and all levels, and I will
listen to the Embassy team. I will demonstrate my openness to
respectful differences of opinion and will encourage the highest level
of professionalism. If confirmed, I will work closely with the senior
staff, Management team, and Community Liaison Officer (CLO) to promote
a collegial atmosphere and I will maintain open, transparent
communication. I pledge to hold regular Town Hall meetings, consult
with all staff (both U.S. Direct Hires and Locally Employed Staff), and
convey my appreciation for the work they do to advance U.S. foreign
policy goals. I will advocate for Locally Employed staff salaries that
keep up with the labor market and focus on strategies for improving
retention. I will also support employees by prioritizing wellness and
mental health.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Prague?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure all team members at all levels
of the Embassy understand the strategic priorities of the
Administration, the Mission, and the Department. I commit to ensure all
in the Embassy understand their role in advancing these priorities and
receive sufficient support in carrying out those responsibilities. My
management style is active and engaged, and I will make sure that
everyone at U.S. Embassy Prague knows that my open-door policy is
genuine and that I am readily available. I will always prioritize a
``one team'' culture. If confirmed, I will continuously engage with the
entire Embassy Team to articulate objectives, measure performance,
provide constructive feedback, and deliver operational excellence.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have developed a management approach throughout my career
that embraces three key elements: active listening, leading by example,
and an ongoing commitment to foster a deep team alignment around a
well-understood mission and purpose. I have also learned that the best
ideas can often come from all areas of an organization and commit to
creating a team-oriented environment. I am also a strong proponent of
open communication and ensuring that people are recognized for the
important work they do. This includes ensuring that members of the team
have opportunities to grow and further develop skills in order to
advance their careers.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Berating subordinates undermines morale, reduces
productivity, and is never acceptable from any leader. If confirmed, I
will treat employees with the utmost respect and expect all within the
Embassy to do the same. I will not waiver from maintaining this
standard of workplace conduct.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect to build a positive working
relationship based on trust and mutual respect with the Deputy Chief of
Mission. I will empower her to serve as the Mission's chief operating
officer, delegate when appropriate, and ensure she successfully leads
the Mission when I am not available. At the same time, I will remain
personally accountable for the Mission's success.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of
Mission to ensure the effective management of U.S. Embassy Prague and
to advance U.S. priorities in the Czech Republic, including: protecting
the safety and security of U.S. citizens, deepening our economic ties,
and advancing our shared political priorities. Coming from the private
sector, I will rely on her expertise for many matters related to the
inner workings of an effective U.S. Embassy, and will consult closely
with her on all bilateral issues.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes, I absolutely believe this. Candid and comprehensive
performance reviews are essential for employees to know where they
stand and for them to understand where they need to improve. If
confirmed, I commit to proactively learning about the Department's
Employee Evaluation Report (EER) process. It is also important for
supervisors to make clear what the expectations are and to give
continuous constructive feedback. If confirmed, I will place a high
priority on proactively providing accurate, constructive feedback to
senior staff and ensure they do the same for their teams.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. I fully support these principles and, if confirmed, I
pledge to provide my employees clear, accurate, and direct feedback. If
confirmed, I will ensure employees receive a clear assessment of their
performance, including specific acknowledgment of achievement and
concrete areas for improvement. This kind of communication and feedback
is fundamental to a high functioning and healthy work environment.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Greece.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Creating people-to-people ties is one of the best ways not
only to conduct business but to build relationships between our nations
and advance U.S. interests. In an environment where disinformation is
prevalent, it is especially essential to receive first-hand information
from government counterparts and the citizens of the Czech Republic. If
confirmed, I pledge to meet with communities throughout the Czech
Republic, and I will ensure the Embassy team follows my example of
proactive outreach.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that outreach to diverse
populations and regions is a core component of the Embassy's
responsibilities. I will encourage Embassy staff to engage with the
broadest cross-section of communities across the Czech Republic and
will ensure that U.S. diplomats under my authority can do so safely.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Czech
Republic?
Answer. The majority of Czech citizens see the U.S.-Czech
relationship as strong. Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine,
Czech public opinion has become more strongly pro-Western; one non-
governmental organization's survey reported 87 percent of Czechs
support remaining in NATO, a significant increase from last year.
Czech media is free and independent; however, business and politics
often intersect, resulting in several large media conglomerates. If
confirmed, I will continue the Mission's goals of supporting free
media, including supporting the Czech Republic in its Summit for
Democracy pledge to strengthen the independence of Czech public media
through sustainable financing and protection from political influence
while supporting independent journalists.
If confirmed, I pledge to meet regularly with a wide range of
Czechs--in person, on social media, via the traditional press--to
improve their views of the United States and the importance of the
Transatlantic relationship.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. A significant challenge in the Czech Republic is
disinformation. Russia has a long history of disseminating
disinformation to the Czech Republic and the wider region, using social
media, messaging applications, and other avenues. This disinformation
is frequently focused on the drawbacks of the Czech Republic aligning
itself with the West. If confirmed, I would continue to engage with the
Czech Government, civil society, and the broader public to ensure a
unified and proactive approach to counter Russian disinformation.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to closely coordinate the efforts of public diplomacy professionals in
both Washington and the Czech Republic to ensure there is a unified
approach to highlighting key U.S. messages and policies in the Czech
Republic. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety of
different social media platforms in both English and Czech to deliver
tailored messages on U.S. foreign policy priorities; promote Embassy
activities and events; provide information on security, voting, and
other topics of interest to U.S. citizens; and communicate with the
Czech public.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. I understand these incidents are an absolute priority for
the Department, and they would be an absolute priority for me if I am
confirmed. I have no higher priority than the safety of the members of
Embassy Prague and their family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Prague personnel?
Answer. Yes. I believe open and transparent communication is
critical for a healthy and efficient workplace, and leadership should
set the example for that. This is particularly true in the context of
anomalous health incidents.
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, the Czech
Republic was identified as Tier 1 for sustained efforts to combat human
trafficking, but did fall short in accurately identifying trafficking
victims. How will you work with the host government and civil society
actors to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Czech interlocutors understand
the United States is committed to combating trafficking in persons in
the Czech Republic and beyond. While the Czech Government has
demonstrated serious and sustained effort to combat human trafficking,
there are still concerns with inadequate collection of trafficking data
and ineffective screening of vulnerable populations, such as asylum-
seekers and migrant workers. New trafficking risks have emerged since
February 2022 with the arrival of refugees from Ukraine, most of whom
are women and children. If confirmed, I will encourage the Czech
Government to increase proactive identification and assistance for
victims. If confirmed, I will lead Mission Prague to develop and
implement both short- and long-term strategies of engagement with
government officials, business leaders, and civil society in the Czech
Republic.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in the Czech
Republic?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to pursue opportunities for
the United States to share its expertise to strengthen the Czech
Republic's capacity to address human trafficking. If confirmed, I
commit to reporting accurate information as it pertains to the reality
of the trafficking situation in the Czech Republic.
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report, the
Czech Republic was identified as lacking societal respect for religious
freedom with noted violent incidents against ethnic and religious
minorities. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with office of the Ambassador-at-Large for
international religious freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Czech constitution provides for the protection of the
freedom of religion or belief, and there are not major religious
freedom issues. Societal anti-Muslim sentiment and antisemitism are not
uncommon, however. If confirmed, I will commit to working with the
Czech Government, faith leaders, civil society, and internally with the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and Special
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism to proactively address these
issues.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, the Czech Republic was
identified as having significant human rights abuses, including
violence against women and threats of violence against minorities,
including the Romani.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. Human rights issues of concern in the Czech Republic
include crimes and threats of violence against members of the Roma
community, lack of accountability for violence against women due to
limitations within the Czech legal framework, and legal disparities
that remain for same-sex couples. Continuing the legacy of former
president Vaclav Havel, the Czech Government has prioritized human
rights and strives to serve as a worldwide leader. In May, the Czech
Republic was elected to take Russia's vacated U.N. Human Rights Council
(UNHRC) seat. Since Russia's February 2022 full-scale invasion of
Ukraine, the Czech Republic has also provided resettlement assistance
to hundreds of Russian and Belarusian civil society activists and
journalists to continue their work in Prague. U.S. Embassy Prague
actively supports human rights through advocacy, awareness raising, and
direct support to non-governmental organizations. If confirmed, I will
continue to prioritize respect for human rights as a shared value of
the bilateral relationship.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Prague actively supports human rights through
advocacy, awareness-raising, and direct support to non-governmental
organizations. If confirmed, I will work with Embassy Prague and the
Czech Government to proactively address the continued marginalization
of the Czech Republic's Roma minority.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bijan Sabet by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in the National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken has stated, we will invest at home, align
our efforts with partners and allies, and compete with the PRC to
defend our interests and build our vision for the future. Alongside the
United States, the Czech Republic has been clear-eyed on the threat the
PRC poses. If confirmed, I would work to deepen ties between Washington
and Prague and leverage the inherent advantages of our democracies to
ensure the international system remains rooted in democratic values,
not authoritarian ones.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in the National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences its behavior even as we compete with it. The United States'
approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our
interests and values differ and cooperating with them when they align.
If confirmed, I will continue working closely with the Czech Republic
to strengthen our shared values of democracy and support for the rules-
based international order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Competition is the defining feature of our relationship
with the PRC. The United States is open to cooperation with Beijing
when interests intersect, and where the world expects the United States
to do so as a responsible global power. Potential areas of cooperation
include climate change, global health security, counterproliferation,
and counternarcotics.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Czechia?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes
clear, and as Secretary Blinken stated, the People's Republic of China
(PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because it is
the only competitor with the intent, and increasingly the capability,
to remake the international order. Beijing's actions suggest PRC
officials have the intention to do so. The Czech Republic shares our
skepticism of the PRC and has downgraded its cooperation and actively
pushed back against PRC influence, including by enacting a foreign
investment screening law. The United States' approach towards the PRC
focuses on competing where our interests and values differ and
cooperating with it when they align. If confirmed, I will support the
Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. In recent weeks, Czechia has seen a growing number of
conflicting protests regarding assistance to Ukraine. Several tens of
thousands of people have gathered in Prague for both anti-Ukraine
protests, as well as pro-Ukraine protests. While the Czech Government
remains broadly supportive of continuing assistance to Ukraine, these
protests reflect a growing division in Czech society. It is paramount
that Europe maintains the will to provide assistance to Ukraine so that
the United States and its Pacific allies have the bandwidth to lead the
charge in confronting the CCP in the Indo-Pacific.
If confirmed, what can you do to bolster bipartisan support for
Ukraine assistance within Czech society?
Answer. The Czech Republic has been one of the clearest voices
supporting Ukraine's sovereignty and has contributed over $180 million.
In addition, a Czech public crowdfunding campaign collected over $55
million to purchase military equipment for Ukraine from the Czech
defense industry. The Czech Government has sent more than $15 million
in humanitarian aid to Ukraine, and public Czech donors have collected
over $120 million for humanitarian assistance to Ukraine. Czechs have
opened their homes to over 460,000 refugees from Ukraine. Several
rallies have been held in Prague with tens of thousands of Czechs
demonstrating solidarity with Ukraine and support for democratic
values.
I have also read about the recent protests in Prague and recognize
the concerns of many Czech citizens related to high energy prices and
inflation. If confirmed, I commit to working with the Czech Government
to find solutions to the energy crisis, including working with U.S.
companies, and to continue to build and maintain support for Ukraine
across the Czech political spectrum.
Question. In January, Czechia will hold general elections for its
Presidency and parliament. Based on the local election results in
September, it's likely we'll see a return to power for former Prime
Minister Andrej Babis' ANO party. What implications would a new Babis
Government have on continued Czech support for Ukraine?
Answer. While I cannot predict the outcome of the Czech
presidential election in January, if confirmed, I commit to working
closely with the next Czech president to maintain the long history of
shared commitment to democracy, freedom, and to the strong bilateral
relationship between the Czech Republic and the United States.
Government leaders across all major parties in the Czech Republic have
voiced their unwavering public support for Ukraine, and if confirmed, I
pledge to work closely with all Czech leaders to support the Czech
Republic as it stands with Ukraine.
Question. Since February, the CCP has worked feverishly to create
the facade that it's somehow not complicit in Putin's invasion of
Ukraine. They do this by issuing statements emphasizing their support
for a peaceful resolution and respect for sovereignty. In reality, the
CCP continues to purchase Russian energy and do business with
sanctioned Russian companies. Earlier this year, Latvia and Estonia
both withdrew from the ``Cooperation between China and Central and
Eastern European Countries Initiative,'' also known as the ``16+1,''
which the CCP uses to promote its views within Europe. In August, I
sent a letter to the President, urging the Administration to support
countries that leave the 16+1 and face a CCP economic blockade as a
result.
In June, the Czech Government announced its intention to explore
withdrawing from 16+1. What can you tell me about the status of
the Government's decision to leave this CCP-led international
organization?
Answer. The Czech Republic engages with China diplomatically and
commercially. It is also presently part of the 14+1 framework. Earlier
this year, the Czech Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defense, and
Security unanimously passed a non-binding resolution calling on the
Government to leave the PRC's 14+1 initiative, and my understanding is
that the issue is still under consideration. The Czech Republic has not
been a recipient of major PRC investment, and recent opinion polls show
that Czech attitudes toward the PRC are turning less favorable. Czech
civil society organizations--as well as some officials--are enhancing
cooperation with Taiwan while taking a harder line on the PRC. Under
both the current and previous governments, the Czechs have been leaders
in Europe for expanding international space for cooperation with
Taiwan, particularly economic and academic engagement.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working to persuade the
Czech Government to finalize a decision to withdraw from 16+1?
Answer. The United States supports countries' sovereign right to
shape the contours of their foreign policy. That said, I understand the
State Department has shared concerns with U.S. allies and partners over
the PRC's problematic policies, including in Europe and we have seen
increasing concern among the Czech authorities about the PRC's foreign
policy. The Czech Republic will make its own decision on membership in
the grouping, which is now known as the 14+1 following the departure of
Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia over concerns with problematic PRC
policies, including support for Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine
and economic coercion of Lithuania.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bijan Sabet by Senator Todd Young
Question. Nominees from the private sector often bring a fresh
perspective to their positions. However, they also sometimes chafe
against the sometimes onerous but necessary restrictions of
bureaucracy. How would you work with members of your Mission who may
tell you that certain things cannot be done?
Answer. I have consulted with several highly effective U.S.
Ambassadors who came from the private sector. If confirmed, I will
bring my experience, energy, creativity, and leadership to the Mission.
I will mentor our teams to prioritize objectives, seek creative ways to
address challenges, and focus on operational excellence. If confirmed,
I will promote a team atmosphere and will empower our team through
open, transparent communication to execute our mandate and advance U.S.
interests in the Czech Republic. I pledge to hold regular Town Hall
meetings, consult with all staff (U.S. Direct Hires and Locally
Employed staff), and convey my appreciation for the work they do to
advance U.S. foreign policy goals. With Russia's war against Ukraine
impacting nearby EU states, the Czech Republic holding the Council of
the EU presidency since July 2022, and numerous high-level visits of
late, I understand the Mission has stepped up to meet the challenge. If
confirmed, I will advocate for Locally Employed staff salaries that
keep up with the labor market and focus on strategies for improving
retention.
Question. Can you speak to any personal experience in how you
handled dissent from employees within any of your past ventures?
Answer. I have developed a management approach throughout my career
that embraces three key elements: active listening, leading by example,
and an ongoing commitment to foster a deep team alignment around a
well-understood mission and purpose. I have also learned that the best
ideas can often come from all areas of an organization. The State
Department has a strong interest in facilitating open, creative, and
honest dialogue on foreign policy issues, including the opportunity to
offer alternative or dissenting opinions without fear of penalty.
Whether through informal conversations with me or through more formal
procedures with the Department of State's Dissent Channel, if
confirmed, I commit to supporting all Mission employees in their
ability to express dissenting or alternative views on policy issues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Stephanie Sanders Sullivan by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. There have been a number of coups in Africa since 2020--
two in Mali, two in Burkina Faso, one in Chad, one in Guinea, and one
in Sudan. The African Union (AU) should serve as an important bulwark
against unconstitutional change in Africa. Unfortunately, coups
continue to occur.
What actions is the AU taking--beyond the suspension of some
countries--to deter military coups in Africa, and what role
will you play if confirmed in advocating for consistent
consequences for those who undertake coups and other
unconstitutional changes of government by the AU?
Answer. With limited exceptions, the AU has consistently applied
their policy of suspending countries who suffer from a coup or other
unconstitutional change of government. Following the AU Extraordinary
Summit on Terrorism and Unconstitutional Changes in Government in
Malabo in May 2022, the AU has rededicated efforts to improving
implementation of AU sanctions and enhancing its coordination with the
Regional Economic Communities and Regional Mechanisms (RECs/RMs). We
support these efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what will your role be in advocating for
consistent application of the African Union's own principle of
prohibiting transitional leaders from serving as candidates in
elections they are responsible for organizing?
Answer. I anticipate being as proactive as possible to reinforce
this principle and to encourage African voices to speak the loudest on
this policy.
Question. What effect has the African Union and international
community's failure to call General Mahamat Deby's unconstitutional
seizure of power a coup had on efforts to advocate for a transition to
a democratically elected, civilian led government in Chad, and what
steps will you take if confirmed to encourage robust engagement by the
AU to support a transition?
Answer. The AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) cited grave
security threats in Chad following the death of President Idriss Deby
in April 2021 to justify allowing an 18-month transition to restore
constitutional government in Chad with clear guidelines that Chad has
since disregarded. If confirmed, I would engage with the AU PSC and its
members to advocate for a strong stance to uphold AU directives
supporting Chad's transition to an elected civilian government.
Question. What message does the AU's failure to call what occurred
in Chad a coup and impose appropriate consequences send to other
military coup leaders, and coup plotters, and what steps will you take
if confirmed to encourage consistent actions by the African Union in
response to coups?
Answer. There are real risks that Chad could set a negative
precedent for the Africa region if it disregards the clear guidelines
issued by the AU PSC and fails to ensure an inclusive and credible
transition to democracy, while still maintaining its AU membership. If
confirmed, I will advocate with the AU and its members to maintain and
apply consistent consequences for unconstitutional changes of
government and to incentivize AU member states to avoid lapses in
constitutional government.
Question. While a number of African leaders have reinforced the
democratic trajectories of their countries by retiring in accordance
with constitutionally mandated term limits, others have plunged their
countries into greater instability and uncertainty by seeking
unconstitutional and illegal third terms. In October, for instance,
Central African Republic (CAR) President Faustin Touadera illegally
removed the President of CAR's Constitutional Court after she declared
Touadera's efforts to engineer a third term unconstitutional. Polling
by the Afrobarometer consistently shows overwhelming public support for
term limits, with more than three-quarters of people across Africa in
favor of holding their presidents to two terms in office.
Given overwhelming public support for term limits and the evident
damage third terms inflict on development, democracy, and
stability across Africa, should the African Union do more to
prevent third term bids?
Answer. A fundamental aspect of a democratic society is successful,
and regular, transitions of power. In recent years, we have witnessed a
growing number of African leaders refusing to step down after their
constitutionally mandated terms have expired, and even changing or
attempting to modify the constitution in order to seek additional terms
in office.
Within its own charters, the African Union condemns and rejects
unconstitutional changes of government. And leaders across the
continent have echoed such concerns. For example, in July, Botswana co-
hosted a Summit on Constitutionalism and Democratic Consolidation with
the National Democratic Institute. The summit concluded by issuing the
Gaborone Declaration in Support of Constitutionalism and Democratic
Consolidation, which commends the peaceful transfer of executive power
through credible and inclusive elections and the strengthening of
democratic practices in a number of African countries. If confirmed, I
will encourage African Union counterparts to leverage similar events to
advance our shared commitment to meaningful democratic processes and
regular transitions of power that reflect the will of the people.
Question. What steps should the African Union take to dissuade
Touadera and other leaders from seeking third terms?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the AU to elevate recent
democracy success stories, such as those of countries that have
recently completed their first peaceful, democratic transfer of power;
those who are long-standing democracies; those whose leaders are
reinvigorating the fight against corruption; and those where democratic
institutions have been tested and prevailed. U.S. partnership with the
AU, member states, civil society, and like-minded international actors
presents the best way to push back against this antidemocratic tide so
countries can enjoy long-term stability to advance inclusive economic
growth, create jobs, and improve health and livelihoods.
Question. What should be the consequences for leaders who insist on
undoing their constitutions to remain in office?
Answer. The United States remains committed to democratic
institutions and processes. It is ultimately up to the people in
African nations to decide the future of their country, which should be
done through a consultative, free and fair, and transparent process.
The United States believes in regular, democratic transitions of power,
which yield more accountability, stronger institutions, more
constructive citizen participation in the political process, and less
corruption.
Question. What is the African Union's position on the presence of
foreign mercenaries in Africa? Russian mercenaries working for the
Kremlin-backed Wagner Group are present in Mali, the Central African
Republic, Sudan, and elsewhere in Africa. Ethiopian Prime Minister
Abiy, meanwhile, invited Eritrean mercenaries into Ethiopia to fight
the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) in northern Ethiopia. Both
groups--Wagner and the Eritreans--are responsible for perpetrating
gross violations of human rights alongside the national armies they are
aligned with. What steps has the African Union taken to hold these
mercenaries, and the governments that hired them, responsible for these
abuses?
Answer. The African Union Peace and Security Council has recognized
the threat mercenaries and foreign-backed forces pose to peace and
stability on the continent and has convened a working group to design a
framework for regulating the best practices vis a vis private military
companies (PMCs), recognizing many countries have a legitimate interest
in seeking external support to resolve security issues. This is a
serious and sincere effort to which the AUPSC has devoted their own
resources, rather than being an initiative driven by external donor
funds. We fully support this effort.
Question. What will be your top priorities as Ambassador to the
African Union? What specific steps will you take to encourage the AU to
do more to prevent democratic backsliding, establish accountability for
human rights abuses, and resolve conflicts?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the AU to coordinate
continued efforts to strengthen democratic principles and institutions
on the continent. At the core of our efforts will be the promotion of
transparent, effective, and accountable governments, with institutions
that both empower citizens and respond to citizens' aspirations, while
simultaneously addressing backsliding and human rights abuses. Strong,
accountable, and democratic institutions, sustained by a deep
commitment to respect for human rights and access to justice for all
people, generate greater prosperity, deliver tangible benefits, and
meet with greater success in ensuring peace, while enhancing U.S.
security and economic partnerships. One of the great successes of our
partnership with the African Union is the progress we have made in the
health sector. The United States has supported the Africa Centres for
Disease Control and Prevention CDC (Africa CDC) since 2015, when former
Secretary Kerry and then-AUC Chairperson Zuma signed a memorandum of
cooperation on the Africa CDC to formalize cooperation, including
technical assistance exchanges between the U.S. CDC and the AUC. I
endeavor to continue building on this important cooperation.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As Ambassador to Ghana, in the runup to Ghana's December
2020 elections, I emphasized to all parties the importance of peaceful,
free and fair elections, subsequent to political violence at a by-
election in January 2019. When the opposition candidate refused to
concede the election, I urged him to advance his concerns through
available legal avenues, which defused a charged situation. I also
urged the Government of Ghana to investigate election-related deaths.
These investigations were ongoing at the time I departed Ghana in April
2021.
On the human rights front, I spoke out publicly and privately about
a free and responsible media, including the importance of pursuing the
investigation of the murder of investigative journalist Ahmed Hussein-
Soule in January 2019. The investigation was ongoing at the time I
departed Ghana in April 2021.
I raised a pride flag at my residence in June 2021, an act of
solidarity with the beleaguered LGBTQI+ community which attracted
months of threatening social media messages from a local religious
figure. My team and I remained steadfast in our support for the
community and continued to raise concerns (with leaders of the
executive and legislative branches) about the sweeping draft homophobic
legislation that private members (rather than the government)
introduced in Parliament several weeks later. Ghana's Attorney General
has since issued an opinion that several provisions of the draft are
unconstitutional.
While Ambassador to the Republic of Congo, I made numerous private
demarches (including related to AGOA eligibility and our annual reports
on Human Rights, Trafficking in Persons, and Child Labor) and public
statements and speeches in support of respect for human rights, free
and fair elections, democracy, respect for the constitution and rule of
law, as well as freedom of expression and association, as well as
ending trafficking in persons and child labor. I believe that as a
result of my actions and those of others, the Republic of Congo's new
constitution (of 2015, replacing that of 2002) included term limits
(when early indications were that there would be no term limits),
although the term limitation for the incumbent president was reset. I
raised these topics with officials from other sub-Saharan countries
both as Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
and as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central Africa.
At Embassy Brazzaville, I created an Eligible Family Member
position of human rights specialist in the political section. This
enabled our Human Rights Report to be provide greater insights on the
human rights situation outside the major cities, in particular with
regard to the indigenous Baka people. Also in Brazzaville, I continued
the annual African American film festival, which showed U.S. films that
modeled peaceful civic action and persistence in the face of
discrimination. I initiated an annual film festival promoting a free
and responsible media for press freedom day, which led to the
commitment on the part of the Government of the Republic of Congo to
hold a national stocktaking of the state of the media. I revived and
advanced a multi-year project to have Voice of America transmit in
Brazzaville, which will provide a credible source of information in a
largely government-controlled media landscape; the transmission debuted
in July 2018.
I organized Embassy election observation missions during my tenure
in Cameroon, Ghana (twice), and the Republic of Congo, and supported
other observation efforts from the Bureau of African Affairs. In part
as a result of these efforts, countries knew that the United States
valued peaceful and credible processes and that the United States was
paying close attention.
While in Ghana as Political Chief, after I saw multiple reports of
police killings via ``stray bullets,'' I spearheaded a proposal for
community policing training, that was approved and conducted during my
time at post. I also became aware of a potential attack on a church
service during a period in which there was traditional ban on drumming.
I attended the church service, during which a mob attacked the church
with cement blocks. I believe my presence as a U.S. diplomat deterred
the attackers from inflicting worse damage than they did. I
subsequently raised the attack with government officials in the context
of religious freedom.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Africa? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Democratic deficiencies contribute to transnational threats
across the region. Therefore, we must help communities foster
legitimate, inclusive political systems that respect human rights and
the rule of law, reduce fragility, mitigate risks of violent conflict
and instability, deliver services to their citizens, and create
enabling environments for economic growth. The African continent has
made important gains in democracy and institution building over the
last few decades, but those gains have been uneven, are fragile, and
require support.
Repressive laws, often in the name of security, restrict freedoms
of expression and peaceful assembly and undercut efforts to support
nascent civil society. These laws can provide legal cover for
harassment of opposition politicians, journalists, and civil society.
They curb internal dissent, squelch legitimate criticism, and limit the
development of viable political competition, and as a result, fuel
grievances that are sometimes addressed violently.
Although elections are widely accepted as the norm in the region,
meaningful democracy extends far beyond elections. In many countries,
corruption is endemic, and state institutions remain weak. In addition
to corruption, unaccountable public financial management systems
undermine sustainable economic growth and responsive democratic
governance.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to encourage the
African Union to place a strong emphasis on adherence to democratic
principles and the rule of law by member states? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions? What are the potential impediments to
addressing the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the AU, as well as AU member
states, to support democratic institutions, respect for human rights,
accountability, access to justice, and good governance. This includes
supporting and improving the effectiveness of the Department of
Political Affairs, Peace and Security; Office of Legal Counsel; and
other relevant AU organs, all of which play a critical role to promote
democratic values within the AU and the region.
If confirmed, I will also utilize the annual U.S.-AU Commission
High Level Dialogue to advance support for free and fair elections that
are peaceful, inclusive governance, transitional justice, protection of
marginalized populations, and anti-corruption efforts.
There will be challenges. Capacity remains weak and resources
scarce within AU institutions. Leaders of some member states do not
share American values of democracy and respect for human rights, and
thus, achieving consensus within the AU for these issues could be
difficult. If confirmed, I commit to identifying influential decision-
makers who share our values and who can help advocate for them as being
in the best interest of Africa and Africans, by highlighting the impact
on the investment climate, for example.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations and with
human rights NGOs, and other members of civil society who are seeking
to engage with the AU?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society members,
human rights and other non-governmental organizations and with human
rights NGOs who are seeking to engage with the AU, as appropriate. A
robust and diverse civil society able to do its work unhindered is
imperative for a peaceful and prosperous Africa. I will strive to
empower all Africans, with particular emphasis on women and youth, to
constructively shape and participate in inclusive social, political,
and economic environments where they can thrive and contribute to
sustainable economic development.
Question. What steps will you take to encourage the AU to
consistently support genuine political competition in member states?
Answer. A healthy democracy requires free and fair political
processes that are peaceful, as well as checks and balances, a free and
responsible press, respect for human rights, and an engaged civil
society. If confirmed, I will highlight the shared commitment of
African nations articulated in documents such as the African Charter on
Democracy, Elections and Governance as a tool to promote meaningful
political competition and adherence to democratic norms. I will promote
robust engagement with African civil society including youth and
marginalized populations to advance inclusive political and democratic
processes that welcome the voices of all citizens in political debate.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively support more
robust actions by the AU related to violations of member states of
freedom of the press including government efforts designed to control
or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other measures?
Will you commit to meeting with independent press from AU member states
if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to meeting with independent
press from AU member states, as appropriate. A free, responsible press
remain underpinnings for democracies throughout the world, in order to
hold elected officials accountable and foster an informed citizenry.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage on
countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated by malign actors?
Answer. If confirmed, I and my Embassy team will actively engage on
countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated by malign actors.
We are working to counter disinformation through Global Engagement
Center (GEC) counter-disinformation programming across Africa by
working with local African partners to provide counter-disinformation
training for journalists, along with exposing, countering, and building
resiliency to disinformation aimed at undermining the stability and the
integrity of African democratic systems. As disinformation and
manipulation work best in a monopolized information space, I will work
with allies and partners to encourage and promote professional,
balanced, and fact-based reporting while respecting the independence of
the media and expose and counter hostile disinformation campaigns.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage the AU on
speaking out on labor rights, including the right to organize for
independent trade unions in member states?
Answer. The AU has a long-standing memorandum of understanding with
the U.N. International Labor Organization (ILO). Among recent
engagements, in 2021, the African Union (AU), in collaboration with the
International Labour Organization (ILO), launched the International
Year for the Elimination of Child Labour in Africa. Since 2018, the
African Union Commission (AUC), ILO, International Organization for
Migration (IOM), and U.N. Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) have
collaborated on a Joint Program on Labor Migration Governance for
Development and Integration (JLMP). The JLMP identifies challenges in
many African countries. JLMP priorities include delivering improved
migration governance services in cooperation with workers, employers'
organizations, the private sector, recruitment industry and relevant
civil society organizations. The USAU mission supports these efforts
and seeks to contribute to advancing labor sector best practices, in
part through sharing U.S. experiences and expertise.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to defend the
human rights and dignity of all people, no matter their sexual
orientation or gender identity. The safety and security of members of
all marginalized groups, including LGBTQI+ persons, is of the utmost
importance; therefore, I will ensure our approach within the AU, first
and foremost, does no harm. I will also urge the AU to develop
strategies that prioritize regular discussions with local LGBTQI+
communities and civil society partners.
Congressional Consultation
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to the African Union?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that Members of Congress
and/or their staff receive timely briefings when requested, either from
myself or Africa Bureau leadership in Washington.
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility
Question. Earlier this year I convened a hearing on the important
work of the State Department's Chief Diversity Officer and the
important role diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility efforts
play in maintaining our countries' competitive edge on the global
stage. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility at the U.S. Embassy to the African Union?
Answer. I am proud that the U.S. Embassy to the African Union and
our co-located U.S. bilateral Embassy to Ethiopia have a joint
Diversity Equity Inclusion and Accessibility Council (DEIA Council)
that has spent the past year establishing itself and is already
engaging in a range of programming for our community. The DEIA Council
promotes DEIA values and standards by: developing and implementing a
range of programs, practices, and systems to improve and increase
diversity; to promote DEIA training; and build capacity for staff. The
DEIA Council is led by an Executive Committee (EC) comprised of the
council co-chairs, primary and backup treasurer, and the five
subcommittee chairs. The five subcommittees consist of 1) the Data
Analysis & Institutional Policy Reforms Sub-Committee, which analyses
various DEIA workplace metrics, 2) the Inclusive Design & Accessibility
Sub-Committee, 3) the Communications Sub-Committee, 4) the Coordination
Sub-Committee, which coordinates with HR and other Mission
organizations, and 5) the Programs and Events Sub-Committee which
promotes and supports DEIA events, activities, and discussions. Already
during its first year, the DEIA Council has organized conversations on
DEIA values, a Juneteenth celebration, and fundraising events. Strong
unequivocal leadership on DEIA values is critical for progress. I will
demonstrate that leadership, if confirmed, as I did as Chief of Mission
in Accra and Brazzaville. I look forward to working with the DEIA
Council and Embassy community as we promote DEIA values within our
joint Mission community and with our external partners and
interlocutors.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging more equitably in
operations and programming with partners and communities that have
traditionally been marginalized, excluded, or underrepresented.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in our workforce, will you commit to engaging more
equitably in operations and programming, particularly with potential
partners and communities that traditionally have been marginalized,
excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor and partnership
efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local expertise, knowledge,
and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. The State Department relies on new and established
relationships to meet our foreign policy goals; if confirmed, I intend
to continue building upon our ties. For example, I will track the
inclusion of women in USAU representation events and avoid male-only
panels to the extent possible.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Stephanie Sanders Sullivan by Senator James E. Risch
Question. The African Union has mediated peace agreements in
Ethiopia (2022) and the Central African Republic (2019), and South
Sudan (2018), and in 2022 it formed a high-level panel with the U.N.
Secretary-General to respond to security and humanitarian crises in the
Sahel region. The AU also has authorized or otherwise endorsed regional
military interventions that aim to stabilize Somalia, the Sahel, the
Lake Chad Basin, Mozambique, and eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
As U.S. Ambassador, how would you balance U.S. support for AU
leadership on regional peace and security initiatives, while
also responding to instances where AU mediations and military
interventions have led to flawed outcomes?
Answer. We believe strongly in the principle of African solutions
for African problems, and endeavor to support the AU leadership's
efforts to reduce and resolve conflicts. There are few conflicts
worldwide that have a perfectly peaceful resolution; all require
sustained engagement and further mediation after the initial agreement.
In addition, it is crucial for organizations to undertake ongoing
monitoring and evaluation and conduct after action reports in order to
share lessons learned and continuously improve. If confirmed, I would
bring to bear my own experience doing so, particularly with crisis
management in the Operations Center.
Question. What U.S. actions would you advocate in cases where AU
peace mediation efforts have failed to hold regional leaders
accountable for mass atrocities committed during armed conflicts, as in
South Sudan?
Answer. We consistently raise issues of accountability and
transitional justice in the course of our diplomacy and offer technical
and fiscal support as we are able to those lines of effort wherever
they are welcome. If confirmed, I would strongly encourage the AU to
give advance notice of consequences and to follow up with imposition of
consequences as warranted.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, would you encourage a greater AU role
in addressing conflicts in the Sahel and Cameroon? Why or why not?
Answer. African leadership is a necessary component to effectively
address root causes of conflicts on the African continent and finding
sustainable and inclusive solutions. Interventions and solutions
imposed from outside tend to be less effective. If confirmed, I would
engage with AU leadership on its criteria for continuing to defer to
the Regional Economic Communities in the first instance, in line with
the AU principle of subsidiarity, or deciding to engage in specific
conflict resolution efforts at the level of the AU.
Question. Under what conditions, if any, would you advocate a
change in U.S. policy to support the financing of AU peace operations
through U.N. assessed contributions?
Answer. The United States is committed to continued dialogue with
the AU and its member states regarding sustainable and predictable
financing for AU peace operations consistent with the terms outlined
under UNSCR 2320. UNSCR 2320 notes a number of important conditions
with respect to possible U.N. financing for AU peace operations,
including expectations regarding burden-sharing by the AU and
finalization of human rights and conduct and discipline frameworks. If
confirmed, I would pay particular attention to AU progress on these
fronts and report on the status to policymakers in Washington,
accompanied by recommendations developed in consultation with my team.
Question. Please outline your position, and the Administration's,
on the AU's decision to mandate member states' collection of a 0.2
percent levy on imports to finance the AU Peace Fund.
Answer. The United States is committed to continued dialogue with
the AU and its member states regarding sustainable and predictable
financing for AU peace operations and supports the commitments made by
the AU and its member states towards greater burden-sharing in the
context of financing these operations. We understand there are
currently 17 countries using or planning to use the 0.2 percent levy as
a tool to meet their financial obligations as AU member states,
including but not limited to their required contributions to the AU
Peace Fund. The United States is committed to working with our African
partners to achieve these goals through methods that are consistent
with their international obligations, to include their WTO obligations.
Question. Military officers have seized power in several African
countries in recent years, including Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea, Mali,
and Sudan. At least two more African countries have claimed to put down
military coup attempts. The AU's African Charter on Democracy,
Elections and Governance pledges ``condemnation and total rejection of
unconstitutional changes of government.''
As U.S. Ambassador to the AU, what actions will you pursue to
encourage African leaders to uphold their commitments to deter
unconstitutional changes of government, including military coups?
Answer. The dramatic increase in coups and other unconstitutional
changes of government over the past few years highlights how weak
institutions, defined by ineffective governance, endemic corruption, a
lack of genuine accountability, and limits to political participation,
can contribute to the deployment of extraconstitutional means to reset
political cultures. If confirmed, I will work with the African Union
and member states to build and support democratic institutions capable
of meeting the needs of their people. Together, we must continue to
highlight to African leaders that strong, accountable, and democratic
institutions, sustained by a deep commitment to respect for human
rights and access to justice for all people, attract desired foreign
direct investment, generate greater prosperity, deliver tangible
benefits, and meet with greater success in ensuring peace and long-term
stability.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you pursue U.S. efforts to
isolate Russia diplomatically and respond to its malign activities in
Africa?
Answer. The actions of Kremlin-backed forces on the continent and
Russia's violation of the bedrock principles of sovereignty and
territorial integrity, which are enshrined in the U.N. Charter, have
done more to isolate Russia diplomatically than we could hope to
accomplish through rhetoric alone. Many African leaders see that
Russia's rhetoric and disinformation do not match its actions, and that
entities such as the Wagner Group are more interested in extracting
African resources rather than improving local security and prosperity.
Only leaders without viable security alternatives have turned to Wagner
for assistance, and they do so at the cost of their nation. If
confirmed, I will continue to work with African interlocutors to
highlight and contrast our agenda of genuine partnership and prosperity
with Russia's malign intentions.
Question. The People's Republic of China financed the AU's
headquarters in Ethiopia and is reportedly building a new headquarters
for the AU's Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa
CDC). As Ambassador, how would you seek to counter China's influence
within the AU?
Answer. The AU and Africa CDC should seek transparency within every
partnership, including on infrastructure development. If confirmed, I
will continue USAU's work to develop and implement transparent,
respectful, and action-oriented partnerships that are fully aligned
with both USG and AU/Africa CDC standards and priorities. This would
include continuing to draw on U.S. comparative advantages in global
health and development--including leveraging our proven expertise,
programs, and resources in Africa as well as the U.S.'s global
leadership in science, technology, and innovation--to engage with AU
agencies and member states. The AU established a technical working
group to ensure that the construction of the new Africa CDC
headquarters was carried out appropriately, and Africa CDC has
requested that all software--including the building's information and
data management systems--be handled by an independent group to ensure
that it is under the strict oversight of the AU. Africa CDC has yet to
move into the new headquarters but, if confirmed, I will keep a close
eye on how the situation progresses.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission African Union?
Answer. Like at many U.S. Missions, the COVID-19 pandemic affected
morale at USAU, as did the 2021 ordered departure. Despite these
challenges, as I understand it, USAU's interagency team has shown its
resiliency and dedication, maintained high productivity, and worked
together to improve morale--referring to themselves as a ``small but
mighty'' team. If confirmed, I commit to leading a Mission that
prioritizes the morale of its team, and to supporting USDH and PSC
employees as well as locally engaged staff, as I have elsewhere.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission African
Union?
Answer. If confirmed, I will endeavor to continue to improve morale
at USAU by appreciating and empowering my team, providing strategic
direction, and ensuring our Mission has the training and staffing
levels needed for success in the multilateral arena. I would look
forward to working supportively and inclusively with the talented
interagency professionals at USAU as well as with our esteemed
colleagues at the bilateral mission who provide the USAU management
platform.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission African Union?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the staff of
five agencies who make up the USAU team. Together, we will renew our
mission and vision, particularly drawing on the outcomes of the
upcoming U.S.-Africa Leaders' Summit, aligning our objectives
articulated in the U.S. Strategy for Sub-Saharan Africa and the AU's
Agenda 2063. I look forward to drawing on the expertise of my team to
review and improve upon the strategic frameworks of our partnership
with the AU and prioritize activities where we can have the greatest
strategic impact.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Over the course of my 35 years of public service, I have
learned quite a bit on how to manage and empower staff and have
developed an inclusive, servant-leadership style. I believe in
identifying and harnessing the individual strengths and skills of my
staff to contribute to a collaborative effort to achieve U.S.
objectives, whereby the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never appropriate or acceptable to berate
subordinates.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to work closely and collaboratively
with the Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Mission to the African
Union. The role is currently occupied by Mika Cleverley, an experienced
and effective diplomat. If confirmed, I would look forward to working
with him as a full partner and my top advisor, who can fill in for me
internally or externally with my complete confidence and authority.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to entrust the Deputy Chief of
Mission with management of personnel and the administrative platform,
acting Chief of Mission duties when applicable, and assistance in
formulating U.S. policy that will have the greatest impact on our
relationship with the African Union.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. The Department seeks to empower all staff to succeed
throughout their careers and is scrupulous about the need for timely
evaluation reports. If confirmed, yes, I will ensure that supervisors
provide accurate and timely feedback to all employees in a constructive
manner, to help them reach their full potential.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, timely, direct, and effective feedback to all employees.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Ethiopia.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Much of diplomacy relies on interacting directly with
foreign interlocutors. Our highly qualified and motivated team at the
U.S. Mission to the African Union routinely makes key connections with
important contacts outside of the Embassy walls, including with the AU
Commission, AU member states, AU organs and international partners, as
well as think-tanks, academia, and other civil society organizations
focused on AU matters as appropriate, with extensive travel outside
Addis Ababa. The current USAU team has demonstrated superb outreach in
building relationships across the AU, including with far-flung AU
institutions throughout the continent. If confirmed, I intend to
continue that approach.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will expect my team at the U.S. Mission to
the African Union to cast a broad net in terms of diversity of
contacts, whether in person or virtually, given the geographical
breadth of the AU and its member states. I would ensure my team
coordinates with our accredited Embassy when engaging substantively
with interlocutors based in member states.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
African Union institutions?
Answer. The African Union currently represents a population of 1.3
billion people. That incredible diversity presents both immense public
diplomacy opportunities and messaging challenges. The communication
departments of the AU and its organs strive to reach all their
audiences, but often lack resources to do so effectively. More
transparency, interaction with the African press, and citizen
engagement would serve the AU well in creating a body that has African
public buy-in and ownership. If confirmed, I would explore ways to
partner with the AU to enhance its public diplomacy capacity.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
at African Union headquarters?
Answer. The African Union Commission (AUC) is a friendly
environment for public diplomacy-focused U.S. diplomats. Resource
limitations, lack of communication-focused staff, lack of public
engagement-focused staff, and the U.S. status as an observer state
rather than a member state can hinder collaboration. USAU public
diplomacy officers, however, regularly identify opportunities within
the AUC's own initiatives for strategic support, such as engaging the
African public on the AU's theme of the year, providing training and
reporting opportunities for AU Media Fellows, and connecting the AUC's
Citizens and Diaspora Directorate with African American organizations
in the United States. If confirmed, I would explore innovative ways to
increase the following for our social media outreach, keeping in mind
Africa's youthful demographics, which are trending toward half the
continent's population being under the age of 25 by 2025.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. It is a collaborative effort. For messaging to be
effective, it both must be consistent and sensitive to context. It is
important for Main State to lead on top-line messaging so that posts
worldwide are sending a consistent message. In-country Missions then
can take those messages and tailor them to their particular cultural
contexts and audiences. It requires two-way communication between posts
and Washington, a method that our consistently improving communication
tools are enabling with more efficiency each year.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. The health and safety of all employees of the State
Department is of utmost importance. I also take the responsibility for
the health and safety of my team seriously, as demonstrated during
civil unrest in the Republic of Congo and the pandemic in Ghana. If
confirmed, I intend to echo the concern and dedication of our Secretary
of State in ensuring all staff are protected from threats to their
health and to communicating relevant information about AHIs to my team.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission African Union personnel?
Answer. I have always believed in the importance of clear, open,
and timely communication. If confirmed, I intend to talk as openly as
possible to all personnel at the U.S. Mission to the African Union.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Human Rights report, many
of the countries within the AU are noted for egregious human rights
abuses. One of the AU's stated objectives is to promote and protect
human and people's rights in accordance with the African Charter of
Human and People's Rights in member states.
Would you directly address the issue of human rights abuses with
the states committing violations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the AU to coordinate
continued efforts to strengthen democratic principles and institutions
and respect for human rights on the continent. Promoting democracy,
civic engagement, and respect for human rights in Africa contributes to
peace and prosperity, which enhances U.S. security and economic
partnerships. Invoking the African Union's own standards is an approach
I believe would be effective in general, while deferring the lead in
specific cases to my counterparts in the relevant bilateral Embassy and
appropriate geographical Bureau in Washington.
Question. In the State Department's 2022 Trafficking in Persons
report, a majority of the countries in the AU are Tier 2 or worse for
failing to meet the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking. Many states fail to identify victims and traffickers,
provide victim services, prosecute traffickers, and are plagued by
corruption of officials complicit in trafficking crimes.
If confirmed, how could you work with AU to combat corruption and
complicity in anti-trafficking work regionally?
Answer. AU members are making progress in addressing corruption and
complicity, with support of the United States and other partners. If
confirmed, I will encourage the AUC to reinforce member states' efforts
to combat human trafficking. In particular, I will highlight the need
for governments to address corruption and complicity, a shared global
challenge in the fight against human trafficking, by urging increased
efforts to investigate and prosecute such crimes, including cases
involving officials.
Question. How would you engage with the AU to improve member
states' ability to protect and provide for victims, while increasing
the amount and efficiency of investigations, prosecutions, and
convictions of traffickers?
Answer. One of the AU's greatest strengths is its ability to
promote principles that influence and shape the policies of its member
states. It is also able to elevate the importance of issues, such as
combatting human trafficking and the protection of human rights. If
confirmed, I will support AU and member state government efforts to
inform implementation of anti-trafficking laws through targeted and
routine trainings as well as coordination on effective use of
identification and referral mechanisms for trafficking victims. In
addition, I will work with my team and colleagues in bilateral missions
to share best practices as appropriate.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, the member states of the AU make up a diverse assembly
of religious demography, and many states struggle with allowing for
religious freedoms for minority religious groups and promoting
religious tolerance amongst their societies.
What actions would you take with the AU to mitigate religious
violence and promote religious tolerance amongst and within
member states?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promoting respect for the human
rights and fundamental freedoms of all persons, including promoting
religious tolerance within the AUC and AU member states. I commit to
working with the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom to engagement with the AU on religious freedom.
I will also work with the AU to develop strategies on violence
prevention and the promotion of religious tolerance and as well as
engage in discussions with religious leaders and civil society
partners. I will raise religious freedom and tolerance and related
issues in the context of broader human rights and democracy concerns
wherever possible.
Question. How could you engage with the AU to increase cooperation
within the member states on improving religious freedoms?
Answer. Africa is dynamic, where identity, including religious
identity, is complex and multifaceted. The region also prides itself
not just on religious tolerance, but on religious pluralism. If
confirmed, I commit to work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to support the AUC in its efforts to
advance and promote religious freedom throughout the continent.
Advancing respect for human rights fundamental freedoms are
critical to achieving peace and long-term stability on the continent.
If confirmed, I will engage with the AU on the positive role religion
can play in conflict transformation, reconciliation, and advancing
respect for human rights. Promoting religious freedom also specifically
contributes to strengthening tolerance and respect among religious
groups and people of all beliefs (whether atheists, Christians,
Muslims, indigenous groups, or any others). If confirmed, I will also
seek to amplify African voices in support of religious freedom and
tolerance across the continent.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the member states
governments and any other counterparts necessary to encourage
their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. I am pleased Ms. Bogdan-Martin was elected on September 29,
2022. The U.S. Mission to the AU played an important role in
encouraging massive support for her candidacy from AU member states. If
confirmed, I commit to mobilize my team in similar efforts to advance
key U.S. candidacies in multilateral fora.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The Junior Professional Officer program is one of the key
opportunities offered by the U.N. to encourage young professionals
interested in serving in international organizations, and it provides
them with hands-on experience across various U.N. agencies. If
confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues in the
International Organization Affairs Bureau and other stakeholders to
ensure we have sufficient resources, tools, and staffing to support
more positions for American citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these
resources, we can work strategically to increase the number of JPO
opportunities funded by the U.S. Government into key agencies and
bodies that work on U.S. priorities, expand our recruitment and
outreach activities to ensure these opportunities are widely known and
available to interested U.S. citizens, and provide tools and services
to strengthen our competitiveness in placing qualified American
citizens into the U.N. system.
Question. Many AU countries have a low rate of voting coincidence
with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the Security Council.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. The Bureaus of African Affairs and Near Eastern Affairs are
working to improve this, in concert with desks and posts to develop
support through capitals--with promising results. The U.N. General
Assembly Resolution on Territorial Integrity in October is one example.
If confirmed, I will lead my team in supportive efforts with AU member
states.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the member states on anticipated votes in the U.N. system
that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. If confirmed, my team and I will closely coordinate with
the Bureaus of African Affairs and Near Eastern Affairs which, in turn,
closely coordinate with the Department's other bureaus to discuss
anticipated votes and maximize multilateral campaigns in capitals and
elsewhere to increase voting coincidence.
Question. Do you believe that the U.N. Security Council should
finance AU peacekeeping missions without express authorization from a
majority of the Security Council? Why or why not?
Answer. We are working with the African Union and its member states
to explore options for predictable and sustainable financing for AU-led
peace support operations, in line with prior U.N. Security Council
resolutions. UNSCR 2320 stresses the primacy of U.N. Security Council
oversight for any operations that are authorized by the UNSC,
consistent with Chapter VIII of the U.N. Charter. The resolutions do
not leave open the possibility of financing operations absent a U.N.
Security Council authorization.
Question. Do you commit to ensuring that any financing to any AU
peacekeeping mission is authorized explicitly by the Security Council?
Answer. We are working with the African Union and its member states
to explore options for predictable and sustainable financing for AU-led
peace support operations, in line with prior U.N. Security Council
resolutions. Specifically, UNSCR 2320 stresses the primacy of U.N.
Security Council oversight for any operations that are authorized by
the UNSC, consistent with Chapter VIII of the U.N. Charter. The
resolutions do not leave open the possibility of financing operations
absent a U.N. Security Council authorization, so I commit to ensuring
that any financing to any AU peacekeeping mission is authorized
explicitly by the Security Council.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Stephanie Sanders Sullivan by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. Yes, as laid out clearly in the President's National
Security Strategy, we recognize that the People's Republic of China
(PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face, because it
is the only competitor with the intent to reshape and remake the
international order, and increasingly has the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological capability to do so.
* * *
follow up to the previous question submitted
to amb. sullivan by senator rubio
Question. In your response to my question for the record
(``In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic of
China is the `only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic,
diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it.' ''),
you responded: ``Yes, as laid out clearly in the President's
National Security Strategy, we recognize that the People's
Republic of China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge
that we face, because it is the only competitor with the intent
to reshape and remake the international order, and increasingly
has the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
capability to do so.''
In your answer you recognize the PRC as the greatest geopolitical
challenge the U.S. faces?
How will your policy implementation of ``Africa policy is about
Africa'' take into account and influence your recognition
that the PRC is the greatest challenge we face?
Answer. We understand the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and
the PRC Government as inextricably linked. As noted in my
previous response and as mentioned in the President's National
Security Strategy, we recognize that the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we
face, because it is the only competitor with the intent to
reshape and remake the international order, and increasingly
has the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
capability to do so.
Our policy towards Africa is to advance U.S. interests, which
include checking the PRC and Russia. Our strategic approach is
to focus on how the U.S. and Africa can best partner in areas
of mutual interest, while pointing out threats to the rules-
based order, global standards, accountable democracy,
sustainable economic prosperity, and peace and security posed
by the CCP and PRC as well as by Russia and its proxies such as
the Wagner Group. If confirmed, I intend to work with the AU
Commission to prevent further democratic backsliding; reinforce
the progress many African countries have made on
democratization, human rights, and governance; and ensure
democratic ideals and practices are most attractive and
compelling to African Governments and their people--in stark
contrast to the approach offered by the PRC.
If confirmed, I also intend to engage vigorously with the AU
Commission, AU organs, and AU member states to shape African
views and influence African positions in multilateral fora as
they are being formed, including to reinforce the rules-based
order and secure U.S. candidacies, cognizant that our
competitors are working to advance their own interests. I would
seek high-level engagements on the continent to implement
commitments made during the U.S.--Africa Leaders Summit of
December 2022. Many of these commitments, such as our renewed
and expanded partnership in tackling the food security crisis;
strengthening health systems and preparing for the next
pandemic; building a strong and inclusive global economy;
supporting accountable governance and respect for human rights;
and advancing peace and security, serve to counter malign
influence, while also promoting U.S. interests and advancing
our shared objectives in support of the AU's Agenda 2063.
* * *
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Support for U.N. Peacekeeping operations is in the U.S.
interest. Behind the United States, the PRC is the second largest
financial supporter of peacekeeping operations. It also contributes as
the 10th-largest troop-contributing country, with about 2,200 troops
and police officers in missions to Mali, Democratic Republic of the
Congo, and South Sudan. The PRC also has staff officers in staff
positions across U.N. missions and key senior leader billets.
* * *
follow up to the previous question submitted
to amb. sullivan by senator rubio
Question. In your response to my question for the record
(``Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial to
U.S. interest?''), you responded: ``Support for U.N.
Peacekeeping operations is in the U.S. interest. Behind the
United States, the PRC is the second largest financial
supporter of peacekeeping operations.''
Are you familiar with the 2020 bipartisan annual report to
Congress from the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review
Commission findings which found that China leverages its
influence in the U.N. Peacekeeping system to advance its
economic goals?
How will you counter PRC leverage and influence across U.N.
missions in Africa?
Are you familiar with a finding in the same 2020 bipartisan
report which highlighted the Chinese Governments political
influence in the U.N. to advance its economic objectives in
South Sudan? As the report highlighted, ``A key instance
where the Chinese Government seems to have used its
political influence in the U.N. to advance its economic
objectives is South Sudan. China currently has 1,072
peacekeeping personnel deployed in South Sudan and the
China National Petroleum Corporation controls a 40 percent
stake-the largest of any stakeholder-in a consortium that
extracts South Sudan's oil. In 2012, the Chinese Government
dispatched its first combat unit to the continent to
support the U.N. Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). After
civil war broke out in the country in 2013, Beijing played
a significant role in increasing the UNMISS authorized
troop strength and modifying UNMISS's mandate to include a
broader interpretation of the U.N.'s nonintervention
policy. In this expanded mandate, Beijing successfully
lobbied for a provision to include the protection of
workers on oil installations. Although the provision
initially encountered resistance from officials in the U.N.
Department of Peacekeeping Operations, who argued the
change would undermine the U.N.'s neutrality and place
peacekeepers on the side of the South Sudanese Government
and the oil industry, the mandate expansion was ultimately
adopted unanimously by the U.N. Security Council in 2014.
According to Mr. Meservey, the new mandate ``effectively
aligned'' peacekeepers with the South Sudanese Government
and the country's oil sector, and by extension, Beijing's
economic interests. A year after the mandate was expanded,
Beijing deployed 700 PLA combat troops to support the
peacekeeping mission.''
Which CCP U.N. Peacekeeping activities and operations in Africa
are in the U.S. interest?
Answer. Thank you for referencing the 2020 bipartisan report,
with which I am now familiar. I intend to discuss in depth how
to address the issues raised in the report with the Department
of State's new Office of China Coordination, to advance U.S.
objectives with the African Union Commission and its Member
States and counter harmful behavior by the PRC and other actors
across the board, if confirmed.
This new office, inaugurated immediately following the U.S.-
Africa Leaders Summit, brings together a group of China experts
from throughout the Department and beyond to work more
effectively with colleagues from every regional bureau and
experts in international security, economics, technology,
multilateral diplomacy, and strategic communications. If
confirmed, I would work with the Office of China Coordination
to advance U.S. interests related to the PRC in the context of
the African Union Commission and its Member States. I would
also coordinate closely with colleagues working multilateral
issues related to Africa in U.N. institutions, such as U.N.
peacekeeping operations, including with colleagues at the U.S.
Mission to the U.N. and with Addis Ababa-based like-minded
members of the U.N. Security Council, which at any given time
includes three rotating seats from African Union Member States.
U.N. peacekeeping operations are critical to securing U.S.
interests on the continent, and the significant PRC burden-
sharing with respect to financing those operations bears close
scrutiny. I strongly believe that the PRC's contributions to
specific peacekeeping operations warrant continuous monitoring,
from the outset to deployment, to prevent the PRC from
exploiting those operations to further its interests.
As the second-largest financial contributor to U.N.
peacekeeping operations and the tenth largest contributor of
peacekeepers worldwide, the PRC contributes around $1.2 billion
to these missions. The PRC has 1,741 peacekeepers deployed to
five U.N. peacekeeping missions in Africa (UNMISS, MINUSMA,
MONUSCO, UNISFA, and MINURSO). Its contributions include
specialized units including police, engineers, field hospitals,
helicopter units, as well as the infantry battalion in the
Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). Some of these contributions
help Missions achieve their mandates. For example, the Chinese
helicopter unit in the U.N. mission in Abyei (UNISFA) provides
the Mission with most of its air lift capacity, which enables
the Mission to respond to threats, move personnel, and resupply
troops. That said, I am also keenly aware of the challenges
that PRC involvement in U.N. peacekeeping may pose to U.S.
interests, including the PRC's efforts to advance its own
narrow economic agenda, and, if confirmed, I will be vigilant.
As outlined by Secretary Blinken, our approach to the PRC is
to invest at home, compete with China to defend our interests
and build our vision for the future, and align with allies and
partners with shared interests and who are opposed to China's
authoritarian system and overseas development policies. There
are many areas where we compete with the PRC in Africa. If
confirmed, I will contest vigorously where PRC engagement
undermines U.S. interests and our mutual interests with the
African Union Commission and its Member States. I will avail
myself of the expertise resident in the Office of China
Coordination to inform our approaches with our African partners
for maximum effectiveness, as well as of the expertise residing
in the State Department's Global Engagement Center.
* * *
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. I recognize the way the U.S. and the PRC manage our
relationship in the coming years will have significant consequences for
the entire world. This is why competition with Beijing will not
preclude cooperation in areas where our interests intersect.
In Africa, we continue to explore options where the interests of
the United States and the PRC align. This includes areas such as public
health, counternarcotics, counterterrorism, food security, and the
environment.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the African Union?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support joint activities where
interests align, in consultation with Washington.
Question. Africa has been among the most significant targets of the
CCP's Belt and Road initiatives, with hundreds of billions of loans
given to African Governments. Meanwhile, U.S. assistance to these same
countries is hamstrung by ``woke'' priorities that direct investment
towards small-scale, gender-based, and green energy initiatives instead
of the major development and infrastructure projects these countries
desperately need to bring their populations out of poverty.
If confirmed, will you coordinate with other U.S. envoys to the
region and convey to this administration of the critical need
to provide development assistance to African counties that can
effectively compete with Chinese aid? Please explain.
Answer. Though our relationship with the PRC is among the most
complex and consequential of any in the world, our Africa policy is
about Africa, not about the PRC. Certainly, if confirmed, I will work
hand in glove with our U.S. ambassadors across the continent. The
affirmative agenda of the United States is to strengthen our
partnerships with African nations and demonstrating our commitment to
the advancement of African economies that simultaneously support
American jobs. If confirmed, I would seek to advance the Partnership
for Global Infrastructure and Investment, which unlocks billions of
dollars to deliver quality, sustainable infrastructure that makes a
difference in the lives of Africans; strengthens and diversifies our
supply chains; creates new opportunities for American workers and
businesses and advances our national security. I would also work with
the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation to advance
development goals or mutual benefit to the United States and AU member
states.
* * *
follow up to the previous question submitted
to amb. sullivan by senator rubio
Question. In your response to my question for the record
(``Africa has been among the most significant targets of the
CCP's Belt and Road initiatives, with hundreds of billions of
loans given to African Governments.'') you responded: ``Though
our relationship with the PRC is among the most complex and
consequential of the any in the world, our Africa policy is
about Africa, not about the PRC.'' Please elaborate with
specificity regarding what ``Africa policy is about Africa''
entails. Many African countries the United States courts
through diplomacy in Africa have accepted billion of PRC loans
for infrastructure, have agreed to allow the PRC sole access to
significant rare earth materials and mines, and are in various
stages of negotiations for increased PRC naval port access or
PRC naval port construction for military purposes.
How does ``Africa policy is about Africa'' plan to address and
counter the significant PRC influence upon military,
economic, and diplomatic efforts on the continent?
Does ``Africa policy is about Africa'' consider other foreign
actors we can partner with, or currently partner with, when
collaborating on U.S. policy?
Does ``Africa policy is about Africa'' consider other foreign
malign actors, such as Russia or it's Private security
contractor Wagner Group, when developing U.S. policy
considerations?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to coordinate with other U.S.
envoys to the region on the critical importance of development
assistance and economic statecraft to our overall partnership
with African countries. I intend to enhance cooperation with
the AU Commission in the areas of accountable governance and
human rights, so that the AU can fulfill its potential as a
norm-setting institution, in an effort to prevent further
democratic backsliding, to shore up the progress many African
countries have made on democratization, human rights, and
governance; and to ensure that democratic ideals (and not those
offered by the PRC) are most attractive and compelling to
African Governments and their people.
Our policy towards Africa is to advance U.S. interests, which
include checking the PRC and Russia on the continent. If
confirmed to be Ambassador to the African Union, I recognize
the immense opportunity I would have in this regard with the
African Union Commission and the several dozen AU Member
States. Our approach is to enhance our partnership with the
African Union and African countries to jointly address shared
challenges, which include countering PRC efforts to undermine
shared values on accountable democracy, human rights, free
markets, and environmental stewardship. For maximum influence
with African audiences, experience has shown it is usually most
effective to conduct our most direct conversations about the
negative influence of the PRC behind closed doors.
However, during my tenure as Ambassador to Ghana, I also
spoke out publicly against IUU fishing and illegal gold mining,
deforestation, and wildlife trafficking in Ghana, all widely
known to be carried out largely by PRC nationals. Also, during
my tenure there, my Embassy submitted a proposal for Economic
Support Funds to address environmental and water resource
degradation caused by illegal mining in Ghana. The proposal was
to fund an alternate, more objective means of monitoring and
exposing illegal mining, as currently the only monitoring tools
are furnished by the PRC. If confirmed, I will continue to
bring information about the PRC's illicit activities to the
attention of our African partners, and encourage influential
local leaders to express their concerns about malign PRC
activity publicly.
Africans want partnership with the United States to be
genuinely in our mutual interests, as opposed to appearing to
be primarily a proxy for geopolitical rivalry. We find the most
effective public approach is to showcase the overwhelmingly
positive story of the U.S.--African partnership, highlighting
our sustained investments that benefit the African people, from
public health programs like PEPFAR and CDC engagement on the
continent, to high-impact Millennium Challenge Corporation
compacts. This approach helps us encourage more transparent
business climates that will attract further U.S. trade and
investment, bringing principled companies that model fair labor
practices, build local capacity, respect the environment, and
practice corporate social responsibility.
If confirmed, I look forward to playing a role in
implementing the Memorandum of Understanding between the United
States and African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)
Secretariat, signed during the US--Africa Leaders Summit in
December. This MOU is one of only three such agreements (the
others being with the PRC and the UK). Along with U.S.
colleagues in Washington and Addis, while Ambassador to Ghana I
had worked on initial efforts toward the MOU with the Accra-
based AfCFTA Secretariat.
Demonstrating the generosity of the American people and
strengthening meaningful partnerships in areas of mutual
interest will make the United States an increasingly attractive
partner of choice to African Governments and their
constituents. The United States and its democratic and
altruistic values appeal to African civil society and--very
significantly--to young people in Africa, who are part of a
burgeoning youth bulge heading for one of every four people on
the planet to be an African by 2050. We will work with the
Department's Global Engagement Center to amplify accurate
narratives about the U.S.-Africa partnership, build capacity
among African civil society and media, and improve resilience
to information manipulation from state and nonstate actors,
including the PRC.
An ``Africa policy for Africa'' envisions partnership that
not only overtly leverages our strengths, but also helps to
mitigate negative malign influences such as those of the PRC
and Russia, particularly those that degrade democracy, peace
and security, and economic prosperity. For example, the PRC
threatens coastal livelihoods and food security for many
African nations via its Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated
(IUU) fishing carried out by its trawlers.
While I was Ambassador to Ghana, Ghana hosted Obangame
Express 2021, AFRICOM's multinational exercise in the Gulf of
Guinea. The exercise enhanced the maritime security capacity
and interoperability of African partner navies from Morocco to
Namibia, to counter such illegal fishing practices. This is one
of many examples of how our partnership, leveraged with
resources and other like-minded partner nations, can have a
significant positive impact on Africa while advancing U.S.
interests. As I noted in my speech at the opening ceremony,
``Piracy and other illicit maritime activities threaten
development efforts, weaken state security, and rob states of
precious resources needed for greater economic growth and
effective governance. At its worst, such illicit activities can
destabilize regions and create pockets for terrorism to thrive.
Our shared goals of a secure, stable, and prosperous Africa
benefit not only our African partners and the United States,
but also the entire international community. And collaboration
with our African, European, North and South American partners
plays a key role in maintaining that security.''
In addition to the United States, 22 African nations
participated in Obangame Express 2021, alongside ten like-
minded partners from Europe and the Americas. Activities
spanned the spectrum of maritime security issues. In fact,
during the exercise, a French vessel interdicted maritime
vessel NAJLAN in the Gulf of Guinea, leading to the seizure of
approximately 6,068 kilograms of cocaine. This real-life
success, based on information from multiple international law
enforcement agencies, including the U.S. Drug Enforcement
Administration, via the Maritime Analysis and Operations
Center-Narcotics (MAOC-N) in Lisbon, exemplifies the continued
importance of coordinating with our like-minded partners and
building capacity with our African partners.
Having observed Ghana's use of Chinese-provided patrol boats,
I took a personal interest in steering Ghana towards the
acquisition of two U.S. Coast Guard patrol boats through the
Excess Defense Articles program. The U.S. vessels are expected
to arrive in Ghana in a few months.
In multilateral settings like the African Union, it is
essential to partner with other countries to build consensus,
support, and momentum for shared priorities. For example, the
United States worked closely with Senegalese President Macky
Sall as AU President to develop an approach, as outlined in the
``U.S.-AU Joint Statement on Food Security,'' to diversify
Africa's food supply chain and enable resilient, sustainable,
and productive food systems. This partnership also included a
Food Security Ministerial and summit with the AU and the
European Union to marshal the resources needed to save lives in
the immediate term, as well as to help countries build their
own capacity for resilient, sustainable agricultural production
over the longer term. If confirmed, I will continue to promote
the Global Food Security Strategy, including with like-minded
partners, with the AU, as I did in Ghana while Ambassador
there.
The United States made significant strides in ending the
acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic--providing nearly $20
billion for the global response, distributing more than 670
million doses of safe, effective vaccines to over 115
countries. As Ambassador to Ghana, I was personally present on
the tarmac to receive every shipment of some nine and a half
million doses of the lifesaving vaccine the United States
donated to Ghana, including on Christmas Eve. I ensured our
robust public diplomacy around U.S. pandemic relief eclipsed
the earlier, highly publicized, far more modest contributions
of personal protective equipment from the PRC. I also led our
interagency participation in Ghana on the Global Action Plan,
which brought together dozens of countries to get shots in
arms, to bolster health supply systems, and to combat
misinformation and disinformation. If confirmed as Ambassador
to the African Union, I will continue my passion for advancing
our Global Health Security Agenda, while countering malign PRC
actions and influence.
Through the G7 and other multilateral fora, the United States
collaborates closely with our partners on the continent. We
routinely engage with the G7 on issues regarding disinformation
campaigns by foreign actors, peace and security efforts,
particular in the Sahel, and coordinated sanctions campaigns
against organizations and individuals that threaten democracy
and economic progress in Africa. While serving as a Deputy
Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs, I
represented the United States with G-7 Africa Directors as we
coordinated common positions in preparation for the G7 Summits
in 2017 and 2018.
The United States supported AU-led talks that led to the
cessation of hostilities between Ethiopia and Tigrayan forces,
working closely with the AU Commission and the three countries
of the AU's High-level Panel, Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa.
If confirmed, I will join colleagues in engaging with partner
countries and organizations to support these multinational
efforts towards a lasting peace, which is crucial to U.S.
interests in the Horn of Africa.
As diplomats, we consider all actors in the foreign policy
arena and scrutinize malign actors such as the Wagner Group,
which enter countries in conflict under false pretenses and end
up driving greater insecurity, exploiting precious minerals,
sowing disinformation, and diverting scarce host country
resources that could be used for more effective security and
development purposes. I have held many conversations with
African officials on the topic of malign influence.
* * *
Question. In past years, the African Union has stepped up to lead
multi-national operations against terrorists in Somalia, Comoros, and
Sudan. These military missions are critical allies and resources which
multiply the effectiveness of U.S. special forces operations in Africa
without dedicating the level of resources invested in past
interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan.
If confirmed, what will you do to ensure the African Union is able
to maintain the capability to continue these anti-terrorism
missions, which serve to prevent terrorist groups from becoming
powerful enough to attack the American homeland?
Question. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. support for the
ongoing development of the African Union, the Peace and Security
Council, and AU member states' ability to lead multinational operations
against terrorists to the maximum extent allowed by the resources and
authorities allocated to us by Congress.
Question. To your knowledge, has the CCP indicated an interest in
supporting African Union missions?
Answer. The Department is aware of sporadic PRC support for African
Union peace operations and related initiatives. For instance, the PRC
has provided sporadic equipment to the African Union Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), now African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS). The
PRC has also supported the African Standby Force. Nonetheless, PRC
support for African-led peace operations is substantially smaller-scale
and less reliable than the significant support the United States has
provided to AMISOM and other African-led missions in such locations as
Darfur, Mali, and Central African Republic. We are also aware of
equipment quality issues and lack of follow-on support to effectively
receive and sustain the pre-positioned equipment at Douala.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Stephanie Sanders Sullivan by Senator John Barrasso
Question. During your testimony you said, ``If confirmed, I will
work closely with the AU on addressing the impacts of climate change
and help support a just energy transition through programs like Power
Africa.''
If confirmed, what initiatives would you promote dealing with
climate change?
Answer. If confirmed, I would focus on supporting climate
adaptation and mitigation in Africa. Seventeen of the twenty most
climate-vulnerable countries are in Africa, and the continent is
experiencing more extreme climate-related events that threaten its
people and infrastructure, such as the recent flooding seen in Nigeria
and Cameroon, and the fourth consecutive year of drought in the Horn of
Africa. These detrimental impacts of a changing climate could diminish
African economic growth and exacerbate conflict or climate migration.
To help African partners adapt to a changing climate, President Biden
announced $150 million in new funding for climate adaptation in Africa
at COP27, focusing on expanding availability of early warning systems,
facilitating access to adaptation finance, expanding risk-based
insurance, and crowding in private sector investments to climate-
resilient food security in Africa. This complements preexisting Africa-
focused programs that integrate climate adaptation, such as USAID's
investment of $300 million in Resilient Food Security Activities in FY
2022 across Africa that supports agricultural development and food
security.
If confirmed, I would also work across the U.S. interagency and
with the AU to promote a just energy transition in Africa that expands
energy access to Africa's citizens while also promoting a path to
decarbonization and economic growth, supporting clean energy programs
for development, and strengthening energy security.
Question. What is your definition of a ``just energy transition?''
Answer. All of Africa, with a population of 1.3 billion people,
accounts for a little more than three percent of total global
electricity generation.
Africa has the potential to play a leading role in the global
energy transition toward a net-zero future. The continent's geographic
diversity holds huge potential for solar, wind, and geothermal power,
and its crustal rocks host many of the critical minerals needed for
clean energy technologies. Pillar IV of the U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-
Saharan Africa addresses the ongoing energy transition, one that must
be just to be successful, and appreciates that priorities such as
rapidly expanding energy access and affordability, energy security and
resilience, industrialization, job creation and business formation, are
particularly trenchant in Africa.
For Africa, a transition to clean energy is a way to increase
energy system resilience, reduce electricity costs, reduce exposure to
fuel supply disruptions and commodity price swings, and grow local
renewable energy supply chains, all in keeping with global climate
change. Considering the above, a just energy transition should seek to
highlight economic benefits of clean energy yet acknowledge the unique
energy and natural resource circumstances of individual countries.
Question. The Biden administration is asking countries in Africa to
``leapfrog'' over traditional energy resources to power itself with
solar, wind and renewables only. The United States utilized traditional
energy resources like coal, oil and natural gas to build our economy.
African nations deserve the same opportunity.
How important is providing reliable baseload energy in assisting
countries in Africa with economic growth, job creation and
poverty reduction?
Answer. Reliable baseload energy is important, and energy matrices
should have a diverse mix of sources with an increasing proportion
provided by clean energy sources. Electricity is projected to become
the backbone of Africa's new energy systems, powered increasingly by
renewables. Africa is home to 60 percent of the best solar resources
globally, yet only 1 percent of installed solar PV capacity. Solar PV--
already the cheapest source of power in many parts of Africa--is
expected to outcompete all sources continent-wide by 2030, and
renewables could account for approximately 80 percent of new power
generation capacity by the end of the decade.
At present, more than 600 million people in Africa, or 43 percent
of the total population, lack access to electricity, most of them in
sub-Saharan Africa. Universal access to affordable electricity by 2030
requires new connections to 90 million people a year, triple the rate
of recent years. Energy access is critical to economic growth, job
creation, healthcare, and poverty reduction across Africa.
In Sub-Saharan Africa, the number of people without access
increased in 2020 for the first time since 2013. Sub-Saharan Africa's
share of the global population without access to electricity rose to 77
percent from 74 percent before the pandemic. Countries such as Ghana,
Kenya, and Rwanda are on track for full access by 2030 using primarily
renewable sources, offering success stories other countries can follow.
Per International Energy Agency (IEA) models, extending national grids
is the least costly and most prudent option for almost 45 percent of
those gaining access by 2030. In rural areas, however, where over 80
percent of the electricity-deprived live, mini-grids and stand-alone
systems, mostly solar based, are the most viable solutions.
Question. Africa has the world's lowest levels of per capita use of
modern energy. As its population and incomes grow, demand for modern
energy is projected to expand by a third between 2020 and 2030. As
Africa's industry, commerce and agriculture expand, so too does the
need for productive uses of energy. IEA models show that energy demand
in industry, freight and agriculture will grow by almost 40 percent by
2030.
What steps will you take to help countries in Africa get access to
traditional energy resources to build their economies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency colleagues to
support countries across the continent to get access to a full array of
energy sources with an increased emphasis on clean and renewable
technologies. Thanks to its vast critical mineral supply, Africa holds
the key to our global energy transition. That key should also unlock
real economic opportunity across Africa. Our partnership-focused
approach in the Power Africa Initiative includes harnessing the
Department of Energy's 17 National Labs and their expertise in an
effort to increase energy access through added clean energy capacity.
The U.S. private sector also continues to be involved in a broad range
of commercial energy projects in Africa, which the State Department and
other U.S. Government agencies help facilitate in a manner consistent
with U.S. international energy engagement guidelines. Yet, the most LNG
resources in Senegal will be exported; re-investment of revenues for
clean energy infrastructure is needed to meet electricity access goals,
Question. In July, the Ugandan President met with the Russian
Foreign Minister about a 2,000 megawatt nuclear power facility by
2032.Uganda asked Russia for help in developing a nuclear power plant--
not the United States. The President of Senegal explains that ending
gas financing for Africa will be a fatal blow. He said, ``At a time
when several African countries are preparing to exploit their
significant gas resources, the end of funding for the gas sector, under
the pretext that gas is a fossil energy, would bear a fatal cost to our
emerging economies.''
Given the extensive expertise of the United States in these areas,
why isn't our nation partnering with Uganda and Senegal on
these projects?
Answer. The United States stands ready to provide support and
partnership to those countries around the world that have prioritized
nuclear in their clean energy and climate plans to address the global
climate crisis and bolster energy security.
In Ghana, where I most recently served as Ambassador, my team and I
facilitated U.S. involvement with a Request for Proposals for
developing a nuclear energy capability in Ghana. The U.S.-Japan
partnership with Ghana announced October 26 aims to support Ghana's
goal of being the mover in Africa for Small Nuclear Reactor deployment.
U.S. firm NuScale is involved in the feasibility study. Although a
number of countries on the continent have established partnerships with
Russia to establish nuclear power facilities, no construction of a
Russian supported nuclear power plant exists on the ground.
U.S.-based Kosmos Energy is involved in fossil fuel exploitation in
Ghana, Senegal, and Mauritania as well as other countries on the
continent. On Senegal's natural gas fields, we apply our International
Energy Engagement Guidance which requires review of new carbon-
intensive engagement as guided by the President's Executive Order 14008
on Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and Abroad. The United States
supports efforts to diversify liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies in
alignment with climate objectives and overall U.S. international energy
engagement guidance. The goal of U.S. policy in this realm is to ensure
that the vast majority of U.S. international energy engagements promote
clean energy, advance innovative technologies, boost U.S. cleantech
competitiveness, and support net-zero transitions, except in rare cases
where there are compelling national security, geostrategic, or
development/energy access benefits and no viable lower carbon
alternatives accomplish the same goals.
Initiatives that offer technical assistance on a broad range of
technology solutions that focus both on near-term opportunities to
scale up implementation on advanced efficiency and clean energy and to
engage on promising new technologies including critical minerals,
energy storage, and clean hydrogen will facilitate a just energy
transition, that does not leave African countries with sunk investments
in stranded fossil fuel assets.
Question. What are the negative implications that could result from
this partnership with Russia?
Answer. Russia seeks to gain support and influence in Africa. We
have already seen in Ukraine and elsewhere how Russia is weaponizing
energy. Increased dependence on Russia for energy in Uganda or
elsewhere would not be in the best interests of African states that
could be subject to coercion in a manner inimical to their own--and the
United States'--interests.
Question. China and Russia are gaining support and influence in
Africa. How can we do better in countering the Chinese and Russian
influence campaigns in Africa?
Answer. I think we can best counter non-market behavior and
illegitimate development goals of the PRC and Russian authorities by
focusing on furthering our longstanding partnerships with African
nations and continuing to advance our economic and diasporan
engagements. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing our shared
interests with the AU and taking a further step to build 21st Century
U.S.-African partnerships that expand on and deepen our historical
engagement. This includes expanding long-term U.S.-Africa partnerships
to advance shared priorities, amplifying African voices to
collaboratively meet the era's defining challenges, and leveraging the
best of America--including our Government, private sector, and civil
society--to uplift and empower African institutions, individuals, and
nations. I will focus on leveraging our own Partnership for Global
Infrastructure and Investment to deliver quality, sustainable
infrastructure that makes a difference in the lives of African people,
strengthens and diversifies our supply chains, creates new
opportunities for American workers and businesses, and advances our
national security.
We are working to counter disinformation through the Global
Engagement Center (GEC) by working with local African partners to
provide counter-disinformation training for journalists, along with
exposing, countering, and building resiliency to disinformation aimed
at undermining the stability and the integrity of African democratic
systems. Russia is the great threat in the disinformation space. The
GEC recently released two public-facing bulletins designed to expose
for foreign audiences the Wagner Group, Prigozhin, and Russia's
disinformation networks in Africa. We are increasing access to accurate
information by working with the GEC to partner with local implementing
partners to strengthen fact-checking across Africa to increase access
to verified information for African publics.
We are increasing access to accurate information by facilitating
trainings and exchange program opportunities for journalists and
members of the media. We do this through IVLP programs such as the
Edward R. Murrow Program for Journalists, trainings organized by the
Global Engagement Center, and programming at the Embassy's American
Center. We have also organized numerous capacity-building sessions to
support accurate reporting for journalists. One example includes two
discussions between journalists in the Central African Republic and in
Mali to share best practices on how to report on mercenary activity in
conflict zones. Another includes a joint roundtable with PAS and USAID
key media contacts on the causes and implications of disinformation and
how to best reach target audiences with truthful reporting.
If confirmed, I would make it a high priority to focus my team and
the interagency on this issue, as well as coordinate with like-minded
diplomatic partners such as France who are facing the same issue.
Question. How do you plan to shed light on the terrible practices
and atrocities committed by China and Russia to African leaders?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with African
counterparts to highlight and contrast our agenda of genuine
partnership and prosperity with Russia's and the PRC's malign
intentions.
The actions of Russia-backed forces on the continent and the
Russian Government's violation of the bedrock principles of sovereignty
and territorial integrity in Ukraine have done more to isolate Russia
diplomatically than we could hope to accomplish through rhetoric alone.
African leaders see that Russia's rhetoric does not match its actions,
and that entities such as the Wagner Group are more interested in
extracting African resources rather than improving local security and
prosperity; only the most desperate leaders have turned to Wagner for
assistance, and they do so at the cost of control over their countries.
The PRC's treatment of ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang and
Tibet, along with many other actions, goes against the core tenets of
the U.N. Charter that Beijing constantly cites and the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. We'll continue to work with our partners
in Africa to raise our concerns on these issues and call for change--
not to stand against China, but to stand up for peace, security, and
human dignity. African nations and civil society groups are also
starting to take measures to ensure that negative practices of the PRC
and PRC-supported companies are brought to light and that precautions
are taken to improve transparency and accountability in ways to put
African growth, development, and environmental conservation first. A
2021 report by the U.K.-based Business and Human Rights Resource Center
found 181 human rights allegations connected to Chinese investments in
Africa between 2013 and 2020, with the highest number of incidents in
Uganda, Kenya, Zimbabwe, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In
the DRC, President Felix Tshisekedi is reviewing all foreign mining
contracts, mostly with Chinese companies, with an aim of bringing
increased scrutiny, and accountability. The U.S. Government will
continue to support efforts by African Governments that seek to advance
good governance and inclusive growth and development.
Question. African nations rely on Ukraine and Russia for grain
exports. Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, these supplies have
been dramatically disrupted. What impacts have Russia's actions in
Ukraine had on Africa and food insecurity?
Answer. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has significantly degraded
Africa's food security by disrupting supply chains for food
commodities, fuel, and fertilizer. Several African countries are highly
dependent on grain exports from Ukraine and Russia. Of particular
concern, the Horn of Africa faces the world's worst food security
crisis. The worst drought in over 70 years, highlighted by five poor
growing seasons to date, may get even worse in 2023. Even if rainfall
returns to normal, it will take years for communities to recover.
Nearly 26 million people are currently experiencing ``Crisis or worse''
levels of food insecurity in Somalia, Kenya, (northern and eastern),
and southern and southeastern Ethiopia. Food and nutrition assistance
in the Horn of Africa could run out by April 2023 without a surge of
additional funding from the international community.
Protracted conflict in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria have
also deepened food insecurity in West Africa, which now faces its worst
food crisis on record. On May 18, Secretary Blinken convened more than
30 Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Agriculture, and Development at the
United Nations in New York to hammer out a plan to address food
insecurity caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, the climate crisis, armed
conflicts, and exacerbated by Russia's unprovoked invasion in Ukraine.
The United States introduced, and Ministers endorsed, the Roadmap
to Global Food Security, focused on seven key actions, including
increasing humanitarian and development assistance, mitigating the
fertilizer shortage, keeping agricultural markets open, investing in
climate-resilient agriculture, and coordinating for maximum effect.
Over 100 U.N. Members have signed onto the Roadmap--including 15 G20
members.
The Leaders' Summit on Global Food Security at UNGA further
confirmed the commitment of leaders to act urgently, proportionately,
and in concert in line with the Roadmap. Feed the Future has recently
expanded into eight additional countries in Africa for a total of 16,
As the U.S. Government's global hunger and food security initiative,
Feed the Future works hand-in-hand with partner countries to develop
their agriculture sectors and break the vicious cycle of poverty and
hunger.
Question. What is the Administration's strategy for responding to
the food shortage?
Answer. Food security is a global, cross cutting challenge and,
particularly in Africa, it is crucial to listen to and work with
African leaders to solve this dynamic and complex issue. Through
collaboration and information-sharing, we can create viable, workable
solutions.
In September, the United States, the African Union, and other
partners hosted the Global Food Security Summit. During his remarks,
Secretary of State Blinken stated that ``Action is crucial because the
current crisis is one that no individual country or even group of
countries can solve alone.'' He also highlighted efforts under the May
2022 Roadmap for Global Food Security and called on U.N. member states
to take measures to keep food and agricultural markets open, increase
fertilizer production, and invest in climate-resilient agriculture.
During the 2022 U.N. General Assembly, President Biden announced
the United States would provide more than $2.9 billion in new
assistance to address global food insecurity. That amount is in
addition to the $6.9 billion the U.S. already committed this year to
support global food security, which is largely focused on supporting
Africa. On short-term fertilizer needs, the United States is supporting
efforts to bolster availability, efficiency of use, and local
production.
The United States is the World Food Program's largest donor,
providing about half of all contributions thanks to the generosity of
Congress and American taxpayers. We encourage other countries with the
capacity to do more to increase their contributions.
Concerning addressing one of the gravest threats to food security,
the U.S. was pleased that in mid-November there was agreement to extend
the deal the U.N. and Turkey brokered between Russia and Ukraine. This
deal was crucial in getting grain to Africa from Ukraine. It allowed
grain and other agricultural exports from Black Sea ports, which were
previously halted when Russia invaded Ukraine, blocked its ports, and
prevented food shipments.
The U.S. Government is committed to strengthening global food
systems and helping countries improve their capacity to produce their
own food. Our African colleagues have underscored the need for more
investment in agricultural innovation and sustainability. This will
require coordination of ongoing efforts as well as attracting more
private sector investment and tying our efforts to African-led
initiatives and programs.
The African Union, in coordination with AU entities, the Regional
Economic Communities (RECs), and member states, is spearheading efforts
to address food security through the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture
Development Program (CAADP). According to CAADP and the African Common
Position on Food Systems, Africa spent US$43 billion on food imports in
2019, and it is projected to increase to US$90 billion annually by
2030i. The common position pointed out that despite having 60 percent
of the world's arable land, Africa on average imports about 40 percent
of its food.
U.S. efforts to promote regional food security include supporting
CAADP's goals of having African suppliers capture a greater share of
African food consumption. This, in turn, strengthens broad-based
inclusive economic growth. Women comprise more than 50 percent of
Africa's agricultural workforce. Roughly 80 percent of food consumed in
Africa passes through the hands of small or medium enterprises (SME).
The Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has also emphasized the
need for trade to be inclusive of women, youth, and small businesses.
We want to work with the AfCFTA Secretariat as a key vector for
enhancing intra-African trade and improving value chains in the food
sector.
Regarding investments, over the next five years, we hope to work
alongside Congress on plans to provide funds toward durable
agricultural production, including through Feed the Future, our
flagship program to broaden social safety nets, strengthen food
systems, and improve nutrition. In August, we added eight new African
partners to this initiative. Through Feed the Future, we are also
scaling up innovative ways to get drought- and heat-resistant seeds
into the hands of farmers who need them. We are also distributing
fertilizer and improving its efficiency so that farmers can produce a
higher yield while using fewer resources to do so.
Question. Last year, there were reports that Chinese hackers were
expected to have been stealing security camera footage from inside the
African Union headquarters building in Ethiopia. The headquarters were
built by China. In 2018, it was discovered that the buildings had been
interspersed with listening devices and the servers would send data to
Shanghai daily. If confirmed, how do you plan to address China's
actions at the African Union?
Answer. The AU established a technical working group to ensure that
the construction of the new Africa CDC headquarters was carried out
appropriately, and Africa CDC has requested that all software--
including the building's information and data management systems--be
handled by an independent group to ensure that it is under the strict
oversight of the AU. Africa CDC has yet to move into the new
headquarters but, if confirmed, I will monitor the situation and work
to mitigate potential harm.
Question. Our competitors recognize the importance of the African
Union to increasing their influence on the continent and have robust
engagement with the AU. The agenda of the United States at our mission
to the African Union is to strengthen our partnership with the African
Union and its member states. How do you plan to combat China's
influence in the African Union?
Answer. Though our relationship with the PRC is among the most
complex and consequential of any in the world, our Africa policy is
about Africa, not about the PRC. The affirmative agenda of the United
States is to strengthen our partnerships with African nations and
demonstrate our commitment to the advancement of African economies that
simultaneously support American jobs.
If confirmed, I will continue USAU's work to develop and implement
transparent, respectful, and action-oriented partnerships that are
fully aligned with both USG and AU/Africa CDC standards and priorities.
This would include continuing to draw on U.S. comparative advantages in
global health and development--including leveraging our proven
expertise, programs, and resources in Africa as well as the U.S.'s
global leadership in science, technology, and innovation--to engage
with AU agencies and member states.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Stephanie Sanders Sullivan by Senator Todd Young
Question. Last July, AU Commission Chair Mahamat granted Israel
observer status to the AU. There is ongoing pressure from a bloc of
members, particularly by South Africa and Algeria, to again have this
accreditation withdrawn. What is your assessment of this campaign,
especially when other members' records have not been subject to the
same scrutiny?
Answer. The United States strongly supports Israel's observer
status to the AU. AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat
accepted credentials of the Ambassador of Israel in July of 2021. A
number of AU member states objected to the Chairperson's action and
raised their objection during the Executive Council and Assembly
meetings of February 2022. During the February 2022 ordinary session of
the Assembly, AU Chairperson defended his decision, noting that 44 AU
member states had diplomatic relations with Israel. The African Union
Executive Council appointed a six-member Head of State committee to
consult on the issue and report at the 2023 Assembly meeting. The
United States has consistently supported Israel's observer status to
the AU and will continue to do so. The African Union firmly supports a
two-state solution. We believe it is important for countries that share
this goal to engage with both Israel and the Palestinians. Nations that
wish to advance peace and stability between the Palestinians will be
better positioned to do so if they have open and constructive
engagement with both sides.
Question. How would you advocate to have Israel maintain its
observer status, if confirmed?
Answer. We strongly support Israel's observer status to the AU.
Israel maintained an equivalent to observer status with the AU's
predecessor organization, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) until
the transition to the AU in 2002. Further, we note, as referenced by AU
Commission Chairperson in his February 2022 remarks to the AU Assembly
Heads of State and Government, that 44 AU member states have
established bilateral diplomatic ties with Israel and many have ongoing
economic relationships. We have shared our consistent support for
Israel's expanding diplomatic relationships globally with the
leadership of African Union member states, as we have elsewhere.
Question. Provided the AU confirms Israel's observer status when it
revisits this issue next year, what will you do, if confirmed, to
ensure Israel is treated fairly before this body?
Answer. The U.S. Mission to the African Union has engaged the AU
and other stakeholders to make clear our strong support for Israel's
observer status, while respecting the AU's process, and will continue
to do so. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with Israeli
diplomatic representatives and advocate for the U.S. administration's
position on this issue with AUC and AU member state officials, as well
as confer with relevant counterpart U.S. Chiefs of Mission.
Question. In your testimony, you speak to the U.S. commitment to
AU's Agenda 2063. How does Agenda 2063 conflict with China's Belt and
Road Initiative?
Answer. The world recognizes the important leadership of the AU and
that the AU is a key partner for engagement in Africa and facilitating
economic relationships in a region of the world with a burgeoning
population. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has a dedicated
Mission to the AU that provides substantial assistance and conducts
robust diplomatic and economic engagement.
We do not seek to contain or inhibit China's legitimate development
goals or market-based industry or trade. We also respect African
nations' choice to have a variety of partners. However, when Chinese
companies, especially those that are financed by the PRC, lack
transparency, disregard workers' rights and environmental standards,
and are willing to engage in corrupt business practices then these
firms and the PRC institutions that support them are not advancing the
continent's economic and development goals consistent with the AU
Agenda 2063. A 2021 report by the U.K.-based Business and Human Rights
Resource Center found 181 human rights allegations connected to Chinese
investments in Africa between 2013 and 2020, with the highest number of
incidents in Uganda, Kenya, Zimbabwe, and the Democratic Republic of
Congo. If confirmed, I would highlight how such approaches seriously
undermine the AU's Agenda 2063 roadmap for a more prosperous and
peaceful Africa.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to support the AU's vision
of a ``prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens''
when that vision is conflicting with PRC's Belt and Road Initiative?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing our shared
interests with the AU and taking a further step to build 21st Century
U.S.-African partnerships that expand on and deepen our longstanding
engagement. This includes expanding long-term U.S.-Africa partnerships
to advance shared priorities, amplifying African voices to
collaboratively meet the era's defining challenges, and leveraging the
best of America--including our government, private sector, and civil
society and the diaspora--to uplift and empower African institutions,
individuals, and nations. I will focus on leveraging our own
Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment and Development
Finance Corporation to deliver quality, sustainable infrastructure that
makes a difference in the lives of African people, strengthens and
diversifies our supply chains, creates new opportunities for American
workers and businesses, and advances our national security.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Henry V. Jardine by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The UK recently announced that is willing to negotiate
with Mauritius over the status of the Chagos Islands, which hosts a
military base on Diego Garcia that the U.S. leases from the UK. As
ambassador, what role will you play in advocating for continued U.S.
access to Diego Garcia on terms that are consistent with our strategic
interests?
Answer. We continue to recognize UK sovereignty over the BIOT. We
regard the dispute over sovereignty as a bilateral matter and applaud
the UK and Mauritius as they work together to find a way forward. The
specific arrangement involving the facilities on Diego Garcia is
grounded in the uniquely close and active defense and security
partnership between the United States and the UK. It cannot be
replicated. If confirmed, I commit to continue to coordinate closely
with the UK regarding the base on Diego Garcia to ensure continued
access and use.
Question. Will you commit to engaging with members of the
Chagossian community that were forcibly expelled from their islands to
make way for the UK/U.S. bases on issues related to the negotiation
over the status of the Chagos Islands and its inhabitants?
Answer. We recognize the UK parliament's efforts to address this
issue by granting UK citizenship to Chagossians and their descendants.
If confirmed, I will engage with people of all backgrounds in Mauritius
and Seychelles, including Chagossians.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As the deputy chief of Mission in Tirana, Albania, I
focused extensively on fostering democratic institutions in the
country, which had a legacy of being the most oppressive Communist
dictatorship in Europe during the Cold War. For example, I led and
coordinated our Embassy efforts to monitor the national and local
elections in 2013 and 2015 in conjunction with other international
partners. As a result of these and other efforts, Albania in 2013 held
the most free and fair elections to up to that point, experienced no
violence, and had a peaceful transition of power to the opposition
party.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Mauritius and the Seychelles? These
challenges might include obstacles to participatory and accountable
governance and institutions, rule of law, authentic political
competition, civil society, human rights and press freedom. Please be
as specific as possible.
Answer. Mauritius and Seychelles are both leaders in Africa when it
comes to democracy and human rights. Since becoming an independent
republic in 1968, Mauritius has been a beacon of democratic stability
in the region, with uninterrupted peaceful transfers of power following
free and fair elections. Seychelles continues to advance its democratic
transition, with opposition parties successfully contesting legislative
elections for the first time in 2016 and for the presidency in 2020. In
both Seychelles and Mauritius, we see many of the challenges to
democracy that have been ascendant across the world in recent years.
While Mauritius has a vibrant free press, the increasing use of strict
libel laws are having a chilling effect on political dialogue. Despite
general support for ethnic pluralism, some ethnic minorities do not
have broad representation in government agencies. In Seychelles,
notwithstanding much progress, the democratic transition is in its
nascent stages and remains fragile. The country requires capacity
building of civil society, media, and government ministries to ensure
improved good governance.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Mauritius and the Seychelles? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions? What are the potential impediments to
addressing the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Supporting democracy has been a cornerstone of U.S. foreign
policy since the founding. If confirmed, I will continue to work with
democratic partners in Mauritius and Seychelles to reinforce what is
working well and to help shore up what needs improvement. In both
countries, this means providing support to the press, NGOs, and a wide
variety of civil society organizations, while also conversing directly
with leaders of government, business, and the faith community to
identify ways to preserve and strengthen our common democratic values.
Thanks to the hard work of the U.S. Embassy and generations of U.S.
diplomats assigned to Port Louis, we are fortunate to have an
extraordinarily expansive and robust network of leaders and influencers
who are alumni of U.S. training, programs, and universities. If
confirmed, I will continue to leverage this network to ensure that we
are both publicly and privately, but always effectively, advocating in
the cause of strong, vibrant, and healthy democracies that can serve as
an example to the region.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will take a holistic approach to ensure
that grants and programs funded by the U.S. Government result in the
maximum benefit for our most important policy priorities in Mauritius
and Seychelles, including the goal of the U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-
Saharan Africa to ``foster openness and open societies'' and ``deliver
on democratic dividends and security dividends.'' I will ensure that
State Department and Defense Department offices at the Embassy are
working hand-in-hand to send the right candidates to our military
education and training programs. Supporting democracy and the civil
society institutions that are essential to free and fair elections, a
vibrant and professional press, and healthy pluralism is a priority of
our Embassy in Port Louis. If confirmed, I will take advantage of the
wide array of exchange, training, and educational programs provided by
the Department of State and other sources to build capacity and
likeminded networks of influencers in Mauritius and Seychelles. If
confirmed, I will also prioritize ensuring that the country team,
especially those offices that handle governance, security, and anti-
corruption efforts, are coordinating their efforts to steward resources
while advancing U.S. foreign policy and contributing to good governance
in both countries.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Mauritius and the Seychelles? What steps will you take to
pro-actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil
society via legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other NGOs in the United States as well as in
Mauritius and Seychelles. I will meet with groups experiencing undue
restrictions and seek to highlight U.S. Government support for them and
their efforts. I will utilize social media or other public diplomacy
platforms to message U.S. support and concern for these groups or
individuals, partner with likeminded international organizations or
embassies to emphasize shared concerns, and engage with relevant
government officials to emphasize U.S. Government support for civil
society, human rights, and democratic institutions.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties. I would encourage genuine
political competition by meeting with a full cross-section of political
figures; messaging regularly on the importance of strong democratic
institutions; partnering with likeminded organizations and embassies to
coordinate efforts, programs and messages supporting democracy; and
emphasizing with host government counterparts the importance of
fulfilling democratic commitments. In addition, I would engage
underrepresented groups to support their participation in the
democratic process, and I would advocate for the access inclusion of
women, minorities and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Mauritius and the Seychelles on freedom of the press and address any
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting
regularly with independent, local press in Mauritius and the
Seychelles?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would actively engage on freedom of
the press and address government efforts to control or undermine press
freedoms. The Embassy in Port Louis is already very focused on this
issue and works closely with local contacts to message on U.S.
Government concerns regarding press freedoms. I intend to continue and
expand on these efforts, regularly meeting with independent, local
press in Mauritius and Seychelles.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I and the Embassy team will continue to
actively engage with civil society and government counterparts on
countering disinformation and propaganda. I will do this in part
through the Global Engagement Center (GEC), which is working across
Africa with African partners to provide counter-disinformation training
for journalists as well as exposing, countering, and building
resiliency to disinformation aimed at undermining the stability and the
integrity of African democratic systems.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
Mauritius and the Seychelles on the right of labor groups to organize,
including for independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I and the Embassy team will be actively
engaged with Mauritius and Seychelles on the right of workers to
organize, including to form independent trade unions.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Mauritius and the
Seychelles, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to defend the human rights
and dignity of all people in Mauritius and Seychelles, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Mauritius and the
Seychelles?
Answer. Mauritius and Seychelles are among the more progressive
African nations in respecting the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons.
Seychelles reformed its colonial-era legal code to decriminalize same-
sex conduct in 2016, and discrimination on the basis of sexual
orientation is banned by law. A provision of Mauritius's colonial-era
legal code that bans same-sex conduct is currently facing multiple,
credible challenges in court, and LGBTQI+ persons in Mauritius are
generally protected from legal discrimination and discrimination in
employment and the provision of goods. Both countries have civil
society groups advocating for the wellbeing of LGBTQI+ persons.
Nevertheless, neither Seychelles nor Mauritius recognizes same-sex
marriage nor civil unions, and stigma and discrimination against
LGBTQI+ persons have not been entirely overcome in either country,
disadvantaging LGBTQI+ persons in housing, health care, and education.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Mauritius and the Seychelles?
Answer. We support efforts around the globe to promote respect for
the human rights of all individuals, including LGBTQI+ persons. With a
commitment to ``do no harm,'' we consult local LGBTQI+ organizations
and activists on where we can be most helpful to prevent violence
against and abuse of LGBTQI+ persons; combat criminalization,
discrimination, and stigma; end so-called conversion therapy practices;
and empower local movements. The U.S. Embassy in Port Louis has strong
relationships with the leaders and membership of the civil society
groups advocating for the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons in Mauritius
and Seychelles. We help fund initiatives by these groups, send rising
leaders to participate in our exchange and alumni programs, and
publicly advocate for respecting and protecting the rights of all
Mauritians and Seychellois. We are also a leader among the diplomatic
community in Mauritius and Seychelles in championing respect for these
rights. If confirmed, I will continue and expand these efforts, while
also ensuring that we report current and accurate information on the
state of the civil and human rights of LGBTQI+ persons in both
countries.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Mauritius and the Seychelles?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that I fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time I am in
Washington, D.C. during my tenure as ambassador to Mauritius and the
Seychelles.
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) among both American and locally
employed staff at Embassy Port Louis?
Answer. To foster diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility
(DEIA) among both American and locally employed staff, I would take the
following steps, among other efforts: advance the work of the Embassy's
DEIA committee; ensure that our hiring procedures follow best practices
for eliminating biases in hiring; engage with the Bureau of Overseas
Buildings Operations and the Office of Accessibility and Accommodations
to ensure the new Embassy compound project and existing facilities are
accessible for those with disabilities; use technologies and other
resources to ensure public diplomacy and other outreach efforts are
more accessible for those with hearing, vision or other disabilities;
and ensure Embassy officials engage a wide variety of individuals and
that our convened gatherings are inclusive of diverse citizens.
Question. What specifically will you do to prioritize and promote
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility, while also combating
racism, discrimination, and inequality among locally employed staff in
Mauritius and the Seychelles?
Answer. To prioritize and promote DEIA, while combating racism,
discrimination and inequality among locally employed staff, I would
take the following steps, among others: articulate a clear zero
tolerance for racism and discrimination in the Mission; ensure that
hiring practices are consistent with DEIA standards and allow for a
transparent, equitable and inclusive hiring process; prioritize
facility projects and programs that facilitate accessibility for
employees; and insist on regular DEIA training and other activities for
Embassy employees.
Question. In addition to focusing on diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility in the foreign service workforce, will you commit to
engaging more equitably in operations and programming, particularly
with potential partners and communities that traditionally have been
marginalized, excluded, or underrepresented in ours and others' donor
and partnership efforts? How do you anticipate utilizing local
expertise, knowledge, and capacity to meet our foreign policy goals?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to engage equitably in
operations and programming. I would draw on local expertise to best
message our policy priorities; identify and reach out to organizations
and groups that the Embassy may not have previously engaged; and
broaden our outreach across communities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Henry V. Jardine by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Some Mauritians have expressed concern about democratic
backsliding and electoral processes under Prime Minister Pravind
Jugnauth, who succeeded his father after the latter stepped down in
2017 due to ill health. As U.S. Ambassador, what actions would you
encourage Mauritian authorities to take to enhance democratic
accountability and bolster public faith in the electoral process?
Answer. Mauritius was a participant in President Biden's Summit for
Democracy precisely because it is one of the strongest democracies in
sub-Saharan Africa and has strong democratic foundations. If confirmed,
I commit to work with the Government and civil society to ensure they
recognize the implications of any actions that threaten these
traditions and opportunities for free and fair elections. I will also
use all the tools the United States has at our disposal to support
civil society, educate young leaders, and work with the Government to
continually strengthen and promote our shared democratic principles.
Question. Mauritius claims sovereignty over the United Kingdom-
controlled Chagos Archipelago, where a U.S. naval and air base is
located on the island of Diego Garcia. As U.S. Ambassador, how would
you balance pursuing U.S. national security interests related to Diego
Garcia while also upholding positive U.S.-Mauritian relations?
Answer. The United States continues to recognize UK sovereignty
over the BIOT. We regard the dispute over sovereignty as a bilateral
matter and applaud the UK and Mauritius as they work together to find a
way forward. The specific arrangement involving the facilities on Diego
Garcia is grounded in the uniquely close and active defense and
security partnership between the United States and the UK. It cannot be
replicated. The United States continues to enjoy a strong bilateral
relationship with Mauritius, with extensive cooperation in maritime
security and economic development. If confirmed, I will work to
maintain our positive relations and explore opportunities to deepen our
cooperation on security and in other areas of mutual interest.
Question. The People's Republic of China has reportedly provided
extensive development financing to both Mauritius and Seychelles. As
U.S. Ambassador, how would you seek to counter China's influence in
Mauritius and Seychelles, including economic and strategic competition
in the Indian Ocean?
Answer. The United States continues to expand our bilateral
engagement with Mauritius and Seychelles to ensure we can be a partner
of choice in advancing shared priorities. Both Mauritius and Seychelles
are very receptive to our offers of support in maritime security,
economic governance, and academic and professional exchanges. If
confirmed, I will continue to expand our strong diplomatic, economic,
and security partnerships with both Mauritius and Seychelles as an
alternative to the PRC.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Port Louis?
Answer. Most COVID restrictions have been lifted in Mauritius so
that is no longer a major issue. Given the relatively high quality of
life in the country and a clear sense of mission at the Embassy, morale
at post is strong.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Port
Louis?
Answer. While there has been a significant gap between ambassadors
assigned to Port Louis, morale at post is already strong. I would build
on the existing positive teamwork and commitment to the Embassy's
goals. I would engage all Mission offices; actively and regularly visit
all offices within the Mission; conduct an offsite meeting of office
leaders early in my tenure to develop our strategic program and to
promote collaboration; and frequently host community events and
activities.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Port Louis?
Answer. From my earliest leadership experiences as an infantry
platoon leader over 30 years ago, and throughout my assignments in the
Foreign Service leading large organizations with hundreds of personnel,
I understand it is important to communicate effectively and frequently
with the team to create a unified mission and vision. It is critical
for a leader to articulate the organization's key strategic goals and
mission, and to ensure the team can provide good, constructive feedback
on the goals and progress. In addition, it is important to model strong
personal ethics and behaviors to set organizational expectations.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would characterize my management style as collaborative
in seeking input from the teams I lead, but it is also important to
define expectations, goals, and vision early in an assignment, so that
everyone in the organization understands their role and feels engaged
in the Mission. I will also seek to establish a level of organizational
accountability by establishing clear metrics with team input and to
periodically review progress against the goals that the team has
established.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never productive or acceptable to berate
subordinates under any circumstances. Performance feedback is important
but should be done professionally and in line with the Department's
guidance on performance evaluations and counseling.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having served previously as a Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM), I understand how critical it is for the ambassador and DCM to
forge a true partnership. If confirmed, I would see my relationship
with my DCM as being highly collaborative, ensuring regular
communication between us. I would also seek to mentor the DCM and
prepare them to take on even greater responsibilities in their future
assignments with the Department of State.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having served previously as Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM),
I understand the critical role the DCM plays in the Mission. I would
empower the DCM to coordinate the activities of Mission offices and to
operationalize our various initiatives and activities, particularly
those focused on promoting diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility. In addition, State Department regulations clearly define
aspects of the DCM's responsibilities, such as developing and
implementing mentorship programs for first- and second-tour officers as
well as mid-level personnel. I would also ensure the DCM was prepared
to lead as appropriate during any brief absence I may have from post.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Throughout my time in the Foreign Service and in my present
role as director of career development and assignments for the
Department's Foreign Service professionals, I understand the value of
providing accurate and constructive feedback on performance. It
actually helps those receiving the feedback to understand where they
may need to focus their professional development. In addition,
rewarding those who have succeeded serves as a positive reinforcement
of professional performance and helps to foster organizational morale
and productivity.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Greece [Mauritius and Seychelles]. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats
get outside of our Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their
missions?
Answer. It can be a challenge to balance the tasks that keep U.S.
diplomats in the Embassy offices with the need to do outreach in the
local community. However, I agree that the priority should be for
diplomats to do more outreach and more engagement outside of the
office. I would encourage this through my own example and make a point
of engaging as much as possible with local counterparts, officials, and
organizations.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. I would seek to improve the ability of U.S. diplomats to
access local populations by providing the focus and time for them to do
so. In my own outreach, I would bring along other Embassy officials to
provide them engagement opportunities so they can initiate and foster
the critical relationships with the local community. In addition, I
would encourage a robust Embassy language program to provide the needed
skills to do the outreach.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Mauritius and the Seychelles?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Mauritius and
Seychelles is favorable to U.S. values and interests. Both countries
maintain audiences that are interested in U.S. culture, and American
educational opportunities remain a gold standard for studying abroad
for young Mauritians and Seychellois. Social media continues to play a
growing role in the dissemination of information, with internet
penetration high in both countries. Media outlets in both Mauritius and
Seychelles, in general, operate freely, but are subject to strict libel
laws and policies.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
in the two countries?
Answer. Current public diplomacy challenges include the active
presence of our strategic competitors in both countries (including the
PRC and Russia), the role of online misinformation and occasional hate
speech, and a press corps in both countries that requires continued
support to build capacity and develop stronger journalistic standards.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Main State and in-country Mission public diplomacy efforts
should be coordinated to complement each other. Some issues or messages
may resonate less with local audiences. The Embassy typically has
expertise on how messages can be best translated or prioritized to
engage the local community effectively. In these instances, it is
important to use Embassy personnel, especially local staff, and to
leverage insights from local civil society to effectively tailor
messages that advance the State Department's mission.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. If confirmed, I do commit to taking anomalous health
incidents seriously, working closely with the State Department's Care
Coordination Team and bureaus of medical services and diplomatic
security to safeguard the health and well-being of our employees and
protect against these events in the future.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Port Louis personnel?
Answer. Yes, I would commit to talking as openly as possible with
Mission Port Louis personnel.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Henry V. Jardine by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As laid out in the President's National Security Strategy,
we recognize that the People's Republic of China (PRC) is the greatest
geopolitical challenge that we face. That is especially true in Africa,
where we actively promote our values, including respect for human
rights, and contest the PRC whenever it engages in harmful behavior,
like predatory lending.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Evaluating the activities of the CCP would be beyond the
scope of my duties were I to be confirmed as the United States
Ambassador to Mauritius and Seychelles. However, it is clear that the
PRC does seek to counter U.S. strategic interests.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. The way the United States and the PRC manage our
relationship in the coming years will have significant consequences for
the entire world. That is why competition with Beijing should not
preclude cooperation in areas where our interests intersect. In Africa,
the State Department continues to explore options where the interests
of the United States and the PRC could align. This includes areas such
as public health, counterterrorism, counternarcotics, food security,
and the environment.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Mauritius or the Seychelles?
Answer. If confirmed, I might support joint activities if interests
were to align and there was a clear benefit for advancing U.S.
Government foreign policy goals and interests, such as in areas of
public health, counternarcotics, counterterrorism, the environment, and
food security. However, such cooperation would have to be carefully
considered, done in consultation with and approval by appropriate U.S.
agencies or offices, and demonstrate a clear benefit to the United
States, Mauritius, and Seychelles.
Question. One of the United States' major military bases in the
Indian Ocean, Diego Garcia, is located in the Chagos Archipelago, with
the permission of the British Government, which controls the islands.
Mauritius claims the islands, and last year, the International Court of
Justice and the United Nations General Assembly passed resolutions
affirming Mauritius' claims. Should Mauritius regain control of the
islands, our ability to maintain Diego Garcia and continue military
operations in the strategic Indian Ocean will be at risk. If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that the United States is able to continue
to operate the Naval Support Facility in Diego Garcia?
Answer. We continue to recognize UK sovereignty over the BIOT. The
joint defense facility on Diego Garcia contributes significantly to
global security. Diego Garcia allows the United States, UK, and our
allies to conduct operations that support regional stability and
provide a rapid response to humanitarian crisis. The specific
arrangement involving the facilities on Diego Garcia is grounded in the
uniquely close and active defense and security partnership between the
United States and the UK. It cannot be replicated. We regard the
dispute over sovereignty as a bilateral matter and applaud the UK and
Mauritius as they work together toward a mutually acceptable
resolution. If confirmed, I commit to continue to coordinate closely
with the UK regarding the base on Diego Garcia to ensure continued
access and use.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Henry V. Jardine by Senator Todd Young
Question. The United States typically invests far more in its
physical presence by orders of magnitude than other countries. Some
would argue that it may be time to revisit these requirements to ensure
they reflect both the security environment and our operational needs.
Do you agree, and how should we approach this issue?
Answer. Yes, I agree that it is time to re-examine these
requirements. As Secretary Blinken has said, ``A world of zero risk is
not a world in which American diplomacy can deliver.'' To that end, the
Department is endeavoring for legislative changes to the Secure Embassy
Construction and Counterterrorism Act of 1999. The one-size-fits-all
nature of the law, especially with smaller posts, does not adequately
address the realities of varied environments around the world. Amending
this legislation and introducing other flexibilities would allow the
Department to evaluate prospective Embassy locations more broadly, not
only allowing us to decrease costs, but also allowing our diplomats to
extend their reach and broaden their scope.
Question. What would you say to those who would that any relaxation
to these requirements opens our personnel and their families up to
potential danger?
Answer. I believe those who join the Foreign Service do so with an
understanding of the inherent risk in the profession. The Department
has some of the best minds working to ensure our people are
strategically managing risks, including potential danger. The
Department designs and constructs facilities to address both current
and future threats. The proposed legislative changes would allow us to
manage risk more strategically in conducting diplomacy.
Question. How would you sell this decision to my constituents who
might express sticker shock at these costs?
Answer. During my tenure as the Principal Deputy Director and
Acting Director for the Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations, I
grappled first-hand with the impacts of the current one-size-fits-all
security standard that hampers our ability to conduct diplomacy in the
most advantageous locations in a cost-effective way. Construction
limitations, such as restrictions on noise, truck access, and laydown
areas, combined with the cost of a full setback in a dense urban
center, especially in the highly developed world, increase the overall
cost of delivery. If the Department's legislative proposals are
adopted, the increased flexibility to determine Embassy locations would
decrease costs.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to L. Felice Gorordo by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. We are in a serious strategic competition with China, which
is led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Certain conduct by China
(1) hurts American workers, (2) blunts our technological edge, and (3)
threatens our alliances and our influence in international
organizations.
I understand that the Biden administration is committed to
responsible competition with China and pushing back on China's
aggressive actions and unfair practices that threaten American
interests.
The Biden-Harris administration has and will continue to engage in
a whole-of-government approach to China that uses our available tools
in a manner that is designed to achieve our economic, national
security, and foreign policy goals.
If confirmed, I am committed to work with allies and partners to
jointly tackle China's activities that can undermine global values and
norms.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. As the Administration has stated, China is the only country
with both the intent to reshape the international order and,
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
power to do it. Under President Xi, the ruling Chinese Communist Party
has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We have
profound differences with China.
It is in the United States' interests to stabilize its relationship
with China while recognizing the wide range of concerns we have with
its practices.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. I believe it is important for the United States and China
to work together to tackle transnational challenges--from macroeconomic
cooperation to concerted action on debt relief, the pandemic, food
security, and climate change. It is in the world's interest for the two
economies to have the opportunity to exchange views even amid strategic
competition, and I believe the Chinese Government recognizes the
importance of that as well.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China at
the World Bank?
Answer. I understand the Treasury Department has actively
discouraged World Bank involvement with China's Belt and Road
Initiative. If confirmed, I would closely scrutinize any proposed World
Bank joint activity with China.
Question. Mr. Gorordo, I understand you have focused on turning
Miami, our mutual hometown, into the Tech Hub of the Americas. Looking
at your eMerge Americas organization, I can see potential for the types
of initiatives that will be critical in building lasting relations
between the United States and other countries in the Western
Hemisphere. Unfortunately, there is ample opportunity for the Chinese
Communist Party to use forums, such as these, to surreptitiously spread
its influence in our country and others throughout the Americas. While
you're on the right path, you and others, must ensure that it is not
subverted by the CCP, which as we speak, is committing a horrific
genocide against the Uyghur people and cracking down on peaceful
protests across China.
Answer. Senator, I share your concern that the atrocities being
committed by the CCP against the Uyghur people are horrific. I am
equally concerned about China's use of forced labor of the Uyghur
people and other minorities. As the White House has said, the United
States and the world's leading democracies stand united against forced
labor, and the United States is committed to ensuring that global
supply chains are free from the use of forced labor.
I understand that the U.S. Government has tasked agencies to put
this into action, and if confirmed, I commit to work with all parts of
the U.S. Government and my fellow Board members to uphold high labor
standard in projects.
Question. Last week, Star Xu, a Chinese tech executive was released
from temporary detention by China's Ministry of Public Security, one of
the CCP's security organs used to uphold its totalitarian grip on the
Chinese people. Xu was detained for more than a month, for no stated
reason, other than he was being ``investigated.'' I raise this because
Xu is the founder and CEO of OKCoin, one of the sponsors of eMerge
Americas, your organization. Xu's case demonstrates exactly the problem
of working with companies subject to the CCP's jurisdiction--in many
cases these companies are controlled by the CCP through coercion and
intimidation. Since Xu was detained on October 16, did eMerge Americas
inquire with the CCP on the details of his detention to ensure one of
its partners was safe?
Answer. OKCoin is not a sponsor of eMerge Americas. OKCoin USA,
Inc., is a sponsor of eMerge Americas. With regards to Xu's case, I
have never been in contact with Xu and do not know of the details of
his detention. With that said, I make myself available to be able to
obtain information regarding the detention.
Question. In vetting sponsorship offers, does eMergeAmericas ensure
that sponsors are not compromised or controlled by the Chinese
Communist Party? Please explain.
Answer. eMerge Americas does not do business with any entities
determined to be controlled by CCP. Should an entity that does business
with eMerge Americas be determined to be controlled by the CCP, eMerge
Americas will comply with all relevant U.S. laws and regulations.
Question. If it is determined that OKCoin is controlled by the
Chinese Communist Party, will eMerge Americas return any money received
from OKCoin?
Answer. eMerge Americas does not do business with any entities
determined to be controlled by CCP. Should an entity that does business
with eMerge Americas be determined to be controlled by the CCP, eMerge
Americas will comply with all relevant U.S. laws and regulations.
Question. If confirmed, what kind of vetting should we expect from
you when evaluating whether or not the World Bank should lend to
companies controlled by the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vote in accordance with applicable
U.S. laws and policies. The CCP does not share the World Bank's
commitment to supporting inclusive development, so I will deeply
scrutinize CCP involvement in any World Bank-financed project. I
believe World Bank investments should be based on market principles,
high standards, and inclusiveness and should avoid contact with
political parties.
Question. I understand that you are the founder of Roots of Hope,
an organization that seeks to develop relationships between American
and Cuban Youth. During your time in the Obama administration, you
helped to re-establish diplomatic ties with the Castro regime. After
the historic protests on July 11, 2021, you and other Cuban activists
met with President Biden to advise him on how to support the Cuban
people in overcoming the draconian censorship the regime imposes on
Cubans.
Do you acknowledge that the policies you supported during the Obama
administration contributed to supporting a regime that, even
today, tortures and kills its own people?
Answer. I have spent my entire life fighting for human rights and
freedom and I am committed to that cause. As a first-generation Cuban-
American whose family suffered at the hands of a communist totalitarian
regime, I reject the human rights violations of the Cuban Government
whole-heartedly. I am deeply committed to honoring, protecting, and
advancing the cause of democracy, human rights, and economic prosperity
here and abroad. I abhor the Cuban Government's repression against the
Cuban people, as my family has paid the price firsthand.
While I was in college, I co-founded Roots of Hope, a nonprofit
organization focused on empowering Cuban youth to become the authors of
their own futures. Through Roots of Hope, I have supported young Cuban
independent journalists like Yoani Sanchez and young human rights and
civil society leaders like the late Harold Cepero, who was killed
alongside Cuban pro-democracy activist Oswaldo Paya in 2012. If
confirmed, I will work relentlessly to continue to uphold U.S. values
and advance our interests around the world.
Question. Do you continue to advocate for re-opening an Embassy in
Havana, even though the regime continues to detain minors and children
for participating in the July 11 protests?
Answer. I understand that The U.S. Embassy in Havana has remained
open since the United States and Cuba re-established diplomatic
relations in 2015. The Department of State is gradually increasing the
number of staff at U.S. Embassy Havana as part of Department of State
efforts to facilitate diplomatic and civil society engagement while
ensuring the safety of our personnel., and that the State Department
has committed to increasing its staffing, consistent with security
protocols, in order to provide more services to the U.S. and Cuban
people. The Administration continues to call for the release of all
persons, including children, detained during the July 11, 2021 and
subsequent summer's protests. The Cuban Government should respect
Cubans' right to speech and peaceful assembly.
Question. If confirmed, will you uphold standing U.S. law, such as
the LIBERTAD Act, that prohibits U.S. support to the Castro-Diaz-Canel
regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I will represent and vote consistent with the
U.S. position and U.S. law.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to L. Felice Gorordo by Senator John Barrasso
Question. What is the total financial contribution from the United
States to the World Bank?
Answer. The total the value of U.S. financial contributions to the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the World
Bank's nonconcessional lending arm, is $48.012 billion. This includes
$3.483 billion in paid-in capital and $47.785 billion in callable
capital.
Question. What are the top 10 financial contributing countries and
how much have each of those countries contributed to the World Bank?
Answer. Based on the IBRD's 2022 financial statements, the top 10
financial contributing countries to the IBRD are as follows:
TOP TEN CONTRIBUTING COUNTRIES TO THE IBRD IN 2022
(Billions US$)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Rank/Country Paid-In Capital Callable Capital
------------------------------------------------------------------------
#1 United States $3.483 $47.785
#2 Japan 1.752 22.361
#3 China 1.178 16.061
#4 Germany 0.913 12.329
#5 United Kingdom 0.919 11.744
#6 France 0.900 11.763
#7 India 0.692 9.215
#8 Russia 0.611 8.051
#9 Canada 0.620 7.880
#10 Italy 0.563 7.550
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the World Bank
is promoting all forms of energy projects across the globe, including
oil, gas, nuclear and coal?
Answer. I will review each project on its own merits, assessing the
country's needs, and the consistency with the World Bank's strategy in
that country as well as U.S. policies and guidance. I will also ensure
that projects are consistent with all relevant Board-approved policies
and each country's country strategy, which ensures that World Bank
activities provide a coherent and agreed structure.
I will also rely on Treasury's review team to give me guidance on
whether the individual projects contain strong environmental and social
safeguards, and that the projects are consistent with any relevant
Congressional mandates and Treasury guidance.
Question. The U.S. Department of Treasury announced plans to end
support for fossil fuels at multilateral development bank, except for
exceptional circumstances.
What are the ``exceptional circumstances'' in which the United
States would support a fossil fuel project at the World Bank?
Answer. I understand that the MDBs support a wide array of energy
projects that strive to support sustainable energy goals and help
address energy access issues.
For the United States, and as Alternate Executive Director, if
confirmed, I would work to evaluate each project on its own merits,
assessing the country's needs, consistency with the MDB's strategy in
that country, and the policies and guidance of its shareholders.
I understand that the Treasury Department has put on its website
some guidance that urges the MDBs to limit their support of fossil fuel
projects. I understand this is consistent with the Biden-Harris
administration's approach towards supporting more sustainable growth. I
look forward to learning about the Administration's approach and
working with the World Bank Management to help ensure that developing
countries are able to address energy access, in as clean and
sustainable a manner as possible.
Question. What actions has the United States taken to end World
Bank support for fossil fuel?
Answer. While I'm not in the position right now, I am aware that
the World Bank supports a wide array of energy projects and that they
strive to support countries' efforts to have sustainable energy and to
address energy access issues. I look forward to learning more about the
World Bank approach and working with you to help ensure that the World
Bank is funding the most appropriate energy solutions for the
developing world.
Question. Do you support the financing of fossil fuel projects at
the World Bank?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and
policies, including the guidance that Treasury recently released
concerning MDB financing of fossil fuel projects. The World Bank can
play a vital role in expanding energy access in developing countries
while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction,
protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against climate
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned
investments. The World Bank should select energy projects that account
for the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of the
project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is capable
of financing. The World Bank should finance projects that utilize
technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy
efficiency, that do not lock developing countries into high-emissions
trajectories or technologies that may soon be obsolete.
Question. In a tweet on July 30, 2022, you said ``we must do all
that we can to combat climate change & sea level rise.''
If confirmed, what climate change initiatives would you promote?
Answer. If confirmed to be the next U.S. Alternate Executive
Director at the World Bank, I will work with Treasury and World Bank
staff to support the most vulnerable countries and ensure that these
countries have access to the tools needed to mitigate and adapt to the
impact of climate change in a sustainable, responsible way.
Question. If confirmed, would climate change your top priority at
the World Bank?
Answer. As I stated in my written testimony, if confirmed, I will
use my experience to help advance U.S. development, foreign policy and
national security priorities, and expand markets for U.S. products and
services. Drawing on my fiduciary experience as an investor, executive
and board member of both for-profit and nonprofit companies, I resolve
to be a good steward of our tax dollars to ensure the Bank's programs
yield the greatest return on investment and uphold our values. I will
also seek to engage with a diverse range of important stakeholders,
including Members of both parties, to ensure the interests of all
Americans are represented in the Bank's boardroom and projects.
Moreover, I will draw on my two decades of experience in management and
oversight to promote the greatest degree of integrity, transparency,
and accountability in the Bank's operations. Mitigating and adapting to
climate change is fundamental to achieving the World Bank's twin goals
of poverty alleviation and shared prosperity. It is imperative to
address all of these priorities in a coherent and coordinated manner.
Question. There has been some discussion by analysts that Russia
should be suspended from its membership in the international financial
institutions.
Do you support a suspension of Russia's membership in the World
Bank? Why or why not?
Answer. I understand that the Bank has ceased all operations and
development projects in Russia. There are both advantages and risks to
suspending Russia's membership in the World Bank. It is important that
regardless of Russia's status at the Bank that it remain isolated. If
confirmed, I will work closely with allies and World Bank Management to
maximize Russia's isolation and deter its ability to exert influence at
the World Bank.
Question. After the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, the World
Bank halted funding for projects in Afghanistan.
Under what circumstances, if any, would you recommend the United
States support World Bank projects in Afghanistan under the
Taliban rule?
Answer. I understand that the World Bank has paused its own-funded
activities in Afghanistan but has recently been providing through the
Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund support to the Afghan people in
the areas of basic human needs through U.N. agencies. The international
community, including the World Bank, should continue examining options
to responsibly provide support to the Afghan people, while engaging in
strong due diligence and application of appropriate safeguards to
prevent the flow of funds to any entity supporting terrorism or other
acts of violence against the United States.
Question. Chinese firms are the largest recipients of World Bank
contracts. Chinese firms won nearly a quarter of investment projects
between 2016 and 2020.
What are the risks and challenges posed by the World Bank's
reliance on Chinese firms for implementation of its development
projects?
Answer. Competition with China is one of the central challenges of
the 21st century, including competition with China's economic
statecraft. As we have seen, supply chain diversification is an
important global priority for numerous reasons. Investments from the
World Bank can help with this effort.
Question. What is your plan to address this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with President
Biden, Secretary Yellen, and Congress to craft an economic and
diplomatic agenda that promotes economic fairness and democratic
values. I will work to ensure that the World Bank offers a high-
quality, sustainable alternative to borrowing from China, that there is
an emphasis on increasing developing countries' capacity to evaluate
procurement bids and contracts on the basis of quality and value-for-
money, and for investments in responsible efforts at supply chain
diversification. I will also advocate for robust resourcing for the
World Bank's Integrity Unit, so that firms and individuals found to
have engaged in corruption are restricted from MDB procurement
opportunities.
Question. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, the Chinese
Communist Party offers countries the ability to borrow a lot of money
for infrastructure projects. The problem is that these countries
accumulate large amounts of debt to China, they are unable to pay back,
while still not achieving the development gains they were seeking.
Unable to escape the massive debt owed to China, countries face default
or the forfeiture of strategic assets and natural resources.
Question. What actions do you believe the World Bank should take,
if any, to assist countries facing default and economic collapse due to
China's predatory lending?
Answer. I fully share your concern about the increasing debt
vulnerabilities many of the poorest countries face. The World Bank can
play an important role in assisting countries with building debt
management capacity, promoting debt transparency through debt data
collection and reporting, and supporting countries participating in
debt relief initiatives, such as the G-20 Common Framework.
Question. How would you ensure American taxpayers are not bailing
out Chinese financial intuitions and further enabling China's predatory
lending practices?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to call attention to China's
predatory lending practices through the voice and vote of the United
States on the World Bank's Board of Directors. Furthermore, I will
advocate for the World Bank assistance to countries with building debt
management capacity, promoting debt transparency through debt data
collection and reporting, and supporting countries participating in
debt relief initiatives, such as the G-20 Common Framework.
Question. What are the biggest challenges developing countries
across the globe face from China's predatory lending practices?
Answer. As Secretary Yellen has said, ``Today, nearly 60 percent of
low-income countries are at high risk of or are in debt distress. This
over-indebtedness poses a risk to stability and growth at a time when
financial pressures are mounting. Without timely and orderly debt
relief, we worry that many developing countries may face severe
economic fallout.''
Question. As the bank's largest contributor, the United States has
a duty to ensure American taxpayer resources are used wisely. I believe
China should not be receiving any loans from the World Bank.
Do you support ending all lending to China at the World Bank?
Answer. I understand that the World Bank made a series of
commitments on graduation as part of its 2018 capital increase. If
confirmed, I will encourage the World Bank to adhere to those
commitments, in coordination with the U.S. Executive Director and
Treasury colleagues.
I believe China meets the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development's criteria for graduation, given its high per capita
income, institutional capacity, and ample access to other sources of
finance.
Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to ensure no
more US taxpayer funding goes to China at the World Bank?
Answer. I believe the PRC meets the IBRD's criteria for graduation,
given its high per capita income, institutional capacity, and ample
access to other sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will
press for the PRC's graduation as soon as possible, and will seek to
advance this position by working with the U.S. Executive Director,
World Bank Management, Secretary Yellen and Treasury Colleagues,
Congress, and other U.S. agencies, as well as likeminded partners.
Question. How much funding has China received from the World Bank
since it met the bank's graduation criteria?
Answer. I understand that as per China's current country
partnership framework (CPF) with the World Bank, which runs from World
Bank FY 2020 to FY 2025, the lending it receives will average about
$1.0-$1.5 billion per year and gradually decline during the CPF period.
Question. What is the process at the World Bank for graduating
countries? What reforms would you recommend to the current process?
Answer. My understanding is there is not a formal process for
graduating countries from IBRD lending, and that graduation from IBRD
lending is effectively voluntary. World Bank Management assesses
countries' readiness for graduation based on sustained per capita
income about the graduation discussion income threshold,
creditworthiness and access to other sources of finance, and
institutional capacity. However, a number of reforms were agreed as
part of the 2018 Capital Package negotiations that move IBRD borrowers
that exceed the per capita income threshold that triggers discussions
on graduation in the direction of graduation. These include (a) reduced
lending volumes, (b) narrowed scope of activities financed to focus on
the institutional strengthening needed for graduation, and (c) higher
loan prices. I will continue to press for transparency in assessments
of graduation readiness and targeting assistance on addressing
constraints to graduation. In the case of China, I will work with the
U.S. Executive Director and others in the U.S. Government to press for
the PRC's graduation as soon as possible.
Question. Which countries have met the criteria for graduation but
still receive loans from the World Bank?
Answer. I believe the PRC has met the criteria. I understand there
are several other countries that have per capita incomes above the
graduation discussion income threshold but in most cases, do not have
sufficiently robust access to other financing sources on reasonable
terms and/or lack institutional capacity to sustain graduation. If
confirmed, I will advocate for transparency in assessments of
graduation readiness and targeting assistance on addressing constraints
to graduation.
Question. What countries are close to graduating?
Answer. I understand there are several countries that have per
capita incomes above the graduation discussion income threshold but in
most cases, do not have sufficiently robust access to other financing
sources on reasonable terms and/or lack institutional capacity to
sustain graduation. If confirmed, I will advocate for transparency in
assessments of graduation readiness and targeting assistance on
addressing constraints to graduation.
Question. The World Bank recently partly guaranteed a Ghana bond
which is expected to complicate the country's debt workout. In 2015,
Ghana issued a $1 billion bond due in 2030.
What is the expected outcome of this partial guarantee?
Answer. My understanding is that the Treasury Department is closely
monitoring the matter. The outcome will depend on how the World Bank
interprets the relevant provisions of the bond contract.
Question. What was the outcome the last time the World Bank issued
a similar guarantee?
Answer. The World Bank has issued only one other guarantee to
Argentina in 1999 and chose not to demand immediate reimbursement
following Argentina's default.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to L. Felice Gorordo by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. On March 11 of 2016 you participated in a political event
with then-Assistant to President Barack Obama and Deputy National
Security Advisor Ben Rhodes. The event was publicly described as a
``Town Meeting on the Future of U.S.-Cuba Relations with Young Cuban
American Business People and Students,'' with a news conference to
follow afterward. Mr. Rhodes publicly promoted the event and described
it as in line with the Administration's ``process of normalization''
with the Cuban regime, and cited arguments about U.S. businesses
engaging Cuba. In his public post regarding the event, Mr. Rhodes cited
a narrative ostensibly written by you about traveling to Cuba in 2015.
Do you believe that promoting economic normalization between Cuba
and the United States is in the national security interests of
the United States?
Do you believe that promoting economic normalization between Cuba
and the international community is in the national security
interests of the United States?
Answer. I have spent my entire life fighting for human rights and
freedom and I am committed to that cause. As a first-generation Cuban-
American whose family suffered at the hands of a communist totalitarian
regime, I reject the human rights violations of the Cuban Gpovernment
whole-heartedly. I am deeply committed to honoring, protecting, and
advancing the cause of democracy, human rights, and economic prosperity
here and abroad.
While I was in college, I co-founded Roots of Hope, a nonprofit
organization focused on empowering Cuban youth to become the authors of
their own futures. Through Roots of Hope, I have supported young Cuban
independent journalists like Yoani Sanchez and young human rights and
civil society leaders like the late Harold Cepero, who was killed
alongside Cuban pro-democracy activist Oswaldo Paya in 2012. If
confirmed, I will work relentlessly to continue to uphold U.S. values
and advance our interests around the world.
As President Biden has stated, I believe the U.S. should ``continue
to stand with the Cuban people, who have suffered for decades and
decades under a failed communist regime.'' I believe that it is in
national security interests of the United States to actively pursue
measures that will both support the Cuban people and hold the Cuban
regime accountable.
Question. Do you believe that the Cuban regime would use additional
resources to promote anti-American movements in the Western Hemisphere?
Do you believe that the Cuban regime would use additional resources to
promote violence against American interests in the Western Hemisphere?
Answer. The Biden administration has made clear that it will not
provide support to the Cuban military, intelligence, or security
services. Cuba is not a member of the World Bank, and does not receive
resources from it. If confirmed, as the Alternate Executive Director, I
will represent and vote consistent with U.S. positions and U.S. law at
this institution.
Question. Please list all officials who were or did serve in the
Government of Cuba with whom you met while visiting Cuba in 2015.
Answer. In August 2015, I attended the raising of the American flag
ceremony at the U.S. Embassy in Havana as a guest of then-U.S.
Secretary of State John Kerry. I did not have any meetings with
officials that were or did serve in the Government of Cuba. However, I
did meet with human rights, civil society and pro-democracy leaders at
the ceremony at the U.S. Embassy.
In September 2015, I participated with my late-mother Martha Serra
Mohr in the Catholic Church pilgrimage for the visit of Pope Francis to
Cuba. The pilgrimage was headed by the Archbishop of Miami Thomas
Wenski and organized in part by the international faith-based
nongovernmental organization Catholic Relief Services. It was the dying
wish of my mother to return to Cuba for the first time after more than
40 years when she was diagnosed with late stage pancreatic cancer. The
Catholic Church and Catholic Relief Services made this trip possible,
and my mother was personally blessed by Pope Francis two months to the
day before she was reunited with our Creator. I did not have any
meetings with officials that were or did serve in the Government of
Cuba. However, I did meet with Catholic Church leaders as part of the
pilgrimage.
Question. Please provide a transcript or recording of your comments
during the March 11 event with Mr. Rhodes.
Answer. With regards to the event held at Miami Dade College in
2016, I have looked for a recording or a transcript, but I have been
unable to find one. I have also reached out to the Miami Dade College.
Unfortunately, Miami Dade College has been unable to locate a
transcript or recording. The basis of my opening statement can be found
in Medium blog post that was the basis for my opening and closing
remarks. The basis for Mr. Rhodes' participation in the Town Hall can
also be found in the White House Archived Medium blog post that he
authored. Below please find the blog posts and a relevant article by
press that covered the event:
http://bit.ly/3TqfLR9
http://bit.ly/3Lmucnr
https://bit.ly/3FrTcG2
Question. Please provide a transcript or recording of your comments
during the news conference following the March 11 event with Mr.
Rhodes.
Answer. I did not participate in the news conference following the
March 11 event at Miami Dade College.
* * *
follow up to previous questions submitted
to l. felice gorordo by senator cruz
Question. In the QFRs submitted pursuant to your nomination,
I asked you for details regarding a March 11, 2016 political
event with then-Assistant to the President and Deputy National
Security Advisor Ben Rhodes regarding the Administration's
``process of normalization'' with the Cuban regime.
Specifically, I asked you to provide a transcript or
recording of your comments during the event. The event had been
livestreamed and in conversations with my staff, you had
indicated you would be able to provide a record of your
comments, but in your response to the QFRs, you wrote ``With
regards to the event held at Miami Dade College in 2016, I have
looked for a recording or a transcript, but I have been unable
to find one. I have also reached out to the Miami Dade College.
Unfortunately, Miami Dade College has been unable to locate a
transcript or recording.'' I also asked you more generally, in
the context of that event, whether you believe that promoting
economic normalization between Cuba and the United States is in
the national security interests of the United States. In
partial answer to this question, you cited your work ``co-
found[ing] Roots of Hope, a nonprofit organization focused on
empowering Cuban youth to become the authors of their own
futures.''
Please provide any copies you have of your prepared remarks for
the event, e.g. introductions, speech text, etc.
Answer. I have conducted an exhaustive search of my files
both electronic and paper, and I do not have a recording or
transcript of my prepared remarks for the event that took place
at Miami Dade College.
My understanding is that the event was live streamed by Miami
Dade College. For this reason, I have reached out to Miami Dade
College to request any video recording or transcript of the
event. Miami Dade College searched their archives and stated
that they did not have a video recording or transcript of the
event.
As I noted in my response to the previous question, the basis
of my opening statement for the Miami Dade College event can be
found in the Medium blog post below:
http://bit.ly/3mIS6z1
From what I recall, the basis for Mr. Rhodes' participation
in the Town Hall can also be found in the White House Archived
Medium blog post that he authored. Below please find the blog
post:
http://bit.ly/3TmhQ0C
Moreover, below please also find the link to an article by
press that covered and recapped the event:
https://bit.ly/3ZNSOJT
Question. Has Roots of Hope received funding for the U.S.
Federal Government, and if so how much?
Answer. Roots of Hope has not received funding from the U.S.
Federal Government.
Question. Please list any foreign donors to Roots of Hope who
have contributed in excess of $250.
Answer. I have no objection to your staff asking for this
information. Feel free to reach out to Roots of Hope directly
and I'm fully supportive of this request.
* * *
__________
Response to An Additional Question for the Record Submitted
to Richard L.A. Weiner by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. We are in a serious strategic competition with China, which
is led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Certain conduct by China
(1) hurts American workers, (2) blunts our technological edge, and (3)
threatens our alliances and our influence in international
organizations.
I understand that the Biden Administration is committed to
responsible competition with China and pushing back on China's
aggressive actions and unfair practices that threaten American
interests.
The Biden-Harris administration has and will continue to engage in
a whole-of-government approach to China that uses our available tools
in a manner that is designed to achieve our economic, national
security, and foreign policy goals.
If confirmed, I am committed to work jointly with allies and
partners to tackle China's activities that undermine global values and
norms.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. As the Administration has stated, China is the only country
with both the intent to reshape the international order and,
increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
power to do it. Under President Xi, the ruling Chinese Communist Party
has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. We have
profound differences with China.
It is in the United States' interests to stabilize its relationship
with China while recognizing the wide range of concerns we have with
its practices.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. I believe it is important for the United States and China
to work together to tackle transnational challenges--from macroeconomic
cooperation to concerted action on debt relief, the pandemic, food
security, and climate change. It is in the world's interest for the two
economies to have the opportunity to exchange views even amid strategic
competition, and I believe the Chinese Government recognizes the
importance of that as well.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China at
the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development?
Answer. I understand the Treasury Department has actively
discouraged EBRD involvement with China's Belt and Road Initiative. As
the Secretary has said, the Biden Administration is willing to make use
of the full array of tools to hold China accountable, and, working with
U.S. allies and partners, including through multilateral institutions,
to confront China's abusive behaviors. If confirmed, I will do so.
If confirmed, I would closely scrutinize any proposed EBRD joint
activity with China.
Question. Since February 2014, Vladimir Putin has consistently
supported policies that violate the sovereignty and undermine the
democracy of Ukraine, most horrifically with the invasion he launched
earlier this year.
Do you support efforts to expel Russia from the EBRD?
Answer. It is absolutely critical that multilateral funds not
support Russia's unprovoked and illegal war in any way. If confirmed I
would consider the implications across all international financial
institutions if the EBRD were to expel Russia.
I understand that the EBRD Board of Governors passed a resolution
in April suspending Russia's access to any Bank resources, which
requires the institution to avoid any new support to Russia. The EBRD
has also closed its offices in Russia. EBRD management is in the
process of divesting from its remaining Russian holdings and, if
confirmed, I will make sure this is done in a way that does not
inadvertently enrich the Russian regime.
Question. Beyond expulsion, what other efforts are available to
sanction Russia at the Bank?
Answer. Working with our allies and partners, we must be firm in
our resolve that multilateral funds not support Russia's unprovoked and
illegal war in any way. If confirmed, I will work to ensure proper
controls and accountability over the execution of EBRD's projects. If
confirmed, I understand that there are that are various procedures
available to prevent any Russian influence over Board decisions, and I
will work closely with allies and EBRD Management to maximize Russia's
isolation in the EBRD.
Question. The United States has the largest single vote in the
EBRD, but European countries, together, have a majority share in the
institution.
If confirmed, how will you utilize America's position at the Bank
to lead other shareholders in directing loans away from
projects sponsored by the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. While the United States is the largest shareholder with a
10 percent stake and is able to exercise considerable influence over
Bank policies and operations, U.S. influence at the Bank also depends
on our ability to build coalitions with likeminded shareholders.
If confirmed, I commit to exercising the United States' voice and
vote to advance U.S. interests at the EBRD while also partnering with
our allies and partners to extend U.S. influence over the institution.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to opposing all EBRD loans to
projects that are controlled by, or affiliated with, the Chinese
Communist Party?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vote in accordance with applicable
U.S. laws and policies. The CCP does not share the EBRD's commitment to
supporting transition to market-based economies and democratic
pluralism, so I will deeply scrutinize PRC involvement in any EBRD-
financed project. I believe EBRD investments should be based on market
principles and should avoid contact with political parties.
__________
Response to An Additional Question for the Record Submitted
to Richard L.A. Weiner by Senator Todd Young
Question. Article 1 of the EBRD charter says that countries must
commit to and apply the principles of multiparty democracy, pluralism,
and market economics in order to qualify for EBRD loans. Do all of the
countries currently borrowing from the EBRD meet these standards?
Answer. I understand that the EBRD assesses this commitment as part
of its development of country strategies for each country and
calibrates its approach to assistance in those countries that are
deficient. If confirmed, I will underscore the importance of this
commitment to the EBRD's mission and promote appropriately calibrated
approaches in those countries.
Question. How important do you believe the goals of Article 1
should be in guiding EBRD lending decisions? Should countries be denied
loans if they fail to comply?
Answer. The EBRD has a unique mission to support the transition of
countries from command economies to multi-party democracies with market
economies. The EBRD's political mandate as stated in Article 1 of its
charter makes it unique among development banks. The United States
views this mandate as a critical element to the EBRD's work in the
region to promote vibrant and open democracies. If confirmed, I will
advocate for the EBRD to support countries through all its tools to
strengthen public institutions, improve public financial management,
and improve transparency and anticorruption. I will also advocate for
EBRD to consult actively with civil society groups and implement robust
safeguards and accountability over its operations. I will use the voice
and vote of the United States to support projects that uphold these
values and high standards.
Question. In EBRD's 31 year history, only the Czech Republic has
graduated from EBRD borrowing. Are any other countries close to
graduating?
Answer. In 2007, the Czech Republic (Czechia) graduated from EBRD
borrowing; it was the only country to do so. EBRD graduation is a
country-led process, and I understand that the Treasury Department
continues to view graduation from EBRD investment as the ultimate
indicator of the Bank's success in achieving its transition mission.
Progress toward transition is not always linear, however. I understand
the Treasury Department has supported a flexible post-graduation
approach, which allowed the Czech Republic (Czechia), to return to
borrower status temporarily due to the economic impacts of COVID-19.
For other countries that are advanced in transition, such as those
in Central Europe and the Baltics, I will advocate for ensuring that
EBRD assistance is targeted at addressing remaining transition gaps and
does not crowd out private investment.
Question. If confirmed, what criteria would you support to gauge
whether a country should graduate from the EBRD?
Answer. I understand that the EBRD assesses a country's transition
to an open market-oriented economy across six areas: competitive,
inclusive, wellgoverned, green, resilient, and integrated. A number of
factors should be considered within these areas in determining whether
a country should graduate. If confirmed, I pledge to work with EBRD
management and shareholders to promote a constructive approach to
graduation.
Question. Is there a concern that, as the EBRD expands the number
of countries it operates in that it is spreading itself too thin?
Answer. I understand that the EBRD's approach to private-sector
development is unique, would be of great value to African countries,
where it is currently contemplating a limited and incremental
expansion, and that the needs are large enough to accommodate
additional actors on the continent. Geostrategically, it is crucial for
the United States to assist African countries in their development to
market economies. If confirmed, I will work with Management and other
shareholders to ensure any additional expansion is taken in a
responsible and effective manner, with no loss of focus on its existing
emerging transition countries. The EBRD's expansion into the Southern
and Eastern Mediterranean over the past decade indicates it is capable
of expanding effectively into new, geostrategically important markets
while still delivering in its existing countries of operation.
__________
Response to An Additional Question for the Record Submitted
to Richard L.A. Weiner by Senator John Barrasso
Question. What are the top five financial contributing countries to
the EBRD?
Answer. EBRD's 73 shareholders include 71 countries across five
continents, as well as the European Union and the European Investment
Bank. These shareholders have each made a capital contribution, which
forms the Bank's core funding. The United States is a founding member
of the EBRD and is the single largest shareholder with a 10 percent
share of the Bank's capital. The other top financial contributors are
the United Kingdom, Japan, Italy, France, and Germany.
Question. What is the total financial contribution from the United
States to the EBRD?
Answer. The United States is a founding member of the EBRD and is
the single largest shareholder with a 10 percent share of the Bank's
capital. Our total paid-in capital contributions are $636 million.
Question. What level of influence does the United States have over
the European Bank for Reconstruction (EBRD) operations and EBRD loan
policy?
Answer. While the United States is the largest shareholder with a
10 percent stake and is able to exercise considerable influence over
Bank policies and operations, U.S. influence at the Bank also depends
on our ability to build coalitions with likeminded shareholders. If
confirmed, I commit to exercising the United States' voice and vote to
advance U.S. interests at the EBRD while also partnering with our
allies and partners to extend U.S. influence over the institution.
Question. Energy is a critical tool to help countries alleviate
poverty. Yet, multilateral development banks have been imposing
restrictions on financing of traditional energy projects. These
restrictions only exacerbate the global inequities of energy. To
achieve its mission, the EBRD must embrace, not exclude, affordable
energy resources. Ultimately, the solution to energy poverty does not
lie in limiting options but in using all available options.
Should poverty alleviation and economic development be the top
priorities at the EBRD?
Answer. The EBRD has a unique mission to support the transition of
countries from command economies to multi-party democracies with market
economies. The EBRD recognizes that poverty alleviation and economic
development are critical to that transition and are best and most
sustainably addressed through private sectorled growth.
Question. When reviewing projects at the EBRD, what criteria will
you use in determining whether the United States will support energy
development projects?
Answer. I will review each project on its own merits, assessing the
country's needs, and its consistency with the Bank's strategy in that
country as well as U.S. policies and guidance. I will also ensure that
projects are consistent with all relevant Boardapproved policies and
each country's strategy to ensure that Bank activities provide a
coherent and agreed structure.
I will also rely on Treasury's review team to give me guidance on
whether the individual projects contain strong environmental and social
safeguards and are consistent with relevant Congressional mandates and
Treasury directives.
Question. Do you support financing of fossil fuel projects at the
EBRD? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the EBRD is promoting
all types of energy projects across the globe, including oil, gas, and
coal?
Answer. I believe the Bank should carefully consider the total
costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon and
its short- and long-term effects, particularly its impact on the
climate by burning fossil fuels. It is important that the Bank is part
of the solution to climate change by helping countries transition
toward low-emission growth, decarbonizing their energy generation and
reaching Paris Alignment, while continuing to promote growth, create
jobs, and reduce poverty.
Question. Other development banks, including the World Bank, the
Asian Development Bank, and even China's Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank, are funding projects in EBRD member countries.
Does the EBRD partner with China on its Belt and Road Initiative?
If so, what is your view on that effort and how would you
address it?
Answer. As the Administration and Congress have said, competition
with China is one of the central challenges of the 21st century,
including competition with China's economic statecraft. The Bank's
focus on high development standards and outcomes, as well as its broad
shareholding by the United States, Europe, and G7 partners, make it an
attractive alternative to other sources of financing, including from
China. If confirmed, I look forward to working with President Biden,
Secretary Yellen, and Congress to craft an economic and diplomatic
agenda that promotes economic fairness and democratic values. I also
understand the Treasury Department has actively discouraged EBRD
involvement with China's Belt and Road Initiative. If confirmed, I
would closely scrutinize any proposed EBRD joint activity with China.
Question. How will you ensure EBRD is not duplicating efforts,
creating redundancies, and working at cross-purposes?
Answer. The Department of Treasury undertakes extensive
coordination efforts via the U.S. interagency process and with allies
and partners to maximize the development impact of assistance provided
by the EBRD and to avoid redundancies with other development finance
institutions, notwithstanding different mandates, governance
structures, and regional focuses of each MDB.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. Government
agencies and other EBRD Board members and Management to advocate for
strong coordination and cooperation across partners. The EBRD's
transition mission and strong focus on private-sector and sub-sovereign
public finance (e.g., municipal services) are its comparative advantage
relative to other multilateral development banks that provide sovereign
guaranteed public finance or exclusive private sector support.
Question. What is your view of the EBRD planned expansion to
different regions? Does this cause issues of duplication and
redundancies? Under what scenarios would it be wise for the EBRD to
move away from its original mandate of helping Ukraine and other post-
Soviet states diversify their economies away from Russia?
Answer. I understand that the EBRD's approach to private sector
development is unique, would be of great value to African countries,
where it is currently contemplating a limited and incremental
expansion, and that the needs are large enough to accommodate
additional actors on the continent.
Geostrategically, it is crucial for the United States to assist
African countries in their development to market economies. If
confirmed, I will work with Management and other shareholders to ensure
any additional expansion is taken in a responsible and effective
manner, with no loss of focus on its existing emerging transition
countries, and in coordination with other MDBs already active in those
markets. The EBRD's expansion into the Southern and Eastern
Mediterranean over the past decade indicates it is capable of expanding
effectively into new, geostrategically important markets while still
delivering in its existing countries of operation.
Question. As the EBRD expands the number of countries it operates
in, how will you address the concern the EBRD is spreading itself too
thin?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Management and other
shareholders to ensure any expansion is implemented in a responsible
and effective manner, without detriment to other EBRD priorities, such
as Ukraine, and is well coordinated with other MDBs already active in
any new markets for EBRD. I understand that shareholders and Management
have emphasized that expansion will be limited and incremental and must
not come at the expense of support for existing countries of operation
that are less advanced in transition.
Question. Article 1 of the EBRD charter requires countries to
commit to and apply the principles of multiparty democracy and market
economics in order to qualify for EBRD loans.
Do all countries currently borrowing from the EBRD commit to and
apply the principles of multiparty democracy and market
economics? If not, please list the countries that are not
meeting the standards outlined in Article 1.
Answer. I understand that the EBRD assesses each country's
commitment to principles of multiparty democracy, pluralism, and market
economics as part of its development of country strategies for each
country and calibrates its approach to assistance in those countries
that are deficient, including in some cases limiting assistance to only
private companies or not investing at all. If confirmed, I will
underscore the importance of this commitment to the EBRD's mission and
promote appropriately calibrated approaches in those countries.
Question. What countries have been denied loans at the EBRD for
failure to meet the Article 1 standards?
Answer. I understand that countries that have been subject to
calibrated approaches include Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Belarus.
More recently, EBRD shareholders decided to suspend all new operations
in Russia and Belarus and engage in an orderly exit from existing
investments due to the inconsistency of those countries' brutal and
unjustified actions in Ukraine with the principles articulated in
Article 1 of the Agreement Establishing the Bank. If confirmed, I will
advocate for the EBRD to support countries in strengthening public
institutions, improving public financial management, and improving
transparency and anti-corruption efforts. I will also advocate for the
EBRD to consult actively with civil society groups and implement robust
safeguards and accountability over its operations. I will use the voice
and vote of the United States to support projects that uphold these
values and high standards and promote appropriately calibrated
approaches in countries not applying the principles.
Question. What are the criteria used to determine whether a country
should graduate from the EBRD?
Answer. I understand that the EBRD assesses a country's transition
to an open market-oriented economy across six areas: competitive,
inclusive, well-governed, green, resilient, and integrated. A number of
factors should be considered within these areas in determining whether
a country should graduate. If confirmed, I pledge to work with EBRD
management and shareholders to promote a constructive approach to
graduation.
Question. What is the process at the EBRD for graduating countries
from the EBRD? What reforms would you recommend to the current process?
Answer. EBRD graduation is a country-led process, and I understand
that the Treasury Department continues to view graduation from EBRD
investment as the ultimate indicator of the Bank's success in achieving
its transition mission. As noted, I understand that the EBRD assesses a
country's transition to an open market-oriented economy across six
areas: competitive, inclusive, well-governed, green, resilient, and
integrated. A number of factors should be considered within these areas
in determining whether a country should graduate. If confirmed, I
pledge to work with EBRD management and shareholders to promote a
constructive approach to graduation.
Question. Which countries have met the criteria for graduation but
still receive loans from the EBRD?
Answer. As noted, EBRD graduation is a country-led process, and I
understand that the Treasury Department continues to view graduation
from EBRD investment as the ultimate indicator of the Bank's success in
achieving its transition mission. Progress toward transition is not
always linear, however. I understand the Treasury Department has
supported a flexible post-graduation approach, which allowed the Czech
Republic (Czechia), the only current EBRD graduate, to return to
borrower status temporarily due to the economic impacts of COVID-19.
For other countries that are advanced in transition, such as those in
Central Europe and the Baltics, I will advocate for ensuring that EBRD
assistance is targeted at addressing remaining transition gaps and does
not crowd out private investment.
Question. What countries are close to graduating?
Answer. EBRD graduation is a country-led process. Countries in
Central Europe and the Baltics are considered advanced in transition,
while Greece is slated to have its status as a temporary country of
operations end in 2025. I will advocate for ensuring that EBRD
assistance is targeted at addressing remaining transition gaps and does
not crowd out private investment in these countries.
Russia has traditionally been one of the EBRD's largest borrowers.
The EBRD approved an operational suspension of Russia's access to EBRD
resources.
Question. Under what conditions would you support restarting EBRD
projects in Russia?
Answer. EBRD projects in Russia can be restarted only if Russia
meets its commitment to the fundamental principles of multiparty
democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and market
economics as outlined in the EBRD's Agreement Establishing the Bank,
which would include ending its unprovoked and illegal war and
respecting the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
Question. Do you support efforts to expel Russia from the EBRD?
Answer. It is absolutely critical that multilateral funds not
support Russia's unprovoked and illegal war in any way. If confirmed, I
would consider the implications across all international financial
institutions if the EBRD were to expel Russia.
I understand that the EBRD Board of Governors passed a resolution
in April suspending Russia's access to any lending, which requires the
institution to avoid any new support to Russia. The EBRD has closed its
offices in Russia. EBRD management is also in the process of divesting
from its remaining Russian holdings and, if confirmed, I will make sure
this is done in a way that does not inadvertently enrich the Russian
regime.
Question. Beyond expulsion, what other efforts are available to
sanction Russia at the EBRD?
Answer. Working with our allies and partners, we must be firm in
our resolve that multilateral funds not support Russia's unprovoked and
illegal war in any way. If confirmed, I will work to ensure proper
controls and accountability over the execution of EBRD's projects.
If confirmed, I understand that there are various strategies
available to prevent any Russian influence over Board decisions, and I
will work closely with allies and EBRD Management to maximize Russia's
isolation in the EBRD.
__________
Response to An Additional Question for the Record Submitted
to Richard L.A. Weiner by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. The Office of the U.S. Executive Director has in the past
raised objections with the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD) when the bank invests in a development project
involving a person on the Specially Designated National (SDN) list of
entities threatening U.S. foreign policy and national security
interests. If confirmed, will you commit to using the voice, vote, and
influence of the U.S. to object to EBRD investments for any project in
which a Chinese company on the Treasury Department's Non-SDN Chinese
Military Industrial Complex Companies List (NS-CMIC List) participates
in?
Answer. If confirmed, I will represent and vote consistent with
U.S. positions and U.S. law at this institution. U.S. Policy forbids
supporting projects in which sanctioned entities participate, including
those identified on Treasury's sanctions list, such as the List of
Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons, among others.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Manuel P. Micaller by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Considering Tajikistan has announced it will host an
Iranian drone factory and is increasing its security cooperation with
China, how can the United States continue to consider Tajikistan a
strong partner? It is difficult to make the argument that U.S.
assistance is producing the desired results in Dushanbe. If such a
factory is built, should Washington reassess its assistance to
Tajikistan? And if not, at what point would you recommend our doing so?
Answer. Tajikistan has limited capacity to handle significant
border security challenges, and U.S. security assistance is critical to
mutual counterterrorism and border security goals in the region. I
understand developments related to Tajikistan hosting an Iranian drone
factory are being followed closely. If confirmed, I will encourage
Tajikistan to limit security cooperation with the PRC and halt any
exchange of military technology with Iran, while enhancing border
security and counterterrorism cooperation with the United States and
likeminded partners. This would reduce Tajikistan's reliance on--and
the influence of--competing actors, while demonstrating U.S. commitment
to regional security.
Question. Considering Tajikistan's neutral stance on Ukraine and
Iranian drones' use in the conflict, do you think there is a diplomatic
opportunity to encourage Tajikistan to halt any actions supporting the
Iranian factory?
Answer. I believe the U.S. can continue to encourage Tajikistan to
cease cooperation with any Iranian defense entities and to pursue
alternate avenues for military UAV requirements for domestic use,
including by developing Tajikistan's nascent capability to perform
aerial surveillance on the Tajik-Afghan border. The United States is
Tajikistan's partner of choice for security cooperation on the Tajik-
Afghan border. However, competitors such as Iran and the PRC may seek
to fill the void if the United States were to opt out or is slow to
respond to requests for assistance to help Tajikistan develop this
critical surveillance capability.
Question. If the Iranian drone factory is built and Tajik-produced
drones were to be utilized as Russia runs out of equipment, how would
you recommend Washington respond in Dushanbe?
Answer. It is my understanding that Tajikistan has provided
assurances at various levels that it has no intentions to export any
drones that might be manufactured in Tajikistan in the future. If
Tajikistan were to supply drones for Russia, I would advocate, if
confirmed, for consideration of all tools available to impose costs on
actors involved in such transfers.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Manuel P. Micaller by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has had a
diminished influence in Central Asia as it focuses its diplomatic
efforts elsewhere. This has opened a window of opportunity for
increased U.S. involvement in Tajikistan.
In what ways can the United States best take advantage of this
opportunity and lay down the foundation for permanent progress
in the U.S.-Tajikistan relationship?
Answer. Russia's war has raised concerns across the region about
its reliability as a security partner. Tajikistan appreciates the
foremost U.S. objective in Tajikistan is ensuring the country's
independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. If confirmed, I
will seek to expand our security cooperation to advance shared
interests in countering terrorism and securing the border. The Tajiks
recognize their future depends on diversifying economic relationships
away from Russia. We can support this effort by increasing bilateral
economic relations and promoting ties with Tajikistan's Central Asian
neighbors. Our Economic Resilience Initiative seeks to build regional
trade and bolster opportunities to engage with the United States and
globally.
Question. Since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has had a
diminished influence in Central Asia as it focuses its diplomatic
efforts elsewhere. This has opened a window of opportunity for
increased U.S. involvement in Tajikistan.
How will you work with Tajikistan's Government and private sector
to increase economic ties with the United States?
Answer. Strengthening economic connections between the United
States and Tajikistan will be an important priority for me if
confirmed. Tajikistan's economy has major issues with corruption and
lack of transparency that will need to be addressed to attract U.S.
business. The banking industry's close links to Russia's banking system
is a further obstacle. If confirmed, I will encourage Tajikistan to
address corruption and transparency issues; I will work with like-
minded partners to modernize and expand Tajikistan's banks and
businesses' ties to the global financial system, and I will continue to
work with Tajikistan's business community to expand markets and create
business opportunities for American companies that will support U.S.
domestic job creation.
Question. Since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has had a
diminished influence in Central Asia as it focuses its diplomatic
efforts elsewhere. This has opened a window of opportunity for
increased U.S. involvement in Tajikistan.
As Ambassador, how will you work to build people-to-people ties
between the U.S. and Tajikistan, particularly to counter
Russian influence?
Answer. U.S.-Tajik people-to-people ties are at the center of our
30-year bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to
expanding U.S.-Tajikistan ties and continuing to prioritize people-to-
people engagements. Our eight American Corners throughout the country,
visited by thousands of people per year, offer programs to deepen
understanding of our policy priorities and share educational resources
and information on U.S. studies and cultural exchange programs. I also
look forward, if confirmed, to expanding English-language programming
in Tajikistan to help audiences access alternatives to Russian state
media. I will also deepen USAID work in agriculture, public health,
municipal water supply, and education.
Question. There have been multiple cases of censorship, political
persecution, and violence against journalists, including RFE/RL
employees and affiliates in Tajikistan.
If you are confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, what will you do to
support the work of RFE/RL and ensure open access for
Congressionally-funded international journalists at your new
post?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing our efforts in this
critical space. I will underscore to Tajik officials the importance of
media freedom and speak out against the Government's ongoing crackdown
on bloggers, journalists, and their families. I will actively engage
with local and international media, providing access and transparency
about the important work we do in Tajikistan. We will continue to
advocate for a free press and engage proactively with the Tajik
Government in support of RFE/RL and other independent media.
Question. There have been multiple cases of censorship, political
persecution, and violence against journalists, including RFE/RL
employees and affiliates in Tajikistan.
How will you engage with the Government of Tajikistan and encourage
them to respect the rights of journalists?
Answer. If confirmed, I will call out threats to freedom of the
press publicly and with Tajik interlocutors, in accordance with the
values we share with the Tajik people and our support for human rights.
We are proud of our longstanding support for journalists in Tajikistan,
and I will continue our work to empower independent voices and to
advocate on their behalf. The United States has facilitated regular
dialogue between government and journalists, ensuring journalists know
their legal rights. Now more than ever it is important for the Tajik
people to have access to accurate, transparent information. If
confirmed, I will remind the Tajik Government of its commitments and
emphasize that freedom of expression is in Tajikistan's national
interests in continuing to develop as a stable, prosperous, and
sovereign nation.
Question. How do you plan on leading the fight against corruption
in Tajikistan from the U.S. Embassy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately raise the
importance of rule of law and anti-corruption efforts to the prosperity
and independence of Tajikistan. I will also seek to ensure USAID and
INL continue to prioritize assistance programming that effectively
advances rule of law and anticorruption efforts, including efforts to
increase transparency in customs regulation enforcement, energy
payments and distribution, and health services.
Question. What can the United States do to support anti-corruption
efforts and democratic reforms in Tajikistan?
Answer. Freedom of expression and media are essential in fostering
transparency of government and combatting corruption. Throughout my
career, I have witnessed firsthand how promoting media freedom can have
a democratizing effect on countries. If confirmed, I will work with
civil society to defend opportunities for free speech, and I will have
frank conversations with the Government of Tajikistan to underscore
that freedom of the press, combatting corruption, increasing
transparency, and improving good governance enhance domestic stability
and security.
Question. How will you encourage Tajikistan's Government to ensure
its economy is not used for sanctions evasion?
Answer. If confirmed, I will underscore to Tajik authorities the
importance of strengthening international sanctions and export controls
introduced in response to Russia's war against Ukraine and the serious
consequences of sanctions evasion. Recognizing that this is a
collaborative effort, I will also ensure that the U.S. interagency
works with our Tajik partners in the Government and private sector to
explain existing sanctions and offers guidance on how to avoid
inadvertent violations.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Dushanbe?
Answer. My understanding is that morale at Embassy Dushanbe is
high. If confirmed I will seek to sustain a cohesive environment by
promoting an organizational culture of mutual respect and
collaboration. I am committed to attracting strong candidates and, in
cases where morale issues arise, managing those situations effectively
to prevent broader impacts on the Mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Dushanbe?
Answer. If confirmed, I will foster a professional, inclusive, and
respectful culture. the Embassy has made excellent efforts to support
diversity and inclusion, and I intend to build on inclusive and
transparent recruiting for both American and Local Staff positions. To
address workspace and residential challenges resulting from years of
Mission growth, I will proceed as expeditiously as possible with
facilities upgrade projects. After years of negotiations, the
Department recently received approval for a Build-to-Lease residential
compound that will provide seismically safe housing. I also will
bolster efforts to expand recreational facilities to promote wellness
and attract qualified talent.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Dushanbe?
Answer. I am a strong believer in a one-team, one-mission approach,
and I have consistently implemented this principle as Deputy Chief of
Mission and Charge d'Affaires, a.i., over the past six years. If
confirmed, I will communicate the President's foreign policy, the
Secretary's vision, and my strategic outlook to all members of our
mission through a range of formal and informal platforms, including
Country Team meetings, townhalls, and one-on-one discussions. I will
proactively seek all Mission member views, drawing from diverse
perspectives and experiences to shape consensus. Most importantly, I
will champion an organizational culture based on mutual respect and
collaboration to build morale and effectively execute policies and
programs.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My leadership style is inclusive. I seek consensus and buy-
in in managing and leading change. I strive to lead with strategic
vision while empowering my staff to execute policy and programming. I
avoid micromanagement, as I firmly believe this is an ineffective
approach that runs counter to strategic, visionary leadership and
undermines team morale. I am always open to constructive and
appropriate dissent, supporting innovation and appropriate risk-taking.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates or
colleagues. Secretary Blinken has been clear on his expectations of
Chiefs of Mission and all employees on maintaining a workplace culture
of mutual respect. I fully support the Secretary's directive and
Department policy on workplace conduct.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As a two-time DCM, I recognize this partnership, and a
collaborative relationship between the Chief of Mission and her or his
Deputy, are critical to any Mission's success. As an MBA and with my
in-service private sector experience through the Eagleburger
fellowship, I often cite the ``Ambassador as CEO, DCM as COO'' model as
an effective approach. I will ask my DCM to provide me frank and candid
management, operational, and policy advice--including dissenting views
and recommendations. Only through this collaborative, inclusive
approach can we best benefit from the diversity of experiences and
different skillsets that my DCM brings to our Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ask her to lead on mentoring and
development of entry-level and first- and second-tour Officers and
Specialists. I will also ask her to coordinate working-level security
matters, chairing the Emergency Action Committee to effectively support
my own primary leadership responsibility in this area. In addition, I
will ask her to lead on strategic policy formulation, particularly
related to regional issues (countering PRC and Russian influence and
disinformation, Iran, Afghanistan) and formulating recommendations to
me on assistance and public diplomacy programming.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. This is a mandatory responsibility of all supervisors
under longstanding Department policy and one that I take very
seriously. In previous leadership positions, including most recently as
DCM in two posts, I have taken an engaged, active role in providing
constructive feedback, mentoring of employees, and leading
informational training sessions on the EER process, drawing from my own
experiences, including prior service on a Foreign Service Selection
Board.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. Clear, accurate, direct, and timely feedback is
critical to helping all our employees succeed and realize their
potential, which in turn will underpin our success as a Mission. In
addition, feedback, including mentoring and active coaching, is key to
rewarding high achievers and preparing them for the future leadership
roles we will need them to assume in an increasingly challenging,
complex world.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Tajikistan. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I am firmly committed to engaging in robust public
diplomacy. It is my understanding that U.S. diplomats in Tajikistan
have been able to meet with an array of individuals from Tajik society
across the country--from individuals serving in government, education,
energy, security, and foreign missions. As an example, the Public
Diplomacy Section implements English-language programs for civil
servants, teachers, refugees, and journalists--all of whom develop
language fluency and continue to build a bridge as U.S. diplomats go
out to support the work of these audiences and communities in
Tajikistan. The Embassy also maintains a network of eight American
Spaces throughout the country to extend the reach of U.S. programs.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that our Embassy team
continues to build and expand its contacts with the people of
Tajikistan. I would encourage our diplomats to use their language
skills to interact with the broadest possible cross-section of society
and to travel extensively throughout the country. From my experience, I
believe direct, people-to-people contact is the most effective and
impactful in terms of promoting U.S. values and understanding local
perspectives. At the same time, I will continue to support efforts to
leverage new media and high-technology as a force multiplier to expand
our outreach and amplify our messaging across Tajikistan.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Tajikistan?
Answer. We have a wide-ranging series of Public Diplomacy (PD)
programs in Tajikistan. Cultural heritage preservation work continues
to be an area of cooperation. Additionally, the network of American
Spaces remains a popular educational resource. Over the last year,
Dushanbe PD has positioned itself as a hub for regional cooperation by
successfully integrating local Tajiks, Afghan refugees, and fellow
Central Asian neighbors into a network of motivated youth looking to
improve their future. If confirmed, I will ensure PD programming is a
key part of our efforts to build trust and understanding between the
United States and Tajik people.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Public Diplomacy practitioners in Tajikistan face a
challenging information environment. Internet penetration is low, and
Russian, Iranian, and PRC disinformation is rampant. Our team dedicates
significant time to empowering local partners to counter false
narratives and disseminate fact-based messaging. Additionally, slow
responses and bureaucratic hurdles from the Government of Tajikistan
continue to challenge our public diplomacy efforts.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. In general, we defer to officers and local staff in-country
who are experts on the local media environment and can tailor our
messaging for Tajik audiences. In fact, one of our local staff members
was this year's runner up for a Department-wide award for local staff
employee of the year for her efforts to advance public outreach
programming. Main State and the Public Diplomacy Section maintain
constant communication and work together on mutually reinforcing public
messaging with the goal of advancing support for U.S. policy
effectively among local audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you can to
Mission Dushanbe personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to share regularly new
information on this issue, consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, Tajikistan
remained on Tier 2 for its implementation of a national action plan but
failing to convict any traffickers, among other key issues. How will
you work with the host government and civil society actors to address
these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Tajikistan's Government has demonstrated sustained
political will and openness to closer cooperation with the U.S.
Government and other international partners to counter trafficking in
persons (TIP), but it faces significant challenges in terms of weak
institutional capacity and underlying economic factors that drive TIP
trends. If I am confirmed, I will engage with the Government of
Tajikistan, in particular the Prosecutor General's Office, to help it
more actively pursue cases against traffickers, protect victims, and
implement the country's TIP National Action Plan, including the
adoption of standard operating procedures for victim identification and
referral to services.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate information as it
pertains to the reality of the trafficking situation in Tajikistan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of
Tajikistan, civil society, and international organizations to obtain
accurate and up-to-date information regarding the human trafficking
situation in Tajikistan. I will ensure reporting of accurate
information as it pertains to the reality of trafficking in Tajikistan.
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report,
Tajikistan's dismal record on religious freedom very clearly is in
peril of declining further. The report outlines repressive policies on
public religious events or displays, bans on religious wear, and
increasing numbers of religious prisoners of conscience. What is your
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
with the office of the Ambassador-at-Large for international religious
freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the status of religious freedom
in Tajikistan. Since 2016, Tajikistan has been designated a Country of
Particular Concern for engaging in or tolerating particularly severe
violations of religious freedom. Authorities have detained and, in some
cases tortured, members of religious groups based on allegations of
``religious extremism.'' The Government bans those under age eighteen
from public religious events, the only national government in the world
to do so. Ambassador Hussain regularly engages with the Tajik
Government to raise religious freedom concerns, and if confirmed, I
look forward to working with Ambassador Hussain to promote religious
freedom in Tajikistan and the region.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Tajikistan had numerous
significant human rights abuses including torture and abuse of
detainees, arbitrary detention, forced disappearance, censorship,
threats against journalists, and more. If confirmed, what steps will
you take to address these instances with the host government?
Answer. Unfortunately, since the publication of the 2021 Human
Rights Report, the human rights situation in Tajikistan has worsened,
especially since the Government's crackdown on May protests in the
Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous region. If confirmed, I will raise human
rights at the highest levels of the Tajik Government, promote
programming that supports civil society and media freedom, and press
the Government to provide answers on cases of arbitrary and
politically-motivated detention. I will advocate for an end to torture
and other abuses, and for the release of political prisoners. I will
convey that human rights concerns are an impediment to closer bilateral
relations and that we stand ready to provide assistance to foster
progress.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Civil society's contributions are essential to ensuring the
people of Tajikistan can exercise their fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will continue to invest in improving media literacy,
journalist training, and countering misinformation, all essential to
building and sustaining a robust civil society. I will ensure our
Embassy routinely engages with key groups, especially those involved in
freedom of expression and representing marginalized groups, and that
our team hears civil society voices within Tajikistan, and well as
those outside the country. An informed and engaged civil society in
Tajikistan will be critical to our broader efforts to counter
authoritarian pressure an undemocratic models from Russia and China,
and I commit to prioritizing these efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Manuel P. Micaller by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has noted, the ruling Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) is the most serious long-term challenge to the
international order. Beijing's coercive tactics are deeply
destabilizing and threaten U.S. interests across the globe. PRC
authorities have committed genocide and crimes against humanity against
Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in
Xinjiang. Secretary Blinken has made clear that the United States
stands with countries and people around the world in condemning the
atrocities happening in Xinjiang, and if confirmed, I will encourage
Tajikistan to promote accountability for the PRC's atrocities against
Uyghurs and members of other religious and ethnic minority groups.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. In Tajikistan, the PRC has expanded security cooperation
with the Tajik Ministry of Internal Affairs under the auspices of
contributing to border security in the Tri-Border region between
Tajikistan, Afghanistan, and the PRC. However, the effect this
cooperation will have on regional security is unclear. The United
States is currently Tajikistan's partner of choice in securing its
border with Afghanistan, and our cooperation is a significant factor in
moving Tajikistan away from partnerships with the PRC and other
problematic neighbors.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. The way the U.S. and the PRC manage our relationship in the
coming years will have significant consequences for the entire world.
That is why competition with Beijing will not preclude cooperation in
areas where our interests intersect. In Tajikistan, we continue to
explore options where the interests of the United States and the PRC
align. This includes areas such as public health, counterterrorism,
counternarcotics, food security, and the environment.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Tajikistan?
Answer. The United States does not currently have any joint
activities with organizations or representatives from the PRC in
Tajikistan. If confirmed, I would explore the possibility of diplomatic
engagement with the PRC Embassy in Dushanbe on issues where our
interests align.
Question. Since the U.S. left Afghanistan, many countries in the
region find themselves at renewed risk of Taliban-sponsored terrorism.
Much of the anti-Taliban resistance in Afghanistan is composed of
ethnic Tajiks, while several Afghan Air Force pilots flew American
provided planes and helicopters to Tajikistan in the wake of the
Taliban takeover. We are now seeing signs that China is expanding its
presence in the region to fill the void left by the U.S.
How do you assess that China's presence in Tajikistan will evolve
in light of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan?
Answer. The PRC has a strong economic presence in Tajikistan and is
by far Tajikistan's largest foreign investor, with PRC loans accounting
for more than 30 percent of Tajikistan's external debt. The PRC may
seek to take advantage of both border insecurity caused by the Taliban
takeover of Afghanistan and Russia's diminished security cooperation
with Tajikistan, to expand its own security presence in Tajikistan. In
October 2021, the PRC agreed to build a base for Tajik Ministry of
Internal Affairs officers in the tri-border region. Tajikistan offered
the PRC full ownership of an existing joint Tajik-PRC base in
Tajikistan's Gorno-Badakhshon. Both facilities are near the Kulma
border crossing point between Tajikistan and the PRC. If confirmed, I
will continue to build on our longstanding history as a trusted
security partner to Tajikistan, underscoring the greater quality,
efficacy, and transparency of U.S. training and equipment programs.
Question. Does Russia's war against Ukraine have implications for
the Chinese presence in Tajikistan?
Answer. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has raised concerns regarding
Russia's intentions and reliability as a partner for Tajikistan. The
PRC may seek to exploit Russia's currently limited bandwidth in
Tajikistan to strengthen or expand its own position and influence.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure the return of
American equipment in Tajikistan?
Answer. Since the former Afghanistan Air Force and Special Mission
Wing aircraft and associated equipment first arrived in Tajikistan, the
Government of Tajikistan has honored USG ownership of the equipment and
formally requested transfer in support of emergent border security and
counterterrorism concerns following the withdrawal of U.S. forces from
Afghanistan. We are working through the formal security cooperation
process to determine which aircraft will support both Tajikistan's
requirements and our own national security interests in the region.
Question. How would you describe Tajikistan's approach to the
Taliban and to anti-Taliban Afghan groups?
Answer. Tajikistan is an outlier in Central Asia in its stance on
Afghanistan, as it remains resolute in its unwillingness to recognize
the interim Taliban Government and open to supporting the Afghan
National Resistance Front. President Rahmon has repeatedly condemned
the persecution of minorities and urged establishment of an inclusive
Afghan Government that represents ethnic Tajiks and other minority
groups. As early as August 25, 2021, President Rahmon announced
Tajikistan would not recognize a government ``formed through
oppression,'' and Dushanbe has not wavered on this stance despite
pressure from the PRC, Pakistan, and Russia.
Question. What role, if any, should the United States play in
backing Tajikistan's support of anti-Taliban Afghan groups?
Answer. The United States maintains an active dialogue with the
Government of Tajikistan on regional security interests of mutual
concern, including Afghanistan. In August 2021, Tajikistan was
instrumental in helping ensure the safety and security of U.S. persons
who sought to cross the border. If confirmed, I commit to continue our
robust dialogue with Tajik interlocutors on mutual concerns vis-a-vis
Afghanistan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Manuel P. Micaller by Senator Todd Young
Question. What implications does Russia's war against Ukraine have
for Tajikistan's economy?
Answer. Russia's war against Ukraine has significant implications
for Tajikistan's economy. At least one million Tajiks live in Russia as
labor migrants; their remittances comprise approximately 30 percent
equivalent of Tajikistan's GDP. Tajikistan's top trading partner is
Russia. Tajikistan's economy is vulnerable to sanctions applied on
Russia and reduced remittance inflows. In March, the World Food Program
projected that Russia's war in Ukraine could cause an anticipated
eightfold increase in severely food insecure individuals in Tajikistan
by the fall of 2022. Tajikistan imports 60 percent of its food, and the
price of flour, largely imported from Kazakhstan, has risen more than
20 percent since February.
Question. How can Tajikistan decrease its economic dependence on
Russia? And if confirmed, how would you effectively support those
efforts?
Answer. Tajikistan can decrease its economic dependence on Russia
by expanding trade with other Central Asian countries, disconnecting
its banks and businesses from Russia, and reducing corruption in its
economy to attract foreign direct investment. If confirmed, I will
support Tajikistan's efforts to decouple its economy from Russia by
fostering intraregional economic connectivity through programs such as
the Economic Resilience Initiative for Central Asia via the C5+1
(Central Asian countries, plus the United States). I will also work
with likeminded partners to expand Tajikistan's banking and business
ties with the global financial system.
Question. How do you assess that China's presence in Tajikistan is
evolving, especially as it moves to secure primacy in supply chains and
trade?
Answer. The PRC has a strong economic presence in Tajikistan and is
by far Tajikistan's largest foreign investor, with PRC loans accounting
for more than 30 percent of Tajikistan's external debt. The PRC may
seek to take advantage of border insecurity caused by the Taliban
takeover of Afghanistan and Russia's waning security cooperation with
Tajikistan, expanding its own security presence in Tajikistan. In
October 2021, the PRC agreed to build a base for Tajik Ministry of
Internal Affairs officers in the tri-border region. Tajikistan offered
the PRC full ownership of an existing joint Tajik-PRC base in
Tajikistan's Gorno-Badakhshon. Both facilities are near the Kulma
border crossing point between Tajikistan and the PRC.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 2022
U.S. SENATE,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:37 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Shaheen, Murphy,
Kaine, Merkley, Schatz, Van Hollen, Risch, Romney, Portman,
Young, and Barrasso.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
Today, we will consider five nominations that are critical
to United States foreign policy.
Ambassador Lynne Tracy nominated to be the Ambassador to
Russia is on the first panel.
The second panel will be Ambassador Julie Fisher to be the
Ambassador to Cyprus, Ms. Kristina Kvien to be the Ambassador
to Armenia, Ms. Carol Spahn to be the director of the Peace
Corps, and Ms. Cynthia Dyer to be the director of the Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking.
Before we proceed, I understand that Senator Portman is
going to be introducing Ambassador Tracy.
Senator Portman, you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. Great. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
It is my honor to be here to introduce a fellow Ohioan,
Ambassador Lynne Tracy, to be the nominee for Russia. She was
born and raised in Barberton, Ohio, to Albert and Carol Sue
Tracy, both Ohio natives. Her sister, from Barberton, is behind
us.
She graduated from Barberton High School where she played
volleyball, was a great student. And then she branched out and
decided to go south to University of Georgia where she majored
in Soviet studies.
After graduating, she put her studies to the test, working
as a contractor at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow for three years
in the late 1980s. Of course, that was when it was still the
Soviet Union so it was a challenging time.
But not even the joyful winters of USSR could keep her away
from home. Ohio called her and she returned to attend law
school at the University of Akron.
Shortly thereafter, Ambassador Tracy entered her nation's
call and she joined the Foreign Service. Her career sense has
been impressive and prepares her well, I believe, for the role
she is seeking.
She has been all across post-Soviet space including some
very difficult postings. She has worked our diplomatic missions
in Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Embassy Moscow,
where she served as the DCM--Deputy Chief of Mission--from 2014
to 2017.
She has also served several assignments here in Washington
D.C., including in the European and Eurasian Affairs Bureau at
State Department and on the National Security Council.
Her career has taken her to Pakistan twice and even to
Afghanistan soon after 9/11 when the country was still a very
active war zone. This position will be Ambassador Tracy's
second ambassadorship as she is currently U.S. Ambassador to
Armenia where she has been since 2019.
I do not have to tell anybody on this panel that Armenia
and the Caucuses have been an interesting place to be during
that period of time, very challenging, and she served there
with distinction.
Her long Foreign Service career in the post-Soviet space,
her current experience as chief of mission, even her college
major in Soviet studies, and, of course, her solid, Midwestern
upbringing in Ohio--all of these things have prepared her well
for this very difficult role.
Needless to say, our relationship with Russia is strained
and a challenging one to manage. We should not confirm anyone
as U.S. Ambassador to Russia who is untested or unqualified.
Ambassador Tracy is neither of those. She is tested, she is
eminently qualified, and I am pleased to introduce her today
and look forward to hearing from her.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Portman, and always good
to have one of our distinguished colleagues on the committee be
introducing a nominee.
Let me congratulate all of the nominees. We thank you for
your service to our country, your willingness to serve. We
thank you for and your families as well. I know they will have
to make sacrifices as you serve in your posts.
This is especially true in Russia. Our diplomatic presence
in Moscow, our dialogue with Putin's government, have shrunk
dramatically in the wake of his illegal and barbaric invasion
of Ukraine.
Putin's war against Ukrainian civilians is targeting their
electricity and their water and abducting their children. It is
unlike anything Europe has seen since the Second World War.
And, yet, even as Putin continues to carry out this brutal
war, we need an ambassador who can represent us there.
You, Ambassador, will not only have to carry out your
duties in the face of a hostile government but you will also
represent America beyond the Kremlin walls to the broad mass of
the Russian people, many of whom feel isolated and betrayed by
their leader's war of aggression, to the detainees of this war,
to the Russian opposition activists who are fighting for a
different way forward in Russia, and to the Ukrainians who will
look to you for assessments of our relationship with Moscow.
It is difficult to imagine a more challenging assignment
for a career diplomat. So I look forward to hearing from you
how to plan--how you plan to tackle these and other issues upon
your confirmation.
With that, I will turn to Ranking Member Risch for his
remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Good morning, and welcome to Ambassador Tracy. Ambassador
Tracy has been nominated to be Ambassador to Russia at the
lowest point of relations between our two countries since the
Cold War. Our soldiers are not on the field facing each other
but our weapons do combat back and forth every day.
Putin continues his unjust, unprovoked, and inhumane war on
Ukraine, which includes deliberate attacks on civilian critical
infrastructure as well as atrocities perpetrated against the
civilian population.
He continues to weaponize Russian energy supplies against
U.S. allies and partners in Europe and uses the profits to fund
his war in Ukraine.
Under Putin, Russia has reemerged as a strategic challenger
to the United States and the entire transatlantic community.
The withdrawal of Russia from bilateral arms control measures
further highlights the dangerous game of brinksmanship they
always play.
Russia continues to be a very dangerous place for
Americans. There are a number of Americans held in Russia
today, two of whom have been designated as wrongfully detained
under the Levinson Act.
It is clear these people are targeted to be used as
political bargaining chips. The Kremlin has long been suspected
of using its personnel in the U.S. or assigned to Russian
consulates, the Russian Embassy, and the Russian mission to the
U.N. to conduct espionage and malign influence activities
against the United States.
Meanwhile, over the past eight years, the U.S. has been
forced to close three of its consulates in Russia while Russia
continues to operate its consulates in Houston and New York.
In addition, our State Department continues to grant more
diplomatic visas to Russia than Russia grants to the United
States.
We must build on recent though tenuous progress in
countering these efforts, which began during the Trump
administration and not giving in to Russian pressure tactics.
Short staffing at Embassy Moscow has seriously hindered
facilities management and the day-to-day conduct of American
diplomacy and I commend our diplomats in Moscow for continuing
to keep our embassy operational in spite of these challenges.
While I wish to see these restrictions eased, I also expect
the department to prioritize visa reciprocity in any
conversations about increasing our footprint in country.
We cannot allow the Kremlin to hold our diplomatic
facilities and personnel hostage in an attempt to secure policy
concessions or an increased diplomatic or intelligence presence
in the U.S.
From managing the lines of diplomatic effort and dialogue
to pursuing consular access for Americans held in Russia to
simply keeping the building and team running, Ambassador Tracy
will face many challenges, if confirmed.
Ambassador Tracy, I thank you for your years of service and
for stepping up to this, what is going to be a very difficult
task, undoubtedly. I look forward to hearing your plans to
confront these issues.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch. So we will turn to
Ambassador Tracy. Your full statement will be included in the
record.
We would ask you to summarize it in about five minutes or
so so that the members of the committee can have a conversation
with you.
And you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF HON. LYNNE M. TRACY OF OHIO, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Ms. Tracy. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members
of the committee, thank you, Senator Portman, for the very kind
introduction.
I also want to thank you for your service to the state of
Ohio, the Senate, and to this committee. Your leadership and
commitment to public service is inspirational, particularly
with the national challenges--national security challenges
facing our country.
I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next ambassador of the United States
to the Russian Federation and I am grateful to President Biden
and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me
during a period of unprecedented tension in U.S.-Russia
relations brought about by Russia's war on Ukraine.
For 28 years, I have had the good fortune to represent the
United States as a Foreign Service Officer. Many of those
assignments have been in countries--in the countries of the
former Soviet Union.
It has been a privilege to serve as U.S. Ambassador to
Armenia and prior to that as Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow.
My experience as a contractor in the late 1980s at the embassy
in Moscow as part of an American-only staff is an experience
that has again become relevant to some of the challenges we are
facing today.
Throughout my career, I have worked hard to protect our
nation and its interests. For me, this has always been about
more than the effort of one individual. It has required
teamwork that goes beyond a single department or just one
branch of our government.
If confirmed, I pledge to continue that team approach and
to work closely with the members and staff of this committee on
our Russia policy.
Mr. Chairman, this committee and other members of Congress
have my commitment that, if confirmed, the plight of U.S.
citizens detained in Russia will be a top priority for me.
U.S. citizens living and traveling in Russia have faced
unprecedented harassment and some have been determined by the
Secretary of State to be wrongfully detained.
With the support of the consular team in Moscow, I will
devote my attention and energy to supporting the welfare and
well being of every U.S. citizen detained in Russia.
I will work closely with Washington as the Administration
continues to engage Russian authorities to bring Paul Whelan
and Brittney Griner home. I will also pursue the humanitarian
release of Marc Fogel.
I will press the Russian Government to live up to its
obligations, including as they relate to providing timely and
consistent consular access and to the fair treatment of our
citizens who are detained.
As the members of this committee know all too well,
Russia's unjustified and unprovoked war against Ukraine has
shattered European security and undermined global economic
stability.
Russia's war has resulted in catastrophic loss of life and
in recent days, as it struggles on the battlefield, the Putin
regime has escalated its attacks with a bombing campaign
against civilian infrastructure intended to cause suffering and
death for ordinary Ukrainians.
Together, with our allies and partners, the United States
remains committed to supporting Ukraine's sovereignty,
independence, and territorial integrity and to helping Ukraine
defend itself.
We are also imposing unprecedented economic costs on Russia
and welcome the continued close coordination with Congress on
sanctions and other tools.
As the world's two preeminent nuclear powers, the United
States and Russia have special responsibilities. These include
refraining from reckless saber rattling, maintaining lines of
communication to reduce nuclear risks, and living up to the
commitments under the New START treaty and other arms control
obligations.
President Biden has said the Administration is ready to
negotiate a new arms control framework to replace New START
when it expires in 2026. But we need Russia to allow for
inspections to resume under the treaty before we can have a
dialogue on what comes next.
The Russian Government is intensifying repression against
civil society, independent media, human rights activists, pro-
democracy activists, advocates, and even Russian citizens who
simply have the courage to use the word war.
If confirmed, I will work to keep a spotlight of support on
those like Vladimir Kara-Murza, Alexei Navalny, and Radio Free
Europe reporter Vladislav Yesypenko, who have been jailed or
harassed simply for seeking to exercise their fundamental
freedoms.
I believe that promoting mutual understanding among
Americans and Russians can contribute to long-term stability in
our bilateral relations. Even in the darkest days of the Soviet
Union citizens of goodwill in both our countries formed people-
to-people ties.
I will cultivate those connections, particularly through
our public diplomacy programs, in order to keep the door open
to a better future.
If confirmed, I will reach out to the Russian people at all
levels of society as one of my priorities. These topics and
others require hard conversations and, if confirmed, I will
make it a priority to conduct frank diplomacy, supporting the
President's efforts to maintain a clear channel of
communication and to hold Russia accountable.
We have a team of smart, experienced, and dedicated public
servants at our embassy in Moscow who are performing
brilliantly in an extremely challenging environment. Their
safety, security, and ability to do their jobs is of paramount
concern.
If confirmed, it will be one of the greatest honors and
privileges of my career to lead them and I pledge to do so with
integrity and humility.
Finally, I am pleased to be joined today by my sister,
Anita Jepsky. I have been blessed to receive the indispensable
support of my family. My parents, Albert and Carol Sue Tracy,
Anita, and my sister, Mary Lou Tracy, have always believed in
me and been there for me.
I am grateful to Ambassador John Sullivan and my mentor,
Ambassador John Tefft, for their wise counsel and strong
example of public service. I also want to acknowledge my
history professor at the University of Georgia, Dr. Ronald
Rader, and his wife, Zhanna Rader, who guided my first steps as
a student pursuing a deeper understanding of Russia and the
Soviet Union.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you for the privilege
of appearing before the committee today and considering my
nomination. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Tracy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Lynne M. Tracy
Thank you, Senator Portman, for the very kind introduction. I also
want to thank you for your service to the state of Ohio, the Senate,
and to this committee. Your leadership and commitment to public service
is inspirational, particularly with the national security challenges
facing our country.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the next Ambassador of the United States to the Russian
Federation. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me during a period of unprecedented
tension in U.S.-Russia relations brought about by Russia's war on
Ukraine.
For 28 years, I have had the good fortune to represent the United
States as a Foreign Service Officer--many of those assignments have
been in the countries of the former Soviet Union. It has been a
privilege to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Armenia and prior to that as
Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow. My experience as a contractor in the
late 1980s at the Embassy in Moscow as part of an American-only staff
is an experience that has again become relevant to some of the
challenges we are facing today.
Throughout my career, I have worked hard to protect our Nation and
its interests. For me, this has always been about more than the effort
of one individual. It has required teamwork that goes beyond a single
department or just one branch of our government. If confirmed, I pledge
to continue that team approach and to work closely with the members and
staff of this committee on our Russia policy.
Mr. Chairman, this committee and other Members of Congress have my
commitment that, if confirmed, the plight of U.S. citizens detained in
Russia will be a top priority for me. U.S. citizens living and
traveling in Russia have faced unprecedented harassment, and some have
been determined by the Secretary of State to be wrongfully detained.
With the support of the consular team in Moscow, I will devote my
attention and energy to supporting the welfare and well-being of every
U.S. citizen detained in Russia. I will work closely with Washington as
the Administration continues to engage Russian authorities to bring
Paul Whelan and Brittney Griner home. I will also pursue the
humanitarian release of Marc Fogel. I will press the Russian Government
to live up to its obligations, including as they relate to providing
timely and consistent consular access and to the fair treatment of our
citizens who are detained.
As the members of this committee know all too well, Russia's
unjustified and unprovoked war against Ukraine has shattered European
security and undermined global economic stability. Russia's war has
resulted in catastrophic loss of life and in recent days as it
struggles on the battlefield, the Putin regime has escalated its
attacks with a bombing campaign against civilian infrastructure
intended to cause suffering and death for ordinary Ukrainians.
Together with our allies and partners, the United States remains
committed to supporting Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and
territorial integrity and to helping Ukraine defend itself. We are also
imposing unprecedented economic costs on Russia and welcome the
continued close coordination with Congress on sanctions and other
tools.
As the world's two pre-eminent nuclear powers, the United States
and Russia have special responsibilities. These include refraining from
reckless saber-rattling, maintaining lines of communication to reduce
nuclear risks, and living up to commitments under the New START Treaty
and other arms-control obligations. President Biden has said the
Administration is ready to negotiate a new arms control framework to
replace New START when it expires in 2026. But we need Russia to allow
for inspections to resume under the Treaty before we can have a
dialogue on what comes next.
The Russian Government is intensifying repression against civil
society, independent media, human rights activists, pro-democracy
advocates, and even Russian citizens who simply have the courage to use
the word ``war.'' If confirmed, I will work to keep a spotlight of
support on those, like Vladimir Kara-Murza, Alexei Navalny, and Radio
Free Europe reporter Vladyslav Yesypenko, who have been jailed or
harassed simply for seeking to exercise their fundamental freedoms.
I believe that promoting mutual understanding among Americans and
Russians can contribute to long-term stability in our bilateral
relations. Even in the darkest days of the Soviet Union, citizens of
good will in both our countries formed people-to-people ties. I will
cultivate these connections, particularly through our public diplomacy
programs, in order to keep the door open to a better future. If
confirmed, I will reach out to the Russian people at all levels of
society as one of my priorities.
These topics and others require hard conversations. If confirmed, I
will make it a priority to conduct frank diplomacy, supporting the
President's efforts to maintain a clear channel of communication and to
hold Russia accountable. We have a team of smart, experienced, and
dedicated public servants at our Embassy in Moscow who are performing
brilliantly in an extremely challenging environment. Their safety,
security, and ability to do their jobs is of paramount concern. If
confirmed, it will be one of the greatest honors and privileges of my
career to lead them, and I pledge to do so with integrity and humility.
Finally, I am pleased to be joined today by my sister, Anita
Jepsky. I have been blessed to receive the indispensable support of my
family. My parents Albert and Carol Sue Tracy, Anita, and my sister
Mary Lou Tracy have always believed in me and been there for me. I am
grateful to Ambassador John Sullivan and my mentor Ambassador John
Tefft for their wise counsel and strong example of public service. I
also want to acknowledge my history professor at the University of
Georgia Dr. Ronald Rader and his wife Zhanna Rader, who guided my first
steps as a student pursuing a deeper understanding of Russia and the
Soviet Union.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you for the privilege of
appearing before the committee and considering my nomination. I look
forward to your questions.
The Chairman. All right. Well, thank you.
Before we start our five-minute rounds, there are questions
that we ask all nominees and I just simply need a yes or no
from you.
It speaks to the importance this committee places on
responsiveness by officials in the executive branch and that we
expect and will be seeking from you.
So do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Ms. Tracy. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and
currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Ms. Tracy. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ms. Tracy. Yes.
The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Ms. Tracy. Yes.
The Chairman. All right. So our nominee has answered yes to
all those questions so we will start a round of five minutes. I
will recognize myself.
It is obvious the importance of this nomination because
while we have a whole series of nominees that will be
testifying at a second panel we have had you exclusively before
this panel, which--before the committee. So it speaks volumes
about the importance that we think this particular position
entails.
And so I want to ask you, I know that you have been our
Ambassador to Armenia. I know that you at one time were the
Deputy Chief of Mission in Russia. But this is a very high
profile and, I would say, tough job.
Are you up to it?
Ms. Tracy. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the question. I
believe that I am.
Over the course of my 28 years in the Foreign Service I
have been tested in a number of assignments, both in terms of
some of the challenges of physical security during a tour in
the Peshawar, Pakistan.
My tour as Deputy Chief of Mission in Russia at the embassy
in Moscow was already in a period after Russia's illegal
annexation of Crimea when our relations were hurtling downward
and we faced regular harassment of our staff.
We--I personally experienced some of that where we were in
the glare of ambushes from so-called journalists. So I have
seen in Russia already some of what I expect will be a
continuation of some of the same practices.
And then let me say, finally, it has been a tremendous
honor to be the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia in a period of
enormous opportunity but of tremendous challenge, as I know you
understand very well as someone who has followed the Caucasus
very closely.
During my tenure we were in a period of active conflict, a
war that brought tremendous pressures on our embassy, on our
staff, and that is another experience that I believe I will
bring to bear in serving if confirmed as the U.S. Ambassador to
the Russian Federation.
Thank you.
The Chairman. You refer to some of the difficulties of this
particular assignment. The Russian Government has sought to
make it difficult for the United States to operate diplomatic
facilities in Russia. They forcibly terminated local employed
staff, declared diplomats to be persona non grata.
So we want to, first of all, take this opportunity to thank
the personnel who have worked at our embassy in Russia over the
years, both Americans and local staff, and particularly those
currently serving during an incredibly trying and challenging
time.
How can the embassy's work be effective both in terms of
providing service on behalf of Americans and in representing
and advancing U.S. interests at a time that our diplomatic
relations are barely existent?
Ms. Tracy. Mr. Chairman, as you well know and the committee
knows, we are operating at a greatly reduced staffing and, yet,
everything that I have seen in my preparation for this hearing
and for understanding our operations in Moscow speaks to the
dedication, the capabilities, of our excellent team in Moscow
of Americans able to carry out duties under extremely difficult
circumstances.
It is not easy, particularly in the kind of surveillance
environment that we have in Russia. I mean, this was something
that I saw when I was the Deputy Chief of Mission.
It is almost impossible to go anywhere without some kind of
surveillance, including when we were meeting journalists,
political activists, academics, and it has gotten a lot harder
even since then. People are afraid.
But what has struck me as I have looked at some of the work
that the embassy is doing is that Russians are still reaching
out to us, interested in maintaining contact.
We have still some very strong public diplomacy programs
that are active, exchange programs that are allowing us to keep
the door open to Russian citizens who are interested in a
better kind of relationship and future.
But it is difficult and we have to be careful because of
the risks that people are taking when they are in touch with
our embassy in these times.
The Chairman. Two final sets of questions and let me try to
synthesize them.
I remain deeply concerned about Americans detained in
Russia, including Paul Whelan, Brittney Griner, Marc Fogel, and
James Wilgus, a New Jersey constituent.
Do you commit to requesting regular consular access for all
Americans detained in Russia to assure that their basic needs
are being met?
Ms. Tracy. Absolutely.
The Chairman. Will you personally commit to visit
wrongfully detained Americans Paul Whelan and Brittney Griner
and supports us beyond working to secure their release?
Ms. Tracy. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Russia continues to jail opposition leaders
including Vladimir Kara-Murza, Alexei Navalny, Ilya Yashin,
who, I believe, are true patriots of Russia who advocate for a
better future for the Russian people.
In September, Ranking Member Risch and I wrote the
Administration requesting a determination under the Global
Magnitsky Human Rights and Accountability Act as to whether the
treatment of Mr. Kara-Murza is sanctionable under the Act and,
if so, if the Administration plans to impose sanctions.
So, assuming you are confirmed, do I have your commitment
that you will work with the Administration to respond to our
letter with a determination no later than January 20th of next
year, which is the date required by law?
Ms. Tracy. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Okay. I have other questions in this regard
but I will submit them for the record in deference to my
colleagues. Senator Risch went to vote and so I will recognize
Senator Romney at this time.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I appreciate very much your willingness to serve in a
hostile place, an often cold place. Moscow is not particularly
beautiful, depending upon the corner of the city you happen to
be in, and, of course, there are no McDonald's there anymore.
So it is a challenging spot. The last piece, obviously, a
bit of humor, the other quite serious, and I very much
appreciate your service and that of the people who serve with
you.
I want to ask you a question just about Armenia, which is
what is the perception of the people in Armenia with regards to
Russia, with regards to Putin, with regards to the Ukrainian
invasion?
How do they see that and do you believe that is shared by
other of the Soviet state--former Soviet states? But in
particular with regards to Armenia what is the perspective
there?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, thank you. You have asked an extremely
timely and relevant question.
What I have been seeing and hearing since Russia's invasion
of Ukraine in February 24th is a sense of real concern among
other former Soviet countries about the future of their
independence and sovereignty and territorial integrity. They, I
think, are each looking and wondering who is next.
Unfortunately, there are also a number of dependencies
among former Soviet states on Russia. We think the United
States and Armenia and with the support of Congress has,
thankfully, been able to work on reducing some of those
dependencies and to be looking in a more westward direction.
In 2018, the Armenian people held their freest and fairest
elections since independence and underwent then in 2020 one of
the greatest stress tests that a democracy can endure, which
was a war, and in the following summer held, again, free and
fair elections.
And what Armenians have told me is because they do not want
to go back, they do not want to go back to corrupt leaders, and
they want to find a better future.
Coming back to Russia, I think the problem--and this is
what Armenians are saying--they see that some of their previous
relationships or standing relationships that they have had with
Russia are not meeting the needs of Armenia today.
So I think where we are at right now between the United
States and Armenia is having some very important conversations
about how we can be helpful to Armenia as it continues, I
think, seeking a more democratic future and a secure future.
I will say that there are many security challenges there as
well that Russia is playing a role in that we have to keep--pay
attention to.
Thank you.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
News reports suggest that many, many people left Russia
escaping the potential to be drafted into their military
service or, perhaps, just escaping a brutal regime. Is there
accuracy to that report?
Have there been a lot of people leaving Russia and can we
facilitate, particularly those with skills and expertise that
would be helpful here--can you and can our effort continue to
facilitate the immigration of people who wish to come to this
country to make that easier and a source of strength for us?
Ms. Tracy. So I can confirm, based on regular conversations
that I have had with Armenian Government officials, that they
have received a steady stream of Russian citizens since
February 24th.
There was a big wave in the spring and then, after the
mobilization, more. Not all have stayed in Armenia. Some have
moved on to places like Georgia, Turkey, western Europe, but
approximately 40,000 have remained in Armenia.
These are young--many of them are young IT professionals
and we are, certainly, available and open at the embassy. We
have a lot of contacts.
I think we have devoted attention to understanding who is
in this community so that we can look at the kinds of questions
that you are raising for the future, and this is something I
would certainly be happy to stay in touch with you about.
Senator Romney. Thank you. Mr. Chairman?
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations, Ms. Tracy, on your nomination.
You expressed your concern about Vladimir Kara-Murza in
your opening testimony and Senator Menendez talked about the
Americans who are unjustly detained as well in Russia.
What can you do as ambassador to help keep tension on those
unjust detentions and what we can--what can we do to try and
continue to urge Russia to release people who are being held?
Ms. Tracy. Senator Shaheen, thank you.
There are public and private aspects to what we can be
doing and I think publicly the kinds of efforts that we are
seeing from members of this committee, other members of
Congress, to keep a spotlight on political prisoners, political
activists who have been unjustly jailed, as well as our
detained American citizens that the public spotlight is so
important so that they do not feel forgotten because I think
that can happen in isolation.
One of the most inspiring and early experiences that I had
with this kind of a situation was actually when I was working
at the embassy in Moscow in the late 1980s.
Secretary Schultz visited and championed the refuseniks,
the divided families. He made a point of meeting with them.
I had the good fortune to backbench on one of those
meetings and seeing the comfort, the hope, that families took
from that even as they remained divided or were being refused
exit privileges was, for me, just such a clear point of
understanding on the importance of this public spotlight.
Privately I commit to this committee that this will be a
part of my ongoing conversation with Russian officials that
there will--this will never go unsaid, the importance of the
release of the wrongfully detained, of the need for appropriate
consular access for our American citizens, and for the release
of the political opposition, who, as I said, have been unjustly
detained.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
This week Russia walked away from continuing negotiations
around New START, and given Vladimir Putin's rhetoric that
heightens the nuclear threat because of the war in Ukraine, can
you talk about how we should think about future efforts to
reduce weapons with Russia?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, I think, first of all, in looking at
New START, the focus of the Administration has been on resuming
inspections under the treaty.
It is not a gift to Russia. It is a right that we have for
treaty implementation and those inspections are very important.
Obviously, Russia receives some of those same rights.
But I think this can be one avenue of at least
verification. It is hard to talk about trust in the current
climate. But I think having some ability to agree on the
inspections for the verification is one measure that we can
continue to pursue and I believe the Administration, which was
ready to meet to talk about resuming inspections, is still
prepared to do. We see that--the treaty as an instrument of
stability.
I think the other approach here that is so very important
is that we have very clear communications with the highest
levels of the Russian Government to enforce what--reinforce
what President Biden has already said, which is that the use of
nuclear weapons would bring severe consequences and extremely
irresponsible, and I think that having that clear channel of
communication so that there are no misunderstandings, no
misperceptions, is what is absolutely needed right now.
Senator Shaheen. You have a very difficult challenge, as
any ambassador to Russia would at this time, because on the one
hand it is important for future relationships to maintain that
open channel of communication with Russia.
On the other hand, we need to condemn their outrageous
behavior in the war in Ukraine, the obvious war crimes that are
being committed, the disinformation, the hostile activities
that they are engaging in in the United States and Europe and
other parts of the world.
So help me understand how you walk that fine line and how
do you raise those concerns while at the same time trying to
keep an open channel of communication?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, I faced some of these same difficulties
when I was the Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow and I found it
very important to be professional and to be prepared in these
conversations with Russian officials but to also be frank and
candid, and I think there is a way to do that.
That, as I said, can be effective in ensuring that there
are not misperceptions but it is not easy, having had that
seat, as I said, as the deputy.
Publicly, I think we have a lot of tools through our public
diplomacy platform, our social media tools, to publicly be
messaging about all the concerns that we have and to shine a
light to expose the untold suffering that Russia has inflicted
on Ukraine.
I think that that is absolutely necessary so that there is
no question about it. But this is a tough environment. It is
tough to sometimes penetrate through the propaganda.
When people have been drinking Kool-aid for a long time it
is hard to get them to take water. But I think we have to keep
trying there.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Portman?
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and again,
Ambassador Tracy, thank you for stepping up.
You just talked about the untold suffering that is
occurring in Ukraine and I appreciate your views on that. How
do you feel about sanctions on Russia based on the February
24th invasion and the ongoing war on Ukraine since then?
We had some data yesterday, a projected 7.1 percent
decrease in the GDP in Russia in this quarter, the fourth
quarter, about 4 percent last quarter. In Ukraine, it is about
40, 50 percent.
I believe our sanctions are not having the impact that we
had intended. Can you talk about the sanctions on Russia and
what we should do, perhaps, to make them more effective if you
believe that is the right course?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, I absolutely agree that the right
course is to stay the course on sanctions, to continue
tightening the sanctions.
One area that I know you are very familiar with that we
have talked about is reducing Russia's energy revenues. One
mechanism that is projected to come into place is the oil price
cap.
I think that is already showing some signs, if realized,
that it could be very effective at reducing some of Russia's
revenue but at the same time maintaining some stability in the
oil market.
I think we need to continue looking at who the actors are
in the Russian Government and in their wider networks who are a
part of the pernicious and malign influence that Russia is
projecting.
But I am very mindful that, as you pointed out and as I
have seen, that Ukrainians, particularly now with all of these
attacks on the civilian infrastructure, on the energy
infrastructure, are suffering.
I think we want to have it--these sanctions feeling the
impact sooner rather than later. I think, based on what I have
been seeing in reports, we are starting to see sand in the
gears of the Russian economy.
We are seeing Russia turning to actors like North Korea and
Iran for their weapon supplies. We see that Russia has lost
able-bodied workers through mobilization and through flight,
and so I think the expectation is that we are going to continue
to see the impacts of our sanctions. But I cannot predict
exactly when that point is when----
Senator Portman. Let me say this. I hope you will, should
you be confirmed--I think you will be--once you are there that
you will dig into this issue and give us advice as to how those
sanctions can be effectively tightened, and from our
conversation you know how I feel about the energy exports and
how that really is what is funding the war machine.
Let me ask you a more--a broad question, a tougher one. How
do you think you would be most effective in convincing Vladimir
Putin, his top officials, perhaps some effective communication
with oligarchs, that the illegal, brutal, and totally
unprovoked war is also a senseless war and one that is
counterproductive for Russia? How would you get Russia to the
bargaining table?
Ms. Tracy. I think by continuing to do what we are doing
right now, which is exacting a cost on the battlefield. I think
we have seen already that President Putin has had to pay
attention to this issue.
He recently felt the pressure to meet with mothers of
soldiers. Even though some of the meeting appeared staged in
terms of participants, the very fact that he felt the need to
do that, I think, showed some pressure.
And so I think continuing to show that that strength of
support, that unity of purpose, is so very important because my
impression of President Putin and his mindset is that he thinks
that he is more patient than we are, that he can wait us out,
that our unity of purpose and will will crumble before his
does, and I think that that needs to be demonstrated to him
that that is not an accurate calculation.
Senator Portman. Do you believe that he believes that his
missile supply will last longer than our patience in the West?
Ms. Tracy. He may, although his missile supply appears to
be running low.
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I hope that you will strongly support the aid package from
Congress to continue our help for all the reasons you just
stated, that this is a crucial time in Ukraine and to keep
pressure on Russia. It is important that we maintain our
support.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and, Madam
Ambassador, it is great to see you. Congratulations on the
nomination, and my colleagues have covered a lot of territory,
including your effort--your future effort to help gain the
release of unjustly detained Americans and political prisoners
there.
I am interested in following up on some of the questions
regarding your operational flexibility in Moscow as ambassador.
I am assuming you have had a chance to talk to our outgoing
ambassador, Ambassador Sullivan. Is that right?
Ms. Tracy. Yes, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. And in terms of just your ability to
move around either Moscow or the country, how limited is that
right now?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, there is some limited ability to move
around outside of Moscow but it requires a lot of effort and
planning, and because of the size of the embassy now and some
of the needs that go with ambassadorial travel it can be a
very--it can shift a lot of the resources away from the
embassy.
Obviously, there are some very important priorities,
though, that require that travel, including visiting American
citizens who are detained. Ambassador Sullivan described to me
an ability to move around Moscow.
But I think, as you can imagine, the climate there and
because of the position the United States has taken with
respect to Ukraine we are not always warmly welcomed
everywhere.
Senator Van Hollen. Right. So and that leads to my next
question, but first of all, do you need prior approval from the
Russian authorities to go outside of Moscow?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, I believe that there are some exempted
officials from prior notification but I would have to come back
to confirm to you.
I believe that the ambassador and a few other staff--there
is a limited group that has that exception. Most require
notification and approval to be able to travel outside of
Moscow.
Senator Van Hollen. Yeah. If you could get back to me. I am
curious about whether and to what extent we are applying
reciprocity here, whether the rules that apply to the Russian
ambassador here and members of the Russian embassy are similar
to the ones they are applying to the--our embassy and folks in
Russia.
How about in terms of just access to government officials?
What did Ambassador Sullivan tell you? Is he frozen out? Did he
have an opportunity to meet with any folks of authority or were
those conversations to the extent they happened going on
between, for example, others in the Russian Government and
folks here in Washington, either at the NSC or the State
Department or Defense Department?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, he described to me some channels but
fairly limited channels, and also my impression was some of the
same people that he was speaking with were speaking with
officials here in Washington.
Senator Van Hollen. Right. That has been my impression,
which is that they have sort of frozen out to the extent that
they can and they can do a pretty good job of freezing out
folks in Moscow.
So I hope you will, at least with respect to non-Russian
Government officials, push the boundaries of talking to other
folks, as you say, in civil society and elsewhere, and I would
be interested in the extent to which we are applying
reciprocity to their diplomats here.
Let me just get to this issue of the price cap, which, as
you know, is scheduled to take effect, I think, December 5th,
and I think it is a very important move by the G-7, the United
States, our allies.
Obviously, lots of questions about how it will work and I
think some of us believe that, ultimately, this price cap needs
to be backed up with the threat of sanctions to those who do
not comply with what the EU is doing.
But what role, if any, will you have or what do you know
about our efforts right now to get other countries like India
and those who have not been part of setting the price cap--
getting those countries to comply?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, my understanding is that we are having
conversations across the globe. I mean, I, certainly,
participated in some of these in Armenia about sanctions
compliance.
I think that we continue to encourage some of the major
purchasers of Russian energy to join us. But that is as much as
I know at this point of those conversations.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Obviously, in order
for this to be effective we need to sort of shut all the
loopholes and not just keep the back of the barn open. Thank
you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador, thank you so much for being willing to continue
to serve this country in incredibly difficult circumstances.
I want to follow up on something that Senator Shaheen was
asking about and also Senator Portman. I want you to describe
the information environment as you understand it in Russia.
I guess the most basic question is do you think the Russian
people know that they are losing?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, thank you.
My impression is that there are, certainly, Russians who
have sought out access to outside sources of information to be
able to more accurately gauge what is happening in terms of
Russia's war on Ukraine.
But when you look at the polling that takes place inside of
Russia, and I think some of it is pretty good and pretty
credible, there are still many Russians who, because of the
years of propaganda, are still persuaded that this is a just
cause, although the rationales keep changing.
Senator Schatz. And whatever mistakes that may have been
made are tactical or a general's fault or about equipping and
training and not a sort of major strategic error. So I want to
talk to you about the sort of--the way I see it is two vectors,
right.
One is years of propaganda and culture and media channels
that are organized around Putin and the other is increasingly
that they want to control the inputs, right. They actually do
want to restrict access to truthful information.
Freedom House already described Russia as not free in terms
of information but also noted that there was the biggest
decline in 2022 in terms of the ability to access truthful
information.
I am sort of wondering how you think those two factors are
interacting right now, because I do not want to get overly
fixated on making sure people have access to truthful
information if, in the end, the problem is the propaganda that
overwhelms anyway.
China has the ability to actually control all information
and have the Great Firewall. Russia does not have that
capability.
They would like to, but I am not sure they need it, and I
am wondering how you see those and also how you see the
Department of State being useful in this conversation to make
sure that the Russian people know that this is going badly.
Ms. Tracy. Senator, thank you.
I think one of the ways in which we are helping both in
terms of keeping alive some of the credible independent voices
of media is through some support that the State Department has
been providing and I think that is very important because these
are journalists who understand the challenges in the Russian
media space and the mindset and, I think, having that kind of
support to homegrown journalists. I have seen this elsewhere in
my career. People can smell cooked-up storylines.
But when you have people who understand the mindset who are
local they are probably best placed to provide that kind of
entry point into getting at sometimes these narratives of
misinformation and disinformation.
So that is one--I think that is one way that we need to
continue to be very active and engaged is to be supporting
media--Russian media who are in opposition in exile to be able
to project.
But it is--again, it is a very tough environment. But I do
not think that we can afford to walk away from championing
internet freedom of making sure that people have access.
Senator Schatz. No, I agree, and I think this is a tough
nut to crack. It just seems to me that we have to understand
the information environment as it is evolving pretty fast
because it was ever thus as it relates to the propaganda
channels. But this new desire to control truthful information
presents additional complications and I think the State
Department is going to have some navigating to do.
But before you start just jumping in and tweeting out
things or whatever, we have to have a theory of the case about
what exactly is going on here and why Russian public opinion
remains pretty stubborn even in the face of at least accessible
facts.
They may not have them in their brains but they--it is
theoretically accessible via computer in a way that it is not,
for instance, in China.
So thank you.
Ms. Tracy. Senator, I promise I will not just jump in and
start tweeting.
Senator Schatz. That is my job.
The Chairman. And you do it so well.
Let me--a second vote for members who have not voted should
know that it has started.
Senator Young is next. But then after him is Senator
Murphy. I have asked Senator Murphy to preside until the chair
can return.
Thank you.
Senator Young. Welcome, Ms. Tracy. Good to have you here.
Earlier this year, my Senate colleagues and I introduced
legislation to sanction Chinese financial institutions that
conduct transactions with any Russian financial institutions
trying to avert sanctions by using China's alternative to
SWIFT.
The end goal of this legislation was to encourage Beijing
to consider the costs of siding with Putin in his barbaric
attack on Ukraine.
From your perspective, can you expand on how actions like
this from the international community have prompted Putin's
allies and friends of convenience to rethink their
relationships with Moscow?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, thank you.
I think that the kinds of conversations that the
Administration and our partners and allies in Europe and
elsewhere have been having with not just government officials
in the PRC but also the private company have--private sector
have had an effect.
I think there is a very clear understanding that evading
these sanctions, crossing these sanctions, will bring
consequences. That is my understanding, based on the
conversations that have taken place thus far.
But I think that we are going to have to remain vigilant
and I think you are--if I am taking that point from you, it is
the importance of vigilance here.
Senator Young. So in the spirit of vigilance, have you seen
and maybe could you point to some changes that have occurred in
the Russia-Chinese bilateral relationship, positive or
negative, since we took this action?
Ms. Tracy. One very telling episode to me was the--what
happened in Tashkent earlier this year. This was in the fall, I
believe. It was a gathering. President Xi was there. There were
other leaders from the region there. And, certainly, President
Putin looked very uncomfortable.
I mean, this has been well noted in the press and he had to
acknowledge that after that initial announcement back in--
during the Olympics of the no limits partnership that his
Chinese colleague was expressing some concern and had
questions, and the fact that he had to say that publicly was a
pretty big deal.
We saw--and we saw some other interactions at that
particular conference that, I think, again, showed that some of
Russia's partners were and are uneasy with the course that
Russia has been taking.
Senator Young. Thank you.
So as the months have lingered on since that point Vladimir
Putin has found himself on his back foot, to put it charitably,
and he has been increasingly desperate, it seems, and Moscow
has signaled from time to time that it is willing to respond
asymmetrically to the West in various ways.
Where do you assess our interests are most vulnerable to
these Russian acts of asymmetric retaliation?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, in terms of the asymmetrical behavior,
some of it is falling on our mission operations, something that
was touched on earlier.
I think that we also see Russia projecting a very
pernicious and malign influence in places like Africa where we
do not always have an easy answer, and in this case I am
thinking of groups like the Wagner Company, who are really, as
I said, a pernicious influence that is destabilizing good
governance efforts, the--fueling corruption in some of its
activities.
So this is--these are at least----
Senator Young. Gray zone warfare, as it were, right?
Ms. Tracy. Yes.
Senator Young. Yeah. And before I return--yield to the--
back to the chairman, just with respect to that discrete
threat, do you have any thoughts about how we best safeguard
ourselves and work with our allies to safeguard them against
these actions?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, this is where I think we need just to
maintain some very tight coordination. We need to be talking
very, very frankly and candidly with our allies and we need to
do things in unison.
I think this is, certainly, something I have seen across my
career that when we act with partners and allies on some of
these tough transnational issues or gray zone issues that we
are in a much better place.
But I think it is--there is a lot happening right now, and
so that we do not lose sight of some of these places that maybe
are not on the European continent but actually have a nexus to
what Russia is doing in Ukraine.
Senator Young. Thank you, Ms. Tracy.
Chairman?
Senator Murphy [presiding.] I am recognizing myself under
Senator Menendez's instructions and then going to Senator
Risch.
Good to see you. Thank you for stepping up at a time of
peril to serve in maybe the most difficult diplomatic post that
we have. We are grateful for your time with us here today.
I want to build on Senator Young's questions and build on
your prior service in Armenia. Senator Young was asking about
this sort of set of asymmetric threats that Russia brings to
bear.
Russia thrives in neighboring countries with weak rule of
law. Some of Russia's tools are pretty sophisticated. Some of
them are not.
Some of them are just paying people off in order to do what
they want, which is easier to do in places that do not have a
strong system of rules, a strong democratic history, a free
press.
So maybe drawing on your experience in Armenia, talk a
little bit about how America's commitment to the rule of law is
not just about trying to sort of stand up healthy democracies.
It is also about pushing back on Russia's ability to get what
it wants by preying on countries that have weak rule of law.
Ms. Tracy. Senator, thank you.
I think that, first of all, I want to acknowledge with
respect to Armenia, and this is true in a--for a number of
former Soviet Union countries, the great importance of the
investment that the United States has made through assistance
that Congress has provided to development assistance, to
economic development, but maybe most importantly to investment
in people, young leaders, and that matters because what we saw,
for instance, in Armenia in 2018 this was totally homegrown,
the leadership of and the movement to call for an end to
corruption in government.
And so when I think about--when I think about that, part of
that also relates to Russia. As I noted earlier, I think what
we have seen in the last two elections in Armenia is people
turning away from the model that Russia offers, looking for
something better for a government that is accountable.
And even though people had experienced something very
traumatic in 2020 with the conflict they did not want to go
back to corruption and I think it is because they see what
Russia represents.
They see how the country is run, and I think that, as I
said, that that investment in people who have the opportunities
to be credible journalists, to provide strong accountability to
government institutions, I mean, these are all the things that
we can be continuing to do, not just in places like Armenia,
that I think act as a hedge against the kind of model and
malign influence that Russia represents.
Senator Murphy. Many of us see this work in the Balkans as
well, countries that have weaker rules structures. Those are
the places where Russia plays more vigorously.
You also speak to this broader opportunity that exists in
every crisis. You can always find a little hidden nugget of
opportunity and there are countries all along Russia's
periphery that are now entertaining closer relations with the
United States as a hedge against a neighbor who has now shown
no compunction about moving troops across borders. Central Asia
is another example of that.
In the remaining 50 seconds just a word from you on what
you have learned about Moscow's current disposition on a
nuclear weapon-armed Iran.
Russia stood with us in the JCPOA negotiations. They now
are in a different place because they are relying on Iran to
provide critical weapons for the fight in Ukraine.
So have you learned that there is any prospect for Russia
continuing to be a partner if we were ever able to get back
into a conversation with Iran on their nuclear future or has
their relationship with Tehran fundamentally changed?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, this is not an area that I have had a
chance to have consultations on or been read into. But,
clearly, I will be happy to take that question for the record
and be back to you.
Senator Murphy. Great. I will follow up with you on that.
Thank you.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, and thank you, Ms.
Tracy, for being willing to take on this job. This is going to
be a tough one. There is no question about it. Probably the
toughest one you have had and that you ever will have in your
position with the State Department.
And thank you for talking with me about the sensitive area
that we talked about and we will talk about in another--in a
classified setting at some point. I am glad you understand the
issues there and are willing to engage on that.
I would like to get your thoughts generally on diplomat--
what you envision diplomatic engagement is going to be like in
Moscow. Obviously, you are going to spend a lot of your time on
the related things like security and facilities and management
and staffing.
But, obviously, we all know what the usual type of
diplomatic engagement is with a country in discussing this with
our diplomatic engagement with Russia, with NSC people and
State Department people. Seems to be a pretty heavy lift at the
present time and what--have you got any thoughts on that of how
you will engage in that?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, thank you--Ranking Member, thank you
very much, and you are absolutely right. This is probably going
to be the toughest assignment of my career.
One of--we were already seeing during my tenure as DCM in
Moscow a real shrinking of the channels of communication. The
Russians withheld a lot of meetings from us.
But I think one thing that we had to continue to do was to
ask and to probe and to see where we were able to open up
channels. So I, certainly, intend to do that to see what that
may yield and Ambassador Sullivan shared with me the channels
that he was able to maintain.
Another--I think another very important constituency in
Moscow are our partners and allies and ensuring that we are
lashed up there very closely. So that is something that I saw
when I was in Moscow in my earlier assignment that I thought
was very important to being effective as an embassy, and then
to the extent that I can to be reaching out and getting out.
I do not know what kind of reception I will get in some
places. I mean, I think this is going to be one of those
situations where you have to test the water.
But I do think it is important that we continue to be out
and about to the extent that we can.
Senator Risch. I really appreciate that and I think that is
probably the best you are going to be able to do, what you just
described.
I would note that, I think, as far as our allies are
concerned a good share of them are not in any better shape than
we are as far as their relationship with Moscow. So you will
have comrades in arms there, in any event.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you.
Senator Barrasso?
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations.
I want to talk a little bit about uranium because Russia
uses energy as a geopolitical weapon. For years I have raised
concerns about the risks posed by being dependent on Russia for
energy resources.
In 2021 Russia was our third largest supplier of uranium,
14 percent of U.S. demand, and every dollar we give to Russia
state supports Putin's war on Ukraine.
So despite the Administration's so-called ban on Russian
energy we are still importing Russian uranium. Do you agree
that the U.S. needs to ban Russian uranium?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, my understanding is that we are working
very closely with our allies and partners, including in the G-
7, to reduce and ultimately eliminate our reliance on Russian
uranium services.
Several countries in Europe have taken important steps to
reduce their reliance on Russian uranium services and nuclear
fuel since the beginning of Russia's war in Ukraine.
The administration is also focused on this issue here at
home by working to identify domestic solutions that support our
foreign policy goals and address our own strategic
vulnerability.
And I would just commit to you that I will, certainly, be
supporting those efforts and looking for ways that we can
reduce that strategic vulnerability.
Senator Barrasso. In terms of strategic vulnerabilities
then we move on to rising energy prices and what that means for
helping Russia fund their war--their killing machine.
Reducing the amount of Russian energy going to Europe would
hurt Russia's economy. The oil and gas revenues make up about
half of Russia's national budget.
In 2021 Russia sold $100 billion worth of oil and natural
gas to Europe. With natural gas prices increasing, oil
surpassing, at times, $100 a barrel, more of our allies' money,
basically, lines the pockets of Putin. It is a windfall, I
believe, for Russia. As a result, the amount of Russian energy
going to Europe is a major problem.
Is there a national security issue when our allies and
partners are increasingly dependent on Russian energy sources?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, what I believe we are seeing in the
wake of Russia's invasion of Ukraine is that our allies and
partners have seen that Russia is not a reliable energy
partner.
We have seen significant drops in certain parts of the
energy landscape. I think we are expecting, potentially, to see
more starting December 5th and we need to continue doing that
to--as a part of that, not just focusing on reducing the
dependency on Russia but then providing alternatives that can
give the Europeans a stable energy supply from other locations.
Senator Barrasso. You used the phrase alternatives and then
a reliable energy partner, which is what they are looking for
long term. Do you support quickly increasing U.S. exports of
natural gas to Europe to help reduce their dependence on
Russia's natural gas?
Ms. Tracy. Yes, Senator. I do.
Senator Barrasso. I wanted to talk about what is happening
with Ukrainian children, and you have read that since Russia's
invasion of Ukraine there have been reports of Putin ordering
the transfer of Ukrainian children to Russia to be adopted and
become citizens of Russia.
Our U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., Linda Thomas-Greenfield,
reported that thousands of Ukrainian children have been taken
from their homes or orphanages before being put up for adoption
in Russia. She said more than 1,800 children--I mean, it is an
astonishingly large number--were transferred from Russian-
controlled areas of Ukraine to Russia I think she said in just
July alone, so in one month.
In May, Putin signed a decree making it easier for Russia
to adopt and give citizenship to Ukrainian children. The New
York Times had an article in October titled ``Using Adoptions,
Russia turns Ukrainian children into the spoils of war.'' The
Associated Press had an article titled ``How Russia grabs
Ukrainian kids and makes them Russians.''
So how can the U.S. and the international community hold
Putin accountable for the large-scale forced relocation and
deportation--of this program?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, what you have just described is
absolutely sickening and horrible and I, certainly, commit to
you and to this committee that one of the first things I will
be doing is--if confirmed, is reaching out to my colleague,
Ambassador Brink, in Kyiv so that we have a good coordination
there on some of the information that is coming out.
I think how we hold Russia accountable is to support and
engage in as much documentation as we can to expose these
horrible practices and then, I think, to look for approaches
and avenues where we can, certainly, in the case cases that you
are describing where we have had children separated to get
children back to their parents.
I do not have an answer right here for how that is. But I
do think it is very important to have that channel or that--
have that emphasis on approaches that look at restoring
children to their families.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ambassador Tracy, one last question. We had a hearing here
on the Caucasus. It was one of the most disappointing hearings
I have ever conducted.
You have been the ambassador to Armenia. So let me ask you,
and I relate this to your post that you would be confirmed for,
have you seen the videos of the execution of Armenian soldiers
by Azerbaijan?
Ms. Tracy. Senator, yes, I have, and I have also seen the
video of--it was one of the most sickening things I have seen
in my life--of the mutilation and desecration of a female
Armenian soldier, and when the report first emerged of--that
this video was circulating I reached out to Armenia's human
rights ombudsperson, Kristinne Grigoryan, who is a rising star
in Armenia.
She has been a very important partner with us in law
enforcement reform but she had moved over to the ombudsperson's
office.
I went to see her. She was engaging in efforts to document,
authenticate, what we were seeing in these videos. She was
working, she told me--and I have great confidence in what she
was saying--to use best international practices and they were
able to identify--they identified the female soldier. I think
they were identifying then--there were some other bodies in the
video. And so----
The Chairman. So they not only identified, did they
authenticate that, in fact, these actions took place?
Ms. Tracy. I think what they authenticated that--who these
individuals were and the state in which their bodies were. What
I remember from--particularly from the video with the female
soldier being mutilated it was hard to see who was acting in
the video.
But what I want to assure you of is that we reported these
conversations, what the ombudsperson's office was doing, and
what we are focused on right now is accountability and I think
accountability is----
The Chairman. Who did you report them to? Who did you
report them to?
Ms. Tracy. To the State Department. To Washington.
The Chairman. Well, this is at least a much better set of
answers than I got at the other hearing where no one knew
about--either did not know about the videos or in the case of
Ambassador Reeker did know about the videos but no one had done
anything to determine the authenticity and legitimacy of it.
I have no reason to dispute the videos that I have seen but
it seems to me--and the reason I want to connect this here, you
are the present ambassador to Armenia and you are nominated for
something else. But here is the point.
We need our ambassadors, particularly in places of
conflict, to be able to pursue what the truth is so that we, as
policy holders, can then decide what we do about that truth.
And since you are going to Russia--obviously, Russians are
being arrested for their dissidency. Others have been attacked.
Some supposedly have been killed.
We need, to the extent possible, the U.S. ambassador in
Moscow to do what I would want to have seen done as it relates
to Armenia, to identify where these abuses have taken place,
try to authenticate it, and then report on it in a way that
then we--that it is actionable, at the end of the day.
So that is the spirit in which I am asking you the
questions. I expect that if you are confirmed you will do that
in Moscow to the best of your ability.
Ms. Tracy. Senator, yes, I will. I, certainly, pledge that
and very much due to some of the experiences that I have had as
ambassador to Armenia, some of what I have seen from conflict
there, and the need for accountability and to pursue justice in
some of these very egregious situations.
The Chairman. All right. Without accountability there is
not justice.
Thank you for your testimony before the committee. We will
be submitting--members will be submitting questions for the
record. I would urge you to answer them as expeditiously and
fully as possible so that we can consider your nomination
before a business committee.
With the thanks of the committee, you are excused.
Ms. Tracy. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the
committee, thank you very much.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Let us bring up our second panel.
[Pause.]
The Chairman. All right. We would like to have our nominees
take their seats. We are all having a good time.
The hearing continues. The second panel--we consider
remaining four nominations. I understand that Senator Shaheen
will be introducing Ambassador Fisher and Senator Van Hollen
will be introducing Ms. Spahn.
Let us turn to Senator Shaheen first.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to each of the nominees this afternoon. I
appreciate your letting me go first since I have a 4:00 o'clock
appointment. I will be back, however.
But it really is my honor to introduce Ambassador Fisher
today as this committee considers her nomination to serve as
U.S. Ambassador to Cyprus.
Ambassador Fisher and I spent a very interesting day in
Warsaw right before the start of the war in Ukraine, actually,
this year and I know and had reinforced for me then what a
great job she has done.
She has served our country with distinction from her
previous roles as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Europe and the European Union to Deputy Permanent
Representative of the U.S. mission to NATO.
Most recently, Ambassador Fisher represented the United
States as the Special Envoy to Belarus and that is the role in
which we were dining in Warsaw.
However, against circumstances not of her own doing
Ambassador Fisher has not had the opportunity to put her
ambassadorial title to full use because despite being nominated
and confirmed by this body as Ambassador to Belarus in 2020,
the first time the position had been filled since 2008,
Ambassador Fisher was forced to serve as a U.S. Special Envoy
in Lithuania after the Belarusian authorities refused to grant
her accreditation.
Ambassador Fisher was a committed partner to the Belarusian
people, nonetheless, who continue to peacefully advocate for a
democratic future for themselves and their country.
Ambassador Fisher recognized the need to keep the
democratic movement in the spotlight and secure meetings for
opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya with U.S. leaders,
including President Biden.
This was critical to conveying to the rest of Europe and
the world that she has support from the United States, both
Ambassador Fisher and the opposition.
Ambassador Fisher also worked effectively with Congress to
humanize the plight of the Belarusian people and keep members
apprised on the political situation in the country.
With her support in her role as Special Envoy, I co-founded
the Free Belarus Caucus with Senator Wicker to continue
advocating for democracy and free and fair elections in Belarus
where Putin's puppet Lukashenko continues to tighten his
authoritarian grip, crack down on free press, and threaten the
sovereignty of Ukraine.
Ambassador Fisher showed why this role is so critical. I
saw Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya a few weeks ago where she also
called for a successor to this important position. I hope that
the State Department can announce a successor without delay.
I look forward to see her apply the same level--he or she
apply the same level of energy and expertise to that position
as Ambassador Fisher has and I expect that Ambassador Fisher
will apply that level of energy and expertise to her new
position as Ambassador to Cyprus.
Amid renewed tensions with Turkey and Russia's malign
influence throughout Europe, we need a diplomat like Ambassador
Fisher to promote American interests in the Mediterranean.
I know she will continue to serve the American people well
and I urge my colleagues to advance her nomination without
delay.
Congratulations, Ambassador Fisher.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Risch, Senator Shaheen, and I want to congratulate all the
nominees here today and I think the President has chosen
wisely.
I am here to introduce the President's nominee to serve as
the next director of the Peace Corps, Carol Spahn. The
President has picked somebody with vast experience, impeccable
character, and sharp intellect, and President Biden has also
selected a Marylander for this role, which Senator Cardin and I
think shows a special wisdom.
But beyond being a Marylander and, very seriously, there is
no doubt in my mind that Ms. Spahn has the background and the
wisdom to excel in this role. From January 2021 to November
2022, during some of the toughest days of the pandemic, she
served as CEO of the Peace Corps and had to navigate the Corps
through that difficult period.
As most Corps members had to return home, many were then
effectively deployed to support public health vaccination
campaigns across the United States, including over 60 Corps
volunteers in my state of Maryland.
Her good stewardship of the Corps helped get shots in arms
and save lives across our country. That effort was just the
most recent chapter in a storied career of service.
Ms. Spahn's connection to the Peace Corps dates all the way
back to 1994 when she served as a volunteer in Romania. Since
then she has been chief of operations in the Africa region and
country director for Malawi, among other important assignments
both inside and outside the Corps.
Beyond this impressive resume and set of assignments, I am
absolutely confident and I am confident that the committee will
agree that Ms. Spahn has the character and qualities that will
help her succeed in this important position.
I had the opportunity to speak with her many months ago
talking about the important role of the Peace Corps around the
world, including in Africa where Senator Rounds and I as
subcommittee chair and ranking member spend a lot of time.
I was struck by Ms. Spahn's devotion to the Peace Corps and
her determination to serve our fellow Americans and others
around the world. That meeting left no doubt in my mind that
she is ready for this important challenge at this important
moment.
Mr. Chairman, in my view, the Peace Corps is more than an
opportunity for service. It is an important part of our
identity as a nation and central to what we stand for.
I have witnessed that truth firsthand. As many of you know,
I grew up in a Foreign Service family and spent many early
years overseas.
One memory from that stands out with respect to the Peace
Corps. I was traveling with my parents to a remote village in
Sri Lanka as sort of an early teenager. It was a very remote
village. We went into a hut there and there inside the hut hung
a portrait of John F. Kennedy.
And the reason that portrait was there even 10 years after
President Kennedy had been assassinated and half a world away
from the United States of America was that the Peace Corps had
been in that village.
The Peace Corps had been there helping dig wells, helping
with sanitation projects, and that left an imprint and memory
on all the villagers about what America stood for and the fact
that we could be a force of good and for justice and hope
around the world.
And, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, we must continue
to live up to that standard and I am absolutely confident that
Carol Spahn can help us do exactly that so that years from now
there will continue to be a presence of the American force for
good in villages halfway around the world and people know what
the United States stands for, and I know she will continue to
carry that torch and that tradition.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you to both of our
colleagues, distinguished members of this committee.
Let me say to all of our nominees congratulations, again,
to you, to your families who are part of service in our
country. We appreciate their willingness to sacrifice.
Let me just go through a few of our nominees and then we
will hold--we will listen to Senator Risch and then begin
testimony.
I will begin with Ms. Kavin. Is that the correct
pronunciation?
Ms. Kvien. Kvien.
The Chairman. Kvien. Kvien. Okay. I am sorry.
Who has been nominated to be the Ambassador to Armenia. It
is a challenging moment for Armenia. We have seen recent
attacks from Azerbaijan, videos of what appeared to be war
crimes as well as a long-standing humanitarian crisis brought
on by the war in Nagorno-Karabakh.
I was incredibly disappointed by the State Department's
responses in our recent hearing on the South Caucasus and so,
Ms. Kvien, I expect you as well as all of our nominees today to
respect the committee's oversight role and be responsive to the
committee's requests for information.
In the case of Armenia, it will be your responsibility to
ensure that the American people do not look the other way when
we uncover human rights violations and atrocities committed
against Armenia.
Armenia is connected to the United States by the love and
concern of countless Armenian-American families. This is a
diaspora community that is on the knife edge between the hope
of peace and the terror of ethnic cleansing.
Ambassador Fisher, your appointment to Cyprus comes as this
important country is growing closer to the United States.
Cyprus is a key part in the Western response to Russian
aggression in Ukraine. Cyprus' energy resources can and should
be part of the solution to Putin's energy warfare directed at
Europe.
At the same time, I look forward to hearing how you plan to
tackle the challenge of an increasingly belligerent Erdogan in
Turkey. I want to hear your views today on Erdogan's
assertiveness in Varosha as well as what you will do to ensure
the sustainability of the U.N. mandate in Cyprus.
The Administration's decision to lift restrictions on the
sale of U.S. military equipment to Cyprus as authorized in the
Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Law that
I authored was welcome news.
I look forward to hearing your vision on how we can take
this relationship to the next level in further developing our
energy and security cooperation.
I would also like to hear your views on the 3+1 regional
format among the United States, Cyprus, Israel, and Greece, for
which the Administration, unfortunately, has done little to
promote over the past two years.
Ms. Spahn, you will take charge of the Peace Corps as you
continue to return thousands of volunteers back to the field.
It has been two years since the Peace Corps had to make the
difficult decision to send all volunteers home due to the
pandemic.
I know you have played an important role in this process,
ensuring volunteer and host community safety and implementing
reforms to adapt to a post-COVID world.
The Peace Corps represents one of the United States'
greatest foreign policy and diplomacy tools, helping those in
need around the world.
Even as competitors and adversaries try to challenge us in
every corner of the globe, the Peace Corps represents the
United States to the world who we truly are, a giving and
generous nation.
As you know, I introduced the Peace Corps Reauthorization
Act with Senator Risch. The bill passed out of our committee by
voice vote in July. We need to see it enacted this year.
This bipartisan legislation supports the real-time needs of
volunteers as they reenter the field as well as volunteers
returning home, which are critical for a well-run Peace Corps.
So I look forward to hearing from you about your vision for
the Peace Corps as it meets these challenges and seizes the
opportunities as a critical arm of U.S. foreign policy.
Ms. Dyer, as director of the Office to Combat and Monitor
Trafficking you will be tackling one of the most heinous crimes
in the world, and despite progress in recent years modern day
slavery remains prevalent.
Human trafficking remains a horrific reality for tens of
millions of people around the world. We need to redouble our
effort to prevent trafficking, hold traffickers accountable,
and to support victims.
I expect you to be a strong, effective leader at the Office
to Combat and Monitor Trafficking. You are exceptionally
qualified for this position, given your extensive experience,
and as a nominee of both the Bush and Biden administrations, it
is clear that your commitment to the issue transcends party
lines.
As you know, I was proud to pass out of the committee
earlier this year a bipartisan bill with Senator Risch, the
International Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization
Act.
I urge my colleagues in the Senate to agree to its swift
passage on the floor and I look forward to hearing about how
you intend to elevate and advance this important fight.
With that, let me turn to the distinguished ranking member,
Senator Risch, for his comments.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to
the panel for being here today. Certainly, four important
appointments.
On Armenia, the U.S. has a valuable role to play in
resolving the tenuous relationship between Armenia and
Azerbaijan. At the centerpiece of the conflict, of course, is
the disputed territories and the need to find a stable solution
that protects the rights of Armenians and Azeris living there.
With Russia pulling back in the region there is now a
limited opportunity for the U.S. to take a stronger role and to
help end the bloodshed.
With regard to Cyprus, our relationship is changing due to
Cyprus' progress in cleaning up its financial sector as well as
its growing ties with Greece and Israel.
Just a few months ago, the State Department waived the arms
embargo that it has had on Cyprus since 1987, which will open a
door to closer cooperation and, hopefully, some improvements in
areas of mutual interest in the Eastern Mediterranean.
I expect that strong U.S. leadership will continue to
advance this progress and closer bilateral relations will open
up new opportunities for the United States to work with parties
on the island to find a lasting and stable solution for
reunification.
I thank Ambassador Fisher for being willing to serve the
United States in Cyprus and I look forward to hearing how you
will approach these complex issues.
I am glad to finally have a nominee for the important
position of Ambassador-at-Large to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking. Thus far, I have been disappointed with the Biden
administration's communication with Congress on human
trafficking and hope that filling this position will grant this
important issue the attention that it deserves.
As the chairman noted, he and I worked together on the
International Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization
Act, which would reform and modernize the State Department's
efforts to combat and monitor human trafficking. We look
forward to progress.
I look forward to hearing from you, Ms. Dyer, on your views
of how to improve U.S. efforts to combat human trafficking
around the globe.
And, finally, after COVID-19 forced a total global
evacuation of the Peace Corps, the organization has taken some
steps to increase safety measures as well as gradual reentry to
countries of service.
Additionally, it is no secret that the Peace Corps has had
its share of safety and security concerns prior to this global
evacuation. That is why I worked with the chairman on our Peace
Corps reauthorization bill to address these challenges and
ensure that today's volunteers are equipped with the best
training and knowledge to reenter their countries of service.
I want to thank you, Ms. Spahn, for your prior service in
the Peace Corps and for the willingness to serve in this
capacity. I look forward to hearing how you will approach the
ongoing safety and security issues that many volunteers should
you be confirmed and I know you have had quite a bit of
experience in that direction.
So, Ms. Spahn, we are looking forward to good and great and
glorious things from you.
With that, I will turn it back to the chair. Thank you.
The Chairman. Okay. We will turn to our nominees. Your full
statements will be included in the record, without objection.
We ask that each of you summarize your statement in about five
minutes so that members of the committee can engage with you in
a conversation.
We will start with you, Ambassador Fisher, and go down the
line, okay?
STATEMENT OF HON. JULIE D. FISHER OF TENNESSEE, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR,NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF CYPRUS
Ms. Fisher. Thank you, sir.
Please allow me just to say a quick word of appreciation to
Senator Shaheen for her kind words and for her support. She has
shown so much leadership on issues on which I have worked--
NATO, Belarus, now Cyprus--and she has truly been a champion
for those of us in the State Department. I very much appreciate
that.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of this
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the ambassador to the
Republic of Cyprus.
As ambassador designate for Belarus and then subsequently
as Special Envoy, it was a privilege for me to work closely
with the members and staff of this committee.
If given the opportunity to serve as ambassador to Cyprus,
I count on our continued consultation and coordination to
advance key priorities in the context of our fundamental
commitment to a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.
These objectives have defined my career and in my
leadership roles I have sought to build teams with a clear view
of our guiding mission to protect and advance the interests of
the American people.
I know firsthand there is no greater responsibility than
the safety and security of American citizens and our embassy
team. If confirmed, this would be my highest priority.
So, in this context, I am committed to continuing our
efforts to locate and return home three Americans still missing
since the tragic events of 1974.
This committee knows well that Cyprus sits on a critical
seam between the Middle East and Europe. The Republic of Cyprus
is a highly valued partner, and our bilateral relationship has
deepened significantly in recent years on a range of priorities
from strengthening security in the Eastern Med to expanding
economic and commercial ties.
The results of this cooperation have been most evident in
the Republic of Cyprus' partnership in responding to Russia's
brutal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Our National Security
Strategy highlights Russia's immediate and persistent threat to
international peace and stability, and calls for transatlantic
unity in countering Russia's threat.
The Republic of Cyprus has had a direct impact in holding
the Kremlin to account for its war of choice against Ukraine.
As a result of this values-based decision, Cyprus has weathered
significant economic disruption and, despite this, continues to
take actions that demonstrate its commitment to stand with
Ukraine, including welcoming more than 14,000 Ukrainian
refugees this year.
I am pleased to see our bilateral cooperation growing in
new and tangible ways. In April, we jointly opened the U.S.-
funded state-of-the-art Cyprus Center for Land, Open Seas, and
Port Security to strengthen maritime and border security
training across the region.
We also signed a science and technology agreement, paving
the way for increased scientific collaboration between our
nations, and our shared commitment to combat trafficking in
persons is yielding meaningful progress.
Cyprus is an increasingly inviting market for American tech
companies and American firms are leading the development of
offshore hydrocarbon resources around the island.
These investments will help Cyprus become a critical
contributor to Europe's energy security, countering both
Russia's weaponization of energy and PRC coercive economic
influence in the region.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that American
enterprise and American products are what come to mind when
Cypriots look for trusted business partners, and specifically
with the leadership of this committee Cyprus, Greece, and
Israel plus the United States are forging new ground in the 3+1
format to promote regional cooperation on a broad range of
pressing issues.
Mr. Chairman, let me say this regarding the division of
Cyprus. The United States remains clear that the status quo is
unacceptable.
If given the opportunity to serve, I will use the full
weight of my office to support Cypriot-led U.N.-facilitated
efforts to reunify Cyprus as a bi-zonal bi-communal federation
with political equality for all Cypriots.
I will meet with Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots to
advance our unwavering commitment to human rights and
fundamental freedoms, and seek their feedback as they work to
realize the benefits of reaching the comprehensive settlement
which has eluded them for decades.
There is just no escaping the unjust costs of division that
have fallen on all Cypriots.
In a 2014 visit to Cyprus, then Vice President Biden
outlined a vision for a future generation of Cypriots who might
grow up without the burden of conflict. This vision can animate
new efforts towards a reunified Cyprus, creating meaningful
prosperity for all Cypriots and unlocking greater stability in
this critical region.
Finally, I would like to acknowledge that I am joined today
by my husband, Matthew Fisher. I would not be before you
without his support over my 27-year career. He has been my
chief adviser on bidding, my chief morale officer on tough
days, and chief of dinner procurement on late nights. I have
been so very lucky to have him in my corner.
Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to appear today and I do look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Fisher follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Julie D. Fisher
Senator Shaheen, thank you for your kind words and for the support
that you have shown to my State colleagues and me over many years. I am
deeply grateful for your leadership on the range of issues on which I
have worked--from NATO to Belarus and now Cyprus.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus.
As Ambassador-designate for Belarus and then subsequently as
Special Envoy, it was a privilege for me to work closely with the
Members and staff of this committee. If given the opportunity to serve
as Ambassador to Cyprus, I count on our continued consultation and
coordination to advance key priorities in the context of our
fundamental commitment to a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.
These objectives have defined my career. And in my leadership
roles, I've sought to build teams with a clear view of our guiding
mission: to protect and advance the interests of the American people.
I know firsthand there is no greater responsibility than the safety
and security of American citizens. If confirmed, this would be my
highest priority. So, in this context, I am committed to continuing our
efforts to locate and return home three Americans still missing since
the tragic events of 1974.
This committee knows well that Cyprus sits on a critical seam
between the Middle East and Europe. The Republic of Cyprus is a highly
valued partner, and our bilateral relationship has deepened
significantly in recent years on a range of priorities, from
strengthening security in the Eastern Mediterranean to expanding
economic and commercial ties.
The results of this cooperation have been most evident in the
Republic of Cyprus' partnership in responding to Russia's brutal, full-
scale invasion of Ukraine. Our National Security Strategy highlights
Russia's immediate and persistent threat to international peace and
stability and calls for transatlantic unity in countering Russia's
threat. The Republic of Cyprus has had a direct impact in holding the
Kremlin to account for its war of choice against Ukraine. As a result
of this values-based decision, Cyprus has weathered significant
economic disruption and despite this, continues to take actions that
demonstrate its commitment to stand with Ukraine, including welcoming
more than 14,000 Ukrainian refugees this year.
I am pleased to see our bilateral cooperation growing in new and
tangible ways. In April, we jointly opened the U.S.-funded, state-of-
the-art Cyprus Center for Land, Open-seas, and Port Security to
strengthen maritime and border security training across the region. We
also signed a Science and Technology Agreement, paving the way for
increased scientific collaboration between our nations. And our shared
commitment to combat trafficking in persons is yielding meaningful
progress.
Cyprus is an increasingly inviting market for American tech
companies, and American firms are leading the development of offshore
hydrocarbon resources around the island. These investments will help
Cyprus become a critical contributor to Europe's energy security,
countering both Russia's weaponization of energy and PRC influence in
the region. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that American
enterprise and American products are what come to mind when Cypriots
look for trusted business partners.
Specifically, with leadership from this committee, Cyprus, Greece,
and Israel plus the United States are forging new ground in the ``3+1''
format to promote regional cooperation on a broad range of pressing
issues.
Let me say this regarding the division of Cyprus: the United States
remains clear: the status quo is unacceptable. If given the opportunity
to serve, I will use the full weight of my office to support Cypriot-
led, U.N.-facilitated efforts to reunify Cyprus as a bizonal,
bicommunal federation with political equality for all Cypriots. I will
meet with Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots to advance our unwavering
commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms and seek their
feedback as they work to realize the benefits of reaching the
comprehensive settlement which has eluded them for decades. There is no
escaping the unjust costs of division that have fallen on all Cypriots.
In a 2014 visit to Cyprus, then-Vice President Biden outlined a
vision for a future generation of Cypriots who might grow up without
the burden of conflict. This vision can animate new efforts towards a
reunified Cyprus, creating meaningful prosperity for all Cypriots and
unlocking greater stability in this critical region.
Finally, I'd like to acknowledge that I am joined today by my
husband, Matthew Fisher. I would not be before you without his support
over my 27-year career. He has been my chief advisor on bidding, my
chief morale officer on tough days, and chief of dinner procurement on
late nights. I have been so very lucky to have him in my corner.
Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank you
again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you for your testimony. I will just say
out of all of those titles you gave your husband the dinner one
is very important.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. So as Senator Merkley has a request to speak
to Ms. Spahn's nomination because he has to leave so I have
agreed to do that.
Senator Merkley?
Senator Merkley. I am going to keep this extremely brief.
First, to all four of you, thank you very much for your
service to international diplomacy. It is so important that we
get you into these key positions with various challenges we
have in the world.
I, unfortunately, do have a scheduling conflict and the
hearing went a little longer than we anticipated. I am going to
have to leave before the rest of the testimony and will not be
able to ask questions, but I did want to say how pleased I am
and how much I appreciate the ranking member and the chairman
scheduling the hearing for the--our Peace Corps nominee, Carol
Spahn.
I believe in the beautiful work of the Peace Corps around
the world, what the volunteers do in so many ways to assist
some of the most challenging places. It is very challenging
work.
Having spent some time working in villages in different
parts of the world I identify with it, though I was not a Peace
Corps member, and this is an exciting time with COVID declining
and the opportunity to send volunteers back into many parts of
the world, and I know that one has to monitor the violence and
the conflict to decide when and where one can reestablish
nominees.
I am very pleased to see the first delegation having gone
to Vietnam and I just want to thank you specifically, Ms.
Spahn, for your--bringing your Peace Corps experience to bear.
I hope that all goes smoothly and we get you on the job very
quickly.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Merkley.
Ms. Kvien?
STATEMENT OF KRISTINA A. KVIEN OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA
Ms. Kvien. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, and distinguished members of the committee for the
opportunity to appear before you today.
I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the
position of Ambassador to the Republic of Armenia and I am
grateful for the trust and confidence the President and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me.
If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this
committee and all members of Congress to advance U.S. interests
in Armenia.
I am a career Foreign Service officer with 30 years of
experience. Most of my career has focused on Europe, guided by
my conviction that a Europe whole, free, and at peace is in the
best interests of the United States.
Our successes in Europe since the breakup of the Soviet
Union have created more stable and capable allies and partners,
opened markets for U.S. goods and, ultimately, protected and
defended the people of the United States.
I am proud to have played a role in advancing U.S.
strategic interests in Europe for over five administrations. I
appreciate the leadership of the members of this committee and
your work across Europe to resolve conflicts and support
reforms in young democracies.
I know firsthand that bipartisan support at home puts the
United States in the strongest position to advance U.S.
interests abroad.
My recent diplomatic experience in Ukraine has only
reinforced for me the importance of supporting the right of
every country to choose its own path, forge its own alliances,
and defend its own economic and political interests in line
with the desires and aspirations of its people.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to strengthen
Armenia's democracy, security, and economy or, in a word, its
sovereignty.
If confirmed, I would prioritize the safety and security of
American citizens and our talented embassy team and their
families. I would also continue the efforts of my distinguished
predecessor, Ambassador Lynne Tracy, to support Armenia's anti-
corruption initiatives, civil society, independent media,
business development, regional integration, and efforts to
counter malign influence.
I would work with Armenians to help foster an impartial
independent judiciary and to safeguard respect for freedom of
expression.
In doing so, I would focus on ensuring that U.S. taxpayer
money is spent effectively in support of U.S. goals and
objectives.
The peaceful settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict
is essential to a more secure and prosperous future for Armenia
and for the South Caucasus.
The United States is working through bilateral and
multilateral channels to help the sides achieve a peaceful,
lasting negotiated settlement of the conflict based on the
principles of the U.N. Charter and the Helsinki Final Act.
If confirmed, I will support the Administration's
commitment to achieving this goal.
I grew up in Fresno, California, home to one of the largest
Armenian diaspora communities in the United States. My teachers
and friends of Armenian heritage spoke of the Ottoman-era
genocide that forced many of their families to seek new homes
in America.
As President Biden said on Armenian Remembrance Day this
year, ``As we mourn the Meds Yeghern, let us redouble our
efforts towards healing and building the better, more peaceful
world that we wish for our children.''
If confirmed, I commit to doing everything in my power to
remember the victims of the Armenian genocide and support a
peaceful future for Armenia. To this end, I will do all I can
to encourage ongoing normalization discussions between Armenia
and Turkey, which have made some step forward.
I want to conclude by thanking those who have made it
possible for me to be here today. I am joined by my husband,
Tom White, who has been my partner through 13 moves and eight
countries, and my daughter, Hanna White, who is applying what
she learned in her overseas experiences as a high school
teacher here in the District of Columbia.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you
today. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Kvien follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kristina A. Kvien
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch--and
distinguished members of this committee--for the opportunity to appear
before you today. I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the
position of Ambassador to the Republic of Armenia and I am grateful for
the trust and confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have
placed in me. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this
Committee, and all Members of Congress, to advance U.S. interests in
Armenia.
I am a career Foreign Service officer with 30 years of experience.
Most of my career has focused on Europe, guided by my conviction that a
Europe whole, free, and at peace, is in the best interests of the
United States. Our successes in Europe since the breakup of the Soviet
Union have created more stable and capable allies and partners, opened
markets for U.S. goods, and ultimately protected and defended the
people of the United States. I am proud to have played a role in
advancing U.S. strategic interests in Europe over five U.S.
administrations.
I appreciate the leadership of the members of this committee and
your work across Europe to resolve conflicts and support reforms in
young democracies. I know first-hand that bipartisan support at home
puts the United States in the strongest position to advance U.S.
interests abroad. My recent diplomatic experience in Ukraine has only
reinforced for me the importance of supporting the right of every
country to choose its own path, forge its own alliances, and defend its
own economic and political interests in line with the desires and
aspirations of its people. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to
strengthen Armenia's democracy, security, and economy--in a word, its
sovereignty.
If confirmed, I would prioritize the safety and security of
American citizens and our talented Embassy team and their families. I
would also continue the efforts of my distinguished predecessor,
Ambassador Lynne Tracy, to support Armenia's anti-corruption
initiatives, civil society, independent media, business development,
regional integration, and efforts to counter malign influence. I would
work with Armenians to help foster an impartial, independent judiciary
and to safeguard respect for freedom of expression. In doing so, I
would focus on ensuring that U.S. taxpayer money is spent effectively
in support of U.S. goals and objectives.
The peaceful settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict is
essential to a more secure and prosperous future for Armenia and the
South Caucasus. The United States is working through bilateral and
multilateral channels to help the sides achieve a peaceful, lasting,
negotiated settlement of the conflict based on the principles of the
U.N. Charter and the Helsinki Final Act. If confirmed, I will support
the Administration's commitment to achieving this goal.
I grew up in Fresno, California, home to one of the largest
Armenian diaspora communities in the United States. My teachers and
friends of Armenian heritage spoke of the Ottoman-era genocide that
forced many of their families to seek new homes in America. As
President Biden said on Armenian Remembrance Day this year--``as we
mourn the Meds Yeghern, let us redouble our efforts toward healing, and
building the better, more peaceful world that we wish for our
children.'' If confirmed, I commit to doing everything in my power to
remember the victims of the Armenian genocide and support a peaceful
future for Armenia. To this end, I will do all I can to encourage
ongoing normalization discussions between Armenia and Turkey, which
have made some steps forward.
I want to conclude by thanking those who have made it possible for
me to be here today. I am joined by my husband Tom White, who has been
my partner through 13 moves and eight countries, and my daughter, Hanna
White, who is applying what she learned in her overseas experiences as
a high school teacher here in the District of Columbia.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome
your questions.
The Chairman. Okay. Thank you.
Ms. Spahn?
STATEMENT OF CAROL SPAHN OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR
OF THE PEACE CORPS
Ms. Spahn. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, and distinguished members of the committee. I would also
like to thank you for your kind words and support of Peace
Corps and Peace Corps reauthorization legislation, and a
special note of thanks to Senators Van Hollen and Merkley for
their very kind remarks and support of Peace Corps.
I would also like to thank my husband, Andy, who is here
with me today, my daughters, Emily and Casey, my parents, Ralph
and Janet, my very large, extended family for their unwavering
love and support, and to my Peace Corps family, including the
staff, volunteers, host families, and counterparts for the
heart and soul with which they carry out our mission every day.
I am deeply honored and humbled to appear before you today
as President Biden's nominee for Director of the Peace Corps at
this very unique point in the agency's history.
Having started my career in the public sector, I am also
incredibly grateful for the opportunity I had to serve as a
small business development volunteer along with my husband,
Andy, in Romania shortly after the fall of communism.
As is true for many volunteers, my Peace Corps service
challenged my perceptions, expanded my worldview, and
fundamentally transformed my life. Living and working alongside
Romanians during their pivotal transition to democracy gave me
a deep appreciation for the power of human connection and the
importance of engaging across difference with intention,
humility, and respect.
I carried this understanding with me as I took on various
leadership roles at nonprofit organizations dedicated to
supporting underserved communities around the world.
In 2014, I returned to the Peace Corps, first serving as
the Country Director in Malawi for five years, then as the
Chief of Operations for the Africa region and Chief Executive
Officer, and now as an expert consultant. It has been an
incredible journey.
But my service journey is not unique. We see time and again
Peace Corps service extends well beyond a two-year commitment.
It fosters a lifetime of global connection and national
service.
In the presence of volunteers in the furthest reaches of
other countries speaking foreign languages and honoring
cultures has an impact that goes far beyond the individual
contributions of any one volunteer.
I have had the distinct privilege of hearing from foreign
ambassadors, ministers, and local leaders who tell me what a
powerful signal of friendship it is to see Americans living in
rural communities and working side by side with the people of
their country, and American ambassadors regularly attest that
the Peace Corps is the most cost-effective grassroots diplomacy
that the United States has to offer.
The Peace Corps' mission of world peace and friendship is
more important now than ever. Not only are we just beginning to
recover from an unprecedented global pandemic, but we are also
reeling from the impacts of a global food crisis, climate
change, and growing political and social division.
As the world confronts these compounding crises, demand for
the Peace Corps has grown, both from the countries we evacuated
in 2020 as well as a growing list of countries requesting Peace
Corps' support today.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
if confirmed as Director, my first priority is to safely return
Peace Corps volunteers to service abroad and I will do so in a
way that helps us to maintain the flexibility necessary to
navigate uncertainty and respond effectively to evolving needs.
Second, if confirmed, I will ensure that the Peace Corps
remains a strong partner to communities and countries that
request our support. This includes building on our long
commitment to localization and people-centered development
while modernizing and expanding service opportunities so that
more Americans have the opportunity to serve.
Third, if confirmed, I will prioritize youth engagement.
Today, there are 1.8 billion people between the ages of 10 and
24, the largest generation of youth in history, many of whom
live in developing countries.
This is not a problem to be solved. It is an opportunity to
be met. In partnership, we will contribute to the next
generation of global leaders and change makers, a critical
investment for a secure, sustainable, and prosperous future.
I would also like to, again, sincerely thank the committee,
to thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, for your
leadership on the Peace Corps Reauthorization Act. This
legislation offers significant changes that will help us to
further strengthen our ability to represent America abroad and
to bring essential skills and understanding back to the United
States.
Thank you again for your support of the Peace Corps and for
the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Spahn follows:]
Prepared Statement of Carol A. Spahn
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am honored to appear today as President Biden's
nominee to serve as Director of the Peace Corps during this unique
moment in our agency's history.
My journey here would not be possible without my family. I want to
thank my husband, Andy; my daughters, Emily and Casey; my parents,
Ralph and Janet; and my entire extended family for their unwavering
love and support.
I am incredibly grateful for the opportunity I had to serve as a
Peace Corps volunteer with my husband in Romania shortly after the fall
of communism. As is true for many volunteers, Peace Corps service
challenged my perceptions, expanded my worldview, and fundamentally
transformed my life. Living and working alongside Romanians during
their pivotal transition to democracy gave me a deep appreciation for
the importance of engaging across difference with intention, humility,
and respect.
Peace Corps service also altered my career path and led to
leadership roles at organizations dedicated to supporting underserved
communities around the world. In 2014, I returned to the Peace Corps,
first serving as the Country Director in Malawi, then as the Chief of
Operations for the Africa Region, and until last week, as the Chief
Executive Officer.
My journey is not unique. We see time and again that Peace Corps
service extends well beyond a two-year commitment. It fosters a
lifetime of global connection and national service. There are thousands
of returned Peace Corps volunteers continuing to serve right here at
home--in the foreign and civil service, non-profit, healthcare,
education, and many more fields. The skills developed in the Peace
Corps enable returned volunteers to contribute to America long after
service overseas concludes.
And, the presence of volunteers in the farthest reaches of
countries, speaking local languages, and honoring local cultures has an
impact that goes far beyond the individual contributions of any one
volunteer. Foreign Ambassadors tell me what a powerful signal of
friendship it is to see Americans in rural communities, working in
close partnership with host country citizens, and American Ambassadors
regularly attest that the Peace Corps is the most cost-effective,
grassroots diplomacy the United States has.
The Peace Corps' mission of promoting world peace and friendship is
critical as we recover from the devastating effects of COVID-19. The
pandemic has fundamentally changed our world and set back development
progress. Its impact has been compounded by climate change, political
and social division, and the global food crisis. At the same time, the
pandemic has shown us how deeply connected we are. Demand for the Peace
Corps remains strong, both from the countries we evacuated from in 2020
as well as from a growing list of countries requesting volunteers.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if
confirmed as Director, my first priority is returning Peace Corps
volunteers to service abroad, while maintaining the flexibility
necessary to navigate uncertainty and respond effectively to countries'
evolving needs. Over the past two years, we have strengthened our
systems for volunteer safety and security, including for sexual assault
prevention and response; expanded medical services, including mental
health support; bolstered our technology infrastructure; and invested
in developing a volunteer corps and staff that represents the full
diversity of America.
Second, if confirmed, I will ensure that the Peace Corps remains a
strong partner around the world, retaining the critical components of
our approach that drive long-term impact while modernizing and
expanding service opportunities for the future. We will share our
sixty-one years of expertise in localization and people-centered
development and will leverage the robust network of returned
volunteers, staff and host communities to build bridges and catalyze
change both here and abroad.
Third, if confirmed, I will prioritize youth engagement. Today,
there are 1.8 billion young people between the ages of 10 and 24, the
largest generation in history, approximately 90 percent of whom live in
developing countries. This is not a problem to be solved; it is an
opportunity to be met. Peace Corps volunteers are uniquely suited to
work alongside youth on a range of development goals, from food
security and disease prevention to gender equity and economic growth.
Together, we will contribute to the development of the next generation
of global leaders, a critical investment for a secure, sustainable, and
prosperous future.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the
committee, thank you for your leadership on the Peace Corps
Reauthorization Act. This legislation will make a number of significant
changes that will further strengthen the ability of the Peace Corps and
its volunteers to represent America abroad and to bring those skills
back to the United States.
Thank you for your support of the Peace Corps, and for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ms. Dyer?
STATEMENT OF CYNTHIA DYER OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR
OF THE OFFICE TO MONITOR AND COMBAT TRAFFICKING, WITH THE RANK
OF AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE
Ms. Dyer. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished senators, thank you for today's hearing to
consider my nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons.
I am honored by President Biden's nomination and the
support of Secretary Blinken to lead the United States' global
efforts to combat human trafficking.
I want to thank my family, particularly my husband, Jason
Ankele, whose support and sacrifice has allowed me to pursue a
career which is also a passion. I am also thankful for my two
children, Aubrey Scott and Evie Claire Ankele, who steadfastly
provide me with enough joy and laughter to counter the
sometimes heartbreaking challenges that are endemic to this
work. And I am grateful for my late mother, Peggy Oswald, who
would be so proud to see me sitting here today.
I also want to recognize the team in the department's
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons who, thanks
to sustained support from Congress, has been leading this cause
for more than 20 years.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee and across the U.S. Congress to continue advancing
this important work.
I began my career more than 25 years ago as a prosecutor in
the family violence unit in Dallas, Texas. For 13 years, I
prosecuted cases at all levels, helping to bring justice to
victims, including survivors of human trafficking, by holding
offenders accountable.
When I was later appointed in 2007 as director of the
Department of Justice's Office on Violence Against Women, I led
federal efforts to further strengthen our nation's capacity to
address violence against women.
And then, at Vital Voices Global Partnership, I
collaborated with local governments and civil society
organizations around the world to strengthen their capacities
to respond to crimes and violence against women, including
human trafficking.
Throughout my work across the local, federal, and
international levels, I have learned that successfully
combating these crimes requires a sustained and comprehensive
approach.
In the early '90s when I first began prosecuting cases
human trafficking was not recognized as a crime. We have come a
long way since then, due in large part to the Trafficking
Victims Protection Act of 2000 and the comprehensive framework
it established to recognize human trafficking as a crime, hold
traffickers accountable, and provide critical services to
victims and survivors.
If confirmed, I will prioritize maintaining the balanced
and comprehensive approach the TIP office has carefully
developed, focusing on the full spectrum of human trafficking
and supporting efforts to prevent and respond to the crime by
upholding international legal standards, addressing
vulnerabilities that traffickers target, and integrating an
equity-based approach throughout the TIP office's work.
The role that survivors or those with lived experience of
human trafficking can play in developing and informing anti-
trafficking efforts is critical and it will be among my highest
priorities, if confirmed, to elevate their role and integrate
their input even further.
We need survivors at the table with us developing victim-
centered and trauma-informed solutions to combat sex
trafficking and forced labor.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
U.S. Advisory Council on Human Trafficking and the President's
Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in
Persons to ensure that we bring the full resources of the U.S.
federal government to bear in the fight against human
trafficking.
The United States' global leadership on this issue is
reflected nowhere clearer than the annual Trafficking in
Persons Report, the world's most comprehensive resource on
governmental anti-trafficking efforts and the U.S. Government's
principal diplomatic tool to guide relations with foreign
governments on human trafficking.
If confirmed, I will strive to ensure the report remains
objective and accurate and that tier rankings are based solely
on a country's efforts to combat trafficking.
The TIP office's targeted foreign assistance to build the
capacity of governments and civil society and protect victims
is integral to the department's holistic anti-trafficking
approach.
If confirmed, I will leverage the resources that Congress
has entrusted to the TIP office to advance programming that is
informed by the TIP Report and respond to emerging threats and
opportunities.
In the context of Russia's war on Ukraine, we have an
opportunity and obligation to proactively address the threat of
human trafficking by applying foreign assistance resources and
urging governments to take steps to protect Ukrainian and third
country nationals fleeing the war.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, successfully
combating human trafficking requires that we confront this
crime aggressively.
If confirmed, I will draw upon the many tools available at
the TIP office--diplomacy, foreign assistance, robust
interagency coordination--to prevent this crime from taking
place, protect the victims, and prosecute the traffickers.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I welcome your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Dyer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Cynthia Dyer
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished Senators,
thank you for today's hearing to consider my nomination to be the U.S.
Ambassador-at-Large to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons. I am
honored by President Biden's nomination and the support of Secretary
Blinken to lead the United States' global efforts to combat human
trafficking.
I want to thank my family, particularly my husband Jason Ankele,
whose support and sacrifice has allowed me to pursue a career which is
also my passion. I am also thankful for my children Aubrey Scott and
Evie Claire Ankele who steadfastly provide me with enough joy and
laughter to counter the sometimes heart-breaking challenges that are
endemic to this work. And I am grateful for my late mother Peggy Oswald
who would be so proud to see me sitting here today.
I also want to recognize the team in the Department's Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons who, thanks to sustained
support from Congress, has been leading this cause for more than 20
years. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
Committee and across the U.S. Congress to continue advancing this
important work.
I began my career more than 25 years ago as a prosecutor in the
Family Violence Unit in Dallas, Texas. For 13 years I prosecuted cases
at all levels, helping to bring justice to victims, including survivors
of human trafficking, by holding offenders accountable. When I was
later appointed in 2007 as Director of the Department of Justice's
Office on Violence Against Women, I led federal efforts to further
strengthen our nation's capacity to address violence against women. And
then, at Vital Voices Global Partnership, I collaborated with local
governments and civil society organizations around the world to
strengthen their capacities to respond to crimes and violence against
women, including human trafficking. Throughout my work across the
local, federal, and international levels, I have learned that
successfully combating these crimes requires a sustained and
comprehensive approach.
In the early nineties when I first began prosecuting cases, human
trafficking was not recognized as a crime. We have come a long way
since then, due in large part to the Trafficking Victims Protection Act
of 2000 and the comprehensive framework it established to recognize
human trafficking as a crime, hold traffickers accountable, and provide
critical services to victims and survivors.
If confirmed, I will prioritize maintaining the balanced and
comprehensive approach the TIP Office has carefully developed, focusing
on the full spectrum of human trafficking and supporting efforts to
prevent and respond to the crime by upholding international legal
standards, addressing vulnerabilities that traffickers target, and
integrating an equity-based approach throughout the TIP Office's work.
The role that survivors, or those with lived experience of human
trafficking, can play in developing and informing anti-trafficking
efforts is critical and it will be among my highest priorities, if
confirmed, to elevate their role and integrate their input even
further. We need survivors at the table with us, developing victim-
centered and trauma-informed solutions to combat sex trafficking and
forced labor. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
U.S. Advisory Council on Human Trafficking and the President's
Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to
ensure that we continue to integrate survivor expertise into anti-
trafficking work and bring the full resources of the U.S. federal
government to bear in the fight against human trafficking.
The United States' global leadership on this issue is reflected
nowhere clearer than the annual Trafficking in Persons Report, the
world's most comprehensive resource on governmental anti-trafficking
efforts and the U.S. Government's principal diplomatic tool to guide
relations with foreign governments on human trafficking. If confirmed,
I will strive to ensure the Report remains objective and accurate, and
that tier rankings are based solely on a country's efforts to combat
trafficking.
The TIP Office's targeted foreign assistance to build the capacity
of governments and civil society and protect victims is integral to the
Department's holistic anti-trafficking approach. If confirmed, I will
leverage the resources that Congress has entrusted to the TIP Office to
advance programming that is informed by the TIP Report and respond to
emerging threats and opportunities. In the context of Russia's war on
Ukraine, we have an opportunity and obligation to proactively address
the threat of human trafficking by applying foreign assistance
resources and urging governments to take steps to protect Ukrainian and
third country nationals fleeing the war.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, successfully combating
human trafficking requires that we confront this crime aggressively. If
confirmed, I will draw upon the many tools available to the TIP
Office--diplomacy, foreign assistance, robust interagency coordination
mechanisms, and survivors' expertise--to prevent this crime from taking
place, protect the victims, and prosecute the traffickers.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I welcome your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you all for your testimony.
Before we start a round of five minutes of questions, I
have questions that are on behalf of the committee as a whole
and I simply need a yes or no answer to--by each of you to the
following questions.
These are questions that speak to the importance that this
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
executive branch within its purview.
So the first question is do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. And, lastly, do you commit to promptly
respond to requests for briefings and information requested by
the committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. All right.
So, for the record, since not everybody had their
microphone on, let me just say that all of the nominees before
the committee responded yes to each and every one of the
questions.
So we will start a series of five-minute rounds. Do not
take the lack of members here as any negative fact that they
are not concerned about your nominations or where you are
headed. We have a lot of things going on. So there are
different committees.
Let me start with you, Ms. Fisher.
Clearly, one of the challenges with Cyprus is that there
has been an invasion and occupation that has lasted over four
decades and that continues to be a challenge as we seek the
reunification of the island under one nation bi-zonal bi-
communal federation.
In our efforts to move towards that direction, I have--
believe that President Anastasiades has actually leaned more
forward than any other Cypriot president as it relates to
making I will not say concessions but to trying to find a way
forward to do so, and one of the things that frustrates me
about the State Department is they call on all sides.
But when one side is the aggressor as, in my view,
Azerbaijan is with Armenia, or in one case as in the case of
Cyprus where one side is making concessions and the other is
not, it is a little frustrating to be called on all sides when,
in fact, when there is clarity, clarity should be ultimately
called now.
So how do you view--especially with President Erdogan
seeking to more aggressively take over Varosha, which is in
violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions, how do you see
your role in pushing back on that reality as the United States
Ambassador to Cyprus?
Ms. Fisher. Mr. Chairman, thank you, and I want to start by
recognizing your deep experience on these questions and I,
truly, appear before you today with a tremendous amount of
humility about how much experience exists on this committee on
these issues and how much experience my predecessors--if I were
to be confirmed, how many incredibly capable diplomats have
been at work on this case over decades.
I do not underestimate how difficult the challenges are in
Cyprus. I do think it is a place where there is tremendous
opportunity if we can focus our energies on those on the
island, those who are paying the highest price for the
divisions currently and those who will benefit the most from
that comprehensive settlement agreement should it be reached.
Mr. Chairman, what I hope to bring to this is the ability
to create space and to bring a sense of urgency to this
process. We talk about this, and I do not mean to cite it as if
I am some robot reciting lines that must be said.
But the key part of these talks is that they are Cypriot
led and U.N. facilitated and so, first and foremost, that is
where I would look. That is where I will look to find the way
forward. I think timing is absolutely critical on these issues
and my experience is that we have no time to waste.
The lesson that I have learned directly in the last 15
years, being in Georgia during the Russian invasion, being on
the margins of this conflict as I worked from Lithuania, and as
Belarus was supporting Russia's aggression against Ukraine,
what I know is that seams in Europe create opportunities for
our adversaries, particularly seams within the transatlantic
family. And so I intend to bring a sense of urgency to this
effort.
The Chairman. I appreciate that. A sense of urgency is
important because this conflict has lasted way too long, and I
agree with you. I have been doing this 30 years.
If Turkish and Greek Cypriots were allowed to engage with
each other there would be a solution. The problem is that
Ankara puts their thumb on the scale and does not allow Turkish
Cypriots to find their own way, which ultimately means that
they decide, at the end of the day.
And so these are some of the things that I think we need to
consider as we are trying to create a sense of urgency to a
resolution.
Let me ask you--I am a strong proponent, as is generated by
legislation that I passed and signed into law, on the East Med,
the cooperation between Cyprus, Greece, and Israel as part of
the 3+1 format.
We are looking forward to the first meeting of the 3+1
inter-parliamentary group to discuss energy cooperation as well
as other important issues with our allies and partners in the
region.
But I have been disappointed that there has not been more
support for the format from the Administration. Now, that is
beyond your pay grade so I am not holding you responsible for
that.
But I am just saying that I hope that the next ambassador
to Cyprus is an advocate within the interagency process to say
we got a tremendous opportunity here.
I mean, what opportunities do you see for us to work with
Cyprus and our partners in the Eastern Mediterranean to bolster
European energy security, to create a bigger ally as it relates
to other security, not energy security?
I give credit to the Cypriots that they stopped the Russian
ships from ports of call before the invasion--before the
invasion--which is incredibly important.
So what do you see as some of those opportunities?
Ms. Fisher. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I find that these kinds of formats, when we find that they
work, when we find meaningful discussions in them that, truly,
we have the opportunity to expand those agendas significantly.
You have cited the energy issues as sort of--and some of
the Eastern Med security as central questions for the 3+1 as it
is getting started.
My experience has been when we find a format where there is
so much to share and so much to learn amongst a group of like-
minded partners that, truly, we can expand this in a multitude
of directions.
I am a--I have found these kinds of formats incredibly
meaningful to building bilateral relationships. You can count
on my support for this.
I would also say, Mr. Chairman, that the inter-
parliamentary efforts--again, I will lean on my most recent
experience--that the inter-parliamentary efforts to counter
authoritarians in Russia and Belarus, the efforts of you and
your counterparts and other parliaments in Europe are
incredibly meaningful. They are quick, they are responsive to
situations, and if you will allow me, it is an issue on which I
would very much welcome the opportunity to continue to work
with you and your team.
The Chairman. All right. Thank you.
I have many other questions for the panel but I will turn
to Senator Van Hollen now.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations, again, to all of you on your nominations
and, Ms. Kvien, if I could start with you.
We had--as you know, our current nominee to be Ambassador
to Russia has just formally been or is currently our Ambassador
to Armenia and I just want to underscore some of the comments
that Chairman Menendez made at that time, and I am not even
going to ask a question of you at this point in time on this
topic.
But I do think that in order to be a credible party to any
kind of negotiations we have to call out aggression when we see
it, and it was very well documented in September by independent
press sources that Azerbaijan launched attacks and also engaged
in different kinds of atrocities.
And we had a panel of representatives from the State
Department a couple weeks ago, I think, Mr. Chairman, and some
of us pressed on this very fundamental factual question, has
the United States made a determination about who was the
aggressor and have we made it clear that we agree with all the
independent analyses that it was Azerbaijan, and we could not
get a response.
I understand the importance of being a mediator. But in
order to be a credible mediator, in my view, you have got to at
least begin with the facts and be willing to publicly state
them.
So you will be heading off to a very important country in a
very conflicted part of the world, and I hope you will be
willing to call out the facts as you see them.
Ambassador Fisher, great to see you and congratulations
again, and thank you for bringing the report I drafted as a
staff member back in, I think, 1988 entitled--I think it was
``New Opportunities for U.S. Policy in the Eastern
Mediterranean.''
Some things do not change. I still think there are
opportunities but I think opportunities, again, will only make
themselves happen and even then difficultly if we are willing
to put pressure on different parties here.
And I think you have followed probably very closely
statements that Erdogan has made and actions he has taken. A
little over a year ago he went to Cyprus. He talked about
redeveloping Varosha, which, as you know, is a violation of
various U.N. Security Council resolutions. And he was very
brazen about how he said he did not care what others said, and
he will not care as long as no action is taken.
And so Senator Menendez and I actually drafted a letter at
the time urging the Biden administration to work with our EU
partners to make it clear in advance that those kind of actions
will be met by some form of sanctions, that there is some
penalty, some price, to be paid.
And if there is not someone like Erdogan will keep on doing
what he is doing. He may do it anyway. But he will, certainly,
do it if there is no price to be paid.
So as you head off on this assignment, if confirmed, and I
expect you will, can you just talk a little bit about your role
in the interagency process? Because whether it is Armenia and
related to Azerbaijan and other issues in the region or whether
it is Cyprus, Turkey, Greece, Eastern Med, you are there.
We have a very good bilateral relationship now with the
Republic of Cyprus and, obviously, your first assignment is to
make sure we have strong bilateral relations with the Republic
of Cyprus.
But beyond that, some of these bigger issues that I know
you want to try to challenge--you will get the Nobel Peace
Prize if you do--but, seriously, you--on some of these issues
we have got to be willing to push and that means you are going
to have to be a voice in the interagency process to push the
Administration.
So I just--I want to know if that is something you have
done previously and whether that is something you are committed
to doing in this case.
Ms. Fisher. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
And the report is--it, truly, is a wonderful reminder, and
I am going to keep it with me. I might ask you to sign it
before I leave because it really is a reminder about how many
times we have seen opportunity only to be disappointed and how
many people have wanted to help bring about that comprehensive
settlement and have worked so hard--how many Americans have
worked in support of that over decades.
And so I was--it really was actually a wonderful find and I
appreciate it. Thank you.
Let me say, and I will--when it comes to the interagency
process this is a particular skill set that I believe every
nominee the State Department sends to you sits here with scars
and scar tissue from that process. It has often been compared
to a rugby scrum. I am not sure if that is sufficiently
violent.
But it is--a big part of our job is to be prepared to make
the case and I think every American ambassador, every chief of
mission, is committed to giving the best possible advice to the
interagency that they possibly can and that means, in many
cases, long nights due to time changes and time zones and these
kinds of questions.
I am absolutely committed to ensuring that the interagency
has the full picture of what is happening in Cyprus just as I
am committed to working with EU colleagues and others to ensure
that there are consequences to actions.
And I hope that from my record, particularly in my most
recent position as Special Envoy to Belarus, that the committee
can have confidence that I will not shy away from difficult
issues, particularly when they involve international law,
particularly when they involve human rights and fundamental
freedoms--that these are of paramount importance.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that, and President Biden
at one point sat right there where Chairman Menendez is and I
recall him many times talking about justice on Cyprus and
needing to push harder.
I think if you can be a strong voice in the interagency
process so it can reach the President's ears that you will have
a willing partner in the President.
Mr. Chairman, can I ask one question of the nominee?
Ms. Spahn, congratulations again, and if you could just
give us an update, and I apologize if you already did it. I
mean, obviously, during COVID we had to bring everybody home--
just about everybody, if not everybody--and I mentioned in my
remarks on your behalf that you had helped deploy many of those
here at home to fight COVID.
Where are we now in returning the Peace Corps personnel to
countries around the world?
Ms. Spahn. Thank you for that question. It has been a
journey. We did evacuate all volunteers--almost 7,000
volunteers in eight days amidst the closing of borders and
cancellation of flights, which was a real testament to the
relationships that Peace Corps has on the ground and our
ability to move quickly in times of emergency.
We currently have volunteers in 45 countries. We are
inviting volunteers back to 56 countries and we have around 900
volunteers in the field right now. We are building up gradually
and very intentionally as we test our safety and security
protocols both for the volunteers and for the communities that
they serve.
This is an evolving picture as we move from pandemic to
endemic here in the United States. The picture is very
different in every country around the world. So we have very
strong systems in place to monitor those conditions.
I was just in the Philippines where they just lifted the
mask mandate outdoors. So our teams there have been supporting
COVID vaccination efforts and moves towards normalcy. But we
are very aware that different countries have different health
care systems and different abilities to respond should there be
another wave that comes along.
So, I have tremendous confidence in the protocols that we
have put in place and we will begin deploying more rapidly
after those first groups go back.
Senator Van Hollen. Great. I am looking forward to that.
Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Let me return to Ms. Fisher--Ambassador Fisher--just on a
couple of things.
One is I was pleased to see the Department of State lift
defense trade restrictions on the Republic of Cyprus in
accordance with the Eastern Mediterranean Security and
Partnership Act that Senator Rubio and I passed.
I am also proud to see that after my recommendation the New
Jersey National Guard has been selected as a new State partner
for the Republic of Cyprus.
Can I get your commitment to build on this progress to
further strengthen the security partnership between the United
States and Cyprus?
Ms. Fisher. Mr. Chairman, absolutely.
The Chairman. Both Senator Van Hollen and I have mentioned
Varosha. Turkish activity in occupied Varosha including the
opening of beaches violates U.N. Security Council Resolutions
550 and 789. It is unacceptable.
This is an example of a unilateral action that I was
referring to, that when you have a unilateral action you cannot
tell both sides to, ultimately, be better when only one side
that has occupied Varosha is violating U.N. Security Council
resolutions. It threatens the ability to achieve the goal of a
bi-zonal bi-communal federation.
If confirmed, can I get your commitment to push back
against Turkish violations of U.N. Security Council resolutions
regarding Varosha?
Ms. Fisher. Yes, sir. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. I am pleased to see the U.N. extended the
U.N. peacekeeping force in Cyprus through January of 2023. I do
not know if you have ever visited Cyprus or not.
But if you have not, when you go you will see the--what we
call the Green Line, the dividing line between the occupied
part of Cyprus and the Republic of Cyprus. It is a rather
impressive--impressive not in the positive sense, in the
consequential sense.
And Turkey's continued occupation and unauthorized
activities in what is called the buffer zone, the zone between
the areas where the Green Line is, is a threat to peace in the
area.
I hope we--I have spoken to our U.N. ambassador and--Linda
Thomas-Greenfield. Appreciate that she got this extended to
2023. These are short-term extensions. They do not really solve
the ultimate problem.
But will you commit to pushing for an extension of the U.N.
peacekeeping force as long as we have this division at the
Green Line?
Ms. Fisher. Mr. Chairman, this peacekeeping force is
absolutely playing an essential role--a stabilizing role. So
yes, sir, you have my commitment.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ms. Kvien, since Azerbaijan's attack in Armenia in
September we have seen reports of Azerbaijani forces shooting
unarmed Armenians, executing Armenian soldiers, mutilating a
female Armenian soldier.
This reports--these reports, I should say--reflect a long
history of alleged Azerbaijani war crimes, including during the
2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.
Would you commit, if you are confirmed, to leading embassy
efforts to support the documentation of alleged atrocities
committed against Armenians during this recent aggression?
Ms. Kvien. Thank you, Senator.
Yes, I have seen some of the horrific videos coming out
recently of September and I would do my best to help with any
requests the Armenians have to document.
The Chairman. Okay. I do not want requests from Armenians.
I want us to be proactive so we could make a determination.
Something called Section 907 that we waive--under the
Secretary's ability to waive that lets us send money to
Azerbaijan. But we should know whether the Azerbaijanis are
committing these types of actions so that we can make a
determination whether that Section 907 should be waived or not
of the Freedom Support Act.
So I want an ambassador who is going to proactively help us
determine whether these executions, whether these mutilations,
whether these other activities, are true or not and to be able
to tell the State Department and this committee that, in fact,
they are, they are not, some of them are, some of them are not,
so that then we, as policymakers, can make a decision.
Can I depend upon you to do that?
Ms. Kvien. Yes, Senator, and I can go further to say that
accountability for crimes of this nature are very important to
me and I will work to make sure that there is accountability as
well.
The Chairman. Thank you.
I am glad to see a nominee who actually calls the Armenian
genocide genocide. I have actually in the past, unfortunately,
been in the position of having to stop nominees because they
will not consider the genocide a genocide. Genocide is
genocide, at the end of the day. So I am glad to hear in your
remarks you refer to the genocide.
I am also deeply concerned that neither USAID nor the State
Department has provided the humanitarian assistance necessary
to meet the needs of almost 100,000 people displaced by the
Nagorno-Karabakh war of 2020 or the current needs of the people
who still reside in the region.
If confirmed, would you commit to lead a need assessment or
to advocate for a needs assessment? At least we should know
what the needs are. We may not be the only suppliers of the
response to those needs. It might be some type of donors
conference.
But we need to know what the needs are, at the end of the
day. Will you support such a needs assessment with embassy--
within the embassy?
Ms. Kvien. Yes, Senator, I would.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ms. Spahn, we have talked a little bit about some of what
is to come. But why do you not tell us what your priorities
will be for the agency?
How will you work to address the lost development gains due
to COVID-19, of course, including the increasing threat of
climate change, dire humanitarian need in many parts of the
globe, including as a result of Putin's ruthless aggression
towards Ukraine that has affected global--some global food
supplies? Talk to me a little bit about what your priorities
would be.
Ms. Spahn. Thank you. That is a very big question. In
today's climate, there is a lot to address.
Peace Corps, as you well know, goes into countries at the
invitation of governments and works closely with them on their
national priorities at the community level.
There is tremendous value in Peace Corps' presence
overseas. It is well beyond the work of the volunteers. It has
symbolic presence as well.
As I said in my opening statement, we have expressions of
interest, letters of invitation, from 10 new countries around
the world, including several countries in the Pacific.
It is my intention to work very closely with those
countries to assess their capacity and their ability to meet
our safety and security--health, safety, and security
conditions so that we can expand Peace Corps' presence in the
Pacific, in Central America, and in other countries around the
world.
It is also a priority that we make Peace Corps service an
option for a broader range of people within the United States.
We are doing significant outreach into underrepresented
communities, and we are looking at expanding beyond just recent
graduates.
We are looking at the great resignation. We are looking at
quiet quitting. We are looking to engage, whether it is a
farmer in Iowa or a recent graduate in New Mexico, a
businessperson in the Bronx, to give people the opportunity to
serve and to be a part of this amazing enterprise.
The Chairman. And in this regard can you tell me what are
your goals for restarting missions, and to the extent you have
had those 10 invitations by countries how will you prioritize
which countries you will send volunteers back to first?
Ms. Spahn. So, we're returning volunteers first to the
countries that we departed. So, we have invitations out to 56
countries. We have several that are facing non-COVID threats,
places like the Ukraine, Moldova, Ethiopia, and others that we
are looking at the safety and security situation in those
countries to evaluate if and when we can go back into those
countries.
As we look at new country invitations, we look holistically
at the fit between the needs of the country and our ability to
meet those needs; as well as the health, safety, and security
considerations of those environments.
The Chairman. And, finally, obviously, we care about the
safety of volunteers--Peace Corps volunteers--they are our
fellow Americans--as we would care about the safety and
security of anybody at an embassy.
How will you work to ensure that sites selected for
volunteer placement are safe for volunteers? How will you judge
where there is maybe active conflict zones and can I get your
commitment that you will consult with me and my staff on
oversight efforts with respect to reentry specifically in
conflict areas?
Ms. Spahn. So, first, to answer your last question, yes,
you have my commitment to work with you and your teams.
We do have security personnel in every country. They liaise
very closely with the embassy and the RSO at the embassy to
monitor the conditions in that country in different regions of
that country.
We also have regional security staff and a team at
headquarters that are monitoring events. We know that there
is--there are active conflict zones in a number of countries
where we have traditionally had operations and we do not send
volunteers back into those countries without doing an on-the-
ground assessment and without the collaboration and support of
the embassy.
The Chairman. Very good.
Ms. Spahn. With respect to specific sites, I can say that
those are also carefully monitored and selected with a set of
criteria that are standard across all of our countries.
The Chairman. Ms. Dyer, many victims of human trafficking
are migrant domestic workers. Millions of women from South
Asia, Africa, and elsewhere leave their homes in pursuit of
decent work to provide for their families.
Instead, many of these migrant women find themselves in
conditions that amount to forced labor and experience
extraordinary abuse, sometimes sexual abuse as well.
What do you believe is the role of the Office to Monitor
and Combat Trafficking in Persons, or JTIP as we refer to, in
coordinating U.S. Government efforts to address the rights of
vulnerable domestic workers and the underlying root causes that
make these migrant women particularly vulnerable to forced
labor, debt bondage, and other forms of human trafficking?
Ms. Dyer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for that really
thoughtful question, and I share your concern.
One of the things that I observed during my years of
working in trafficking is that domestic servants are uniquely
vulnerable because they are so very isolated. They are
frequently reliant on the owner of the home to give them care,
to even let them out, and they do not have access sometimes to
even some of the services or access to know that those services
are available. So I share your concern.
If I am confirmed, I would work closely to be sure that the
Trafficking in Persons Report, which is our gold standard and
our chief diplomatic and diagnostic tool, addresses these
issues that each country that has this issue, and most
countries do, that it is called out.
I, particularly, appreciate the fact that this is something
that we have even in the United States and when we see it we
need to call it out here, too.
I would especially look forward to using the Trafficking in
Persons Report to not only help us determine what conversations
we need to be having with other countries but specifically
focusing on some countries that have visa programs that make it
particularly vulnerable for migrant women who are in domestic
servitude.
We know specifically that the kafala system--that
employment-based system--puts trafficking victims particularly
at risk, makes them very--it makes it very challenging for them
to even seek assistance or leave their home to go somewhere
else because doing so puts them in violation of their visa.
And I think that if I am confirmed that is definitely
something that I would want to focus on and try to get some
relief from.
Thank you.
The Chairman. I appreciate you recognizing the kafala
system as one of our big challenges that we have.
How sharp are your elbows?
Ms. Dyer. You know what? I am currently working at the
Department of Defense and the joke around the office is that I
know when to be lapdog and I know when to be junkyard dog, and
I just love junkyard dog days.
And so if I am confirmed, I would look forward to being
junkyard dog whenever it is necessary.
The Chairman. I appreciate that, and here is the spirit in
which I ask that question.
There was a time--and I agree with you, the Trafficking in
Persons Report is the gold standard globally to be able to call
out countries in which human trafficking, sex exploitation,
labor exploitation, and other things can be called out and then
worked on in order--and have consequences.
But that report is only as good as its integrity is, and we
had a period of time in which the report really had political
influences in which there were decisions that were made not on
the merits of what the facts were but because we did not want
to have country A, B, or C get upset.
Well, then the trafficking report means nothing, especially
when everybody knows that country A is doing all of these
things but get put on a tier that does not suggest that they
are violating, and country B, who may be in some respects less
important to our national interest or security, ultimately gets
the full wrath of the TIP report.
We need to make sure that in the process of dealing with
the regional bureaus and other entities as well as the
embassies, who, obviously, are on the front line of dealing
with these questions, we need to have a vigorous process that
guarantees that the TIP Report is preserved in its integrity.
It is what it is. Here is the law. Here are the facts. This
should be on the list for whatever tier they should be. I hope
we can count on you to do that.
Ms. Dyer. Yes, sir. If I am confirmed, I would look forward
to ensuring that the TIP Report maintains the focus on
integrity, and I think that it is important not only from the
U.S. because what is in the TIP Report determines what the
United States does and what we are going to support.
But it is also critically important--I know this from my
work at a nonprofit--to the survivors and the civil society
organizations that are working in the cracks and crevices of
every country in the world.
Our TIP Report speaks volumes for them because those
survivors and those activists they can say, my country is not
doing enough, and the country does not listen. But if the TIP
Report that is issued by the United States of America says it,
boy, does that speak volumes.
And so we owe it not only for ourselves but for all of
those activists and survivors out there who are relying on us.
So I appreciate your interest. If I am confirmed, I can commit
to focusing on that.
The Chairman. I would like to be a golden retriever. Being
a junkyard dog sometimes is necessary.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. Lastly, there has been a--since 2015 there
has been a reported 45 percent drop in global prosecutions. We
know that prosecutions for forced labor and other forms of
labor trafficking remain particularly low.
How can you as Ambassador-at-Large at JTIP increase
attention and resources to combating forced labor and other
forms of labor trafficking, which is very important to us as
well?
We can--we will compete against anybody in the world. But
if you are having your work done through labor trafficking, not
only is it uncompetitive but it is humanly wrong to the
individuals being labor trafficked.
Ms. Dyer. Thank you so much for that--really, that very
thoughtful question and as a former prosecutor I love your
focus on accountability. Thank you so much.
And I think that that is really important and particularly
in the forced labor sphere. I think one thing--if I am
confirmed, I would look forward to participating in the Forced
Labor Enforcement Task Force in addition to the President's
interagency task force and the Senior Policy Operating Group.
But I think that that Forced Labor Enforcement Task Force
is a great opportunity for us to have greater interagency
support because I do believe that particularly in the forced
labor sphere that the State Department needs to work hand in
hand with the Department of Labor and Department of Homeland
Security.
And I think that, if I am confirmed, I would look forward
to the opportunity to really increasing that level of
cooperation and presenting a united front.
The Chairman. Very good.
Senator Van Hollen, I see you stayed. I just want to make
sure you do not have anything else.
All right. I think we have covered a good part of the
waterfront here.
So with the thanks of the committee for your appearance and
your responses, we will have questions for the record. We urge
you to respond to it expeditiously and fully because we often
get members who feel their questions have not been answered
except for one or two lines and then they will not agree to
move the nominee forward.
So if you can address it expeditiously and fully so that we
can promote your names for a business meeting in which we can
vote you out and send you to the floor.
This record for the hearing will remain open until the
close of business on Thursday, December 1st. Please ensure that
questions for the record are submitted no later than Thursday.
With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 5:13 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Lynne M. Tracy by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How will you use your position and voice to help lift up
LGBTQ people, and support civil society organizations advocating for
their rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain the United States'
longstanding support for the protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms in Russia, including for LGBTQI+ persons, and I will continue
to demonstrate solidarity with brave activists and human rights
defenders, including those who advocate for the human rights of LGBTQI+
persons in Russia. Russia's proposed expansion of the ban on
information regarding LGBTQI+ issues is extremely concerning; I will
not hesitate to speak out against this and other measures that limit
the rights of LGBTQI+ persons in Russia, consistent with the
President's memorandum directing all agencies engaged abroad to ensure
that U.S. diplomacy promotes and protects the human rights of LGBTQI+
persons.
Question. How will you support those fleeing Russia as a result of
persecution based on their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Russian Federation citizens fleeing persecution based on
their LGBTQI+ identities can face an increased threat of violence,
harassment, and discrimination. If confirmed, I commit to working with
the Bureau of Population, Refugee, and Migration, the Department of
Homeland Security, and other stakeholders to ensure that LGBTQI+
refugees and asylum seekers have equal access to protection and
assistance consistent with the President's Memorandum on Advancing the
Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons Around the World.
Religious Liberty
Question. The Russian government often targets those with what it
calls ``nontraditional'' faiths with charges of ``extremism.'' Police
in Russia have targeted Jehovah's Witnesses with home raids in cities
nationwide, in some cases torturing members of the community. Do you
commit to use your platform to speak up for Jehovah's Witnesses and
other persecuted religious groups if confirmed?
Answer. Russia's continued targeting for repression of members of
minority religious groups is deeply disturbing. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom to continue to hold Russia accountable for violations of
religious freedom including of Jehovah's Witnesses and other persecuted
religious groups and will amplify the voices of those advocating for
their human rights.
Three Tech Companies
Question. Tech companies like Apple and Google removed the ``Smart
Vote'' app from their app stores in September 2021, limiting the
Russian opposition's ability to organize during the Duma elections that
year. Apple and Google cited specific threats against their employees
as the reason for complying with a Russian government order to remove
the app, but the opposition remains dependent on these types of
technology companies to get their message out.
What role should our Ambassador to Russia, and the Department of
State, play in offering support to American technology
companies to help them stand up to authoritarian threats?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to expand connectivity
to an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet that affords
all people access to unfiltered and unbiased information. I will also
support any measures that advocate for or assist U.S. technology
companies working to stand against threats from the Russian government.
Question. What role should our Ambassador to Russia, and the
Department of State, play in encouraging these technology companies not
to comply with the Putin regime's orders if such orders will have a
detrimental impact on the Russian opposition, civil society,
journalists, or other vulnerable groups?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to work with
civil society and the private sector to help amplify independent
Russian voices and promote the free flow of information and respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms, both online and offline in
Russia.
The Administration will not hesitate to call out Russian efforts to
stifle Internet freedom and freedom of expression, domestically in
Russia and abroad. Private sector technology companies play a crucial
role in supporting these efforts, and as Ambassador, I will not
hesitate to engage on their behalf if companies see it as beneficial to
their efforts in opposition to Putin's threats.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Lynne M. Tracy by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Russia?
Answer. Morale is good under the circumstances but requires
sustained leadership attention. In addition to the challenges already
posed by COVID-19, the Embassy continues to face staffing and other
challenges as the result of Russian actions, including the Russian
Government's decision last year to force the termination of the
Embassy's local and third country staff. Embassy staff also face
harassment and are often prevented from doing their work, including
visiting U.S. citizens in Russian prisons. We also continue to face
challenges staffing the Embassy given the ongoing impasse with the
Russians on diplomatic visas.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to
improve morale at Mission Russia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Embassy team at
all levels and Washington to maintain morale and strengthen our
Mission's operations, and I will engage the Russian Government to
protest its actions against the Mission. Where possible, I will seek
practical solutions to enable the Mission to continue is important
diplomatic work.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to
create a unified Mission and vision at Mission Russia?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and
continuous communication at Embassy Moscow. We are all one team working
together to pursue U.S. interests, so I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, I am committed to
supporting a diverse and inclusive workforce. Diversity makes the
Embassy stronger by bringing different perspectives and enhancing
creativity. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the team to
maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe it is important to maintain an open door to all
members of the Mission team and encourage a supportive environment for
the free flow of views. Although I am ultimately responsible for the
Embassy as Chief of Mission, I believe the success of the Mission in
advancing U.S. interests requires the effort of the entire team.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How do you envision your leadership relationship with your Deputy Chief
of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and will work
closely with the DCM to advance the U.S. Embassy's diplomatic and
consular work.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you intend to entrust
to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Having been the Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow, I know
how important this role is. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy
Chief of Mission with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of
the Embassy. I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission on
a range of issues to advance the diplomatic and consular work of our
team at post and will remain engaged on key operational issues.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles. If
confirmed, I will maintain an open-door policy to discuss constructive
and timely feedback to enhance and lift the performance of the entire
team.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. If
confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, accurate, and direct
feedback to employees in order to improve performance and reward high
achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Russia. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their Missions?
Answer. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get
outside of the Embassy to meet with local citizens, host government
officials and representatives of non-governmental organizations. The
Russians have severely curtailed Embassy Moscow's ability to travel and
engage with others outside of the Embassy, but if confirmed, I will do
my best to ensure we engage with local actors to the broadest extent
possible.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Russia. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. diplomats to
better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Russian Government to
protest its restrictions on the Embassy and, where possible, seek
practical solutions to enable Embassy staff to continue their important
diplomatic work.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Russia?
Answer. Criticism of the West has increased dramatically since the
Russian Government launched its full-scale invasion against Ukraine,
and anti-West propaganda has also ramped up over the last 10 months.
Propaganda, disinformation, and a more restricted internet has narrowed
the information space and discourse in regard to the war but also more
broadly in regard to free speech. That, combined with limited staffing
at our Embassy, has necessitated more virtual programming and more
creative avenues for engaging the Russian people, including via
platforms like Telegram.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The most obvious challenge to our public diplomacy efforts
are Russia's foreign agent and censorship laws, which disincentivize
Russian citizens from interacting with Embassy staff and even speaking
their minds. Separately, freedom of movement is also a challenge to
most Embassy staff, with the Russian Government placing limitations on
staff travel.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. The Russian Government expends a lot of effort to discredit
U.S. Government officials. First and foremost, it is key for us to
deliver accurate, truthful information from credible sources. Second,
we rely on the expertise of our public diplomacy section in Moscow and
our Moscow Engagement Support Office in Riga to contextualize those
messages and time their delivery to ensure that they are positioned to
at least be heard by the Russian people and not dismissed out of hand.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed. There is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Russia personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to sharing what information I
can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with Embassy
Moscow personnel.
Question. If confirmed, one of your primary responsibilities will
be maintaining Embassy posture and ensuring the staff and facilities
are functioning at the highest level possible. What is your familiarity
with the state of Embassy Moscow's facilities?
Answer. Embassy Moscow has faced numerous difficulties in
sustaining its facilities due to the lack of personnel and the
difficulty of shipping key equipment to Russia. If confirmed, I will
work closely with my Embassy team and Washington to ensure that we do
everything we can to overcome these constraints and ensure that we
sustain this vital diplomatic platform.
Question. If confirmed, one of your primary responsibilities will
be maintaining Embassy posture and ensuring the staff and facilities
are functioning at the highest level possible. What are your top
priorities for the improvement and/or maintenance of the facilities at
Embassy Moscow?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be working
together with Washington to ensure that we can get the human and
material resources into Moscow that are necessary to ensure the safe
and effective operation of our Embassy.
Question. If confirmed, one of your primary responsibilities will
be maintaining Embassy posture and ensuring the staff and facilities
are functioning at the highest level possible. In the event that
Embassy Moscow must be vacated, do you believe that the current Embassy
posture could support a full and proper shutdown of the facility,
including the destruction or removal of sensitive materials? If not,
how will you implement a plan to prepare for such an eventuality?
Answer. If confirmed, maintaining Embassy Moscow's ability to
operate and fulfill its responsibilities will be one of my top
priorities. At present, Embassy Moscow is not in a departure status and
has sufficient staff to drawdown operations if necessary. If confirmed
I will meet regularly with the Embassy's Emergency Action Committee to
make contingency plans for evacuation and to ensure we have the
personnel and resources necessary to support a full and proper shutdown
of our facilities in Moscow should that be required.
Question. There are number of Americans detained in Russia, some of
whom have been labeled as wrongfully detained under the Levinson Act.
How will you engage with the Russian Government to ensure detainees
have proper consular access, as well as access to communication with
their lawyers and family?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press Russian authorities to adhere to
their legal obligations to provide regular consular access to all U.S.
citizens detained in Russia and ensure their health and welfare. I will
also work with the Embassy team to provide support for the
communication between the detained citizens and their families and
lawyers. This will be one of my very highest priorities.
Question. There are number of Americans detained in Russia, some of
whom have been labeled as wrongfully detained under the Levinson Act.
How do you envision the working relationship and organization of
efforts between Embassy Moscow and SPEHA, the Bureau of Consular
Affairs, and other State Department and interagency offices on the
issue of detained Americans?
Answer. The wrongful detention determination is a legal, fact-based
review that looks at the totality of the circumstances for each case
individually. The Department of State continuously monitors all cases
for indications of a wrongful detention. If confirmed, I will work
closely with SPEHA, the Bureau of Consular Affairs, and other
Department and interagency offices in support of their efforts by
providing regular and up-to-date information to aid the review of
individual cases.
Question. The administration's Iran policy has focused on a return
to the nuclear deal (JCPOA) that would enrich Russian state-owned
enterprises for nuclear material swaps, enrich Russia for continued
work on the Bushehr reactor, and potentially provide Russia with an
avenue to launder its oil and gas through Iran and into international
markets. To what extent does the Administration's Iran policy make
implementation of Russia policy more difficult or problematic?
Answer. Our policies towards Russia and Iran are consistent. As we
seek to isolate Russia, undermine its access to finance and technology
for strategic sectors of its economy, and degrade its industrial
capacity to support aggression for years to come, we are also exposing
and countering Iran's contribution to that aggression. The United
States is also working to expose and deter Iran's provision of weapons
to Russia for use against the Ukrainian people. We will continue to
vigorously enforce U.S. sanctions on both Russia and Iran.
Question. The administration's Iran policy has focused on a return
to the nuclear deal (JCPOA) that would enrich Russian state-owned
enterprises for nuclear material swaps, enrich Russia for continued
work on the Bushehr reactor, and potentially provide Russia with an
avenue to launder its oil and gas through Iran and into international
markets. Wouldn't a definitive stop to JCPOA negotiations bring Russia
and Iran policies more into alignment?
Answer. I am not privy to the current state of the JCPOA
negotiations, but I can state that our policy is to isolate Russia and
expose and counter Iran's role in contributing to Putin's aggression.
The United States is also working to expose and deter Iran's
provision of weapons to Russia for use against the Ukrainian people. If
confirmed, I will continue to advocate vigorously for the enforcement
of all U.S. sanctions against Russia.
Question. The growing defense consortium between Iran and Russia is
deeply problematic. Iran continues to provide armed drones to Russia
that have been used on battlefields in Ukraine with great effect--
particularly targeting energy infrastructure. Worse, Iran has
advertised that it will provide technical assistance to build these
drones in Russia and has opened the door to the provision of short
range ballistic missiles for Russia's war effort. How does the U.S.
drive a wedge in the Russo-Iranian relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to thwart Iran's
provision of assistance to Russia's war and Moscow's use of these or
any other military capabilities against the Ukrainian people. This
includes sustained diplomatic efforts to bring multilateral pressure to
bear on both Russia and Iran. The U.S. Government will continue to work
to prevent such transfers from taking place and to use the full range
of sanctions authorities and other accountability measures to impose
costs on those involved.
Question. The growing defense consortium between Iran and Russia is
deeply problematic. Iran continues to provide armed drones to Russia
that have been used on battlefields in Ukraine with great effect--
particularly targeting energy infrastructure. Worse, Iran has
advertised that it will provide technical assistance to build these
drones in Russia and has opened the door to the provision of short
range ballistic missiles for Russia's war effort. What costs can the
U.S. impose that would discourage continued Russo-Iranian cooperation?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to counter Iran's
provision of assistance to Russia's war of aggression and Moscow's use
of these or any other military capabilities against the Ukrainian
people. This includes working with our partners and allies to identify
entities and individuals for sanctions designations and other
accountability measures.
Question. There are many U.S. and allied-led efforts at and within
the U.N. system to hold Russia accountable for its attack on Ukraine
and subsequent war crimes. How can you bolster these efforts within the
USG and the U.N.? Please be descriptive.
Answer. We are supporting a range of international investigations
into atrocities and other abuses in Ukraine. This includes those
conducted by the International Criminal Court, the United Nations, and
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The United
States has further provided robust support for Ukrainian efforts to
document and investigate Russia's atrocities in Ukraine, including by
coordinating direct technical support to the Office of the Prosecutor
General under the framework of the Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group.
If confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to work closely with
our U.S. Mission to the United Nations and departments and agencies in
Washington on efforts to hold Russia accountable, such as the
overwhelming U.N. General Assembly vote condemning Russia's war against
Ukraine. I will support efforts to censure and isolate Russia in
relevant international bodies, as well as initiatives to hold Moscow
accountable for the horrendous crimes being committed in Ukraine.
Question. Do you believe that Russia is committing genocide in
Ukraine? Why or why not?
Answer. I cannot speak to any future assessment of whether specific
acts constitute specific international crimes. But if confirmed, I will
ensure that we are continuing to call out and document Russia's
horrific abuses in Ukraine, including reports of conflict-related
sexual violence. We know that words matter--as do actions. If
confirmed, I will work to support all efforts to hold Russia to account
for its terrible actions in Ukraine, including its horrendous human
rights abuses, atrocities, and war crimes.
Question. Do you believe current efforts by the U.S., allies, and
partners in Europe to provide support for justice units in Ukraine are
sufficient? Why or why not.
Answer. Through the Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group for Ukraine
(ACA), the United States, the UK, and the EU are deploying the best
subject-matter experts as mobile justice teams to support Ukraine's
Office of the Prosecutor General in its investigation and prosecution
of atrocity crimes. These specialists have decades of experience as war
crimes investigators, international prosecutors, military analysts, and
conflict-related sexual violence experts. As the demands on the
domestic authorities in Ukraine grow, the ACA plans to establish more
permanent field Missions to assist regional prosecutors working in
other regions of the country. I believe continuing our efforts on
accountability is critical, as the Ukrainian people deserve justice.
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons report, Russia
remained on tier 3 for its lack of effort to combat or monitor human
trafficking. In your view, how can you best support civil society
actors and fight government complicity in Russia regarding anti-
trafficking work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advance the
Administration's work to monitor and combat human trafficking,
including by maintaining an unwavering commitment to hold Russia
accountable to the Trafficking Victims Protection Act's minimum
standards to combat human trafficking. I will also advocate strongly
for continued robust U.S. support to civil society organizations in and
out of Russia working to fight this scourge.
Question. In the 2021 International Religious freedom report,
Russia was listed as being wholly intolerant of religious freedom and
making significant efforts to curb the rights of religious minorities.
What, in your view, can be done to bolster religious freedom both
inside Russia and in its spheres of influence globally?
Answer. Russia's continued targeting for repression of members of
minority religious groups is deeply disturbing. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom to expose and speak out against Russia's violations
of religious freedom, as well as amplify the voices of those advocating
for their human rights.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Russia was listed as
committing and baring witness to countless human rights abuses both
inside Russia and outside, particularly in Ukraine. How, if you
confirmed, can you bolster human rights on the ground? What tools will
you make available or use within your Mission to further the crumbling
human rights of civil society in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain the United States'
longstanding support for the protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms in Russia and for brave activists and human rights defenders.
The Administration coordinates regularly with Allies and partners to
demonstrate our shared solidarity with independent Russian civil
society and media.
Question. Negative attitudes towards the U.S. have increased among
Russians. How do you intend to work with civil society given the
restrictive environment in the country?
Answer. The United States is a beacon of freedom in the world,
including in Russia. If confirmed, I will speak out proudly in the
advocacy of our principles and lend my support to human rights
defenders, independent civil society, and objective media. I will
continue to advocate for our sustained support of organizations that
protect Russians resisting Putin's repression, organizations that work
to provide independent news and political analysis to Russian audiences
in Russia, and other civil society elements.
Question. Negative attitudes towards the U.S. have increased among
Russians. If confirmed, what form do you envision your engagement and
outreach to public taking?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue all opportunities to
communicate with the Russian people to convey to them not only the
truth about what their own government is doing, but also making clear
that our issues and concerns are with Russia's Government, not its
people.
Question. Negative attitudes towards the U.S. have increased among
Russians. Given the restrictive media and internet environment, where
state-controlled television remains the main source of information
across the country, what will you do to break through to the Russian
people?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available means to provide
clear and effective messaging to the Russian people. The U.S.
Department of State hosts a wide variety of content across social media
platforms, some of which are accessible in Russia, such as Telegram and
YouTube. Russian citizens also widely use VPNs and other tools to view
restricted content.
Question. Negative attitudes towards the U.S. have increased among
Russians. How will you maintain dialogue between the U.S. and Russia to
prevent misunderstandings or miscalculations?
Answer. Even as we seek to isolate Russia and undermine diplomatic
and economic support for its war effort, we are also working to
maintain our Embassy's mission to provide consular assistance, preserve
channels of communication, and pursue people-to-people exchanges. If
confirmed, I will spare no effort to sustain essential channels of
communication with Moscow.
Question. Negative attitudes towards the U.S. have increased among
Russians. What is your view of the possibility of removing Russia's
permanent appointment to the U.N. Security Council? How to you think
Russia would react to such an action?
Answer. The current structure of the U.N. Security Council does not
provide a ready means to remove a permanent member.
Question. Negative attitudes towards the U.S. have increased among
Russians. The Russian Government has previously conducted aggressive
transnational repression activities abroad, including assassinations.
How do you intend to raise U.S. concerns about this?
Answer. Exposure and disruption of Russia's malign activities
imposes a cost on the individuals and entities that engage in these
efforts. Such actors include both government officials, namely in the
Russian intelligence services, and unofficial proxies. Continuing to
deter the most dangerous Russian hybrid threats is critical. The United
States works with likeminded Allies and partners to counter Russian
malign influence and activities through a variety of multilateral and
bilateral avenues. If confirmed, I will continue to report back to
Washington on these Russian malign activities to help inform the
ongoing interagency efforts to counter them.
Question. How do you envision coordination between the Embassy and
the State Department, White House, and the rest of the interagency back
in Washington?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue close coordination in all
available communication channels with the White House, the Department
of State, and the rest of the interagency to ensure the Embassy's view
is factored into policy decision-making as well as to address emerging
challenges. If confirmed, I will be available to Washington 24 hours a
day, seven days a week to support the interests of the U.S. Government
and people.
Question. Which issues will Embassy Moscow take a lead on? On which
issues will the Embassy play a supporting role?
Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will coordinate with
Washington and other U.S. Missions in the field on all Russia-related
matters. The U.S. Embassy remains at the forefront of U.S. engagement
with Russians from all aspects of society and the Government in Russia.
The Embassy will feed into policy decision-making and other activities
in support of a whole-of-government approach to U.S. policy toward
Russia.
Question. Despite significant issues in the relationship, are there
issues that the U.S. and Russia can cooperate on? If so, what are those
issues, and what would cooperation look like?
Answer. As you know, the United States continues to maintain a
diplomatic presence in Moscow because it is important to continue to
have a channel for bilateral dialogue. The Administration engages as
appropriate on issues deemed critical to national security, including
nuclear nonproliferation and arms control. The Administration also
engages at multilateral institutions and in treaty-based organizations
to ensure that we protect and advance U.S. interests in the U.N. and
elsewhere and enforce U.S. rights under bilateral and multilateral
treaties.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Lynne M. Tracy by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. How can the U.S. support democratic spaces in Russia,
including free and independent media such as RFE/RL, to continue to try
and convey the truth of what is happening in Ukraine to the Russian
people?
Answer. The Administration coordinates regularly with Allies and
partners to support and demonstrate our shared solidarity with
independent Russian civil society and media, as well as to use
multilateral platforms to condemn and promote accountability for the
Kremlin's abuses against human rights defenders. The United States also
continues to support organizations, including Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty, which provide independent news and political analysis,
including about Russia's ongoing aggression against Ukraine, to Russian
audiences.
Question. More broadly, how will you advance the causes of Russia's
pro-democracy activists and ensure continued U.S. support for the small
but important democratic space in Russia that Putin and his cronies are
working to quash?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support and amplify the
Administration's public condemnation of Russia's deepening repression,
including against pro-democracy activists, independent voices, and
civil society.
I will maintain the United States' longstanding support for groups
and individuals who work to protect human rights and fundamental
freedoms in Russia. I also will coordinate closely with Allies and
partners to demonstrate our shared solidarity with independent voices
in Russia and promote accountability for the Kremlin's abuses and
repression.
Question. What additional efforts can the U.S. Government undertake
to deter future Russian election interference, both in the U.S. and
around the world?
Answer. While the threat of foreign interference against our
election infrastructure remains, our election systems are resilient.
The Administration works on a whole-of-government basis--together with
an integrated public-private coalition--to ensure the security of
America's elections. This Administration has imposed sanctions on
Russian actors for attempts at election interference. This includes
multiple rounds of sanctions against Yevgeniy Prigozhin and Internet
Research Agency-linked actors. We continue to denounce any attempt to
influence or interfere in our electoral process and will continue to
inflict serious consequences should Russia or its proxies attempt to
influence or interfere in our electoral process again. If confirmed, I
will continue to emphasize this point and support interagency efforts
to hold Prigozhin and any other Russian malign actors accountable.
Question. What do you assess to be the risks of Russian election
interference and Russian-promoted election disinformation in Eastern
Europe and sub-Saharan Africa, regions that have already experienced
Russian meddling? How can the U.S. more effectively combat the
international reach of Russian election interference?
Answer. Russia continues to threaten nations around the world to
achieve its political goals and remains committed to undermining
democratic governments and processes through covert and overt means,
including but not limited to election interference. By weakening
election integrity, Russia hopes to shape foreign political
environments in its own interests. The United States Government
continues to focus on rebutting and countering Russian disinformation
and exposing Russia's malign influence operations targeting democratic
elections and institutions beyond. This includes through information
sharing with Allies and partners and by working with partners to
disrupt and impose sanctions against Russian entities and actors for
attempts to influence elections, sow societal divisions, or erode trust
of democratic societies and institutions.
Question. Can I receive your commitment that, if confirmed, you
will work to advance the cause of Vladimir Kara-Murza, and encourage
the British Ambassador in Moscow to prioritize the release of Mr. Kara-
Murza, who is a British citizen?
Answer. The United States regularly speaks out against the
Kremlin's targeting of those who seek to defend human rights and
exercise their fundamental freedoms in an increasingly repressive and
authoritarian environment. Mr. Kara-Murza has been a particularly
courageous proponent for a more democratic future for Russia. If
confirmed, I commit to making it a top priority to coordinate with
Allies and partners on messaging and advocacy for the release of Mr.
Kara-Murza and the more than 400 other political prisoners Russia
imprisons unjustly.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Lynne M. Tracy by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to attempt to reshape the
international order to its benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May
26, we will invest in America, align with our Allies and partners, and
compete with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for
the future.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors with the PRC, as the
President laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States
does not seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our Allies and
partners have an opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in
a way that influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The
United States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the
PRC where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them
when they align.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our Allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
the Russian Federation?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our close work with
likeminded Allies and partners to benefit the United States and advance
our shared security, prosperity, and values. Given our opposing policy
priorities and values, I do not foresee working with the People's
Republic of China on any joint activities in Russia.
Question. The United States, with NATO allies and other partners,
are currently providing vital assistance to Ukraine as it defends
itself against Vladimir Putin's unjustified and unprovoked invasion.
The administration has levied broad sanctions on Russia's ability to
wage war and requested $66 billion in supplemental funding for
humanitarian and security assistance among other efforts. Ukraine's
ability to repel Russian advances have been buoyed by the international
community's assistance and their fierce sense of independence. This, in
addition to European sanctions on Russia and assistance to Ukraine, has
diminished Russia's standing on the global stage, exposed the Russian
military's eroded capacity and capability, and caused the mass
emigration of Russians to avoid military conscription. Throughout the
conflict Russian officials have repeatedly hinted at the possibility of
using nuclear weapons, while hardliners in Russia have even called for
Russia to attack neighboring countries, including NATO members.
What is your assessment of the likelihood of nuclear weapons use by
Russia in the current conflict?
Answer. As President Biden has said repeatedly, any use of such
weapons would be unacceptable and result in severe consequences.
Putin's continued nuclear saber-rattling is highly irresponsible and
destabilizing. In January 2022, Presidents Putin and Biden joined a
statement by leaders of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security
Council that affirmed the principle that ``a nuclear war cannot be won
and must never be fought.'' We have pressed Russia to live up to that
statement.
Question. If confirmed, in your capacity as the primary American
representative to Russia, what actions will you take to ensure the
conflict in Ukraine does not evolve into a wider conflict between
Russia and NATO?
Answer. Since February, the Alliance has enhanced its defensive
posture along the Eastern Flank and has plussed up the readiness of our
forces. NATO also made a dramatic shift at the Madrid Summit last
summer to move to a centralized, strengthened, and expanded NATO force
posture and command structure, which it is now working to implement.
This will strengthen our overall deterrence and defense.
The Alliance is, and will be, even better equipped and more
responsive to threats in the new security reality we find ourselves in.
Question. In your opinion, how will mobilization affect Russia's
ability to continue its war in Ukraine?
Answer. Russia's partial mobilization shows that Russia is losing
its war against Ukraine. It also has further negatively impacted
Russia's economy and caused tens of thousands of Russians to flee the
country. The United States will continue to support Ukraine to defend
its independence and territorial integrity.
Question. In your view, to what extent will mobilization motivate
the general population against the war?
Answer. Forced mobilization has caused newfound criticism by
Russian elites over Putin's prosecution of the war, which could
increase domestic opposition to the war given the now increased direct
costs to average Russians. It has also resulted in tens of thousands of
Russian men fleeing the country to avoid mobilization, which will have
impacts on both society and the economy. However, Putin still controls
the main levers of information and thus propaganda to present false
narratives about the war against Ukraine.
Question. What effect might popular dissatisfaction have on the
Russian leadership's ability to continue to wage war?
Answer. The dissatisfaction among some elites signals
dissatisfaction at high levels with the reality that Russia is losing
the war in Ukraine. The more money and resources that the Russian
government spends, the more dissatisfied the population could become.
Question. If confirmed, how will the American Embassy and
consulates in Russia handle cases where Russian citizens apply for
refuge in order to escape mobilization?
Answer. We are not aware of requests for assistance of our Embassy
by Russians seeking to depart Russia. We are aware of cases of Russian
citizens fleeing to other countries in which they may be able to seek
protection. Under U.S. law, asylum requests can only be made by a
person who is physically present in or has arrived in the United
States. Requests for asylum or refugee status are considered on a case-
by-case basis and in accordance with U.S. law.
Question. What is your assessment of the effectiveness of the
economic sanctions imposed by the international community on Russia and
how can those sanctions be strengthened?
Answer. Sanctions and export controls are having significant and
long-lasting consequences on Russia's ability to wage war, in Ukraine
and in the future. Since February 2022, the United States and our
Allies and partners have coordinated to use export controls and
sanctions to restrict Russia's access to financing, supplies and spare
parts, and advanced technology, all of which have degraded Russia's
ability to produce and stockpile weapons to replace those that have
been destroyed in the war. The Administration continues to work with
Allies and partners to develop options to tighten those sanctions while
intensifying efforts to crack down on those attempting to evade our
unprecedented sanctions.
Question. If confirmed, representatives of the Russian government
will approach you with requests to ease sanctions on specific
industries, individuals, or sectors. What is your message to Russian
Government officials?
Answer. As long as the Kremlin continues its unprovoked and brutal
war against Ukraine and its people, the United States will stand united
with Allies and partners in imposing additional costs on Russia. We
will continue to mobilize support for the tightening of restrictions on
Russia until its stops its aggression and fully withdraws its troops
from Ukraine's internationally-recognized borders. If confirmed as
Ambassador, I will reinforce this message to Russian officials.
Question. How do you assess the current state of the Russia's
bilateral relationship with the CCP and their joint efforts to diminish
international norms, human rights, and laws?
Answer. Given Russia's failings on the battlefield in Ukraine, and
the extensive sanctions that have been applied to segments of the
Russian economy, Russia's relationship with the People's Republic of
China seems to be increasingly tilted in the PRC's favor. It is likely
Russia will continue working with the PRC to undermine the rules-based
international order, as China is increasingly one of the few neighbors
willing to engage with Russia at a time when it is most isolated.
Question. If confirmed, what can be done to increase the Russian
public's awareness of Russia's growing dependence on the CCP?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with our public
diplomacy staff, as well as likeminded Allies and partners, to message
to the Russian people that Russia's relationship with the People's
Republic of China is becoming increasingly unequal. We can draw on
numerous examples from around the world which show the negative long-
term effects of such relationships with the People's Republic of China.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Lynne M. Tracy by Senator John Barrasso
Question. Is it the position of the United States that Russia and
President Putin committed war crimes in Ukraine?
Answer. The Secretary has stated that the U.S. Government assesses
that members of Russia's forces have committed war crimes in Ukraine.
Question. What efforts is the United States taking to help document
the war crimes being committed by Russia in Ukraine?
Answer. The United States is fully committed to ensuring
accountability for all those responsible for Russia's atrocities and
abuses in Ukraine. We are supporting a range of international
investigations into atrocities and other abuses in Ukraine. This
includes those conducted by the International Criminal Court, the
United Nations, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe. The United States has further provided robust support for
Ukrainian efforts to document and investigate Russia's atrocities in
Ukraine, including by coordinating direct technical support to the
Office of the Prosecutor General under the framework of the Atrocity
Crimes Advisory Group.
Question. What is the current state of operations of the U.S.
Embassy and Consulates in Russia?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy in Moscow remains our sole operating
diplomatic post in Russia. Operations at the Consulates General in St.
Petersburg, Vladivostok, and Yekaterinburg remain suspended.
Question. In October, the Estonian Prime Minister said Russia is
near its ``breaking point.'' She claimed Putin's allies are wavering in
their support for the war in Ukraine. What countries are currently
supporting Russia's war in Ukraine?
Answer. Belarus has been complicit in Russia's renewed aggression
since the start, hosting Russian forces and serving as a launch pad for
Russia's full-scale invasion. We continue to hold Belarus accountable
for enabling Russia's war. The Administration is also concerned about
Russia's growing defense relationship with Iran, including Iran's
supply of unmanned aerial systems and military trainers to Russia for
use against Ukrainian civilians. The DPRK's support for Russia's war is
also of growing concern. The DPRK was one of the few countries to
recognize the ``independence'' of the so-called ``Luhansk and Donetsk
People's Republics.'' Moreover, our information indicates the DPRK is
covertly supplying Russia with a significant number of artillery
shells.
The PRC has offered Russia diplomatic support for its war against
Ukraine and has amplified Russian disinformation regarding the war. The
United States has warned the PRC that any military support for Russia's
war effort, or help in evading sanctions, would have serious
consequences. We have not seen evidence of such activity so far.
Question. Do you believe the allies of President Putin are
rethinking their support for the war in Ukraine? If so, what lead you
to that conclusion?
Answer. Some leaders of states with longstanding relationships with
Moscow have indicated growing concern about the war in Ukraine. For
example, in September Indian PM Modi told Putin that ``today's era is
not of war.'' Russia's renewal of the Black Sea Grain Initiative
likewise suggests Russian sensitivity to opinion in the ``global
south.'' The Administration is committed to diplomatic efforts to
further isolate Russia and is urging more of the ``fence-sitter''
states to use their contacts with Russia to urge Putin to end this war.
Question. How has Russia's military mobilization impacted the view
of the Russian people on Putin's war?
Answer. The fact that so many Russians voted with their feet when
Putin announced the military mobilization suggests that a significant
segment of the Russian public does not support this unprovoked war in
Ukraine. It is estimated that as many Russians fled the country in the
weeks following the mobilization announcement as were mobilized. Given
the severe curtailment of expression in Russia and the steep penalties
for criticizing Putin or the war, it is also likely that many more
Russians disapproved of the war but remain silent.
Question. This week Russia unilaterally postponed a technical
meeting with U.S. officials on the NEW START (the new Strategic Arms
Reduction Treaty.) In August, Russia prevented U.S. inspections of its
nuclear arms facilities while continuing to threaten to use nuclear
weapons. Marshall Billingslea, the former U.S. presidential envoy for
arms control at the State Department, called Russia's actions an
``obvious and undeniable violation of the only arms control agreement
that it hadn't been violating.'' Is Russia currently in violation of
its New START obligations and commitments?
Answer. The United States has serious concerns with Russia's
decision to exempt all of its New START facilities from inspections on
an indefinite basis. There is an interagency process to evaluate any
country's compliance with its arms control, disarmament, and
nonproliferation obligations, which considers a variety of factors.
These include the nature and precise language of the obligations
undertaken in the context of international law, information regarding
the country's activities--including that acquired by so-called National
Technical Means of verification, cooperative verification measures,
open-source information, and diplomatic means--and any information
provided by the country in question over the course of implementation.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address Russia's attempts to
use the New START as a bargaining chip for sanctions relief or to
change its stance on Ukraine?
Answer. Russia must fulfill its obligations under the New START
Treaty. The Administration will not link the requirement for Russia's
full implementation of these existing obligations to unrelated issues.
Question. In August, President Biden stated he was ready to
``expeditiously negotiate'' a new nuclear arms control framework with
Russia to replace New START when it expires in 2026. He added that it
would require ``a willing partner operating in good faith.'' Do you
believe Russia is currently operating in good faith?
Answer. No. Right now, Russia does not meet that requirement, and
its refusal to allow resumption of New START inspection activities on
its territory.
Question. What leverage does the United States have to negotiate an
extension or broader treaty agreement with Russia?
Answer. Strategic stability is in the interest of the United States
and our Allies and partners. It is also in Russia's interest. Russia's
refusal to resume inspections impacts its ability to monitor
accountable U.S. nuclear forces and confirm declared data. As both
countries modernize their nuclear arsenals, resuming inspection
activity is essential.
Question. In future arms control negotiations with Russia, are you
committed to ensuring that the United States is not entering into one
sided arms control agreements where the United States is the only party
required to actually make reductions?
Answer. The fundamental purpose of nuclear arms control is to
promote nuclear stability and lower the danger of unintended
escalation. The New START Treaty makes the United States, Russia, and
the world safer by preserving verified restrictions on both countries'
strategic nuclear arsenals and avoiding an arms race. If confirmed, I
will support arms control agreements that are in the national security
interests of the United States and its Allies and partners.
Question. In February, President Putin ordered his nuclear forces
into special combat readiness. As the Russian army has lost ground in
its war in Ukraine, Putin has increased his threats to use nuclear
weapons. How close is President Putin to using a nuclear weapon?
Answer. Putin's nuclear saber-rattling is highly irresponsible. The
Intelligence Community has reported that it has not seen signs of
Russian preparations for nuclear weapon use and the Administration has
no reason to change its strategic deterrence posture to defend itself,
allies, or partners at this time.
Question. What actions would you recommend the U.S. and NATO take
should President Putin use a nuclear weapon?
Answer. As President Biden has said, any use of nuclear weapons
would be unacceptable and result in severe consequences.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julie D. Fisher by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. U.S.-Eastern Mediterranean Energy Center: When the
Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act of 2019
passed into law, I was hopeful that the Department of Energy and
Department of State would put some effort behind this good idea. Now
that we are facing serious energy deficits in Europe, it seems obvious
to me that this cooperation is essential.
Do you commit to push for the establishment of the U.S.-Eastern
Mediterranean Energy Center to help promote European energy
security?
Answer. Yes, I commit to supporting on-going efforts to establish a
U.S.-Eastern Mediterranean Energy Center. The Department of Energy has
the lead on the East Med Energy Center, and if confirmed, I will work
closely with DOE colleagues to advance this effort and ensure such a
Center would support the region's energy transition as well as provide
opportunities to learn from each other on new energy technologies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julie D. Fisher by Senator James E. Risch
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Cyprus?
Answer. Like many missions, U.S. Embassy Nicosia faced challenges
posed by COVID-19. I understand the Embassy team has shown great
resilience in their continued service. If confirmed, I can assure you
the health and safety of the Mission's personnel and family members
will be my top priority. I look forward to working with the talented
team and ensuring U.S. Embassy Nicosia is an environment in which all
can succeed and grow.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Cyprus?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure every member of the U.S.
Embassy community is treated professionally and with respect. I commit
to being accessible to all members of the team including U.S. Direct
Hires, Foreign Service Nationals, Eligible Family Members, Members of
Household, and contractors. I will work to ensure they are safe and
secure, and have the resources and guidance necessary to perform their
jobs successfully. We are at our best when we are supported.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Cyprus?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure open and continuous
communication throughout the Mission. I will clearly and regularly
outline our Mission priorities. It is critical every member of the team
understands the Mission's priorities and how each individual's work
contributes to the Mission's success. We are at our best when we work
together as one team to protect and advance U.S. interests.
Furthermore, I am committed to supporting a diverse and inclusive
workforce at U.S. Embassy Nicosia. Diversity makes the Mission strong
by bringing different perspectives and enhancing creativity and if
confirmed, I look forward to working with the team to maximize
innovation and effectiveness.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Over my 27-year career with the Department of State, I have
sought to build diverse teams with a clear view of our guiding mission.
In prior leadership positions--including as U.S. Special Envoy for
Belarus, as Deputy Assistant Secretary, and as Director of the
Department's Operations Center--I have led teams and interagency
processes with an eye to consensus building among diverse stakeholders.
If confirmed, I will seek to create a space that enables and empowers
all members of the team to use their voice and find success.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is not acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private. If confirmed, I commit to
leading the U.S. Embassy Nicosia team with respect and professionalism,
as I have in previous leadership roles. I will not tolerate
unprofessional behavior including bullying or hazing.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). If confirmed, I
will work closely with the DCM to advance U.S. priorities in Cyprus,
including protecting the safety and security of Americans, expanding
our economic relationship, and advancing shared priorities.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM) with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the Mission
and to serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence. If confirmed, I will
consult closely with the DCM on a broad range of issues, recognizing
the extensive experience she brings to this role.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and reward those who succeed in their roles. If confirmed,
I hope to be an inspiring leader with an open-door policy to discuss
constructive and timely feedback to enhance and lift the performance of
the entire team.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers, as I have done in previous roles.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Cyprus.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get
outside of the Embassy to meet with local citizens, including host
government officials, non-governmental organizations and Americans
resident in country. In my most recent role, as U.S. Special Envoy for
Belarus, I was based in Vilnius, Lithuania because the Belarusian
regime refused to grant my visa. I led our engagement with Belarusian
citizens in Lithuania, Poland, and other neighboring countries who were
fighting for their rights and fundamental freedoms from a neighboring
country. If confirmed, I look forward to traveling throughout Cyprus
and meeting Cypriots of all backgrounds.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with U.S.
Embassy Nicosia's Public Affairs Section to use both social and
traditional media to reach people across Cyprus. Diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility are also an important part of public
diplomacy outreach to ensure efforts reflect the diversity of U.S.
society and societies abroad and encourage the involvement of people
from traditionally underrepresented audiences. Given the importance of
language in signaling respect, I intend to study both Greek and Turkish
to be able to communicate directly with the island's two communities.
If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to leverage engagements
with the media, cultural and educational exchange organizations, and
individual interactions to expand the people-to-people bonds that are
the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Cyprus?
Answer. The United States has strong academic, cultural, and
professional exchanges with the people of Cyprus. As I understand it,
despite significant challenges stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic,
U.S. Embassy Nicosia continues to facilitate meaningful cultural
exchange across the island's ethnic and political divide. If confirmed,
I will work with the Embassy team to leverage relationships with the
media, cultural and educational exchange organizations, and individuals
to expand the people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our
strong relationship with the Cypriot people.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for U.S.
diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-face with host country
nationals. As conditions improve, U.S. diplomats have re-started in-
person engagements and programs. I understand shrinking media freedoms
in the area administered by the Turkish Cypriots also poses a challenge
to U.S. Embassy outreach. If confirmed, I look forward to utilizing
both traditional and social media targeting Greek- and Turkish-speaking
audiences to engage with the Cypriot people, in addition to in-person
programs.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with all offices at
Main State to advance U.S. foreign policy goals in Cyprus. Throughout
my career, I have worked in Washington and in the field; I know
firsthand that we are one team working to advance the interests of the
United States and the American people. I will work to leverage public
diplomacy tools to advance bilateral economic and security cooperation,
defend democratic values, and deepen people-to-people ties. I will also
work to counter adverse influence and mis- and disinformation through
engagements with traditional media, communication via social media,
institutional outreach, and personal interactions, and through a
variety of public diplomacy programming. Working with the public
diplomacy team, we will tailor our messaging in a way that is most
appropriate for Cypriot audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Nicosia personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to sharing what information I
can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with U.S.
Embassy Nicosia personnel.
Democracy, Human Rights and International Organizations
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, Cyprus was
upgraded to Tier 1 for its sustained efforts to combat human
trafficking.
How will you work with both Turkish and Cypriot leaders to continue
to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The Government of the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) fully meets
the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and was
therefore upgraded to Tier 1 in this year's report. If confirmed, I
will work with ROC Government counterparts, civil society activists,
and non-governmental organizations to ensure the ROC continues this
positive trajectory to combat trafficking. I would focus on the
prioritized recommendations outlined in the 2022 report, including on
the investigation, prosecution, and conviction of traffickers. I would
also work with Turkish Cypriot community leaders, civil society
activists, and organizations to address the serious U.S. concerns
related to human trafficking in the area outside of ROC government
control.
Question. Do you commit to reporting accurate portrayals of the
realities of trafficking on the ground in Cyprus to Congress?
Answer. Yes. If given the opportunity to serve, accurate reporting
to Congress on human trafficking will remain a priority for me.
Question. In the 2021 International Religious Freedom report,
Cyprus was identified as tolerant of religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with the U.S.
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and their team
to advance religious freedom throughout Cyprus. Specific issues noted
in the most recent report to Congress: Republic of Cyprus (ROC)
officials continued to deny the right to religious practices of animal
slaughter and Muslim community leaders reported the government denied
community access for religious services at 13 of the 19 mosques
designated as cultural heritage sites, while Greek Orthodox, Maronite
Catholic, and Armenian Orthodox worshippers reported the ``Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus'' sometimes denied requests to access
religious sites. Jewish community representatives reported authorities
performed autopsies on some members of the community whose deaths were
not suspicious, which violates Jewish religious beliefs and practice.
If confirmed, I plan to meet with community leaders of all faiths,
civil society organizations, and ROC government officials to seek their
views on religious freedom and tolerance.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Cyprus was listed as
having significant human rights abuses, including refoulement of
refugees, corruption, and threats of violence against minority groups.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press the Republic of Cyprus
government and community leaders to address concerns regarding
treatment of refugees, corruption, and safety of minority populations
among other priorities concerning respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms on the island. I will utilize our annual reporting
to Congress to focus U.S. Embassy Nicosia's engagement on human rights
issues. I will also use the weight of my office to bring attention to
the importance the United States places on these issues and amplify the
voices of civil society and other leaders championing progress in those
arenas, including via public diplomacy engagements.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage my team's
outreach to a broad range of civil society organizations to address
human rights across the island. I would prioritize meeting with civil
society organizations to learn about their work and look for
opportunities to champion their contributions and achievements,
including by encouraging Cypriot leaders to regularly engage and
consult civil society as part of their political process. I understand
third country nationals are among the most vulnerable to trafficking
and other human rights abuses. Given this, I would include this
community as a focus area for U.S. Embassy Nicosia's outreach and
support.
Question. Please describe your assessment of the human rights
situation in Cyprus.
Answer. I understand the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) government has
taken steps to identify, investigate, prosecute, and punish officials
who committed human rights abuses and acts of corruptions. However, as
highlighted in the 2021 Human Rights Report, there are several
significant remaining human rights issues in the ROC. These include
substantial interference with the freedom of association of
nongovernment organizations; refoulement of asylum seekers;
mistreatment of migrants and asylum seekers; serious acts of government
corruption; and crimes involving violence or threats of violence
targeting members of national or ethnic or minority groups. In the area
administered by the Turkish Cypriots, human rights remain a serious
concern on many fronts, from freedom of speech and assembly to
trafficking in persons. If confirmed, I commit to working with
Department of State colleagues to promote human rights issues in my
engagements with ROC and Turkish Cypriot counterparts, local non-
governmental organizations, and victims.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you help Cyprus confront
migration and refugee issues on the island, specifically regarding
refugees who have been stranded in the buffer zone between the Republic
of Cyprus and northern Cyprus?
Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with the Republic of Cyprus
(ROC) government, community leaders, and non-governmental organizations
across the island to address the migration and refugee issues on the
island. Seams in Europe--including the decades-long division of the
island--create serious vulnerabilities for our partners on a diverse
set of issues. The issue of refugees stranded in the buffer zone is
just one example. If confirmed, I will engage with all relevant parties
to ensure such cases are resolved expeditiously and in a manner that
respects human dignity. I understand overcrowding and resource gaps are
key challenges in immigration reception and detention centers. This is
particularly troubling when we know that many unaccompanied children
are being housed in unsuitable accommodation and do not have a clear
path forward for protection and a durable solution. If given the
opportunity to serve, I commit to continuing to prioritize U.S. Embassy
Nicosia's participation in programs such as the Julia Taft grant
program, which currently supports vulnerable populations in the ROC's
primary migrant reception center.
Question. The U.N. peacekeeping mission, UNFICYP, has been in place
since the early 1970s and continues to monitor the buffer zone and
various points of disagreement between the Republic of Cyprus and the
TRNC.
How will you engage with the U.N. interlocutors on this issue?
Answer. The U.N. Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) plays a
critical and stabilizing role on the island. If confirmed, I will
continue U.S. engagement with the U.N. Special Representative of the
Secretary-General and Head of UNFICYP to ensure their important work
continues. As a member of the U.N. Security Council, the United States
plays a key role in the biannual renewal of UNFICYP's mandate. If
confirmed, I will work with U.S. Department of State colleagues in
Washington and New York to ensure they have an accurate and timely
understanding of the situation on the ground.
Question. The U.S. Mission to the U.N. has led previous efforts to
streamline U.N. peacekeeping budgets and missions.
Do you believe that UNFICYP is meeting its mandate? Why or why not?
Answer. The U.N. Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) has a
three-part mandate: (1) to prevent a recurrence of fighting, (2) to
contribute to the maintenance and restoration of law and order, and (3)
to contribute to a return to ``normal conditions.'' On July 28, the
U.N. Security Council ``expressed its full support for UNFICYP'' and
unanimously extended UNFICYP's mandate through January 31, 2023. Based
on the Council's assessment, I believe UNFICYP is meeting its mandate.
If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in Washington and New York to
ensure UNFICYP continues to meet its mandate.
Reunification Efforts
Question. How can you work with the U.S. Ambassador in Turkey to
assist in de-escalating the narrative around Varosha?
Answer. The United States views Turkish Cypriot actions in Varosha,
with the support of Turkey, as provocative, unacceptable, and
incompatible with their past commitments to engage constructively on
settlement talks. If confirmed, I will work in coordination with
colleagues in Washington, New York, and Ankara to continue to urge
Turkish Cypriots and Turkey to reverse all steps taken in Varosha since
October 2020.
The U.S. has a valuable role to play in the effort to reunify the
island of Cyprus. We should work to elevate dialogue between the
Republic of Cyprus and Turkish Cypriot leaders in the north, and resist
meddling influence coming from Turkey.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you work to mediate discussions
between Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders and facilitate progress
toward their unification?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using the full weight of my
office to support Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated efforts to reunify
Cyprus as a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality for
all Cypriots and consistent with relevant U.N. Security Council
Resolutions. I would actively support U.N.-facilitated efforts at the
technical level to expand bicommunal cooperation that improves the
quality of life for all Cypriots and would seek to focus on this voices
and views of those on the island. I would also meet with the Greek
Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot negotiators to underscore U.S. support for
progress on mutually agreeable issues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julie D. Fisher by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. What efforts can the U.S. promote in Cyprus to combat
Russian disinformation about the war in Ukraine?
Answer. I have seen firsthand the positive impact of U.S.
leadership in countering Russia's disinformation. If confirmed, I will
champion democratic values throughout my engagements, centering the
Ukrainian people's fight for democracy as a fight for democracy
everywhere. I will leverage public diplomacy tools to counter the
Kremlin's disinformation machine through traditional and non-
traditional media. I will highlight this issue as I travel across the
island and get to know Cypriots of all backgrounds and as I engage with
the media. Given the island's long history of political, economic,
religious, and cultural ties with Russia--including through the
Orthodox faith and a large Russian expatriate community in Cyprus--I
will ensure the Embassy's public diplomacy team continues to tailor our
messaging to reach Cypriot audiences in a meaningful way. Ensuring
Cypriots see the direct, positive impact of alignment with
transatlantic partners will be key to countering Russia's
disinformation.
Question. What role does the U.S. have in promoting dialogue
between Cyprus and Turkey?
Answer. The United States is committed to an Eastern Mediterranean
region that is free, peaceful, prosperous, and stable. In this vein,
the United States supports efforts to promote dialogue between our NATO
Ally Turkey and our partner the Republic of Cyprus. The division of the
island remains a significant obstacle to relations between these two
countries. If confirmed, I commit to using the full weight of my office
to support Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated efforts to reunify Cyprus as a
bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality for all Cypriots
and consistent with the relevant U.N. Security Council Resolutions.
Guarantor powers--the UK, Greece, and Turkey--will all continue to play
central roles in this process; I will coordinate closely with my
counterpart Chiefs of Mission in those capitals.
Question. Does the United States' current role in the Eastern
Mediterranean adequately promote American energy interests?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to continuing to promote
U.S. energy interests in Cyprus, in concert with my counterparts
throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. Putin's unprovoked war against
Ukraine and weaponization of gas underscores our longstanding position
that energy cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean provides a
foundation for durable energy security in Europe. The United States
supports efforts to develop natural gas resources in the region as part
of our policy to support diversification of energy sources and routes
in Europe. Currently, U.S. companies Chevron and ExxonMobil have
licenses from the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) to explore and develop
hydrocarbon resources in three offshore blocks south of the island.
These American investments will help Cyprus contribute to European and
regional energy security. The ROC also has significant solar energy
potential. If confirmed, I will work to promote opportunities for U.S.
businesses as Cyprus expands its use of renewable energy. Finally, if
confirmed I will build on existing U.S. support for regional
electricity interconnector projects--such as the EuroAsia
Interconnector--that can support both natural gas and renewable energy
sources.
Question. How can the U.S. work more closely with the EU, including
in Cyprus, to guarantee continued broad compliance with sanctions
against Russia?
Answer. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine proved a powerful
catalyst for the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) to build significantly on the
progress it has made in recent years to counter illicit finance. While
the ROC has supported all EU sanction packages and actions--including
advocating for de-SWIFTing certain Russian institutions ahead of EU
unity--enforcement capacity lags. At the request of the ROC government,
the Department of State provided a series of technical workshops
focused on sanctions compliance and is working with the ROC Government,
regulatory authorities, and banking sector to build implementation
capacity, including ability to identify sanctioned or Russian or
Belarusian-linked entities operating in Cyprus, prevent establishment
of new legal entities, trusts, or shell companies in Cyprus by
sanctioned Russian individuals, and take appropriate enforcement or
mitigating measures against actors that may be connected to the evasion
of EU, U.S., or other sanctions regimes. Thus far, ROC officials closed
27 bank accounts tied to sanctioned entities, revoked passports of
eight sanctioned Russians and their 27 family members, denied port
access to Russian vessels, and took steps to strengthen private sector
cooperation through rigorous certification programs. Due to the success
of these workshops, the Department has provided similar trainings for
additional EU partners vulnerable to sanctions evasion, including the
Baltic states. If confirmed, I will be an advocate for continued
sanctions cooperation in Cyprus to ensure we deny access to the ill-
gotten gains of key enablers of Putin's war of choice.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julie D. Fisher by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest in
America, align with our Allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our
interests and build our vision for the future. If confirmed, I will
strengthen our partnership with the Republic of Cyprus (ROC), including
working with the ROC to implement investment screening mechanisms to
key technologies, data, and infrastructure from national security
risks.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with the
Republic of Cyprus to strengthen our shared values of democracy and
support for the rules-based order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with the
Republic of Cyprus to strengthen our shared values of democracy and
support for the rules-based order.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Cyprus?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because
it is the only competitor with the intent, and increasingly the
capability, to remake the international order. And Beijing's actions
suggest PRC officials have the intention to do so. PRC companies
continue to invest in Republic of Cyprus (ROC) infrastructure and the
ROC's current mobile telecommunications infrastructure is dominated by
Huawei. Both government and private communications companies have been
reluctant to adopt measures requiring rapid replacement of this
equipment but are increasingly receptive to the U.S. Government
arguments about security and data privacy risks. The United States'
approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our
interests and values differ and cooperating with them when they align.
If confirmed, I will support the Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. Cyprus has been divided since 1974 and remains a source
of tension in the region between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.
Turkish Cypriots administer the northern third of the island, backed by
Turkish military presence. A U.N. peacekeeping mission monitors a
buffer zone dividing the two areas. For decades, the U.N. has
facilitated Cypriot-led negotiations on reunification, which have been
unsuccessful to date. Cyprus' foreign policy is driven by close ties to
Greece and continual disputes with Turkey. The U.S. cooperates with
Cyprus bilaterally through the ``Greece-Israel-Cyprus + U.S.'' format
and is at a historic high. My and Senator Menendez' 2019 Eastern
Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act authorizes new
International Military Education Training program assistance for
Cyprus. Despite closer ties, the U.S.-Cyprus relationship may be
impacted by developments in the U.S.-Turkey relationship and Cyprus'
traditionally close relationship with Russia.
How do you assess the U.S.-Cyprus bilateral relationship?
Answer. The Republic of Cyprus is a highly valued partner. The
United States collaborates bilaterally with the Republic of Cyprus on
issues of mutual interest including combatting terrorism, enhancing
maritime and border security, and promoting regional stability. Our
security cooperation allows us to better respond to challenges in the
region. The U.S.-funded regional training center known as CYCLOPS--the
Cyprus Center for Land, Open Seas, and Port Security--is an example of
bilateral cooperation that benefits the security of the broader region.
Our cooperation in multilateral fora, including the 3+1 format, plays
an important role in promoting regional cooperation on a broad range of
issues. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our efforts in these fields
and seek opportunities to expand it into others.
Question. As Ambassador, what would be your priorities for
enhancing the relationship and countering Russian malign influence?
Answer. If confirmed, my top bilateral priority will be to continue
building our partnership with the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) in the
security and economic arenas. I will protect American interests and
focus on ensuring a positive role for the ROC in advancing regional
security and stability.
I have seen firsthand the positive impact of U.S. leadership in
countering Russia's malign influence and disinformation. If confirmed,
I will champion democratic values throughout my engagements including
highlighting to government and civil society counterparts the Kremlin's
malign actions in Cyprus, Europe, and around the globe. I will leverage
public diplomacy tools to counter the Kremlin's disinformation machine
through traditional and non-traditional media, as I have done in
previous roles. I will highlight this issue as I travel across the
island and get to know Cypriots of all backgrounds and as I engage with
the media. Given the island's long history of political, economic,
religious, and cultural ties with Russia--including through the
Orthodox faith and a large Russian expatriate community in Cyprus--I
will ensure the Embassy's political-economic and public diplomacy teams
continue to tailor our private and public messaging to reach Cypriot
audiences in a meaningful way. Ensuring Cypriots see the direct,
positive impact of alignment with transatlantic partners will be key to
countering Russia's malign influence. If confirmed, I will work with
the ROC Government to limit the resonance of Russia's malign activity
on the island.
Question. How has Russia's 2022 war on Ukraine impacted the economy
and security situation of Cyprus?
Answer. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine called for a
unified transatlantic response reflecting the depth of our shared
values and respect for the rules-based international order. Beyond the
conflict in Ukraine, Putin's war of choice has had second and third-
order impacts. Cyprus, a member of the EU since 2004, has weathered
significant economic disruption, particularly in the tourism and
services sector. In 2019, before the pandemic and EU sanctions
following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russian tourists
accounted for a fifth of tourists to Cyprus--780,000 out of a total of
4 million. In 2022, Russian tourists to Cyprus totaled approximately
20,000. According to the European Commission's May 2022 Economic
Forecast, economic activity on the island slowed from 5.5 percent in
2021 to 2.3 percent in 2023 due to the negative impact of Russia's
invasion of Ukraine and inflation. I understand the ROC Government
views solidarity with Ukraine as a values-based position which will
likely continue in any future government. If confirmed, I will work
with the ROC Government and engage with the Cypriot people to encourage
their continued solidarity with Ukraine.
Question. Cypriot banks have a disproportionately high share of
Russian deposits. While Cyprus has tightened its anti-money laundering
banking framework, it remains susceptible to exploitation and
corruption. To what extent, if any, has the Cypriot economy's exposure
to Russia changed since Russia's invasion of Ukraine?
Answer. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine proved a powerful
catalyst for the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) to build significantly on the
progress it has made in recent years to counter illicit finance. While
the ROC has supported all EU sanction packages and actions--including
advocating for de-SWIFTing certain Russian institutions ahead of EU
unity--enforcement capacity lags. At the ROC government's request, the
U.S. Department of State provided a series of technical workshops
focused on sanctions compliance and is working with the government,
regulatory authorities, and banking sector to build implementation
capacity, including ability to identify sanctioned or Russia or
Belarus-linked entities operating in Cyprus, prevent establishment of
new legal entities, trusts, or shell companies in Cyprus by sanctioned
Russian citizens, and take appropriate enforcement or mitigating
measures against actors that may be connected to the evasion of EU,
U.S., or other sanctions regimes. Thus far, ROC officials closed 27
bank accounts tied to sanctioned entities, revoked passports of eight
sanctioned Russian citizens and their 27 family members and took steps
to strengthen private sector cooperation through rigorous certification
programs. Due to the workshops' success, the Department has provided
similar trainings for additional EU partners vulnerable to sanctions
evasion, including the Baltic states. If confirmed, I will be an
advocate for continued sanctions cooperation in Cyprus to ensure we
deny access to the ill-gotten gains of key enablers of Putin's war of
choice.
Question. How do you assess the Republic of Cyprus' response to the
war?
Answer. The Republic of Cyprus (ROC) has a long history of
political, economic, religious, and cultural ties with Russia,
traditionally reaffirmed by regular senior-level visits between Nicosia
and Moscow. Despite this, the ROC Government made a clear decision in
the wake of Russia's invasion to stand with Ukraine. The ROC has
supported all EU sanction packages and actions--including advocating
for de-SWIFTing certain Russian institutions ahead of EU unity. In
response to Russia's brutal war, the ROC closed its ports to Russian
military vessels even before the EU-wide ban, denying refueling and
servicing to vessels which engaged in destabilizing actions in Syria,
harmed regional security, and contributed to forced displacement. Since
February 24, the ROC has welcomed more than 30,000 Ukrainian refugees
to Cyprus. Of those 30,000, more than 14,000 have sought temporary
protected status in Cyprus. The ROC government provided its largest
humanitarian donation in history to Ukraine, including food, medicine,
and other critical supplies. The Cypriot people have demonstrated great
generosity and humanity in their humanitarian outreach to Ukrainians.
They have raised funds, held concerts, attended rallies, and provided
food, shelter, and financial assistance to Ukrainians in need. If
confirmed, I will work with the ROC Government and the Cypriot people
to maintain their important support for Ukraine and international
order.
Question. Absent progress by the U.N., how might the United States
help reduce tensions in the region, including between Cyprus and
Turkey?
Answer. The United States is committed to an Eastern Mediterranean
region that is free, peaceful, prosperous, and stable. In this vein,
the United States supports efforts to promote dialogue between our NATO
Ally Turkey and our partner the Republic of Cyprus. The division of the
island remains a significant obstacle to relations between these two
countries. If confirmed, I commit to using the full weight of my office
to support Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated efforts to reunify Cyprus as a
bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality for all Cypriots
and consistent with the relevant U.N. Security Council Resolutions.
Guarantor powers--the UK, Greece, and Turkey--will all continue to play
central roles in this process; if confirmed, I will coordinate closely
with my counterpart Chiefs of Mission in those capitals.
Question. What role should the U.S. play surrounding the East Med
gas pipeline proposal, which has increased tensions between Cyprus and
Turkey?
Answer. Putin's aggression in Ukraine and subsequent actions to
disrupt gas supplies to European consumers underscores our longstanding
position that energy cooperation in the East Mediterranean provides a
foundation for durable energy security and economic prosperity in the
East Mediterranean region and the rest of Europe. We remain committed
to physically interconnecting East Mediterranean and Middle East energy
to Europe. The Administration's stance on the Eastern Mediterranean Gas
Pipeline (EMGP) has not changed. We are continuing to shift our focus
to electricity interconnectors that can support both natural gas and
renewable energy sources. A new pipeline such as the EMGP, which is not
under construction, would not contribute to European energy security in
the immediate or even medium term. The United States welcomed the
agreement reached June 15 among Israel, Egypt, and the EU to provide
additional gas from the East Mediterranean to Europe via LNG. This
agreement takes advantage of existing infrastructure and will directly
improve Europe's energy security over the short term by reducing
dependence on Russian energy sources. If confirmed, I will be an
advocate for regional cooperation that can bring sustainable and
durable energy security to Cyprus and the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julie D. Fisher by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how would you support the ongoing efforts
to unify the two Cypriot factions?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using the full weight of my
office to support Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated efforts to reunify
Cyprus as a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality for
all Cypriots and consistent with the relevant U.N. Security Council
Resolutions. With that goal in mind, I would actively support U.N.-
facilitated efforts at the technical level to expand bicommunal
cooperation that improves the quality of life for all Cypriots. I would
meet with the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot negotiators to
underscore U.S. support for progress on mutually agreeable issues. I
would also be an advocate for continued U.S. Government support for the
Committee on Missing Persons, a group committed to returning home the
1,027 victims, including three U.S. citizens, still missing from the
1963-1974 periods of intercommunal violence.
Question. As recently as last month, Al Jazeera reported that
Turkish-Cypriot authorities have threatened ousting U.N. peacekeeping
officials from their territory. This is due in part to the U.S.
decision to remove an embargo on arms sales to Cyprus. Do you agree
with the decision to lift the arms embargo to Cyprus?
Answer. I agree with the Secretary's decision to lift defense trade
restrictions on the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) for FY 2023. This decision
is based on the U.S. Government's assessment the ROC has met the
necessary legislative conditions and is consistent with our broader
goals of increasing interoperability with our partners and countering
potential malign influence by certain actors. I understand the decision
was in no way linked to the decades long division of the island and
does not signal a change in U.S. policy with respect to Cypriot-led,
U.N.-facilitated efforts to reunify the island.
Specifically, the decision was based on the determination that the
ROC Government has met the necessary conditions outlined in the Eastern
Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act of 2019 and the
National Defense Authorization Act for FY 2020. The ROC Government met
the first condition by continuing to cooperate with the United States
on anti-money laundering regulations and financial regulatory
oversight. The ROC Government met the second condition by taking steps
to deny Russian military vessels access to Cypriot ports for refueling
and servicing. These Russian military vessels engaged in destabilizing
actions in Syria, harmed regional security, and contributed to forced
displacement.
Question. How will the decision to lift the embargo and the
Turkish-Cypriot reaction affect efforts to unify Cyprus?
Answer. The Secretary's decision to lift defense trade restrictions
on the Republic of Cyprus for FY 2023 does not reflect a change in the
U.S. position on a Cyprus settlement. The United States continues to
support a comprehensive settlement to reunify the island as a bizonal,
bicommunal federation with political equality for all Cypriots. If
confirmed, I will work to counter false narratives related to the U.S.
decision to lift defense trade restrictions and seek to build
confidence in efforts to reunify Cyprus through U.S. support for issues
of mutual benefit to both communities on the island.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Kristina A. Kvien by Senator Robert Menendez
Regions Impacted by Armenia's Attack
Question. Close to a third of Armenian territory was directly
impacted by Azerbaijan's September attack.
Will you commit to visiting the regions impacted by Azerbaijan's
recent invasion to better understand the assistance required to
help make those communities whole?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will travel to the regions effected by
the violence early in my tenure to assess the ongoing impact on those
communities and identify resources the United States could provide to
meet their needs.
Armenian Genocide
Question. I have long championed recognition of the Armenian
genocide. It is important that we recognize this history not only when
it is easy, but when it is hard.
If confirmed, will you raise recognition of the Armenian genocide
in regional formats that require you to interact with
interlocutors from Turkey and Azerbaijan?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to doing everything in my power to
remember the victims of the Armenian genocide and support a peaceful
future for Armenia. I will not hesitate to raise the importance of
recognizing and remembering the Armenian genocide in any appropriate
forum.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Kristina A. Kvien by Senator James E. Risch
Nagorno-Karabakh
Question. There is serious concern for the wellbeing of ethnic
Armenians living in Azerbaijan-controlled Nagorno-Karabakh.
Does the U.S. believe that specific rights or legal status should
be guaranteed to ethnic Armenians living there? If so, what
specific rights or legal status should they be guaranteed?
Answer. The ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh is
entitled to security, human rights, and fundamental freedoms. The State
Department will continue to press Azerbaijan to explain and clarify to
this population and the international community, in a way that is
transparent and verifiable, how this population will be protected. The
State Department continues to raise the need for rights and security
for the population of Nagorno-Karabakh in every engagement with
Azerbaijan--including with President Aliyev.
Armenia has acknowledged that a conversation between the
representatives of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the
Azerbaijani Government is essential for securing the rights and
security of the ethnic Armenian population. The United States has long
supported the Helsinki Final Act (1975) principles of Non-Use of Force,
Territorial Integrity, and the Equal Rights and Self-Determination of
Peoples. While these can serve as guiding principles, the parties to
the conflict need to have an honest, open conversation about rights and
security and reach an agreement that is acceptable to all sides. This
is not something the United States or any outside party can or should
decide for them.
Question. What barriers remain before Turkey and Armenia can come
to an agreement to open up their borders to each other?
Answer. The United States strongly supports Armenia-Turkey
normalization, which would be good for the entire region, and is
working bilaterally with both Turkey and Armenia to encourage progress.
Both Turkey and Armenia have appointed special envoys for
normalization. These envoys have met multiple times and agreed on some
initial confidence-building measures. While more needs to be done to
advance these negotiations and to implement agreed measures, the
Department commends both Armenia and Turkey for taking initial steps in
this direction.
Question. What role have we seen the Russian ``peacekeepers'' play
in Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. The United States was not involved in the November 9, 2020,
ceasefire brokered by Russia between Armenia and Azerbaijan that
resulted in the deployment of Russian ``peacekeepers'' to the region
for a term of five years.
A comprehensive settlement to the conflict between Armenia and
Azerbaijan that addresses rights and security and resolves other
outstanding issues would obviate the need for Russian ``peacekeepers''
to remain in the area.
The State Department has not seen anything to indicate that the
Russian military presence in Armenia played a mediating role in
fighting that broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh in March or along the
Armenia-Azerbaijan border in September 2022.
Question. Has the role of Russian ``peacekeepers'' in Nagorno-
Karabakh changed since Russia invaded Ukraine? If so, how has their
role changed?
Answer. As with the Russia-brokered ceasefire, the State Department
has little visibility into the Russian ``peacekeepers'' actions in
Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have both complained publicly about Russian
``peacekeeper'' responsiveness to developments in and around Nagorno-
Karabakh.
Because the United States was not party to the 2020 ceasefire and
do not have direct access to the region patrolled by Russian
peacekeepers, the State Department is not in a position to
independently assess any change in their behavior since February 2022.
Question. How can the U.S., and specifically of U.S. Embassy
Yerevan, support conflict prevention and stabilization efforts in
conjunction with the OSCE?
Answer. Direct, open constructive discussion and negotiation is
essential to the prevention of conflict and the successful conclusion
of a sustainable peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The United
States is helping facilitate this through robust engagement. Recent
engagements by the Secretary of State, the National Security Advisor,
and other senior Administration officials highlight the extent to which
the United States is committed to helping Armenia and Azerbaijan
negotiate a long-term political settlement to the conflict.
The United States is engaging bilaterally, with likeminded partners
such as the EU, and through international institutions like the OSCE,
to facilitate direct dialogue between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
The Department and U.S. Embassy Yerevan continue to develop
programs to strengthen and advance ties between the peoples of the
region to foster the necessary conditions for developing a shared
vision for a peaceful, prosperous, and stable South Caucasus. These
programs include Track II initiatives to bring together youth, to
strengthen economic ties, and to develop relationships between future
political leaders.
Foreign Influence in Armenia and the Caucasus
Question. What is the U.S. doing to stop bad actors like Iran and
China from taking advantage of the recent deterioration of Russian
influence in the Caucasus region, especially with regard to Armenia?
Answer. While the Department recognizes Armenia's and Azerbaijan's
delicate geographic position vis-a-vis Iran, it has consistently
encouraged both countries to assess Iran's intentions in the region
comprehensively, and to proceed with caution in all dealings involving
the Iranian regime. Armenia has committed to implementing U.S.
sanctions against Iran, despite the negative economic impact that could
result to Armenia's economy.
While the PRC continues to seek inroads into Azerbaijan and Armenia
due to its geostrategic neighborhood and its location at regional trade
crossroads, so far, the PRC has a limited presence. In Armenia, the
Department's priority vis-a-vis China is to urge Armenia to establish
fair and reciprocal economic relationships that do not disadvantage
American companies. Toward this end, the Department is advocating for
passage and implementation of robust investment screening legislation
to safeguard regional security and data privacy.
Question. What is your assessment of Armenia-Iran relations and its
impact on US national security?
Answer. The Department is aware of efforts by Iran to make headway
in the south Caucasus by expanding its political, security, and
economic presence. While Armenia and Iran enjoy cordial relations,
their ties are mostly official and declarative. Iran cannot offer the
types of partnerships the United States can in the economic, political,
security, and people-to-people spheres.
While the Department recognizes Armenia's delicate geographic
position vis-a-vis Iran, we consistently encourage Armenia to assess
Iran's intentions in the region comprehensively, and to proceed with
caution in all dealings involving the Iranian regime. Armenia has also
committed repeatedly to complying fully with all U.S. sanctions,
including against Iran, and has demonstrated good faith in these
efforts.
Question. What role do you believe the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia
should play in negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan?
Answer. I believe the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia should serve as an
honest broker with the Government of Armenia and provide Washington
with a clear-eyed view of the position of the Government and the
situation on the ground, including in the border regions. The Secretary
has consistently said that direct dialogue between Armenian and
Azerbaijan is the only way to achieve a sustainable peace. The
Department and our Missions in Yerevan and Baku play a critical role to
facilitate that dialogue. If confirmed I will continue this effort and
work with the Department, my colleagues in Baku, and the U.S. Senior
Advisor for Caucasus Negotiations to help further Armenia and
Azerbaijan's work toward a comprehensive peace agreement.
Question. What role do you believe the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia
should play in negotiations between Armenia and Turkey?
Answer. The State Department strongly supports Armenia-Turkey
normalization, which would be good for the entire region.
Both Turkey and Armenia have appointed special envoys for
normalization. These envoys have met multiple times and agreed on some
initial confidence-building measures. While more needs to be done to
advance these negotiations and to implement agreed measures, the
Department commends both Armenia and Turkey for taking initial steps in
this direction.
If confirmed, I will work with the Department and my counterpart in
Turkey, Ambassador Flake, to help facilitate ongoing dialogue between
Armenia and Turkey and assist in the implementation of important
confidence building measures that the special envoys have agreed to
during their recent engagements.
Question. How can the U.S. work in conjunction with the EU efforts
toward normalization between Armenia and its neighbors in the region?
Answer. As the Department has said publicly, the United States
stands ready to support the peace process bilaterally, multilaterally,
and together with partners. This includes our strong support for
efforts by EU Council President Charles Michel to bring the leaders
together in support of a lasting peace. The Department is in regular
contact with our EU counterparts both in Brussels and in capitals and
calibrate our bilateral efforts to work in tandem with the EU and
maintain momentum for concrete progress toward peace between Armenia
and Azerbaijan.
Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage your experience as
charge d'affaires to Ukraine, given the similarities between Armenia
and Ukraine in dealing with a hostile neighbor?
Answer. I saw first-hand in Ukraine the methods Russia uses to
exert malign influence and pressure on sovereign nations it considers
part of its ``sphere of influence,'' and learned lessons on effective
strategies to counter them. If confirmed, I would deploy all the tools
at my disposal to strengthen Armenia's ability to freely choose its
partners and allies, and to counter Russian disinformation and
misinformation. Areas of focus would include strengthening democracy,
rule of law, and anti-corruption and other institutions; promoting a
diverse energy market that does not rely on a single source; and
broadening trade and investment relationships, particularly with the
United States.
Question. How do you intend to combat Russian, Iranian, and Chinese
disinformation and malign influence in Armenia?
Answer. The best defense against disinformation is a strong U.S.
public presence that delivers accurate U.S. messages directly to the
public. If confirmed, I would have an active public presence aimed at
delivering and defending U.S. messages. The Department has also
developed strong tools, such as journalism training and media literacy
programs, to combat misinformation and disinformation. If confirmed, I
would actively deploy these tools to push back on Russian, Iranian and
Chinese disinformation.
Question. In your view, what can the U.S. do to help prevent future
outbreaks of armed conflict in the South Caucasus?
Answer. Recent engagements by the Secretary of State, the National
Security Advisor, and other senior Administration officials highlight
the extent to which the United States is committed to helping Armenia
and Azerbaijan negotiate a long-term political settlement to the
conflict.
The United States is ready to engage bilaterally, and with
likeminded partners such as the EU, and through international
institutions like the OSCE, to facilitate direct dialogue between
Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Both Armenia and Azerbaijan continue to seek our engagement in the
peace process and have continued to engage directly in peace efforts.
Democracy, Human Rights and Reforms
Question. Given the tension between PM Pashinyan and opposition
lawmakers in Armenia, how do you intend to engage with both sides to
promote stability and democratic reform?
Answer. Nikol Pashinyan's election in 2018 and again during
parliamentary elections in 2021 reflects the direction Armenian
citizens want their country to go--towards a democratic and inclusive
government. I commend PM Pashinyan's democratic reform efforts, which
the United States recognized by inviting Armenia to participate in the
Summit for Democracy. But I know more work is necessary to help the
Armenian Government and its people realize their vision for a durable,
vibrant, and inclusive democracy that is economically resilient and
responsive to its citizens. If confirmed, I will engage with all
stakeholders, including civil society, opposition parties in
parliament, and political parties currently outside of government to
help Armenia realize this vision.
Question. Reforms to strengthen democratic structures, rule of law,
including constitutional reform, reform of the judiciary and combat of
fraud and corruption remain tenuous in Armenia.
In your view, what can be done to ensure systemic and institutional
solutions to the governance issues that persist in Armenia?
Answer. Institutions matter. Strong democratic institutions will
form the backbone for a fair and inclusive government that meets the
needs of all its citizens and makes Armenia a stronger nation better
able to defend its sovereignty. An effective and transparent legal and
regulatory environment is essential to creating the strong institutions
necessary to ensure continued democratic growth. If confirmed, I will
work with the Armenian Government, civil society, and opposition
leaders, to urge Armenia to adopt important constitutional reforms and
enact other key legislation. This is particularly necessary to ensure
judicial impartiality and independence and to help a free press grow in
Armenia.
Question. What can be done in Armenia to combat gender-based
discrimination, particularly gender-biased sex selection in pregnancy?
Do you believe that the U.S. Government should be more active in this
arena?
Answer. Having the appropriate protections under the law is an
essential step in combating discrimination and ensuring equal treatment
for all citizens, including women and girls. I understand that Armenia
has drafted a law on ensuring equality. If confirmed I will press for
Armenia to consider that draft legislation closely to make sure it
protects all, including the most vulnerable among Armenian society. I
will also urge Armenia to pass and implement the legislation.
Question. In the 2022 Trafficking in Persons report, Armenia
remained on Tier 2 for a lack of sustained efforts to combat
trafficking in persons. How will you work with civil society and the
interagency to bolster anti-trafficking work in country?
Answer. I understand that the Government of Armenia is making
significant strides in improving its trafficking in persons record, but
more work is needed. If confirmed, I will continue the important reform
assistance the Department is providing Armenian law enforcement to
deliver security in a manner that is transparent and respects human
rights, institutionalizing those reforms and making sure they are
adopted throughout Armenia. I will also urge Armenia to adopt all of
the U.S. prioritized TIP Report recommendations including making sure
first responders consistently screen vulnerable populations for
trafficking indicators, adequate training is provided to investigators
and prosecutors, and victim-centered policies are established within
the judicial process.
Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Armenia was listed as
having a litany of human rights abuses, including censorship, child
labor, torture, and more. If confirmed, what will you do as Chief of
Mission to bolster human rights in country?
Answer. I know that Armenia has taken some steps to ameliorate some
human rights concerns, but progress has been uneven. If confirmed, I
will work with the Government and all relevant stakeholders to better
protect and strengthen the rights of all, including the most vulnerable
individuals in Armenia. I will urge the Government to take all
necessary steps to prevent any regression in the protection of human
rights and fundamental freedoms.
Democracy, Human Rights and Reforms
Question. Do you see U.S. economic engagement with Armenia and its
neighbors as a means toward building trust, interdependency, and
stability in the region?
Answer. Absolutely. As a relatively small, land-locked country with
large sections of its borders closed to trade and commerce, Armenia
recognizes the importance of improving its economic trajectory by
reducing barriers to trade and increasing broad-based economic growth
by diversifying its economic and energy base and trading partners. The
United States similarly seeks to expand economic prosperity and
opportunity in Armenia through increased trade and investment, energy
diversification, and market-oriented economic reforms. If confirmed, I
would continue to work with the Government to increase competitiveness,
reduce trade and investment barriers, and improve the business-enabling
environment in the country. I would also seek to resolve outstanding U.
S. company business disputes in Armenia. The United States seeks to
deepen our engagement among regional actors by strengthening regional
cooperation, advancing reconciliation efforts, resolving lingering
disputes relating to international borders, and participating in
independent and western-supported economic initiatives and people-to-
people programs.
Question. If so, how can the U.S. support economic engagement and
integration between Armenia and its neighbors?
Answer. Armenia can improve its economic trajectory by reducing
barriers to trade and increasing broad-based economic growth. Promoting
increased trade and investment as well as energy diversification and
supporting market-oriented economic reforms will directly support
regional reconciliation. If confirmed, I would support Armenia's
economic resilience and inclusive economic growth by advocating for a
level economic playing field and a free-market economy. I would seek to
help Armenia improve its capacity to manage natural resources and work
with my regional counterparts to increase energy and water security by
encouraging engagement among regional neighbors. Ongoing normalization
efforts between Armenia and its neighbors Turkey and Azerbaijan are key
to this overall effort and have the greatest potential for a positive
economic outcome for both Armenia and the wider South Caucasus region.
Question. How can the U.S. encourage investment, including from the
U.S. and other countries' private sectors in Armenia?
Answer. Armenia presents a variety of opportunities for investors,
and the country's legal framework and government policy aim to attract
investment, but the investment climate is not without challenges.
Obstacles include Armenia's small market size, relative geographic
isolation due to closed borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan, weaknesses
in the rule of law and judiciary, and a legacy of corruption.
In May 2015, Armenia signed a Trade and Investment Framework
Agreement with the United States. This agreement established a United
States-Armenia Council on Trade and Investment to discuss bilateral
trade and investment and related issues. In November 2017, Armenia
signed a Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement with the
European Union, which aimed in part to improve Armenia's investment
climate and business environment.
The U.S. supports ongoing anti-corruption efforts to encourage a
transparent, fair, and predictable business climate. If confirmed, I
will also support dialogue between investors and government officials
to resolve problems in an expeditious manner. I would also work to
resolve investment disputes between U.S. and Armenian companies, which
would send a positive signal about Armenia's investment climate and
benefit U.S. investors.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Yerevan?
Answer. My understanding is that Mission Yerevan is very well
managed, but morale has been adversely impacted by the 2020 and
September 2022 fighting, and the COVID epidemic.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Yerevan?
Answer. As a leader, I have found that frequent direct
communication and interaction with Embassy teammates, both formal and
informal, provide a platform for employees to share their concerns and
suggest steps to address those concerns. If confirmed, I would
prioritize engagement with all Embassy staff, and follow up quickly and
fully when concerns are raised. I would also expect Country Team
members to adopt a similar policy, and I would make clear that all
Embassy staff must be treated with respect, and that issues of concern
be proactively elicited and addressed.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified Mission and vision
at Mission Yerevan?
Answer. I am a strong believer in communication and would hold
regular town halls and section meetings to reinforce a whole-of-Mission
approach, and regularly host informal Mission gatherings to encourage
cross-section relationships.
If confirmed, I would begin my tenure by working with the Country
Team to develop a clear set of objectives and actions to meet them. I
would regularly review these with the Team to gauge progress and make
adjustments as necessary. I would reinforce these objectives in my
Embassy-wide engagements and make clear my expectation that section
chiefs would do the same with their teams.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I always strive to create an environment in which team
members enjoy their work and feel supported by the Mission.
I consider my management style to be open and inclusive. I believe
in engaging all members of my team directly when possible and making
clear that my door is open if there is a serious problem to address. I
would hold members of my team accountable for inappropriate or illegal
behavior.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates, and, if
confirmed, I would make clear to all managers that they are to apply
this management principle.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I consider the relationship with a Deputy Chief of Mission
to be fundamentally important, and would seek to include him/her in all
decision-making, with an ability to stand in for me if needed. I
consider the DCM to be an advisor and second pair of eyes on overall
Embassy morale and effectiveness. I would look to my DCM to keep a
close watch on Embassy operations and inform me of any significant
issues so we can agree on a path forward.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ask my DCM to meet regularly with
Country Team members to track the work and operations of each Embassy
section. I would ask the DCM to chair the Emergency Action Committee,
the Law Enforcement Working Group, and other groups that require
coordination among the interagency at Post. I would also ask the DCM to
lead the First and Second Tour Officer Working Group, aimed at
supporting the development of new diplomats, and identify opportunities
for me to regularly engage with the members.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I strongly believe that regular feedback is vital to
encourage improvement and award high performance. If confirmed, I would
personally ensure the timely, complete, and accurate completion of all
Embassy EERs, working with section heads and our management team.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, I would work with my DCM, Management Counselor and
Country Team to ensure that all supervisors provide regular feedback--
whether positive or developmental--to their staff. I would also
encourage supervisors to take full advantage of the Department Awards
Program to recognize high achievers.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I consider it imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of
the Embassy to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats
stationed in Armenia. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the
Regional Security Office and my management team to keep our employees
safe while giving them maximum flexibility to travel the country and
meet regional officials and people across Armenia.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. I would set an example by spending a significant portion of
my time outside the Embassy conducting public diplomacy and meeting
with Armenian interlocutors. I would schedule regular travel outside
Yerevan to better understand views outside the capital. I would
encourage all Embassy personnel to do the same, and would ensure that
supervisors apply workload management practices that would allow
regular outside engagement. I would leverage the five ``American
Corners'' located throughout Armenia to conduct outreach and public
diplomacy.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Armenia?
Answer. Armenia has a diverse free press and active civil society.
The media environment--while rated ``not free'' by Freedom House--does
allow for some independent voices, especially online. Armenia has
strong political and economic ties to Russia and the people of Armenia
are greatly influenced by Russian media. But there are abundant
opportunities for engagement and public diplomacy, as Armenians
maintain generally positive attitudes towards the United States and are
interested in American views and opinions. Public diplomacy efforts are
dedicated to strengthening civil society, exchange opportunities
especially from marginalized groups, expanding STEM education and
English language learning opportunities, supporting an independent
media, and countering disinformation through media literacy.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The Armenian media and information space continues to face
challenges amidst growing polarization and an increase in
disinformation following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Russia plays an outsized role in Armenia's media landscape,
particularly in covering foreign news. The Public Diplomacy Section is
bolstering media literacy, professional exchanges, and education to
build up a cadre of professional, independent journalists essential for
a functioning democracy
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. It is important to continue to train, resource, and support
Public Diplomacy professionals who are best positioned to listen,
engage with, and understand key local audiences, develop targeted
strategic communication and outreach plans, and translate foreign
policy priorities into effective, tailored messages, as well as monitor
and evaluate the success of their programs. Our core Mission objectives
align closely with top Department and Administration priorities--
strengthening democracy, combating corruption, advancing shared
security, and building prosperity--and our Public Diplomacy team
creatively tailors and deploys high-level USG messaging to our local
audiences. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to ensure a continued unified approach to highlighting key U.S.
messages and policies in Armenia. The Public Diplomacy Section
routinely engages in a wide range of public outreach--through
traditional and social media, and in person engagements to inform and
engage Armenians about U.S. policy; promote Embassy activities and
events; enhance the image of the United States; and provide information
on security, voting, and other topics of interest to U.S. citizens; and
communicate with the Armenian public.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. I take these incidents extremely seriously. I am very aware
of Anomalous Health Incidents--including the interagency efforts to
protect and care for our personnel and uncover the cause of these
incidents. These incidents are an absolute priority for the Department,
and it would be an absolute priority for me if I am confirmed.
As the President has said, the health and well-being of American
public servants is of paramount importance to the Administration. On a
personal level, I have no higher priority than the safety of the
members of my Embassy team and their family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Yerevan personnel?
Answer. Yes, I believe strongly in as open and honest communication
as possible with all Embassy team members.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Kristina A. Kvien by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. How can the U.S. continue to engage with Armenia to
reduce their military and political reliance on Russia, while
maintaining our ongoing commitment to peace in Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. A strong, democratic Armenia will be in a better position
to freely choose their own partners and allies. The assistance provided
by the United States to support civil society, electoral processes,
energy security, anti-corruption reforms, and trade expansion will all
contribute to a stronger Armenia. State Department support for a
durable peace agreement with Azerbaijan and normalization with Turkey
seeks to broaden Armenia's options for economic and energy
diversification.
We regularly discuss security issues with Armenia as part of the
U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue mechanism, focusing on areas where we
can help Armenia improve capacity and resilience to chart a more
independent course. Our assistance fosters interoperability with U.S.
and NATO forces, bolsters Armenia's international peacekeeping
contributions, supports Armenia's Individual Partnership Action Plan
with NATO, and assists with defense reforms. Under the State
Partnership Program, the Kansas National Guard works closely with the
Armenian military to build capabilities and interoperability with the
United States.
Question. The Collective Security Treaty Organization, or CSTO, has
allowed Russia to retain influence in the post-Soviet sphere and
develop its own regional military alliance, although I understand there
are frustrations from the Armenian government in how Russia has reacted
to the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The U.S. must continue to
work for a peaceful and lasting solution to this conflict.
To what extent does the CSTO allow Russia to spread disinformation
and bolster its military presence in Eastern Europe, and how
can the U.S. and Armenia effectively engage to reduce these
malign influences?
Answer. Armenia, like every other country--regardless of their
geography or history--has the right to pursue its foreign relations as
it chooses, in the furtherance of its own interests, and in accordance
with international law. No country should attempt to undermine that
right.
Russia has utilized CSTO deployments and missions in member states,
including Armenia, to create a perception of Russia being a good faith
mediator to conflicts in the former USSR. The Kremlin creates and
spreads disinformation in an attempt to confuse and overwhelm people
about Russia's real actions in Ukraine, Georgia, and elsewhere in
Europe. The United States government continues to focus on rebutting
and countering Russian disinformation and on shining a light on
Russia's malign influence operations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Kristina A. Kvien by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest in
America, align with our Allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our
interests and build our vision for the future.
If confirmed, I will immediately establish a China working group at
Embassy Yerevan to ensure all sections and agencies are tracking and
responding to coercive PRC practices in Armenia. I will work closely
with the Government of Armenia to defend against these practices,
including implementing a robust investment screening mechanism to
protect sensitive Armenian industries and critical infrastructure.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working with Armenia to
identify PRC attempts to undermine Armenia's security or economy, while
strengthening our shared values of democracy and support for a rules-
based order.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue working with Armenia to
identify PRC attempts to undermine Armenia's security or economy, while
strengthening our shared values of democracy and support for a rules-
based order.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China in
Armenia?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because
it is the only competitor with the intent and increasingly the
capability to remake the international order. Beijing's actions suggest
PRC officials have the intention to do so. The United States' approach
towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our interests
and values differ and cooperating with them when they align. If
confirmed, I will support the Administration's policy on the PRC.
Question. Armenia remains in a fragile state after the end of a
conflict with Azerbaijan in 2020. Armenia's dependence on Russia is a
prominent feature of Armenia's foreign policy, security, and economic
sector. Armenia has remained neutral to Russia's Ukraine war and has
become a destination for many Russian nationals who left Russia's
economy, repressive environment, and military mobilization. Some
Armenians have questioned Russia's reliability as a security and
economic partner, given Putin's Ukraine conflict and failure to prevent
Azerbaijan from launching attacks in 2020. Since March 2022, Armenia
has indicated a readiness to negotiate with Azerbaijan regarding
borders and the status of Nagorno-Karabakh region. Despite the close
ties to Russia, the U.S. and Armenia have enjoyed positive relations
since 1991. The current government of Nikol Pashinyan had even
indicated a break with Armenia's history of pro-Russian foreign policy.
In your view, how have the events of the past year set the stage
for enhancing U.S.-Armenia relations, including a break from
Russia?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked, unjustified attack on Ukraine in
February made clear to all of Russia's regional allies that Russia is
not a reliable partner nor a force for stability in the region. Despite
its economic and security ties to Russia, Armenia has not supported
Russia's war against Ukraine, and has committed to upholding U.S. and
European financial sanctions.
An internally strong, democratic Armenia will be in a better
position to freely choose its own partners and allies. The assistance
provided by the United States to support civil society, electoral
processes, energy security, anti-corruption reforms, and trade
expansion will all contribute to a stronger Armenia. U.S. support for a
durable peace agreement with Azerbaijan and normalization with Turkey
seeks to broaden Armenia's options for economic and energy
diversification.
We regularly discuss regional security issues with Armenia as part
of the U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue mechanism, focusing on areas
where we can help Armenia improve capacity and resilience to chart a
more independent course. Our assistance fosters interoperability with
U.S. and NATO forces, bolsters Armenia's international peacekeeping
contributions, supports Armenia's Individual Partnership Action Plan
with NATO, and assists with defense reforms. Under the State
Partnership Program, the Kansas National Guard works closely with the
Armenian military to build capabilities and interoperability with the
United States.
Question. In your view, should the U.S. provide more security
assistance to Armenia than Azerbaijan?
Answer. If confirmed, once on the ground in Yerevan, I would
carefully review Armenia's assistance needs, including in the security
area, and make recommendations to Washington, working closely with
Congress. I would take full advantage of the Security and Defense
Working Group of our U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue mechanism to
address these issues.
Our security assistance fosters interoperability with U.S. and NATO
forces, bolsters Armenia's international peacekeeping contributions,
supports Armenia's Individual Partnership Action Plan with NATO, and
assists with defense reforms. Under the State Partnership Program, the
Kansas National Guard works closely with the Armenian military to build
capabilities and interoperability with the United States.
Question. In your opinion, what is the future of the Minsk Group
and on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh region?
Answer. The United States supports any process that will result in
a durable peace. We'll continue to engage in all constructive paths
forward, bilaterally and with partners like the EU or the OSCE, in
support of a lasting solution to the conflict and the issues stemming
from it.
The ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh is entitled to
security, human rights and fundamental freedoms. The State Department
will continue to press Azerbaijan to explain and clarify to this
population and the international community, in a way that is
transparent and verifiable, how this population will be protected. The
State Department continues to raise the need for rights and security
for the population of Nagorno-Karabakh in every engagement with
Azerbaijan--including with President Aliyev.
Armenia has acknowledged that a conversation between the
representatives of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh and the
Azerbaijani government is essential for securing the rights and
security of the ethnic Armenian population. The United States has long
supported the Helsinki Final Act (1975) principles of Non-Use of Force,
Territorial Integrity, and the Equal Rights and Self-Determination of
Peoples. While these can serve as guiding principles, the parties to
the conflict need to have an honest, open conversation about rights and
security and reach an agreement that is acceptable to all sides.
Question. What is the U.S. position on Russian military forces in
Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. The United States was not involved in the November 9, 2020,
ceasefire brokered by Russia between Armenia and Azerbaijan that
resulted in the deployment of Russian ``peacekeepers'' to the region
for a term of five years. The U.S. Department of State has not seen
anything to indicate that the Russian military presence in Armenia
played a mediating role in fighting that broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh
in March or along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in September.
A comprehensive settlement to the conflict between Armenia and
Azerbaijan that addresses rights and security and resolves other
outstanding issues would obviate the need for Russian ``peacekeepers''
to remain in the area. If confirmed, I would do all in my power to
support such a settlement.
Question. What is your assessment of Armenia's position and
policies with respect to Russia's war against Ukraine?
Answer. The Armenian government has not supported Russia in recent
U.N. Security Council Resolutions condemning Russian actions. Armenia
has also committed to complying with all financial sanctions against
Russia. It is doing so even though these sanctions are potentially
detrimental to Armenia's own economy.
I saw first-hand in Ukraine the methods Russia uses to exert malign
influence and pressure on sovereign nations it considers part of its
``sphere of influence,'' and learned lessons on effective strategies to
counter them. If confirmed, I would deploy all the tools at my disposal
to strengthen Armenia's ability to freely choose its partners and
allies, and to counter Russian disinformation and misinformation. Areas
of focus would include strengthening democracy, rule of law, and anti-
corruption and other institutions; promoting a diverse energy market
that does not rely on a single source; and broadening trade and
investment relationships, particularly with the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Carol Spahn by Senator Robert Menendez
Congressional Notifications
Question. Do you commit to ensuring that the Peace Corps keeps the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee fully and currently informed of its
activities and to ensure that the Congressional Notifications the
agency transmits to the committee are not older than two years?
Answer. Yes
Question. Do you commit to instructing the Peace Corps to discard
any Congressional Notification (CN) of more than two years of age so as
to ensure that CNs are current when transmitted to the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee?
Answer. Yes
Peace Corps Return to Service
Question. In March 2020, Peace Corps made the difficult decision to
suspend volunteer operations overseas due to the pandemic. This year,
Peace Corps has successfully sent over 750 volunteers and Trainees to
serve in 32 countries.
What are your plans for returning to a full cohort of volunteers?
Answer. As of December 2022, the Peace Corps has returned
volunteers to service in 45 countries with approximately 900 volunteers
on the ground. Currently, the Peace Corps is issuing invitations for
volunteers to serve in 11 additional countries, bringing the total up
to 56. The agency's top priority is returning volunteers to service
overseas in a way that is safe for them, our staff, and the host
communities in which volunteers live and work. To that end, that is why
the Peace Corps has developed and applied a comprehensive re-entry
strategy and assessment process and began service return with small
cohorts to ensure systems function effectively to support scale-up.
The Peace Corps is making every effort to return to pre-pandemic
service levels. The agency is keenly aware of areas of attention and
monitoring that may impact our immediate success, such as recruitment
challenges and conflict in countries where the Peace Corps maintains a
presence.
Like other employers, including service-oriented organizations, the
Peace Corps is facing challenges with recruitment of qualified
candidates. This is exacerbated by continued uncertainty related to
COVID-19 and its impact around the world. To attract new candidates,
the Peace Corps has launched a robust social media campaign, is
reinvigorating its in-person recruiting schedule, and will begin a new
marketing campaign specifically designed to target the young Americans
that make up the bulk of our volunteer cohorts.
As we navigate the challenges of conflict and instability in some
countries where the agency has had a strong presence in the past, we
are also working on country agreements for a return to Solomon Islands
and El Salvador. We have also received and are assessing formal
invitations from additional countries that have requested Peace Corps
presence.
The agency is moving ahead with returning volunteers to service and
I am confident that the Peace Corps will have a robust cohort of
qualified volunteers serving globally by 2025.
Question. What do you believe are the appropriate health and safety
protocols in order to continue sending volunteers abroad and how do you
plan to implement these protocols?
Answer. The health, safety, and security of Peace Corps volunteers
are the agency's highest priorities. The Peace Corps has traditionally
operated in some very challenging environments across the globe, and
the very nature of Peace Corps service entails risk. The Peace Corps'
approach to safety and security is an engaged partnership involving the
agency, the volunteer, and the communities we serve. Each entity plays
a unique and important role in enhancing the safety of the volunteer.
Therefore, we devote significant resources to train staff, community
members and volunteers; a robust site selection process; and the
implementation of comprehensive emergency response systems. We engage
and coordinate closely with the United States Embassy in each Peace
Corps country, as well as with our local and community partners who
play a fundamental role in assisting our volunteers to identify risks
and adopt culturally appropriate strategies to enhance their own safety
and security, reducing risk where possible.
To ensure that the agency is ready to meet today's security
challenges, the Peace Corps has made a number of systemic improvements
to our safety and security tools including: enhanced site development
and site selection criteria; a comprehensive review and update of our
emergency action planning process; updated global safety and security
core training sessions; and a new security management system to track
crimes committed against volunteers and the support services offered by
the agency. The Office of Safety and Security (OSS) at headquarters has
invested significant time to train Safety and Security Managers at each
post on the updated policies, systems, and operational changes.
Additionally, the agency provides applicants with safety data specific
to their proposed country of service, so that applicants can make
informed decisions before accepting the invitation to serve.
In response to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the Peace Corps has
taken concrete steps to improve its capacity to anticipate and meet
challenges associated with public health emergencies. These steps
include establishing new and alternative medical evacuation options,
devising specific protocols and emergency plans for volunteers to
prevent or address infection, adapting medical clearance requirements
to take into consideration COVID risk factors, and reengineering
virtually every aspect of programming and operations to mitigate risk,
wherever possible. As anticipated, volunteers have tested positive for
COVID-19 since returning to service; however, all individuals have
experienced mild symptoms, and the impacts to the local community have
been minimized, largely due to protocols and emergency plans in place.
The agency also recognizes the need for expanded mental health
support for volunteers following the pandemic. The agency has enhanced
our capabilities to provide coaching and support available to
volunteers. The Peace Corps will rely on our decades of experience in
emergency response to continuously monitor COVID-19 conditions and make
informed decisions. If confirmed, I will continue to support these
efforts with a keen focus on agility and adaptability, which have
always been central to how the Peace Corps operates.
Question. What specific steps will you take to ensure that all
sites selected for volunteer placement are safe for volunteers? What
criteria would you use?
Answer. The Peace Corps devotes significant resources toward the
identification, review, and selection of sites for volunteer
placements. Each Peace Corps post (``post'' is the term for a Peace
Corps office in a host country) has country-specific criteria and
procedures that it uses to assess prospective sites that address local
safety, security, housing standards, communication, transportation, and
emergency medical services. In 2021, in a major enhancement of our
information technology with regard to security, the agency implemented
our Site Incident Management System (SIMS), which allows us to better
document and analyze crimes and specifically match them with individual
sites to ensure that proposed sites do not have a history of crime
incidents that would preclude placement of future volunteers. SIMS also
enables the Peace Corps to provide a complete record of support and
services provided to volunteers who experience any crime during
service. Each site is reviewed and approved by a multi-disciplinary
team that consists of security, medical, and programming staff.
Furthermore, site-specific information collected during this process is
stored in our online database for future use and reference. If
confirmed, I will continue to support the offices involved in site
selection to ensure that all of our sites meet the agency's criteria
for our volunteers.
Our staff are trained in their roles and responsibilities within
this process and the Peace Corps' regional Safety and Security Officers
routinely visit each post to evaluate local systems and work with local
staff to enhance and strengthen the overall process where needed. On a
broader level, Peace Corps Country Directors at each post are part of
the U.S. Embassy's Emergency Action Committee and work closely with
State Department officials and local and community partners to stay
abreast of new or emerging trends.
Question. As Peace Corps volunteers return to conflict ridden
countries, how will you assess whether volunteers are safe to return
and what safety mechanism will you put in place in case of an emergency
while volunteers were in-country?
Answer. Our top priority is returning volunteers to service
overseas in a way that is safe for them, our staff, and the host
communities in which they will live and work. Since the global
evacuation of Peace Corps volunteers, the agency has developed and
applied a comprehensive re-entry strategy and assessment process, that
includes specific medical, security, programmatic, administrative, and
logistical criteria that each post must meet prior to consideration for
re-entry. As part of this process, the Peace Corps coordinates closely
with post staff, host country partners and government officials, as
well as with our interagency partners, to continuously monitor
conditions on the ground and guide site placement.
The Peace Corps has significant experience working in a variety of
complex settings and has robust systems to identify and respond to
risk. For example, each Peace Corps post has a comprehensive Emergency
Action Plan (EAP) that is designed to address threats specific to that
country. These plans provide in-depth guidance and instructions to both
staff and volunteers on how to plan for and respond to emergency
situations. Staff and volunteers are trained on their roles and
responsibilities within the EAP. The U.S. Embassy in country is also
provided with a copy of the Peace Corps EAP.
If conditions in a country deteriorate from the time of initial
invitation to a volunteer's enter-on-duty date, such that it is no
longer safe for volunteer service the Peace Corps works with invitees
to offer an alternate placement.
Question. What are the strategies that you are implementing to
ensure that volunteer recruitment is both robust and high quality, so
that it meets the needs of our partners abroad and our goals for an
agency that advances core equity and inclusion goals?
Answer. As a people-to-people development agency operating in a
complex global environment, understanding and respecting other cultures
while representing the diversity of the U.S. is crucial to the Peace
Corps' success in fulfilling its mission to promote world peace and
friendship. The Peace Corps will continue to prioritize the recruitment
of, and support for, volunteers who represent the full diversity of the
United States and who can support the development priorities of host
communities. The Peace Corps' Office of volunteer Recruitment and
Selection (VRS) prioritizes attracting applicants that meet the needs
of posts and the local communities we serve. To that end, we work to
match potential volunteer skillsets with host community requirements.
Recruiters work with applicants to successfully navigate and address
each element of the application to be as competitive as possible.
Furthermore, placement staff carefully review and assess each
application to ensure they are invited to serve in a country where
their skills and experience are best suited.
One of our focus areas, as outlined in the agency's strategic plan,
is to recruit and retain a volunteer cadre that reflects the diversity
of America. To meet that goal, VRS is executing a targeted recruitment
strategy designed to increase the Peace Corps' presence and awareness
in underrepresented and underserved communities. Ultimately, this work
will help build a pipeline of individuals from diverse backgrounds, who
will become future Peace Corps volunteers. VRS fosters formal
partnerships and pursues other engagement opportunities with
educational institutions, including several Minority Serving
Institutions (MSIs). This calendar year, VRS has placed an emphasis on
greater engagement with smaller, often less resourced MSIs, to learn
more about the needs of each institution and their unique student body.
To this end, we are working to establish and sustain university
partnerships that are instrumental to introducing the opportunities
that exist in international service through the Peace Corps to diverse
student audiences and prepare them for success in the application
process and eventual service.
At the interagency level, the Peace Corps also actively
participates in the White House Initiative on Advancing Educational
Equity, Excellence and Economic Opportunity through Historically Black
Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Through this initiative, the Peace
Corps promotes service opportunities within the HBCU community by
engaging directly with faculty and staff to develop and sustain
mutually beneficial relationships.
Additionally, VRS is working to build strong partnerships with
organizations, institutions, and community groups that support and
reflect the diversity of our nation. VRS is training the entire
recruitment team to effectively recruit future volunteers from all
backgrounds. This ensures that every Peace Corps recruiter has the
language, tools, resources, and strategies necessary to successfully
conduct outreach to underrepresented populations in communities across
the nation.
The agency is also working to attract Americans of all
socioeconomic backgrounds to Peace Corps service, which requires
intentional work to reduce financial barriers in the application
process. In support of this effort, the Peace Corps has determined that
applicants can be fully reimbursed for all eligible expenses required
for medical clearance. Additionally, in calendar year 2023, the Peace
Corps will conduct a barrier analysis, as called for in our strategic
plan, and use the resulting data to determine how to identify and
reduce barriers along the path to and through service., including
socioeconomic ones.
As the Peace Corps returns to service in an uncertain environment,
I am committed to continuous review and evaluation of our strategies
and structures to attract a robust and diverse cadre of volunteers.
Safety of Peace Corps Volunteers
Question. A key provision in the Sam Farr and Nick Castle Reform
Act, passed by Congress in 2018, outlines seven criteria to be met in
the hiring of well-qualified and capable medical officers and support
staff for overseas Peace Corps posts, and for the Agency to review and
evaluate performance and health care delivery of all Peace Corp medical
staff.
How would you assess the success rate of the agency hiring overseas
medical staff who meet the criteria outlined in this
legislation? If you are facing difficulties, what are the
challenges in fulfilling this provision?
Answer. The Peace Corps has been able to hire candidates who meet
the criteria set forth in the Farr-Castle Act through the agency's
improved Peace Corps Medical Officer (PCMO) hiring process, employing a
multi-faceted recruitment strategy and a rigorous interview and
credentialing process that establishes standards for the review and
verification of the education, training, expertise, and license of PCMO
candidates. To date, 100 percent of the PCMO roles are filled in an
average time of 7 months from vacancy to start date.
New PCMOs participate in an intensive mentoring process, whereby an
experienced PCMO provides guidance to the new PCMO for a minimum of
three months. New PCMOs also attend Overseas Staff Training where they
receive an in-depth overview of key Peace Corps' policies and
procedures. They are required to obtain 50 hours per year of continuing
medical education and participate in annual Peace Corps Continuing
Medical Education conferences. PCMOs receive annual evaluations, which
include an assessment of their professional performance, and clinical
and technical skills.
The agency has developed a formal process to assess the health
staffing needs of each post based on criteria such as the number of
volunteers, the number of medical accommodations, country conditions,
and health care services available in the country.
The primary challenge in filling vacancies is the length of time
required to recruit, credential, train, and clear new PCMOs for
service. To ensure compliance with requirements to have two PCMOs at
each post, the agency utilizes temporary assignments, rovers, and
intermittent experts.
Question. There is an apparent need to update and codify many
reforms and improvement to the agency's work. What is your view of the
Peace Corps Reauthorization Act of 2022, and what are the benefits to
the Peace Corps that this legislation will bring?
Answer. I welcome the committee's bipartisan leadership to
strengthen the Peace Corps by addressing a number of issues through the
Peace Corps Reauthorization Act of 2022. This legislation will make
several significant changes that will further enhance the ability of
the Peace Corps and our volunteers to represent America abroad and to
bring those skills back to the United States. Some of the specific
benefits to the agency and volunteers in the bill include:
Increasing the statutory minimum for volunteer monthly readjustment
allowance from $125 to $375;
Codifying the suspension of loan payment obligations and accrual of
interest on certain federal student loans during service by
volunteers and granting credit for any federal loan forgiveness
program;
Making it easier for volunteers whose service has been disrupted by
emergencies to resume service;
Enhancing post-service support for volunteers, which will help
their transition back to the United States;
Codifying the extension of non-competitive eligibility for federal
employment for returned volunteers, which can strengthen
recruitment of volunteers and should also benefit the State
Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, and
other federal agencies by making it easier for returned
volunteers to continue their public service at those agencies;
Renewing the Sexual Assault Advisory Committee, which, if
confirmed, I will continue even in the absence of legislation;
Codifying and enhancing existing policies protecting volunteers
against reprisal or retaliation; and
Issuing authority to suspend employees without pay pending
investigations leading up to final decisions on cases of
removal for misconduct (an authority the Peace Corps currently
does not have).
OIG Semi-Annual Report
Question. The most recent Peace Corps Office of Inspector General
semi-annual report outlined two areas of concern: the incomplete
migration of crime data to the new volunteer Information Database
Application system due to technical issues and its potential impact on
volunteer safety and the need to establish a comprehensive Enterprise
Risk Management program and develop a strategy and structure that
integrates information security into business operations:
Do you commit to working to implement the recommended changes from
the Peace Corps Office of the Inspector General semi-annual
report?
Answer. Yes. I will also note that during the time that I served as
Acting Director or Chief Executive Officer of the Peace Corps, starting
in January 2021 until November 2022, the agency reduced the number of
open recommendations from the Office of the Inspector General by 80
percent. I am committed to continuing this effort, if confirmed.
Ethiopia Re-Entry
Question. The Peace Corps recently notified Congress of its
intention to resume the mission to Ethiopia, where there is ongoing
unrest in various parts of the country, and the Abiy Ahmed regime's
record of governance and human rights violations is troubling.
Can you explain how the Peace Corps reached its decision to resume
the Peace Corps mission to Ethiopia?
Answer. In April of this year, Peace Corps security staff conducted
an in-depth, on-theground assessment that focused on the conflict,
terrorism, crime, environmental threats, and emergency planning. During
the assessment, Peace Corps security staff met with U.S. Embassy
officials, local and regional law enforcement, local partners, United
Nations officials, and international non-governmental organizations.
The 2022 assessment included significant travel in the areas around the
Peace Corps regional offices in Jimma and Hawassa, as well as the
Butajira training site. Based on the information gathered during the
assessment, the Peace Corps security staff recommended restricting
volunteer travel and site placements to these regions in the southern
half of the country, along with sites that could be supported out of
the main Peace Corps office in Addis Ababa.
The overall security situation in the country deteriorated after
our assessment was concluded and after a Congressional Notification was
submitted to Congress to begin the re-entry process of volunteers. As a
result, the Peace Corps has paused the reentry process. We have
identified a series of decision points to assist in monitoring
developments on the ground to determine when and if conditions permit
the return of volunteers. These include, but are not limited to, the
successful implementation of the peace treaty, a prolonged and
sustained cease-fire, resumption of humanitarian aid to the north, and
withdrawal of Eritrean forces.
I commit, if confirmed, to continued consultation with you, the
Ranking Member, and your respective staff regarding the Peace Corps'
presence in Ethiopia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Carol Spahn by Senator James E. Risch
Management
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the Peace
Corps?
Answer. Volunteer morale is an area we closely monitor. In the last
available five years of data (20142019), we have seen a high level of
satisfaction among volunteers, with more than 80 percent saying they
would recommend Peace Corps service to others. Voluntary resignations
have remained relatively stable and at a low level, with between 6
percent and 7 percent of volunteers resigning annually between 2015 and
2019.
We prioritize staff morale; it is critical to the success of the
agency. Based on the 2021 Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey (FEVS), 82
percent of Peace Corps staff say it is a good place to work and 75
percent say they are very satisfied or satisfied with their job.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale within the Peace
Corps?
Answer. Since the global evacuation, the Peace Corps has received
feedback from a variety of stakeholders, including staff, returned
volunteers, and the National Peace Corps Association. This feedback
encompassed a broad range of topics that impact our stakeholders at a
deeply personal level, including diversity, equity, inclusion,
accountability, and sexual assault. As I was serving as Acting Director
and Chief Executive Officer, we embraced this feedback, listened, and
adjusted our training, systems, and policies accordingly to ensure that
all volunteers not only have a positive service experience in the
communities in which they serve, but also have a positive experience
with the Peace Corps, as an agency.
To date, our work to improve morale has included extensive training
with staff to expand skill sets in diversity, equity and inclusion as
well as in active listening and trauma-informed care. As an agency, we
are also acutely aware of the challenges brought on by the COVID-19
pandemic and how it may impact the volunteer experience. To that end,
we have expanded mental health and coaching services. In addition, we
have established a return to service working group that is continuously
evaluating reentry challenges that may impact volunteer morale, and
proposing policy and other changes, when appropriate.
Robust training, effective site management, and responsive,
empathetic volunteer support also contribute to a productive and
rewarding service experience. During the period without volunteers
abroad, the Peace Corps intensified implementation of process
improvements, training, and quality checks in these areas. This
includes the culmination of a multi-year project, in collaboration with
host country partners and volunteers, to implement logical project
frameworks, streamline reporting, and roll out a new competency-based
training model.
While the agency made significant, meaningful reforms and engaged
in urgent COVID-19 response and recovery efforts during the period with
no volunteers in the field, it has been a challenging time for Peace
Corps staff. In addition to managing significant uncertainty on a
personal and professional level, it has required constant adaptation.
During this period, I have prioritized proactive and transparent
communication, implemented remote and hybrid work structures, and
ensured broad engagement in strategic planning and implementation. We
have also engaged staff across functions and across borders in new
communities of practice, supported staff development, celebrated the
accomplishments of teams across the agency, and focused on wellness. To
guide this work, we utilized FEVS and host country staff surveys to
ensure that staff in the U.S. and overseas are supported and have the
tools they need to do their jobs effectively and efficiently.
If confirmed, I am committed to a continuous process of proactive
engagement and learning as we navigate the complexities of operating in
today's environment, and to adapt, as necessary, to the evolving needs
of a global workforce to attract and retain talent.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at the Peace Corps?
Answer. The Peace Corps' mission and three goals are codified in
the Peace Corps Act and are incorporated into everything we do as an
agency. I have never served in an organization whose mission is so
clear and whose staff, volunteers, returned volunteers and other
stakeholders identify so closely with the values that drive the
implementation of that mission.
When I was serving as Acting Director, the agency engaged staff at
all levels in the development of the agency's Fiscal Year 2022-2026
Strategic Plan. This process allowed us to collaborate and identify
shared priorities for how we will further our mission over the next
four years. Progress towards the plan is reviewed quarterly to ensure
focus and prioritization. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to
engage broadly as we adapt and innovate to meet the evolving needs of
volunteers and host countries.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for agency executives.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as adaptive. The
uncertainty inherent in today's global environment requires continuous
evaluation and adjustment in response to a rapidly changing context.
The Peace Corps is a very dynamic agency working in complex
environments around the world. Strong systems and clear decision making
are essential. Having managed in a variety of functional and
programmatic areas, cross-cultural settings, and external environments,
I am able to manage holistically and strategically.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputy?
Answer. I envision my leadership relationship with my deputy to be
driven by deep trust and strategic and operational alignment; and I
would invest significant time and energy into developing a seamless
working relationship.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. I believe in fully leveraging complementary skill sets to
maximize the effectiveness of leadership teams. Generally speaking, I
would entrust significant day-to-day management responsibilities to the
deputy and would focus primarily on strategic and representational
duties of the Director, if confirmed.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Peace Corps employees and volunteers about this serious issue?
Answer. Yes.
Question. As you may be aware, there is significant congressional
concern in re-opening the Peace Corps in Ethiopia. However, due to the
unpredictable nature of the conflict and serious security concerns, it
is my opinion that this not go forward at this time. Therefore, I have
placed a formal hold on the Congressional Notification (CN) currently
before the committee.
Do you commit to honoring this hold and pausing re-entry protocol
into Ethiopia?
Answer. Given the change in the overall security situation in the
country after the CN was sent to the Committee, the Peace Corps has
paused the re-entry process, and will not contest the hold. I commit,
if confirmed, to continued consultation with your staff and that of the
Chairman should conditions change on the ground, as indicated in the
response to the next question.
Question. What criteria did the Peace Corps use to assess the
safety and security of volunteers in the country? Please be detailed.
Answer. In April of this year, Peace Corps security staff conducted
an in-depth, on-the-ground assessment that focused on the conflict,
terrorism, crime, environmental threats, and emergency planning. During
the assessment, Peace Corps security staff met with U.S. Embassy
officials, local and regional law enforcement, local partners, United
Nations officials, and international non-governmental organizations.
The 2022 assessment included significant travel in the areas around the
Peace Corps regional offices in Jimma and Hawassa as well as the
Butajira training site. Based on the information gathered during the
assessment, the Peace Corps security staff recommended restricting
volunteer travel and site placements to these regions in the southern
half of the country, along with sites that could be supported out of
the main Peace Corps office in Addis Ababa.
Given that the overall security situation in the country changed
after our assessment was concluded and the CN was submitted, the Peace
Corps has paused the re-entry process. We have developed a series of
decision points to assist us in monitoring developments on the ground
to determine when and if conditions permit the return of volunteers.
These include, but are not limited to, the successful implementation of
the peace treaty, a prolonged and sustained ceasefire, resumption of
humanitarian aid to the north, and withdrawal of Eritrean forces.
I commit, if confirmed, to continued consultation with you, the
Chairman, and your respective staff regarding the Peace Corps presence
in Ethiopia.
Question. There have been several public incidents presenting major
safety and security concerns regarding Peace Corps volunteers. What
steps has the Peace Corps taken in the last two years (since the global
evacuation in March 2020) to address this short fall, and how have
safety and security measures improved for those re-entering service?
Please be detailed.
Answer. The health, safety, and security of Peace Corps volunteers
are the agency's highest priorities. The Peace Corps has traditionally
operated in some very challenging environments across the globe, and
the very nature of Peace Corps service entails risk. The Peace Corps
approach to safety and security is an engaged partnership involving the
agency, the volunteer, and the communities we serve. Each has a unique
and important role to play in enhancing the safety of the volunteer.
Therefore, we devote significant resources towards the training of
our staff, community members and volunteers, a robust site selection
process, and the implementation of comprehensive emergency response
systems. We engage and coordinate closely with the United States
Embassy in each Peace Corps country, as well as with our local and
community partners who play a fundamental role in assisting our
volunteers in identifying risks and adopting culturally appropriate
strategies to enhance their own safety and security, reducing risk
where possible.
To ensure that the agency is ready to meet today's security
challenges, the Peace Corps has made a number of systemic improvements
to our safety and security tools including: enhancing our site
development and site selection criteria; conducting a comprehensive
review and update of our emergency action planning process; updating
our global safety and security core training sessions; and rolling out
a new security management system to track crimes committed against and
services offered to volunteers. We have also devoted significant time
to providing our onthe-ground Safety and Security Managers with
training on these updates and we are providing applicants with crime
data specific to their proposed country of service prior to service.
Question. Sexual assault of volunteers continues to generate
significant public and congressional attention. Thanks to the 2011 Kate
Puzey Act and the Farr-Castle Act, the Peace Corps was given new tools
to curb this scourge. Please explain the Peace Corps efforts to
continue to combat sexual assault of volunteers in the field.
Answer. The health, safety, security, and wellbeing of volunteers
is paramount and lies at the center of all our operational decisions;
any crime against a volunteer is one too many. Our work in sexual
assault prevention, risk reduction, and response is rooted in the
fundamental values of equity and human dignity. volunteers who are
victims of sexual assault during their service receive extensive
support as it relates to their safety, medical and psychological care,
legal options, and continued service with the Peace Corps. This is a
whole-of agency effort and our work to continuously improve the program
is an agency priority.
I am grateful for the support of Congress for the Peace Corps' work
in this regard and particularly for the authorities provided in the
Kate Puzey and Farr-Castle Acts. In fact, as Acting Director, I
utilized the authorities provided by the Farr-Castle Act to exempt key
personnel in the Office of Health Services, including our behavioral
health team, from the time limits placed on career staff service under
the Peace Corps Act.
In March 2022, we released a roadmap, Peace Corps Commits to
Broadening its Approach to Sexual Assault Prevention in New Brief and
Roadmap, detailing the agency's commitment to further strengthening our
systems, programming and approach to sexual assault prevention and to
improving trauma-informed approaches to supporting survivors. This
approach expands beyond the safety and security of individuals and
takes into account the health, safety, and wellbeing of entire
populations. With a public health lens, practitioners consider how
context, norms, and social determinants impact behavior, such as
perpetrating sexual violence.
Since the evacuation, and in preparation for returning volunteers
to service abroad, the Peace Corps rolled out a new post-level case
management process that ensures our overseas staff proactively and
formally review sexual assault cases, identify challenges and areas for
improvement with every documented case, and confirm that all
appropriate measures are followed. We have improved our systems to
ensure that volunteers who experience sexual assault and request
counseling services receive timely follow-up and care through
telehealth services to ensure rapid access to clinical care. We have
also enhanced orientation of host families, standardized vetting
protocols, and implemented a number of new policies and procedures.
This has included significant new training for post staff, including
Peace Corps Medical Officers and Sexual Assault Response Liaisons.
Earlier this year, the Peace Corps hired a Prevention Specialist
who is currently developing a formal, comprehensive sexual assault
prevention and response strategy by evaluating agencywide activities
and applying promising practices and evidence-based research. The
specialist is conducting a gap analysis and needs assessment to inform
our overall prevention strategy.
The intra-agency team has also prioritized and worked diligently to
resolve all of the Office of Inspector General's outstanding
recommendations related to sexual assault. The closure of each of these
recommendations represents a new approach to enhance the safety and
security of our volunteers.
Sexual assault is a pervasive global issue, and it is every
individual and organization's responsibility to do everything possible
to prevent sexual violence, challenge norms, and provide trauma
informed responses when it occurs. If confirmed, I commit to continuing
to work with our Sexual Assault Advisory Committee to ensure that we
are staying abreast of best practices and are implementing them
consistent with the unique operating environments in which Peace Corps
volunteers serve.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with new countries who
are asking for the Peace Corps to return to their communities?
Answer. The Peace Corps serves at the invitation of the host
governments from countries around the world. If confirmed, I will work
closely with countries that have expressed interest in the Peace Corps,
whether for the first time or to return to their communities.
As part of the agency's Country Portfolio Review process, the Peace
Corps regularly assesses and prioritizes potential new country entries
based on preliminary reviews of safety and security conditions; quality
of available medical care for volunteers; host country need; host
country commitment and engagement; potential programmatic impact; and
post management and cost.
For selected countries, the Peace Corps Director authorizes
discussions with the Department of State, other relevant U.S. agencies,
and the host country government. A positive outcome from these
discussions leads to a field-based, multi-functional assessment
designed to answer two questions:
Given the mission of the Peace Corps and its current portfolio of
country programs, should the Peace Corps open a post in the
identified country?
Given sufficient resources and current agency standards and
practices, could the Peace Corps open a safe and effective
program in the identified country?
After review of the assessment report, the agency holds
consultations with the Department of State, the Office of Management
and Budget, and other relevant agencies and sends a Congressional
Notification to the appropriate Congressional committees prior to
finalizing the decision to move forward with opening or re-establishing
a Peace Corps program. The potential opening of a new post has
budgetary implications that will be carefully considered in the context
of the overall scope and scale of operations and as a part of those
consultations.
Question. There has been significant Congressional concern about
the Peace Corps returning to closed and/or unsafe missions. Please
explain the safety protocol for such decisions.
Answer. Our top priority is returning volunteers to service
overseas in a way that is safe for them, our staff, and the host
communities in which they will live and work. That is why we developed
and have applied a comprehensive re-entry strategy and assessment
process that includes specific medical, security, programmatic,
administrative, and logistical criteria that each post must meet prior
to consideration for reentry. As a part of this process, the Peace
Corps coordinates closely with post staff, host country partners and
government officials as well as with our interagency partners.
Volunteers have not been, and if confirmed I will continue to
ensure they will not be, returned to a post that does not meet Peace
Corps safety and security criteria.
Question. Do you commit to informing Congress appropriately of any
safety and security issues in a timely and efficient manner?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What do you believe is the Peace Corps biggest challenge
in 2023?
Answer. The Peace Corps is returning to service following one of
the most significant shocks to the global system in recent history. It
is a liminal moment and one that requires every individual,
institution, and country to reexamine their values, operating
modalities and priorities. I believe our biggest challenge in 2023 will
be attracting qualified applicants given the disruptions caused by
COVID-19, ongoing economic uncertainty, and increased demand and
competition for talent.
Question. In your view, is the Peace Corps principally an
international development program that also builds cultural ties within
its areas of operation, or a cultural exchange program that also
advances international development within its areas of operation?
Answer. The beauty and strength of the Peace Corps' three goals,
and a reason they withstand the test of time, is that they are so
interdependent. Through its people-to-people model, the Peace Corps'
development impact is not structured to drive large scale, short-term
results. Rather, the Peace Corps' long-term development impact is
linked to capacity building, leadership development, and the power of
human connection. Diplomatically, the presence of Peace Corps
volunteers living and working in communities around the world sends a
powerful signal of friendship and goodwill.
Question. The Peace Corps is funded by a direct appropriation, but
also received significant levels of programmatic support through
transfers from other agencies. If confirmed, how will you account for
all of the funds managed by the Peace Corps?
Answer. The Peace Corps manages interagency transfers consistent
with the law and closely monitors, tracks, and reports all expenditures
in accordance with federal accounting standards. For the 16th
consecutive year, the external auditors issued an unmodified (clean)
audit opinion on our FY 2022 financial statements. Funds received from
other agencies are included in the Congressional Budget Justification
as well as the Agency Financial Report, which demonstrates to the
President, Congress, and the American public how fiscal funds entrusted
to the Peace Corps have been used to achieve the agency's mission. If
confirmed, I will ensure the Peace Corps' budget execution continues to
be in compliance with the law and that we continue to be fully
transparent in reporting of fiscal resources received and spent.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas? Will you commit to ensuring
volunteers are both aware of and compliant with these statutory
restrictions?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that Peace
Corps staff, country directors, and volunteers consistently uphold the
highest ethical standards, including by holding them personally
accountable for violations of U.S. and local law?
Answer. Yes. In 2022 the Peace Corps updated its core expectations
of both staff and volunteers. Volunteers are required to sign a
statement acknowledging that they have received and will abide by all
policies contained in their post's volunteer handbook, which includes
the core expectations. Likewise, U.S. Direct Hire staff must sign a
similar statement when they join the agency. All staff must complete a
comprehensive onboarding course. The core expectations module is
required to be taken within one month of joining the agency. Core
expectations are reinforced throughout the life cycle of service and
employment. Failure to comply with relevant policies and core
expectations may result in disciplinary action up to and including
termination.
If confirmed, I commit to ensure that staff and volunteers
consistently uphold the highest ethical standards as representatives of
the Peace Corps.
Question. As written in the (but not-yet-passed) Peace Corps
Reauthorization Act (S.4466), there is currently a provision providing
suspension without pay for any Peace Corps employee or volunteer who
engages in serious misconduct. If confirmed, do you commit to adhering
to this policy regardless if the Act becomes law? Please explain.
Answer. The Peace Corps currently does not have the legal authority
to suspend employees without pay pending investigations on cases of
removal for misconduct. Unlike federal employees appointed under the
various authorities of title 5 of the United States Code, Peace Corps
employees are appointed under provisions of the Foreign Service Act,
which does not contain the same broad authority. This is why I was
grateful to see the suspension provision included in S. 4466. If
confirmed, I commit to enforcing the legal measures available to the
agency in cases where employees have engaged in serious misconduct and
to working through due process requirements while ensuring prompt
resolution of such cases.
With regard to volunteers, they serve exclusively under terms
established by the Peace Corps Act and agency policy and can be removed
through internal processes that do not include any suspension (with or
without pay). Volunteers are informed of these processes during their
preservice training. If confirmed, I plan to remain committed to our
agency's process of terminating the service of volunteers who engage in
serious misconduct.
Question. Please provide your views on virtual service and if such
service will continue should you be confirmed.
Answer. Soon after the evacuation of all volunteers in 2020, the
Peace Corps began receiving inquiries from host country partners and
evacuated Returned Peace Corps volunteers about the possibility of
collaborating remotely. Committed to our mission and our returned
volunteers and partners, the agency moved quickly to stand up a pilot
initiative to match evacuated volunteers with partner requests for
specific virtual support. We quickly learned that it was not only
possible to support our partners and foster intercultural exchange and
collaboration virtually, but that partner demand for virtual engagement
was high and increasing.
The Peace Corps Act provides the agency with legal authority to
establish and conduct such pilot projects under 22 USC 2501(a) and 22
USC 2502(a). Because the evacuated volunteers had closed their service,
and were now private citizens, the agency determined that they could
participate in the pilot initiative only by serving as donors of
voluntary services to the agency, which the Peace Corps has the
authority to accept under its existing gift acceptance authority, which
is in 22 USC 2509(a)(4). The authority that the Peace Corps does not
have, but that is included in the House version of the Peace Corps
reauthorization legislation (HR 1456), is the ability to recruit
individuals as Peace Corps volunteers who may conduct their volunteer
service virtually from outside a host country. While the donor model
has proved sufficient for virtual service proof-of-concept testing
purposes, a more viable long-term mechanism would be to provide virtual
service as a form of volunteer service. Authorizing the recruitment of
volunteers for the purposes of virtual service would enable the agency
to recruit, train, and manage them and their programmatic work through
its established systems and allow us to meet our partners' requests.
Since October 2020, when the Virtual Service Pilot was formally
launched and after the relevant Congressional committees were informed
of the effort in September 2020, the Peace Corps has had over 500
Virtual Service Pilot Participants engaged in nearly 45 countries.
Virtual service has enabled us to respond to the evolving needs of our
host country partners, including requests for highly skilled volunteers
like epidemiologists. It has also allowed us to remain active in places
where it is currently unsafe to place volunteers on the ground. For
example, there are currently 18 Virtual Service Pilot Participants
supporting local partners in Ukraine. It has also been utilized
effectively to pair an in-person volunteer with a highly skilled
Virtual Service Pilot Participant.
In addition to enabling us to support partners in new ways and in
new areas, virtual service can reduce barriers to service and enhance
the diversity of our volunteer corps by enabling Americans to serve who
cannot pass medical clearance, or whose financial or family obligations
prevent them from serving abroad for two years. It is also an
opportunity for those who are unable to complete their in-person
service, due to circumstances beyond their control, to continue to
support their communities, where possible.
To be clear, virtual service will never replace in-person service.
Rather, virtual service can complement the in-person model, providing
an option for Americans to serve who cannot do so in person, or where
in-person service is impossible. I commit, if confirmed, to working
with the Committee and Congress to continue to explore the
opportunities presented by virtual service.
Question. If confirmed, will you support the re-opening of Peace
Corps Mission China? Please explain why or why not.
Answer. The Peace Corps post in China is closed. If confirmed, I
will not support reopening the post in China. High demand for the Peace
Corps in other countries, as reflected in several formal invitations to
open new programs, necessitates the use of the agency's limited
resources to explore those options.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Carol Spahn by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Peace Corps Reauthorization Act will provide the
agency with its first funding increase in almost seven years. In March,
the Peace Corps released a brief detailing the agency's commitment to
strengthen its response to sexual assault for volunteers and returned
Peace Corps volunteers.
Can you provide an update on the implementation of the measures
outlined in the brief, such as the hiring of new personnel and
the development of more rigorous assault monitoring and
response resources?
Answer. The health, safety, security, and wellbeing of volunteers
is paramount and lies at the center of all our operational decisions;
any crime against a volunteer is one too many. Our work in sexual
assault prevention, risk reduction, and response is rooted in the
fundamental values of equity and human dignity. Volunteers who are
victims of sexual assault during their service receive extensive
support as it relates to their safety, medical and psychological care,
legal options, and continued service with the Peace Corps. This is a
whole-of agency effort and our work to continuously improve the program
is an agency priority.
I am grateful for the support of Congress for the Peace Corps' work
in this regard and particularly for the authorities provided in the
Kate Puzey and Farr-Castle Acts. In fact, as Acting Director, I
utilized the authorities provided by the Farr-Castle Act to exempt key
personnel in the Office of Health Services including our behavioral
health team, from the time limits on career staff service under the
Peace Corps Act.
As noted, in March 2022, we released a roadmap, Peace Corps Commits
to Broadening its Approach to Sexual Assault Prevention in New Brief
and Roadmap, detailing the agency's commitment to further strengthening
our systems, programming and approach to sexual assault prevention and
to improving trauma-informed approaches to supporting survivors. This
approach expands beyond the safety and security of individuals and
takes into account the health, safety, and well-being of entire
populations. With a public health lens, practitioners consider how
context, norms, and social determinants impact behavior, such as
perpetrating sexual violence.
Since the evacuation, and in preparation for returning volunteers
to service abroad, the Peace Corps rolled out a new post-level
(``post'' is the term for a Peace Corps office in a country) case
management process that ensures our overseas staff proactively and
formally review sexual assault cases, identify challenges and areas for
improvement with every documented case, and confirm that all
appropriate measures are followed. We have improved our systems to
ensure that volunteers who experience sexual assault and request
counseling services receive timely followup and care through telehealth
services to ensure rapid access to clinical care. We have also enhanced
orientation of host families, standardized vetting protocols, and
implemented a number of new policies and procedures. This has included
significant new training for post staff, including PCMOs and Sexual
Assault Response Liaisons.
Earlier this year, the Peace Corps hired a Prevention Specialist
who is currently developing a formal, comprehensive sexual assault
prevention and response strategy by evaluating agencywide activities,
applying promising practices and evidence-based research. We are
conducting a gap analysis and needs assessment to inform our overall
prevention strategy.
The intra-agency team has also prioritized and worked diligently to
resolve all of the Office of Inspector General's outstanding
recommendations related to sexual assault. The closure of each of these
recommendations represents a new approach to enhance the safety and
security of our volunteers.
Sexual assault is a pervasive global issue, and it is every
individual and organization's responsibility to do everything possible
to prevent sexual violence, challenge norms, and provide trauma
informed responses when it occurs. If confirmed, I commit to continuing
to work with our Sexual Assault Advisory Committee to ensure that we
are staying abreast of best practices and are implementing them
consistent with the unique operating environments in which Peace Corps
volunteers serve.
Question. Is the Peace Corps prepared to execute some of the new
funding the agency will receive to bolster support for sexual assault
monitoring and response?
Answer. The Peace Corps' agency-wide Sexual Assault Prevention and
Response program (SAPR) incorporates best practices in the field and
applies them to new, proactive training materials for volunteers and
staff, and to new protocols and guidelines for preventing and
responding to sexual assaults that are trauma informed and survivor
centered. The agency is consistently evaluating the SAPR program, and I
commit to ensuring it is funded to achieve its mission.
Question. How is the Peace Corps ensuring a rigorous and inclusive
recruitment process as volunteers return to service, and how is the
agency ensuring that these volunteers are prepared to meet partner
needs that continue to evolve as the world recovers from the pandemic?
Answer. As a people-to-people development agency operating in a
complex global environment, understanding and respecting other cultures
while representing the diversity of the U.S. is crucial to the Peace
Corps' success in fulfilling its mission to promote world peace and
friendship. The Peace Corps will continue to prioritize the recruitment
of, and support for, volunteers who represent the full diversity of the
United States and who can support the development priorities of host
communities.
The Peace Corps' Office of Volunteer Recruitment and Selection
(VRS) prioritizes attracting applicants that meet the needs of posts
and the local communities we serve. To that end, we work to match
potential volunteer skillsets with host community requirements.
Recruiters work with applicants to successfully navigate and address
each element of the application to be as competitive as possible.
Furthermore, placement staff carefully review and assess each
application to ensure they are invited to serve in a country where
their skills and experience are best suited.
One of our focus areas, as outlined in the agency's strategic plan,
is to recruit and retain a volunteer cadre that reflects the diversity
of America. To meet that goal, VRS is executing a targeted recruitment
strategy designed to increase the Peace Corps' presence and awareness
in underrepresented and underserved communities. Ultimately, this work
will help build a pipeline of individuals from diverse backgrounds, who
will become future Peace Corps volunteers. VRS fosters formal
partnerships and pursues other engagement opportunities with
educational institutions, including several Minority Serving
Institutions (MSIs). This calendar year, VRS has placed an emphasis on
greater engagement with smaller, often less resourced MSIs, to learn
more about the needs of each institution and their unique student body.
To this end, we are working to establish and sustain university
partnerships that are instrumental to introducing the opportunities
that exist in international service through the Peace Corps to diverse
student audiences and prepare them for success in the application
process and eventual service.
At the interagency level, the Peace Corps also actively
participates in the White House Initiative on Advancing Educational
Equity, Excellence and Economic Opportunity through Historically Black
Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Through this initiative, the Peace
Corps promotes service opportunities within the HBCU community by
engaging directly with faculty and staff to develop and sustain
mutually beneficial relationships.
Additionally, VRS is working to build strong partnerships with
organizations, institutions, and community groups that support and
reflect the diversity of our nation. VRS is also working to develop and
train the entire recruitment team to effectively recruit future
volunteers from all backgrounds. This ensures that every Peace Corps
recruiter has the language, tools, resources, and strategies necessary
to successfully conduct outreach to underrepresented populations in
communities across the nation.
The agency is also working to attract Americans of all
socioeconomic backgrounds to Peace Corps service, which requires
intentional work to reduce financial barriers in the application
process. In support of this effort, the Peace Corps has determined that
applicants can be fully reimbursed for all eligible expenses required
for medical clearance. Additionally, in calendar year 2023, the Peace
Corps will conduct a barrier analysis as called for in our strategic
plan and use the resulting data to determine how to identify and reduce
barriers along the path to and through service, including socioeconomic
ones.
As the Peace Corps returns to service in an uncertain environment,
I am committed to continuous review and evaluation of our strategies
and structures to attract a robust and diverse cadre of volunteers.
Peace Corps volunteers serve at the invitation of host countries,
and volunteer projects and activities are host community-identified and
community-led. As volunteers return to service abroad, they are
supporting a range of COVID-19 response and recovery activities, such
as combating COVID-19 mis- and disinformation; teaching good hygiene
practices; and working with teachers to develop or pilot educational
resources that mitigate educational disruption resulting from the
pandemic.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Carol Spahn by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, the Administration's
strategy is to invest in America, align with our allies, and compete
with the PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for the
future.
Secretary Blinken also highlighted in his May speech the importance
of diplomacy in building a shared vision for the future. One of the
most powerful aspects of the Peace Corps model is that our volunteers
are American citizens who live and work for two years within host
communities. They learn the local language and customs, they work on
projects that are co-designed by the communities, and they treat their
hosts with dignity and respect.
This builds enormous goodwill and has long-lasting--even
generational--impacts. Foreign Ambassadors tell me what a powerful
signal of friendship it is to see Americans in their communities,
working in close partnership with host country citizens, and American
Ambassadors regularly attest that the Peace Corps is the most cost-
effective, grassroots diplomacy the United States has.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although the U.S. and the PRC are strategic competitors, as
the President laid out in his National Security Strategy, the U.S. does
not seek conflict or a new Cold War and can instead influence the PRC's
behavior even while competing with them. Thus, the U.S. approach
towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where our interests
and values differ and cooperating with them when they align.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although the U.S. and the PRC are strategic competitors, as
the President laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United
States does not seek conflict or a new Cold War and can instead
influence the PRC's behavior even while competing with them.Thus, the
U.S. approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC where
our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when they
align.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China
and the Peace Corps?
Answer. The Peace Corps has closed its program in China, and if
confirmed, I will not support reopening the program in China. The
Administration's approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the
PRC where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them
when they align. If confirmed, I will support the Administration's
policy on the PRC.
Answer. The Peace Corps is an independent executive branch agency
that sends American volunteers to developing countries to meet its
mandate: promote world peace and friendship by improving the lives of
those the volunteers serve; help others understand American culture;
and share volunteers' experiences with Americans back home. More than
241,000 volunteers have served in 143 countries since the agency's
founding in 1961. In March 2020, COVID-19 led to the evacuation of
nearly all volunteers then serving in approximately 60 countries. The
Peace Corps continues to work on a reform agenda prompted by two
separate congressionally-directed efforts at simplifying its
recruitment process, establish periodic global portfolio review
process, improvement on volunteer safety and health protocols,
including reports of sexual assault of volunteers. The agency's annual
funding has remained at approximately $410 million since 2016. The
agency has not been fully reauthorized since 1999.
How do you assess the success rate of the agency in addressing
volunteer concerns regarding overseas health and safety
concerns?
Answer. The health, safety, and security of Peace Corps volunteers
are the agency's highest priorities. The Peace Corps has traditionally
operated in some very challenging environments across the globe, and
the very nature of Peace Corps service entails risk. The Peace Corps'
approach to safety and security is an engaged partnership involving the
agency, the volunteer, and the communities we serve. Each entity plays
a unique and important role in enhancing the safety of the volunteer.
Therefore, we devote significant resources to train staff,
community members and volunteers; have developed a robust site
selection process; and have implemented comprehensive emergency
response systems. We engage and coordinate closely with the United
States Embassy in each Peace Corps country, as well as with our local
and community partners who play a fundamental role in assisting our
volunteers to identify risks and adopt culturally appropriate
strategies to enhance their own safety and security, reducing risk
where possible.
The Peace Corps has developed a robust mechanism to track crimes
committed against volunteers, and on an annual basis, each post (the
term for a Peace Corps office in a country) engages in an in-depth
review of both reported and non-reported crimes to identify trends as
well as potential mitigation strategies aimed at preventing crime and
reducing risk. Mitigation strategies are revisited throughout the year
and revised as needed.
In response to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the Peace Corps has
taken concrete steps to improve its capacity to anticipate and meet
challenges associated with public health emergencies. These steps
include establishing new and alternative medical evacuation options,
devising specific protocols and emergency plans for volunteers to
prevent or address infection, adapting medical clearance requirements
to take into consideration COVID risk factors, and reengineering
virtually every aspect of programming and operations to mitigate risk,
wherever possible.
The agency also recognizes the need for expanded mental health
support for volunteers following the pandemic. The agency has enhanced
our capabilities to provide coaching and support available to
volunteers. The Peace Corps will rely on our decades of experience in
emergency response to continuously monitor COVID-19 conditions and make
informed decisions. If confirmed, I will continue to support these
efforts with a keen focus on agility and adaptability, which have
always been central to how the Peace Corps operates.
Finally, the Peace Corps engages in a continuous quality
improvement process in all aspects of our volunteer safety support
systems to ensure that our focus and interventions are targeted and
effective. In particular, we have done considerable work over the past
two years to enhance our policies, procedures, systems and training. If
confirmed, I commit to continuing to monitor and adapt our systems, as
necessary.
Question. What are the most important recent steps taken by the
Peace Corps to enhance safety for volunteers?
Answer. The health, safety, and security of Peace Corps volunteers
are the agency's highest priorities. The Peace Corps has traditionally
operated in some very challenging environments across the globe, and
the very nature of Peace Corps service entails risk. The Peace Corps'
approach to safety and security is an engaged partnership involving the
agency, the volunteer, and the communities we serve. Each entity plays
a unique and important role in enhancing the safety of the volunteer.
Therefore, we devote significant resources to train staff,
community members, and volunteers; a robust site selection process; and
the implementation of comprehensive emergency response systems. We
engage and coordinate closely with the United States Embassy in each
Peace Corps country, as well as with our local and community partners
who play a fundamental role in assisting our volunteers to identify
risks and adopt culturally appropriate strategies to enhance their own
safety and security, reducing risk where possible.
To ensure the agency is ready to meet today's security challenges,
the Peace Corps has made a number of systemic improvements to our
safety and security tools including enhanced site development and site
selection criteria; a comprehensive review and update of our emergency
action planning process; updated global safety and security core
training sessions; and a new security management system to track crimes
committed against volunteers and the support services offered by the
agency. The Office of Safety and Security at headquarters has invested
significant time to train Safety and Security Managers at each post on
the updated policies, systems, and operational changes. Additionally,
the agency provides applicants with safety data specific to their
proposed country of service, so that applicants can make informed
decisions before accepting the invitation to serve.
In 2021, the agency carried out a major enhancement of its
information technology systems, by developing and implementing a new
Site Incident Management System (SIMS), which allows the Peace Corps to
better document and analyze crimes and specifically match them with
individual sites to ensure that proposed sites do not have a history of
crime incidents that would preclude placement of future volunteers.
SIMS also enable the Peace Corps to provide a complete record of
support and services provided to volunteers who experience any crime
during service.
Question. How successful has the agency been in hiring overseas
medical staff?
Answer. The Peace Corps has been able to hire candidates who meet
the criteria set forth in the Farr-Castle Act (PL 115-256) through the
agency's improved Peace Corps Medical Officer (PCMO) hiring process,
using a variety of recruitment methods, robust interviewing process,
and a rigorous credentialing process. The Peace Corps has been able to
fill 100 percent of the PCMO vacancies with an average time from
vacancy to start date of 7 months. The Peace Corps' credentialing
policy establishes processes for the review and verification of the
education, training, expertise, and license of PCMOs.
The agency also developed a process to assess the health care needs
of each post based on criteria, such as the number of volunteers and
health care services available in the country. This ensures that health
unit staffing (both PCMOs and support staff) accounts for the number of
Peace Corps volunteers/Trainees, the health capacity of the country,
and the number of medical accommodations.
New PCMOs participate in an intensive mentoring process, whereby an
experienced PCMO provides guidance to the new PCMO for a minimum of
three months. New PCMOs also attend Overseas Staff Training where they
receive an in-depth overview of key Peace Corps policies and
procedures. Lastly, PCMOs receive an annual evaluation, which includes
an assessment of their professional performance, clinical and technical
skills, and they are required to obtain 50 hours per year of continuing
medical education. In addition to the annual performance evaluation, if
a PCMO's performance is deemed inadequate, their contract is
terminated.
Question. What skills, if any, do countries request most that the
Peace Corps does not currently provide?
Answer. Demand for the Peace Corps is strong and we are fielding
requests for more volunteers, particularly in the area of English
education. We have had countries request upwards of a thousand
volunteers to have teachers in every school. In addition, we are
receiving an increasing number of requests for highly skilled
volunteers, which are managed by our relatively small, specialized
Peace Corps Response Program.
Question. Where do you see the greatest demand for new volunteers?
Answer. As of December 2022, the Peace Corps has returned
volunteers to service in 45 countries with approximately 900 volunteers
on the ground. We are also excited that the inaugural cohort of
volunteers recently arrived in Viet Nam--an historic first for the
agency, and we have re-established a program in Kenya. Currently, the
Peace Corps is issuing invitations for volunteers to serve in 11
additional countries, bringing the total up to 56. The agency is also
working to re-establish programs in Sri Lanka, El Salvador, and Solomon
Islands. There is significant demand, not only from the countries that
were evacuated in 2020, but also from countries around the world that
have been impacted by COVID-19. These requests include countries in
Africa, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Central America, and the Pacific.
Three Pacific island nations have formally invited the Peace Corps to
return, in addition to Solomon Islands, and the agency is exploring the
logistical, programmatic, and budgetary options for doing so.
Question. How is the Peace Corps approaching its return to overseas
operations?
Answer. The Peace Corps has worked carefully and intentionally to
return volunteers to service overseas in a way that prioritizes their
safety and that of our staff and the host communities in which
volunteers will live and work. That is why we developed a comprehensive
re-entry strategy based on medical, security, programmatic,
administrative, and logistical criteria that will allow the agency to
determine when conditions are conducive to welcome volunteers back to
service. We are in constant discussions with post staff, our host
country partners, and interagency partners such as the Department of
State. We began our return to service strategically slowly but have
quickly ramped up to volunteers serving in 45 countries with about 900
volunteers and invitations going out for 11 more countries.
Question. Any unexpected issues with volunteers' returning to
overseas locations since COVID began?
Answer. The Peace Corps has worked carefully and intentionally to
return volunteers to service overseas in a way that prioritizes their
safety and that of our staff and the host communities in which
volunteers will live and work. While the evolving nature of the
pandemic is not without its challenges, the Peace Corps' cautious,
adaptable, and pragmatic approach to re-entry helps to ensure the
appropriate timing and cadence of volunteer return and their continued
safety during their service. We have not had any unexpected issues but
are constantly vigilant with volunteer safety.
We are working closely with the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, U.S. Embassy partners, and host countries' Ministries of
Health to determine each country's epidemiological status, readiness
for volunteers to return, medical system, and ability to address health
emergencies. We have also expanded our emergency medical capabilities
by identifying alternative locations to evacuate volunteers in addition
to our existing medical hubs, given border closures associated with the
pandemic. To treat any COVID-19-positive volunteers with risk factors
for severe COVID-19, the Peace Corps stocks Paxlovid (oral COVID-19
medication) at every post. As anticipated, volunteers have tested
positive for COVID-19 since returning to service; however, all
individuals have experienced mild symptoms, and the impacts to the
local community have been minimized, largely due to protocols and
emergency plans in place.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Cynthia Dyer by Senator Robert Menendez
Trafficking of Cubans
Question. For the last several years, the State Department has
elevated concerns about trafficking practices related to Cuba's foreign
medical missions, which are present in at least 20 countries, in its
annual Trafficking in Persons report.
As the State Department has noted, these medical missions employ
documented forced labor practices that subject Cuban doctors
and medical personnel to conditions akin to human trafficking.
What is your assessment of Cuba's foreign medical missions? Do
you believe they constitute forced labor? If confirmed, what
steps would you take to ensure the TIP Office can counter this
state-sponsored trafficking scheme?
Answer. I understand the U.S. Government continues to have serious
concerns about the human rights and labor rights of Cuban workers in
labor export programs, including medical workers. Since 2010, the TIP
Report has identified indicators of forced labor in Cuba's medical
missions overseas, and over the last three years the Department found a
policy or pattern that the Cuban Government profited from the labor
export program amid strong indications of forced labor. If confirmed, I
will work with allies to call out forced labor in this program and
collaborate within the State Department to continue to press foreign
governments and other international partners to protect Cuban workers,
including medical professionals. I will encourage countries to put
measures in place to prevent forced labor and proactively monitor these
programs, given persistent allegations surrounding it.
Question. Do you commit to support targeted foreign assistance
programs to address the Cuban regime's foreign medical missions, use
diplomatic channels to urge our allies and international partners to
end their participation in such trafficking schemes, and to elevate the
voices of victims of the Cuban regime's human trafficking within the
TIP Office's work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage and work with civil society
actors in countries with Cuban workers to assist this vulnerable
population and share their concerns so that we can continue to
understand the nuances of the Cuban labor export program and promote
the voices of those who have been exploited in it. I will use
diplomatic channels to shed light on the labor exploitation and forced
labor of these vulnerable workers at the hands of the Cuban Government,
and I will work diligently to ensure the Department continues to
document allegations of forced labor in the annual Trafficking in
Persons Report.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Cynthia Dyer by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout JTIP
Bureau?
Answer. I understand that the morale in J/TIP is positive. As I
said in my hearing, I am lucky to work on an issue that I am passionate
about, and I know that J/TIP staff feel the same. I see that they are
deeply dedicated to the mission of combating human trafficking. I am
also aware of the strong support Congress has provided the TIP Office
over the years, including through oversight and appropriations, which
has strengthened the Office's mission and staff resolve. If confirmed,
I will fully support staff professional development, training, and
workplace flexibilities, in line with OPM and Department policies and
directives, to ensure that morale in J/TIP remains high.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at JTIP Bureau?
Answer. I see how dedicated the team at the TIP Office is to this
work and that morale there is already positive. If confirmed, I would
meet with the staff to understand ways they think we can further raise
morale and improve their job satisfaction. For example, I might
recommend a more formal long-term mentorship program within the office,
potentially as part of the onboarding process, to help new employees
develop as professionals. I would also look for ways to promote
collaboration and connection amongst TIP Office staff, which I imagine
was challenging during the pandemic and continues to be a factor as
agencies adapt to hybrid work postures.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at JTIP Bureau?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the leadership team to
ensure clarity of mission and vision across the office. I believe the
TIP Office has a clear and important mission to which its staff is
dedicated--combating human trafficking around the world. As the nature
of human trafficking and TIP Office mandates and staff continue to
grow, it is important to set clear priorities and unity of efforts to
advance them. To that end, if confirmed, I intend to hold an offsite
with the leadership team to clarify the office's priorities, mission,
and vison for the next two years and the roles of each team. I would
also extend that planning to all staff through an office-wide offsite
to ensure unity and focus of purpose.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in a collaborative management style with both the
supervisor and the employee playing an important role in the
relationship. Supervisors should strive to be both professional and
kind, willing to receive feedback and suggestions, and be both clear
and realistic in their expectations and directions. Employees should
seek to do their best work, display initiative and perseverance, and
ask for assistance or clarity when necessary.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates, either
in public or in private. This type of behavior is completely
inappropriate and counter-productive.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputy?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I envision my relationship with my
deputy to be one of mutual admiration and respect. I am incredibly
fortunate to have a deputy with such deep institutional knowledge and
experience in both the TIP Office and Department of State. I believe
that our extensive, but different, experiences and talents will be
truly complementary and that our combined leadership will be beneficial
to our colleagues and to the Department.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. Rather than separating and delineating responsibilities
between my deputy and I, I anticipate that, if I am confirmed, many of
the most critical responsibilities and decisions will be made with a
contribution from both of us. My deputy and I each bring extensive and
different experience, and our combined perspectives will ensure a
thoughtful decision for the most challenging priorities. If I am
confirmed and we have the opportunity to work together, we will likely
determine that some of the day-to-day responsibilities are more
efficiently overseen by one or the other; however, I anticipate that we
will be a united and complementary force for the most important
decisions of the office.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, and I believe it is important to give this information
immediately, whether positive or negative, rather than waiting to
provide this information in the official performance reviews. Those
reviews should truly be an opportunity to review the comments,
encouragement, compliments, and coaching that have occurred
continuously throughout the year. I believe both the supervisor and the
employee play an important role in the management relationship. If the
first time that an employee receives feedback, either positive or
negative, is during the performance review, then the supervisor has not
fulfilled their responsibilities.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. I understand the critical role that clear, accurate, and
direct feedback plays in performance management and employee
recognition. If confirmed, I will support a culture of constructive
feedback and accountability, and I will partner with TIP Office
supervisors and human resources professionals to advance policies that
support our staff. I would also ensure excellent performance and
accomplishments are acknowledged and rewarded.
Question. Some members of Congress and human rights groups have
raised concerns that the TIP Report's ranking process lacks
transparency and may be subject to political pressure. What are your
views on these assertions?
Answer. The annual TIP Report reflects the State Department's
assessment of government efforts to meet the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking in persons established under the Trafficking
Victims Protection Act (TVPA). I understand the Department is committed
to focusing on governments' anti-trafficking efforts under the TVPA
minimum standards.
If confirmed, I will support the TIP Office's dedicated staff in
its efforts to gather and evaluate a broad range of information from
foreign government officials, nongovernmental and international
organizations, and a full array of open sources and to apply the
minimum standards to each country as outlined in the TVPA.
Question. If confirmed, how might you address these concerns and
increase the perceived credibility and objectivity of the TIP Report
findings?
Answer. A country's tier ranking reflects the State Department's
assessment of that government's efforts during the reporting period to
meet the minimum standards under the TVPA. If confirmed, I will support
the State Department's efforts to make the Report as accurate and
objective as possible, documenting the successes and shortcomings of
government anti-trafficking efforts assessed according to those
standards applied consistently across the globe and to avoid making
assessments based on political considerations. My goal will be to
ensure that the annual TIP Report continues to be a thorough and fact-
based assessment. Maintaining its credibility will be a key priority
among all my duties, if confirmed.
Question. How will you respond to pressure from both within and
outside the Department regarding country rankings?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure the TIP Report
continues to be as objective and accurate as possible, and that tier
rankings are based solely on a country's efforts to combat trafficking.
Protecting the integrity of the TIP Report and its fidelity to the
TVPA's minimum standards will also guide my recommendations to the
Secretary regarding tier rankings. The TIP Report is the world's most
comprehensive resource on governmental anti-trafficking efforts and
remains the ``gold standard,'' accurately reflecting the
characteristics and types of human trafficking that exist and the
efforts governments are taking to combat the crime. If confirmed, I
will work with officials across the Department to maintain this
standard.
Question. What is your sense of the TIP Office's relationship with
the regional bureaus?
Answer. I understand the State Department has dedicated staff
working on human trafficking issues in Washington, including in the TIP
Office and regional and functional bureaus, and at U.S. embassies and
consulates around the world. I note the findings in last year's
inspection of the TIP Office conducted by the Department's Office of
Inspector General (OIG) found that stakeholders across the Department,
including regional bureaus and overseas embassies, believe the office
to be a collaborative partner and a leader in U.S. anti-trafficking
efforts. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure that the TIP Office
continues to work collegially and successfully with colleagues
throughout the State Department.
Question. In your view, does the TIP Office have sufficient
institutional influence within the State Department?
Answer. Yes. I believe the TIP Office has made great strides over
the years to deepen relationships throughout the Department and to
build support for a comprehensive, whole-of-Department approach to
combating human trafficking. Specifically, I note the findings in last
year's inspection of the TIP Office conducted by the Department's
Office of Inspector General (OIG). The OIG found that stakeholders
across the Department believe the office to be a collaborative partner
and a leader in U.S. anti-trafficking efforts. If confirmed, I commit
to continue the work of the TIP Office in this regard and further
deepen alliances to combat human trafficking around the world.
Question. Do you commit to accurately reporting the realities of
trafficking and anti-trafficking efforts to Congress? Please explain
your answer.
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I fully commit to accurately reporting
the realities of trafficking and anti-trafficking efforts to Congress.
If confirmed, I will prioritize ensuring that the TIP Office's
reporting, including through the congressionally mandated Trafficking
in Persons Report, continues to objectively and accurately report the
realities of trafficking and anti-trafficking efforts to Congress,
through documenting both the successes and shortcomings of government
anti-trafficking efforts around the world, including the United States.
Question. What is your assessment of global anti-trafficking work
and the subsequent U.S. response to fight traffickers globally?
Answer. I believe the United States has always been a global leader
in the fight against human trafficking, and the Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP Report), our multilateral work, and the use of our foreign
assistance are some of the most important diplomatic tools we have. The
Report helps us strengthen anti-trafficking efforts worldwide, shapes
the TIP Office's foreign assistance priorities, and reflects the U.S.
Government's commitment to global leadership on this issue, including
by assessing its own efforts through the U.S. narrative. If confirmed,
I will work to continue to strengthen U.S. leadership in these and
other areas, including on ensuring survivors' expertise is integrated
to improve anti-trafficking policies and programs and eliminating
trafficking in government procurement.
Question. Child Protection Compacts (CPCs) are a tool the J/TIP
office has to further advance anti-trafficking work in country-specific
contexts. What is your assessment of the program, and do you believe
any/some of current CPC countries have met their thresholds under the
original auspices of their agreements? Why or why not?
Answer. CPC Partnerships are one of J/TIP's cornerstone programs. I
understand close engagement with governments that have the political
will to address child trafficking, longer performance periods that
promote sustainability of efforts, and support to local civil society
have advanced CPC Partnership objectives and supported partner
countries in meeting the goals as defined in in the partnership. For
instance, in Mongolia, improving interagency coordination was a key
goal. I understand that within the first year of the partnership, civil
society implementing partners worked with the government to establish
the first Multidisciplinary Task Force on Trafficking in Persons which
includes all relevant stakeholders.
Question. The JTIP office produces one of the most important
diplomatic tools each year, the Trafficking in Persons report. This
report is invaluable to Congress in our various engagements each year.
Do you believe this report could be improved? Why or why not? Does it
provide a completely full picture of each country and their willingness
to commit to anti-trafficking work?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with J/TIP to ensure the
Trafficking in Persons Report continues to be the world's most
comprehensive resource on governmental anti-trafficking efforts and
remains the ``gold standard,'' accurately reflecting the
characteristics and types of human trafficking that exist and the
efforts governments are taking--a reflection of their will--to combat
the crime. There is always room for improvement, and I will strive to
ensure the Trafficking in Persons Report continues to be as objective
and accurate as possible, and that tier rankings are based solely on a
country's efforts to combat trafficking, consistent with the
Trafficking Victims Protection Act.
Question. Do you view aid restrictions to Tier 3 countries as an
effective tool for encouraging the government of such countries to
improve their anti-trafficking efforts? Why or why not?
Answer. Congress created several tools to effect progress on human
trafficking in the TVPA. Aid restrictions for countries on Tier 3 are
an important one of those tools. I understand the President makes the
determination to impose restrictions as a means to motivate governments
to address human trafficking and to signal the importance of countering
human trafficking, while carefully balancing other critical foreign
policy priorities where it is in our national interest to continue
providing assistance. I believe this tool is working. I understand many
governments facing restrictions elevate their understanding and actions
against human trafficking.
Question. Please discuss the TIP Office's relationship with other
departments and offices engaged in anti-trafficking programs. How
effective are the President's Interagency Task Force to Monitor and
Combat Trafficking in Persons (PITF) and Senior Policy Operating Group
(SPOG) for encouraging interagency coordination to combat human
trafficking?
Answer. The PITF, composed of 20 agencies and departments, is the
highest interagency body solely focused on advancing U.S. Government
anti-trafficking efforts through a model whole-of-government approach.
Its regular Cabinet-level meetings are effective action-forcing events,
establishing priorities and commitments. I understand the TIP Office
works with interagency partners throughout the year, supporting the
work of the SPOG's committees and ad hoc working groups and
collaborating on the U.S. narrative in the annual TIP Report. As chair
of the SPOG, if confirmed, I will continue to bring together federal
agencies to discuss timely, relevant issues for coordination to advance
our anti-trafficking efforts across the federal government.
Question. In your view, does the TIP Office have sufficient
institutional clout and access across the interagency?
Answer. My understanding is that the TIP Office has excellent
relationships with its interagency partners. I note the findings in
last year's inspection of the TIP Office conducted by the Department's
Office of Inspector General (OIG) found that stakeholders across the
interagency believe the office to be a collaborative partner and a
leader in U.S. anti-trafficking efforts. As our understanding of human
trafficking and its far-reaching impact on our lives and society grows,
so does our need to leverage different agencies' expertise and
resources and to promote efficiency and collaboration. If confirmed, I
will work to advance those goals and preserve strong interagency
relationships.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Cynthia Dyer by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. How can the U.S. continue to engage with Armenia to
reduce their military and political reliance on Russia, while
maintaining our ongoing commitment to peace in Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. A strong, democratic Armenia will be in a better position
to freely choose their own partners and allies. The assistance provided
by the United States to support civil society, electoral processes,
energy security, anti-corruption reforms, and trade expansion will all
contribute to a stronger Armenia. State Department support for a
durable peace agreement with Azerbaijan and normalization with Turkey
seeks to broaden Armenia's options for economic and energy
diversification.
We regularly discuss security issues with Armenia as part of the
U.S.-Armenia Strategic Dialogue mechanism, focusing on areas where we
can help Armenia improve capacity and resilience to chart a more
independent course. Our assistance fosters interoperability with U.S.
and NATO forces, bolsters Armenia's international peacekeeping
contributions, supports Armenia's Individual Partnership Action Plan
with NATO, and assists with defense reforms. Under the State
Partnership Program, the Kansas National Guard works closely with the
Armenian military to build capabilities and interoperability with the
United States.
Question. The Collective Security Treaty Organization, or CSTO, has
allowed Russia to retain influence in the post-Soviet sphere and
develop its own regional military alliance, although I understand there
are frustrations from the Armenian Government in how Russia has reacted
to the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The U.S. must continue to
work for a peaceful and lasting solution to this conflict.
To what extent does the CSTO allow Russia to spread disinformation
and bolster its military presence in Eastern Europe, and how
can the U.S. and Armenia effectively engage to reduce these
malign influences?
Answer. Armenia, like every other country--regardless of their
geography or history--has the right to pursue its foreign relations as
it chooses, in the furtherance of its own interests, and in accordance
with international law. No country should attempt to undermine that
right.
Russia has utilized CSTO deployments and missions in member states,
including Armenia, to create a perception of Russia being a good faith
mediator to conflicts in the former USSR. The Kremlin creates and
spreads disinformation in an attempt to confuse and overwhelm people
about Russia's real actions in Ukraine, Georgia, and elsewhere in
Europe. The United States Government continues to focus on rebutting
and countering Russian disinformation and on shining a light on
Russia's malign influence operations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Cynthia Dyer by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In May, Secretary Blinken said that the People's Republic
of China is the ``only country with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic,
military, and technological power to do it.'' The Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) clearly holds all the reins of power in the People's
Republic of China and has used this power to commit genocide in
Xinjiang, flood our communities with fentanyl, and emit by far the
largest quantity of greenhouse gases. As we speak, the Party is
cracking down on unprecedented student protests across the country.
With their absolute control of Chinese society and industry, the CCP
could stop all of these destructive actions tomorrow if they so choose.
Is the CCP a threat to the United States?
Answer. The President made it clear in his National Security
Strategy that the People's Republic of China (PRC) harbors the
intention and, increasingly, the capacity to reshape the international
order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to its
benefit. As Secretary Blinken said on May 26, we will invest in
America, align with our Allies, and compete with the PRC to defend our
interests and build our vision for the future. If confirmed, I will
continue to ensure that the Trafficking in Persons Report accurately
records and assesses the human trafficking record of the People's
Republic of China. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA)
requires the Department to make an objective assessment of government
anti-trafficking efforts, not assessments based on political
considerations. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the PRC to end
all state-sponsored forced labor.
Question. Does the CCP undertake any activities that are beneficial
to U.S. interests?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. As recorded in the 2022 Trafficking in Persons Report, I
understand the People's Republic of China initiated its first reported
prosecution of a domestic case of trafficking without transnational
elements since 2017 and approved a new national action plan for 2021-
2030. However, a government policy or pattern of widespread forced
labor persisted. If confirmed, I will work with allies to highlight the
PRC's complicity in human trafficking crimes.
Question. Do you believe there are any areas within which the CCP
would constructively work with the United States in good faith?
Answer. Although we are strategic competitors, as the President
laid out in his National Security Strategy, the United States does not
seek conflict or a new Cold War. We and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC's external environment in a way that
influences their behavior even as we compete with them. The United
States' approach towards the PRC focuses on competing with the PRC
where our interests and values differ and cooperating with them when
they align. If confirmed, I will continue to work with like-minded
counterparts in governments and industry around the world to strengthen
international efforts against the importation of goods produced by
state-sponsored forced labor in the PRC and I will continue to consider
all available tools and actions to promote accountability for those
responsible for these abuses.
Question. If confirmed, will you approve any joint activity with
organizations or representatives from the People's Republic of China
and the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking?
Answer. As the United States National Security Strategy makes clear
and as Secretary Blinken said in October, the People's Republic of
China (PRC) is the greatest geopolitical challenge that we face because
it is the only competitor with the intent and increasingly the
capability to remake the international order. Beijing's actions suggest
PRC officials have the intention to do so. If confirmed, I will work
with NGOs and government representatives willing to undertake genuine,
credible efforts to address human trafficking, including in the areas
of prevention, protection, and the pursuit of criminal accountability,
including for government officials. I will continue to look for ways to
support civil society and diaspora organizations involved in holding
the PRC accountable and protecting the victims of its state-sponsored
forced labor campaigns.
Question. Members of Congress, and human rights groups, have raised
concerns that the TIP Report's ranking process lacks transparency and
is subject to political pressure. For example, this year, in the
Report's first annual list of ``State Sponsors of Human Trafficking,';'
the People's Republic of China was ``inadvertently'' left off, until I
released a statement and the Department subsequently corrected the
report. This is especially egregious as the CCP's ongoing genocide and
forced labor programs of Uyghurs most likely make it the worst
perpetrator of human trafficking.
If confirmed, how might you address these concerns and increase the
perceived credibility and objectivity of the TIP Report
findings?
Answer. The annual TIP Report reflects the State Department's
assessment of government efforts to meet the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking in persons established under the Trafficking
Victims Protection Act (TVPA). The Department of State is committed to
focusing on governments' anti-trafficking efforts under the TVPA
minimum standards.
If confirmed, I will support the TIP Office's dedicated staff in
its efforts to gather and evaluate a broad range of information from
foreign government officials, nongovernmental and international
organizations, and a full array of open sources and to apply the
minimum standards to each country as outlined in the TVPA.
Question. The U.S. has taken a range of policy actions in response
to mass arbitrary detention and forced labor by the CCP in Xinjiang,
including targeted sanctions, export controls, and import restrictions.
Nonetheless, the 2021 TIP Report, state-sponsored forced labor was
``intensifying'' in Xinjiang and ``increasingly prevalent'' in China.
What additional steps, if any, should the U.S. take to combat human
trafficking by the CCP?
Answer. The United States must continue to take strong action to
promote accountability for the PRC's actions and strengthen market
defenses against the import of goods produced through forced labor in
Xinjiang. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the international
community to alert businesses and other entities to the reputational,
economic, and legal risks of involvement with entities in or linked to
Xinjiang. I will promote coordination efforts within international
business specific to tracing supply chains and identifying high risk
sourcing from companies linked to abuses in the Xinjiang region to
support our shared interest of eradicating forced labor from global
supply chains.
Question. What is the proper role of the TIP Office in these
efforts?
Answer. The TIP Office works across the Department and with federal
agencies and civil society to monitor allegations related to the
Xinjiang region and respond to the priorities laid out in both the
National Action Plan to Combat Human Trafficking and the National
Security Strategy. If confirmed, I will ensure that the TIP Office
fosters and partners with a robust civil society that includes shelter
organizations, direct service providers, watchdog groups, survivors,
and nongovernmental organizations conducting awareness raising to end
the use of forced labor in Xinjiang.
Question. The Biden administration has waived security assistance
restrictions for Child Soldiers Prevention Act-listed countries,
allowing for the provision of hundreds of millions of dollars in
otherwise restricted assistance. Critics contend that such waivers
undermine U.S. efforts to deter countries from using child soldiers.
Please describe the approach you would take toward issuance of these
waivers, if confirmed.
Answer. I understand that the President waives the Child Soldiers
Prevention Act (CSPA) restrictions to motivate governments to cease the
recruitment or use of child soldiers and, if applicable, their support
to nongovernmental groups engaging in such practices. If confirmed, I
would coordinate closely with colleagues in the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor, which is the bureau responsible for
implementing the CSPA for the Department, to help inform the
recommendations to the Secretary and President and ensure compliance
with existing authorities.
Question. Under what conditions might such waivers be appropriate?
Would you advocate that frequency of waivers be generally decreased?
Why or why not?
Answer. After the publication of the Child Soldiers Prevention Act
(CSPA) list in the annual Trafficking in Persons Report, I understand
that the President decides whether to waive the CSPA restriction on
affected security assistance on a case-by-case basis. The President is
authorized to waive the CSPA restriction if he determines it is in the
national interest of the United States and certifies that the
government of the country is taking effective and continuing steps to
address the problem of child soldiers. This year, I understand the
President waived the CSPA restriction on the fewest number of
governments since the initial enactment of the CSPA, with no full
waiver provided to any country.
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Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Cynthia Dyer by Senator Todd Young
Question. Oftentimes daylight is the best disinfectant, and the
annual Trafficking in Persons report can serve to hold guilty parties
or even other governments accountable. Can you point to any significant
policy shifts in other countries that occurred as a result of being
cited in the Trafficking in Persons Report?
Answer. The Department uses the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP
Report) as a diplomatic tool to engage governments on trafficking. As a
result, I believe governments around the world have strengthened anti-
trafficking efforts. I understand the TIP Report and the Department's
sustained engagement helped Uzbekistan strengthen anti-trafficking
efforts over the past five years, enough to progressively merit
upgrades from Tier 3, Tier 2 Watch List, and now Tier 2. These efforts
included taking substantive actions toward ending the use of forced
labor of children and adults during the annual cotton harvest. In 2021,
noted in this year's Report, many governments undertook renewed efforts
to increase convictions, such as Ireland and Bahrain.
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