[Senate Hearing 117-642]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                                                        S. Hrg. 117-642

                     NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, 
                           SECOND SESSION_PART I

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                                HEARINGS

                               BEFORE THE

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               ----------                              

                                 Part I

                  January 12, 2022 thru June 16, 2022

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                COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS          

            ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman          
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland             JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire            MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware           RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut          MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia                      ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts          RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                     TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey               JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                     TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland               MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                         BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                Damian Murphy, Staff Director          
       Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director          
                   John Dutton, Chief Clerk          


                             (ii)          

  
                          C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              

Responses to additional questions from the committee and any 
  other material submitted for the record are located at the end 
  of each hearing transcript.

                                 PART I

Wednesday, January 12, 2022......................................     1

    Cleveland, Sarah H., of New York, nominated to be Legal 
      Adviser of the Department of State.........................     9

    O'Brien James C., of Nebraska, nominated to be head of the 
      Office of Sanctions Coordination, with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................    12

    Tsunis, George J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      Greece.....................................................    15

    Van Schaack, Beth, of California, nominated to be Ambassador-
      at-Large for Global Criminal Justice.......................    18

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................    33

Tuesday, February 8, 2022........................................    91

    Lipstadt, Dr. Deborah E., of Georgia, nominated to be Special 
      Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................    98

    Dogu, Hon. Laura Farnsworth, of Texas, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras.....................   101

    Levine, Randi Charno, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Portuguese Republic.................................   104

    Perry, Hon. N. Nickolas, of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Jamaica......................................   107

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   128

Thursday, March 3, 2022..........................................   167

    Romanowski, Hon. Alina L., of Illinois, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq.........................   172

    Hickey, Douglas T., of Idaho, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Finland....................................   175

    Fagin, Steven H., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Yemen...................................   177

    McKee, Hon. Erin Elizabeth, of California, nominated to be an 
      assistant administrator of the United States Agency for 
      International Development..................................   180

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   192



                                 (iii)

Tuesday, March 15, 2022..........................................   239

    Meehan, Bernadette M., of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Chile........................   241

    Nkengasong, Dr. John N., of Georgia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador-at-Large, Coordinator of the United States 
      Government Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally..........   244

    Muyangwa, Dr. Monde, of Maryland, nominated to be an 
      assistant administrator of the United States Agency for 
      International Development..................................   247

    Gonzales, Hon. Rebecca Eliza, nominated to be Director of the 
      Office of Foreign Missions.................................   250

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   273

Thursday, April 7, 2022..........................................   317

    Kennedy, Hon. Caroline, of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Commonwealth of Australia................   322

    Goldberg, Hon. Philip S., of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea........   325

    Nathanson, Marc B., of California, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Kingdom of Norway...................................   328

    Carlson, Marykay Loss, of Arkansas, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines..............   331

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   351

Wednesday, May 4, 2022...........................................   391

    Turner, Dr. Bruce I., of Colorado, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, 
      with the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service...   396

    Leventhal, Alan M., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark.......................   400

    Milstein, Constance J., of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Malta........................   403

    Hartley, Hon. Jane D., of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
      Northern Ireland...........................................   405

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   419

Tuesday, May 10, 2022............................................   511

    Brink, Hon. Bridget A., nominated to be Ambassador to Ukraine   515

    Richard, Hon. Elizabeth H., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Coordinator for Counterterrorism, with the rank and status 
      of Ambassador-at-Large.....................................   518

    Laskaris, Hon. Alexander Mark, of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Chad.........   520

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   547

Wednesday, May 18, 2022..........................................   585

    Bagley, Hon. Elizabeth Frawley, of Florida, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil............   590

    Aponte, Hon. Mari Carmen, of Florida, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Panama.......................   593

    Mora, Dr. Francisco O., of Florida, nominated to be Permanent 
      Representative to the Organization of American States, with 
      the rank of Ambassador.....................................   596

    Kwan, Michelle, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      Belize.....................................................   599

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   622

Tuesday, May 24, 2022............................................   651

    Brigety, Hon. Reuben E. II, of Florida, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa.................   656

    Battle, Hon. Michael A. Sr., of Georgia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania..............   658

    Whitman, Margaret C., of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Kenya...................................   660

    Gonzales, Michael C., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia.......................   675

    Godfrey, John T., of California, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Sudan...................................   677

    Adler, Michael J., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of South Sudan................................   680

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   690

Tuesday, June 7, 2022............................................   763

    Bennett, Amanda, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 
      Chief Executive Officer of the United States Agency for 
      Global Media...............................................   765

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   780

Thursday, June 16, 2022..........................................   791

    Wittes, Dr. Tamara Cofman, of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the United 
      States Agency for International Development................   794

    Ratney, Michael Alan, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia..................   797

    Davis, Timmy T., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the State of Qatar.........................................   800

    Gupta, Dr. Geeta Rao, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues..............   803

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   827

                                Part II

Thursday, June 23, 2022..........................................   875

    Shortino, Elizabeth, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be United States Executive Director of the International 
      Monetary Fund for a term of two years......................   878

    Pressman, Hon. David, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Hungary.................................................   881

    Pyatt, Hon. Geoffrey R., nominated to be an Assistant 
      Secretary (Energy Resources)...............................   883
    Wood, Hon. Robert A., of New York, nominated to be Alternate 
      Representative for Special Political Affairs in the United 
      Nations, with the rank of Ambassador, and to be an 
      Alternate Representative to the Sessions of the General 
      Assembly of the United Nations, during his tenure of 
      service....................................................   887

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   902

Wednesday, July 13, 2022.........................................   937

    Godec, Hon. Robert F., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand......................   941

    Thompson, Dean R., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      Nepal......................................................   944

    Abraham, Yohannes, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Representative to the Association of Southeast Asian 
      Nations, with the rank and status of Ambassador............   947

    Buangan, Richard Lee, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Mongolia.....................................   950

    Damour, Marie C., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Fiji, and to serve concurrently and without 
      additional compensation as Ambassador to the Republic of 
      Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and 
      Tuvalu.....................................................   953

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   972
Wednesday, July 27, 2022.........................................  1015

    Talwar, Hon. Puneet, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco.................  1018

    Henick, Dr. Jonathan, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Uzbekistan..............................  1021

    Viguerie, Lesslie, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Kyrgyz Republic........................................  1024

    Rosenblum, Hon. Daniel N., of Maryland, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan...................  1026

    Hood, Joey R., of New Hampshire, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Tunisia.................................  1029

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1043

Thursday, July 28, 2022--a.m.....................................  1103

    Duncan, William H., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of El Salvador................................  1110

    Rodriguez, Hugo F., Jr., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Nicaragua....................  1112

    Bond, Candace A., of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago........................  1115

    Fulton, Heide B., of West Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay.............  1118

    Faucher, Robert J., of Arizona, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Suriname...................................  1121

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1138

Thursday, July 28, 2022--p.m.....................................  1173

    Duggal, Shefali Razdan, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands...............  1177

    Patman, Carrin F., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Iceland....................................  1180

    Aggeler, Angela Price, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Ambassador to the Republic of North Macedonia........  1182

    Rana, Gautam A., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Slovak Republic........................................  1185

    Berry, Hon. Randy W., of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Namibia.................................  1187

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1197

Wednesday, August 3, 2022........................................  1231

    Ba, Jessica Davis, of the District of Columbia, nominated to 
      be Ambassador to the Republic of Cote D'Ivoire.............  1239

    Tamlyn, Hon. Lucy, of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.........  1242

    Korhonen, Rachna Sachdeva, of New Jersey, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Mali.........................  1245

    Schiffer, Rolfe Michael, of New York, nominated to be an 
      Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for 
      International Development..................................  1248

    Fick, Nathaniel, of Maine, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
      Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy....................  1250

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1271

Tuesday, November 29, 2022.......................................  1355

    Robinson, Christopher T., of Maryland, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia.......................  1359

    Kent, George P., of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Estonia.................................  1362

    Merten, Hon. Kenneth, of Virginia, to the Republic of 
      Bulgaria...................................................  1365

    Kavalec, Kathleen Ann, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Romania......................................  1367

    Sabet, Bijan, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Czech Republic.........................................  1370

    Sullivan, Hon. Stephanie Sanders, of Maryland, nominated to 
      be Representative to the African Union, with the rank and 
      status of Ambassador.......................................  1389

    Jardine, Henry V., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Mauritius, and to serve concurrently and 
      without additional compensation as Ambassador to the 
      Republic of Seychelles.....................................  1392

    Gorordo, L. Felice, of Florida, nominated to be Alternate 
      Executive Director of the International Bank for 
      Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years.....  1394

    Weiner, Richard L.A., of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and 
      Development................................................  1397

    Micaller, Manuel P., Jr. of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Tajikistan...................  1400

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1414

Wednesday, November 30, 2022.....................................  1513

    Tracy, Hon. Lynne M., of Ohio, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Russian Federation.....................................  1516

    Fisher, Hon. Julie D., of Tennessee, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus.......................  1542

    Kvien, Kristina A., of California, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Armenia.................................  1545

    Spahn, Carol, of Maryland, nominated to be Director of the 
      Peace Corps................................................  1548

    Dyer, Cynthia, of Virginia, nominated to be Director of the 
      Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking, with the rank of 
      Ambassador-at-Large........................................  1550

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1564


                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                      WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:23 a.m., in 
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, Booker, Van Hollen, 
Risch, Rubio, Johnson, Romney, Paul, Young, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senator Casey.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will now come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominations for four 
important positions: Sarah Cleveland to be the State Department 
Legal Adviser, James O'Brien to be the Coordinator for 
Sanctions Policy, Dr. Beth Van Schaack to be Ambassador-at-
Large for Global Criminal Justice, and George Tsunis to be the 
Ambassador for Greece.
    Congratulations to each of you. We appreciate your 
willingness and that of your family, because we recognize that 
this is a sacrifice by families as well, to serve your country 
in this capacity.
    I know that there are various colleagues who are looking to 
make introductions of our nominees before the committee.
    I understand that Senator Coons is seeking to introduce Ms. 
Cleveland, Senator Booker will be introducing Dr. Van Schaack, 
and Senators Casey and Paul will be introducing Mr. Tsunis.
    So we will start with--I understand Senator Casey is 
joining us virtually?
    Senator Casey. That is correct.
    The Chairman. Senator Casey, the floor is yours.

            STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR., 
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

    Senator Casey. Chairman Menendez, thank you for this 
opportunity. I want to thank you and Ranking Member Risch and 
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for this 
opportunity and to appear before you in this format to support 
George Tsunis' nomination to be the next Ambassador to Greece.
    I have known George for over 15 years. He has friends on 
both sides of the aisle in the United States Senate, and I want 
to thank him for his willingness to serve.
    I also want to thank, as Chairman Menendez made reference 
to, his family: George's wife, Olga, his two daughters, Eleni 
and Yanna, and his son, James. Families make it possible for an 
American to serve our nation abroad and we are grateful for the 
contribution that they make.
    Let me start with the role of Ambassador to Greece. As the 
committee members know better than I, this is a vital 
diplomatic position for the United States Government.
    As Russia continues its unprecedented aggression against 
Ukraine and other democratic neighbors and Iranian threats in 
the Middle East grow, the position of Ambassador to Greece has 
become even more important to U.S. national security and 
regional stability in Europe and the Middle East.
    This Ambassador serves to promote the thriving U.S.-Greek 
economic partnership and both of our nations' democratic values 
and respect for human rights.
    George is prepared to take on these responsibilities and 
these challenges, and strengthen our relationship with Greece. 
His legal and business acumen and strong commitment to public 
service make him well qualified to serve as Ambassador.
    He has practiced law in New York, rising to be a partner in 
New York's largest real estate, municipal law, and commercial 
litigation firm. In 2005, he left his firm to start his very 
successful company, Chartwell Hotels.
    George has grown Chartwell into a leader, operating hotels 
across the East Coast and mid-Atlantic. I know personally in 
Pennsylvania George has developed four hotels from ground-up 
construction, creating hundreds of construction jobs and 
permanent hospitality jobs.
    Every job, especially in places like Williamsport, 
Pennsylvania--Lycoming County, in the north central part of our 
state--every single job is important to those communities, and 
that community also rehabilitated the historic 1913 First 
National Bank, returning this Williamsport landmark to 
commercial use.
    He has also been very active in the Chamber of Commerce in 
Lycoming County. In addition to his private sector leadership, 
George has also served his community, whether it is as a lawyer 
for the New York City Council, work he has done in the town of 
Huntingdon's Environmental Open Space Committee, the Dix Water 
District, serving as an advisor here in the Senate to the 
Senate Banking Committee, and chairman of the Battery Park City 
Authority.
    Again, in service of the people of Pennsylvania, George 
founded a scholarship for promising students at the 
Pennsylvania College of Technology, one of our premier 
institutions in the state, and he remains active in his support 
for Lycoming County communities and philanthropic 
organizations.
    George knows intimately the interests of the Greek people 
and how to represent those interests at the highest levels. He 
is the son of first-generation Greek immigrants, learning Greek 
as his first language and actively participating in the 
community of St. Paraskevi.
    George has become a recognized leader in the Greek-American 
community. He was a founding trustee of the foremost Greek 
civic leadership organization in the United States, the 
Hellenic American Leadership Council, and remains vice 
president of the board of directors.
    He continues to support other nonprofit organizations. His 
missions revolve around the importance of the U.S.-Greek 
relationship, including the Hellenic Initiative, Leadership 
100, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese National Coordinating 
Committee, and so much more.
    For his leadership on behalf of the Greek-American 
community, George has received the St. Paul's Medal, the 
highest ecclesiastical honor for a layman from the Greek 
Orthodox Church in America and a member to the Order of St. 
Andrew the Apostle, the highest honor given to a lay person by 
his All Holiness Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew.
    George has extensive leadership experience, and his long 
commitment to the U.S.-Greek relationship have prepared him 
well to represent the United States as our next Ambassador to 
Greece.
    I enthusiastically support and recommend his nomination to 
you and I am honored to have this opportunity today. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Casey, for that insightful 
introduction.
    I now turn to a distinguished member of this committee, 
Senator Paul.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. RAND PAUL, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM KENTUCKY

    Senator Paul. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of 
the committee, thank you for allowing me to introduce my 
friend, George Tsunis, to you and to encourage you to approve 
him as the U.S. Ambassador to Greece.
    I have known George for several years. I know him as a 
patriot, a civic leader, and an exceptional executive, as well 
as someone who has exhibited the bipartisanship that I think 
will help him in negotiating as a diplomat and representing his 
country.
    He has been an important figure in U.S.-Greek relations. He 
understands the dynamics of the long friendship between our 
countries. We would be fortunate to have him as our 
representative to the Government of Greece.
    George has succeeded in business and is eager to bring that 
expertise to the public sector. He heads Chartwell Hotels, as 
you have heard, which is successful across the country.
    He also chairs the Battery Park City Authority, which 
manages a 92-acre development on Manhattan's Lower West Side. 
He speaks Greek, is a proud American of Greek descent.
    George is active in the Orthodox Church, was a founding 
trustee of the Hellenic American Leadership Council and is a 
trustee of the Hellenic Initiative, a global humanitarian 
organization established a decade ago.
    George has worked closely with the Greek-American leaders 
in the United States, knows many of the important players in 
Greece, and is conversant with the issues they deal with 
regularly.
    He also understands how to operate part of the Government--
as part of the Government in the United States. He served as a 
legislative attorney for the New York City Council, as counsel 
for the Dix Hills Water District in New York, and as an aide to 
a U.S. senator.
    In fact, he worked for Senator Alfonse D'Amato, who is here 
today. Thank you, Senator D'Amato, for being here today to 
support George's nomination.
    George is involved in countless charities that give back to 
the community, including various hospitals. We are fortunate 
that George wants to return to government service.
    Thank you for considering him for this important role and, 
thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to speak on George's 
behalf.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Paul.
    Senator Booker, are you ready to introduce Dr. Van Schaack?

                 STATEMENT OF HON. CORY BOOKER,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    Senator Booker. Yes. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Chairman, I have known Dr. Beth Van Schaack for 34 
years. She had the unfortunate experience of meeting me when we 
were both teenagers, and while I was a hunk of undeveloped 
athletic and intellectual potential, she was an extraordinary 
standout in her college years.
    She was brilliant, wise beyond her years, and someone 
deeply committed to her classmates. I made the smart decision 
just to follow her and I followed her to Yale Law School where 
we continued to develop our friendship, but more importantly to 
the matter before us, I got to see her tie her intellectual 
excellence with a commitment for larger issues of justice.
    This is someone who has, I have seen, weather very 
difficult personal challenges overcoming adversity, and yet she 
continued to devote her life over and over to serving her 
country and others.
    After receiving her law degree from Yale, she has been 
committed to achieving justice, beginning her career working on 
behalf of victims of human rights abuses. She has served as 
deputy in the same office that she has now been nominated to 
lead.
    She has been advisor, a valued advisor, to Secretary of 
State Hillary Clinton, to Secretary of State John Kerry, on 
ways the United States can prevent and respond to mass 
atrocities and war crimes.
    In 2014, she returned back to Stanford where she is 
currently the Leah Kaplan Professor in Human Rights, focused on 
training the next generation of human rights advocates. She has 
earned a reputation amongst her students and colleagues and 
peers as one of the preeminent experts in our nation on these 
pressing issues.
    It is an honor for me, one of the great of my time as 
senator, to be able to not only introduce her but to press upon 
my colleagues that I think she will be a tremendous addition to 
our diplomatic corps, not just because of her vast experience, 
not just because of her intellect and expertise, but because of 
her character.
    It is what I have seen for 34 years, that she has grit, 
that she has guts, that she has dedication to others, and I 
think she will be an extraordinary asset to this nation, not to 
mention the fact that she can still beat me in a 40-yard dash.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Oh, and, Mr. Chairman, a point of privilege, please. I just 
have to say to my friend, George Tsunis [speaks Greek] and, 
sir, thank you for standing up [speaks Greek].
    The Chairman. Wow.[Laughter.]
    The Chairman. Forty-yard dash. Okay.
    I understand that Senator Coons is here so we recognize him 
now.

            STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE

    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is my honor to 
introduce my friend and law school classmate, Sarah Cleveland, 
nominated by President Biden to serve as Legal Adviser for the 
State Department.
    I want to welcome her family--Roger, Grover, Richard, 
Electa--who are with her today. I have known her more than 30 
years, and I remember most clearly and sharply our working 
together on international human rights litigation on behalf of 
refugees being interdicted on the high seas--refugees from 
Haiti who were fleeing a change of government there and seeking 
refuge.
    She was the legal brains of our team and was brilliant then 
and is brilliant now. She has been nominated to be the State 
Department's top lawyer at a critical moment when we need 
someone with deep experience, great values, and the ability to 
help give the most relevant and timely advice to the leaders of 
our State Department and our nation.
    If confirmed, she would be the second woman in our nation's 
history to hold the position of the presidentially-appointed 
Legal Adviser. She was raised in Alabama, worked as a sales 
clerk and waitress in Birmingham to pay her way through Brown. 
Went on to study at Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar and Yale Law 
School, and to clerk on the Supreme Court for Justice Blackmun.
    She has worked in red states and blue states, at home from 
Texas to New York to South Florida and in far-flung corners of 
the world from Namibia to Eastern Europe advancing justice, 
human rights, and national security.
    As a result of her nearly 30 years of teaching and 
practicing international law, she has developed deep expertise. 
I have a letter I will submit for the record of endorsement of 
former legal advisers who served in both Republican and 
Democratic administrations.
    Fourteen of her years were spent working for or advising 
the U.S. Government or the judiciary and eight as an 
independent expert at the request of the U.S. Government.
    If you do not know Sarah yet, it will soon become clear she 
cares deeply about democracy, human rights, and the rule of law 
around the world and is greatly knowledgeable about the threats 
posed by Russia, China, Iran, and others.
    Sarah Cleveland is a dedicated and capable public servant 
with the intelligence, character, and experience to serve 
admirably as the next State Department Legal Adviser. I look 
forward to supporting her and urge my colleagues to support her 
confirmation.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Coons.
    Let me turn to the nominees, briefly.
    Ms. Cleveland, welcome and congratulations on your 
nomination. You have a stellar legal resume. I have no doubt 
that your experience including in the Office of the Legal 
Adviser, or L, as it is well known, will serve you well.
    I am pleased to note that you have the strong support of 
your predecessors. All nine living former legal advisers, six 
Republicans and three Democrats, have written to Senator Risch 
and myself endorsing your nomination, and without objection, I 
will ask that those letters will be included in the record.


    [The information referred to is located at the end of this 
transcript.]


    The Chairman. As you know, the role of Legal Adviser is 
somewhat unique in our government. If confirmed, you will be 
the general counsel of the State Department leading L and its 
cadre of exceptionally talented lawyers, and you will also be 
the chief international legal diplomat for the United States.
    You will be expected to provide objective legal advice to 
the Secretary of State, other department policymakers, and 
offices across the federal government.
    I expect that, if confirmed, you will build upon the work 
of the current administration to return the United States to a 
place it once held on the global stage as a country that both 
observes and advances the rule of law.
    As an attorney for the executive branch, you will no doubt 
be pressed to broadly interpret the President's Article Two 
authorities.
    I will look to you for a vigorous and objective legal 
analysis, and I expect that consistent with our Constitution 
you will understand the interest and role of Congress in the 
area of foreign affairs and work in good faith with this 
committee to ensure that Congress' constitutional role in 
foreign affairs is fully and meaningfully respected.
    Mr. O'Brien, I am pleased to have you before us, both 
because I believe you are an excellent nominee and because your 
presence signifies something that both Senator Risch and I 
worked towards, the establishment of a Sanctions Coordinator 
position in law.
    It is a critical position, and the last administration's 
decision to leave it unfilled was, in my view, shortsighted and 
damaging. As you know, sanctions are one of the few meaningful 
tools we have in our foreign policy toolkit.
    If confirmed, you will have three statutorily-mandated 
roles. You will be the lead sanctions diplomat, the lead for 
State on sanctions in the interagency process, and the lead 
within State in coordinating sanctions policy.
    In short, your efforts will be instrumental to ensuring 
that our sanctions policy are fully aligned with and advancing 
our foreign policy. I look forward to hearing how you will 
approach that complex set of challenges awaiting you, if 
confirmed.
    Dr. Van Schaack, congratulations on your nomination. I am 
glad to hear you can outrun my distinguished colleague from New 
Jersey. You have had a distinguished career that has prepared 
you well for this position.
    If confirmed, you will be tasked with advising the 
Secretary of State and others in the U.S. Government on how to 
prevent and respond to atrocities around the world. To say this 
is a critical task would be an understatement.
    For decades, the United States has led the world in seeking 
responsible mechanisms of international justice to hold 
accountable the dictators, thugs, and warlords who commit 
atrocities against their own citizens.
    And yet, when we look around the world today, we see rising 
impunity for perpetrators of atrocities against innocent 
civilians.
    The genocide of Uighurs in China's Xinjiang region, the 
murderous assault on the Rohingya and other ethnic and 
religious minorities by the military junta in Burma, the Assad 
regime's machinery of torture and death in Syria, and the use 
of starvation and sexual assault as a weapon of war in Ethiopia 
are only some examples.
    Strengthening international mechanisms for accountability 
is essential to helping prevent mass atrocity crimes, and I 
look forward to hearing your ideas on how best we can 
accomplish this.
    Mr. Tsunis, I welcome your nomination, which comes at such 
a high point in the U.S.-Greece relationship. Greece is a 
critical U.S. ally, a strategic partner, and a lynchpin for 
security and democracy in the Eastern Mediterranean.
    As the birthplace of democracy, Greece continues to be a 
beacon of freedom in southeastern Europe. In recent years, we 
have taken several important steps towards strengthening our 
strategic partnership with Greece.
    Congress has reaffirmed its strong bipartisan support for 
Greece with the landmark Eastern Mediterranean Security and 
Energy Partnership Act in 2019, which I led with Senator Rubio 
and other members of this committee.
    Last year, we made strides in strengthening NATO's southern 
flank with the passage of the U.S.-Greece Defense and 
Interparliamentary Partnership Act, which I also led with 
Senator Rubio and other members of this committee, and 
Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Dendias recently signed 
an updated and expanded Defense Cooperation Agreement, 
furthering our ability to stand with our allies.
    Mr. Tsunis, if confirmed, you will inherit the strongest 
U.S.-Greece relationship in history, one that is well poised 
for even further growth.
    You know Greece and the dynamics of the region well, and I 
am confident in your ability to bring the U.S.-Greece 
relationship into the next era.
    With that, let me turn to the distinguished ranking member 
for his comments.
    Senator Risch?

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    On the nomination of Legal Adviser to the Department of 
State, this position advises the Secretary on all legal issues 
related to the work of the department including matters of 
compliance with congressional oversight--obviously, a very 
important matter to his committee.
    The use of force also in international agreements entered 
into by the United States are also matters on which advice is 
given.
    Ms. Cleveland, I do not envy the task before you. You come 
to this nomination at a pivotal juncture in U.S. foreign policy 
as the United States faces some of what I believe are the 
greatest challenges of our time.
    You will be in the room as the department grapples with 
difficult legal questions. But I wanted to emphasize another 
critical element of the job: an obligation and a commitment to 
keep Congress informed on these crucial legal questions.
    I raise this point because so far in the Biden 
administration, State's legal opinions have been missing in 
action. I am sure they exist. I hope they exist. But they are 
not shared with this committee.
    It is hard to understand administration policy and to do 
oversight without them. This lack of transparency damages 
confidence. Responses to questions on Nord Stream 2 sanctions 
have been delayed and are cursory when received.
    The department has been unwilling to respond to the most 
basic factual questions about why certain entities have not 
been sanctioned under clear statutory requirements.
    Questions about congressional oversight over potential 
reentry into the JCPOA have been insufficient. The 
administration's compliance with the Caesar Act has been 
lackluster at best, and it is accelerating outreach to Assad 
despite congressional inquiries.
    These are just a few of the most egregious examples. Should 
you be confirmed, I expect you to take seriously congressional 
requests for information and transparency.
    It is important to note that your job is to provide legal 
opinions, not legal facts. The law is never as black and white 
as legal advisers make it out to be, and since this body writes 
the laws, interpreting them in contradiction to congressional 
intent is dangerous.
    On the nomination of Sanctions Coordinator, I am pleased 
the Administration has nominated someone to this important 
position.
    As the Chairman indicated, he and I personally engaged to 
create this office under law and evaluate it to the rank of 
Ambassador with a direct report to the Secretary of State.
    I believe the structure can improve U.S. sanctions policy 
in three chief ways: improve internal department communications 
about the goals of our sanctions regimes and most effective use 
of implementation tools and resources, improve U.S. interagency 
communication to ensure our sanction regimes are fully aligned 
with U.S. foreign policy objectives, and create a centralized 
point of contact for foreign governments to ensure effective 
communication with allies and partners on sanctions 
implementation and technical cooperation.
    This particular position is so important now that this 
country more and more relies on sanctions to adjust other 
countries' actions and we do that in lieu of kinetic type of 
activity that we have engaged in in the past. This can be more 
important and actually more effective than kinetic action.
    Should you be confirmed, I expect you to focus on 
determining structure process and resourcing that will set the 
office up for success now and in the future, and I ask for your 
commitment to cooperatively engage with our office and Congress 
on these issues, going forward.
    On the nomination of Ambassador-at-Large for Global 
Criminal Justice, this office is tasked with aiding in 
interagency atrocity prevention efforts as well as driving 
response and accountability efforts for war crimes, crimes 
against humanity, and genocide.
    This role is important in seeking accountability for crimes 
committed in countries such as Syria, Burma, Iraq, Ethiopia, 
Venezuela, and others in conflict.
    While I remain a strong critic of the ICC, this office 
needs to work with the international community and our like-
minded allies to find the proper avenues of accountability and 
justice for victims of atrocities. I look forward to hearing 
your thoughts on these issues.
    Finally, on the nomination of Ambassador to Greece, Greece 
faces challenges on multiple fronts as it manages China's 
attempts to establish footholds in its economy, Russian malign 
influence campaigns to divide the European Union, and massive 
migration inflows.
    Should you be confirmed as Ambassador, I hope your 
experience in business and development will help you navigate 
the difficult challenges regarding foreign influence and 
competition in Greece's economy.
    Thank you, Senator Menendez.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    Now we will turn to our nominees. We would like to give you 
about five minutes or so to summarize your statements. Your 
full statements will be included in the record, without 
objection, and we will start with Ms. Cleveland.

 STATEMENT OF SARAH H. CLEVELAND OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
            LEGAL ADVISER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and thank you, 
Senator Coons, for that generous introduction and your years of 
friendship and leadership.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished 
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 
as President Biden's nominee to serve as Legal Adviser of the 
Department of State. I am deeply grateful to President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken for their confidence and support.
    I also want to express my gratitude to the members of this 
committee and your staff for your consideration. For over 20 
years, I have taught my students about the importance of the 
constitutional role of Congress in U.S. foreign relations.
    I have found my conversations with members of this 
committee enlightening, and I look forward to our continued 
engagement, if confirmed.
    I would like to introduce my daughter, Electa Cleveland, my 
son, Richard Tuddenham, my brother, Grover Cleveland--and yes, 
that is his name--and my life partner, Roger Cohen, who are 
with me today.
    My 97-year-old father, Melford Cleveland, is watching from 
his home in rural Alabama, and my ailing mother, Marcia 
Cleveland, who danced with the National Ballet of Washington 
here, is with us in spirit.
    We all know the tremendous toll that government service 
inflicts on our loved ones. I want to thank my family for their 
steadfast enthusiasm and support and for all I have learned 
from them. I love you deeply.
    My family has worked at all levels of national, state, and 
local government, and to them I owe my passion for public 
service.
    My father, a law clerk to fellow Alabamian Justice Hugo 
Black, held his first legal position in the Office of the Legal 
Adviser of the State Department, the office to which, if 
confirmed, I would now return.
    He then served for 20 years in the Justice Department 
before completing his career as an administrative law judge for 
the Social Security Administration.
    My brother was legal counsel to King County in Washington 
State. My great-grandfather was Speaker of the House of the 
Massachusetts legislature, and my grandmother, Walter Frances 
Cleveland, was a public school teacher and a member of the 
Board of Electors of her rural Alabama community. She 
registered numerous Black Americans to vote after World War II.
    Inspired by their examples, it has been my mission to serve 
the public good. I began as a law clerk to District Judge Lewis 
Oberdorfer and Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun.
    I have spent more than two decades teaching students about 
the central place of law in U.S. foreign relations, first, at 
the University of Texas, then at Columbia University. Some of 
them are now among the excellent lawyers at the Office of the 
Legal Adviser, or L.
    I know L well. I served as the Legal Adviser's counselor on 
international law from 2009 to 2011 and as an expert adviser to 
the office until 2013. I have been a member of the Secretary of 
State's Advisory Committee on International Law for over a 
decade.
    Having provided legal advice to the department under both 
Democratic and Republican administrations, I understand L's 
important role. Its 300 attorneys and other professionals 
provide objective advice on the law to the department and the 
U.S. Government. They problem solve, they identify legal 
constraints, and offer their best judgment to policymakers 
seeking to advance U.S. interests. They help explain U.S. 
Government legal positions to this Congress, the public, and 
counterparts around the world.
    I would bring a lifetime of knowledge to the office, if 
confirmed. My experience overseeing the definitive treatise on 
U.S. foreign relations law and serving as the U.S. Government 
nominated expert to international bodies makes me keenly aware 
of the challenges involved, particularly as states such as 
Russia, China, and Iran pose growing threats to our global 
legal order.
    If given the honor of serving as Legal Adviser, I would 
seek to provide balanced, clear, practical, and objective legal 
advice of the highest quality.
    I would do so with integrity, humility, and a full sense of 
the great responsibility I would bear. I would commit to 
maintaining close relations with Congress and this committee.
    As a teacher, I often close my course with a quote from 
Oliver Wendell Holmes: ``Go out and live greatly in the law, 
find your passion, and wear your heart out after the 
unattainable.'' We may not always be able to secure all our 
aspirations as a nation for ourselves and humanity, but 
grounded in our values, our Constitution, and our laws, we must 
never waver from that quest.
    It would be a privilege to serve the U.S. in this capacity 
and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Cleveland follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Sarah H. Cleveland

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear before you as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as Legal Adviser to the Department of State. I am 
deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence and support. I also want to express my gratitude to the 
Members of this Committee, and your staff, for your consideration. For 
over twenty years, I have taught my students about the importance of 
the constitutional role of Congress in U.S. foreign relations. I have 
found my conversations with Members of this Committee enlightening, and 
I look forward to our continued engagement, if confirmed.
    I would like to introduce my daughter, Electa Cleveland, my son, 
Richard Tuddenham, my brother, Grover Cleveland, and my life partner, 
Roger Cohen, who are with me today. My 97-year old father, Melford 
Cleveland, is watching from his home in rural Alabama, and my ailing 
mother, Marcia Cleveland, who danced with the National Ballet here in 
Washington, is with us in spirit. We all know the tremendous toll that 
government service inflicts on loved ones. I want to thank my family 
for their steadfast enthusiasm and support, and for all I have learned 
from them. I love you deeply.
    My family has worked at all levels of national, state and local 
government. To them I owe my passion for public service. My father, a 
law clerk to fellow Alabamian Justice Hugo Black, held his first legal 
position in the Office of the Legal Adviser of the State Department--
the office to which, if confirmed, I would return as the second 
Presidentially-appointed woman. He then served for 20 years in the 
Justice Department, before completing his career as an Administrative 
Law Judge for the Social Security Administration. My brother was legal 
counsel to King County in Washington State. My great grandfather was 
Speaker of the House of the Massachusetts legislature. And my 
grandmother, Walter Frances Cleveland, was a public school teacher and 
a member of the board of electors of her rural Alabama community. She 
helped register numerous Black Americans to vote after World War II.
    Inspired by their examples, it has been my mission to serve the 
public good. I began as a law clerk to District Court Judge Louis 
Oberdorfer and Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun. I have spent more 
than two decades teaching students the central place of law in U.S. 
foreign relations, first at the University of Texas, then at Columbia 
University. Some of them are now among the excellent lawyers at the 
Office of the Legal Adviser, or ``L'' as it is known. I know L well: I 
served as the Legal Adviser's Counselor on International Law from 2009-
2011, and as an expert adviser to the office until 2013. I have been a 
member of the Secretary of State's Advisory Committee on International 
Law for over a decade.
    Having provided legal advice to the Department under both 
Democratic and Republican administrations, I understand L's important 
role. Its three hundred attorneys and other professionals provide 
objective advice on the law to the Department and the U.S. Government. 
They problem solve. They identify legal constraints and offer their 
best judgement to policy makers seeking to advance U.S. interests. They 
help explain U.S. Government legal positions to Congress, the public, 
and counterparts around world.
    I would bring a lifetime of knowledge to the office, if confirmed. 
My experience overseeing the definitive treatise on U.S. foreign 
relations law and serving as the U.S. Government-nominated expert to 
international bodies makes me keenly aware of the challenges involved, 
particularly as states such as Russia, China and Iran pose growing 
threats to our global legal order.
    If given the honor of serving as Legal Adviser, I would seek to 
provide balanced, clear, practical, and objective legal advice of the 
highest quality. I would do so with integrity, humility, and a full 
sense of the great responsibility I would bear. I would commit to 
maintaining close relations with Congress and this Committee.
    As a teacher, I often close my course with a quote from Oliver 
Wendell Holmes: ``Go out and live greatly in the law, find your 
passion, and wear your heart out after the unattainable.'' We may not 
always be able to secure all our aspirations as a nation, for ourselves 
and humanity. But grounded in our values, our Constitution and our 
laws, we must never waver from that quest.
    It would be an immense privilege to serve the United States in this 
capacity. I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. O'Brien?

STATEMENT OF JAMES C. O'BRIEN OF NEBRASKA, NOMINATED TO BE HEAD 
   OF THE OFFICE OF SANCTIONS COORDINATION, WITH THE RANK OF 
                           AMBASSADOR

    Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member. It is 
an honor to appear before the committee and to have been asked 
to undertake this assignment, if the Senate agrees that I am to 
be confirmed.
    You each emphasized the role that this committee in 
particular plays in shaping U.S. sanctions policy. I already 
enjoy close relationships with some of your advisers. I expect 
to deepen those relationships and engage with this committee if 
I am confirmed to this position. I thank you for all the time 
that you have given and the staff has given to my nomination.
    I am also honored to be on this panel. These three people 
are the best at what they do and I really hope we get the 
chance to work together if the Senate decides that that is to 
be.
    I am here because of the support of my family--my wife, 
Mary, my children, Sean and Jamie, my sisters, Meghan and Nan.
    I want to offer a special word of thanks to my dad, Jim, 
who is watching from Nebraska. His mother worked for Senator 
Burke many years ago. So he has had the opportunity to revisit 
some family history as I prepared for this hearing.
    And I want to say a word about my late mother, Jane. She 
died a year ago last week. It has been a difficult year for my 
father. But I think now we are starting to see our way through 
this.
    She believed strongly in community service, having 
supported efforts to bring refugees to Nebraska, to work with 
integrating the people mentally challenged into their own 
housing, to work with English as a second language students, 
and to promote the sports among girls.
    I think that heritage of community service makes me hope 
that she would be proud of me for being willing to go back into 
government service. I know she respected American institutions 
and she would appreciate your role in deciding whether I am 
suited to go back into public service.
    I have worked in government almost 15 years of my career, 
serving twice as Special Presidential Envoy. I worked as an 
attorney adviser in L in my opening position in the U.S. 
Government, and so I have been around U.S. sanctions policy for 
more than 30 years.
    I have seen how important sanctions are and I know it is 
vital that we enforce and fully implement the sanctions that we 
have on the books, and so I commit myself that that will be a 
major part of my work if I am confirmed.
    In preparing for our consultations, I have been very 
impressed by the investment the executive branch has made in 
identifying sanctions targets and trying to develop the 
programs so that they can be effective.
    There are several hundred people at State and Treasury as 
well as the Department of Commerce, the White House, the 
intelligence community, working on these issues.
    As the Treasury Department noted in its review published 
several months ago, it alone has submitted almost 9,500 
individual sanctions over recent years. There are 20 
independent sanctions programs and scores of legislation and 
executive orders to be coordinated. So there is a lot of work 
to do to see that this is effective.
    Mr. Chairman, you asked how I would intend to do this. One 
is with a lot of help. I will need the colleagues from across 
the executive branch and also those in this room and across the 
Congress to be sure that U.S. policy is clear and forceful.
    I want to emphasize just a few points. First, sanctions are 
part of a strategy. They cannot be the strategy.
    So I will work with the colleagues responsible for U.S. 
policy so that we are clear about what we intend by sanctions, 
they have clear goals, we understand the power structures we 
are trying to enforce, and we are adaptable so that when the 
targets of our sanctions seek to evade them we are able to 
respond.
    Secondly, we have to understand both the effectiveness of 
our sanctions and their impacts and, in particular, we need to 
look at the humanitarian consequences of sanctions policy.
    Nothing undermine sanctions more quickly than the idea that 
they are hurting the innocent bystanders, and so I look forward 
to working with you to be sure that we achieve the goals of our 
sanctions while not hurting those who are not the intended 
targets.
    The third point is we have to work with our partners. Mr. 
Chairman, you mentioned that I would be a lead diplomat. I 
intend to work not only on my own but with all of my colleagues 
from across the Administration such as ambassadors in post 
because we need everyone to speak with one voice about what the 
U.S. expects from our partners and what we can learn from our 
partners so that we work well together.
    Finally, Mr. Chairman, sanctions are vital to the fight 
against corruption. This committee and others in Congress have 
been resolute in declaring corruption to be a threat to the 
United States.
    President Biden has established a strong national strategy 
to combat corruption globally, and I see the role of sanctions 
as a critical part in this and also in bringing forward the use 
of all the tools that are available to fight corruption.
    With that, we can attack not only the targets--the people 
who are responsible for human rights abuses and violations of 
law that cause us to want to sanction them--but we will be able 
to get at the networks of enablers that they rely upon to be 
able to attack our national security.
    So with that, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, I appreciate 
the consideration so far and I look forward to further 
conversation.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. O'Brien follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of James C. O'Brien

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today. Thank you for 
considering my nomination, and I also thank the committee staff for 
meeting with me.
    I am here because of the support of my wife Mary, our children Sean 
and Jamie, my father Jim, and my sisters Meghan and Nan. My mother, 
Jane, died just over a year ago. She was the bedrock of our family and 
instilled a love of community and public service that has shaped my 
life.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, I welcome the opportunity to 
return to public service if I am confirmed. I began my career as an 
attorney-adviser in the State Department in 1989 and was proud to serve 
the U.S. Government and the American people until 2001, when I finished 
an assignment as presidential envoy for the Balkans upon the democratic 
transition in Serbia. In 2015, I became the first U.S. presidential 
envoy for hostage affairs, a position that allowed me to work with many 
brave Americans seeking the safe return of their family members. It was 
a privilege.
    I am honored that President Biden and Secretary Blinken have 
nominated me to be Sanctions Coordinator. I thank the committee for its 
strong advocacy--collectively and through several members--for the 
position. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting closely with 
Committee staff and with each of you.
    Sanctions can be very powerful, and the use or threat of sanctions 
can be extraordinarily effective when in support of a coherent strategy 
and in concert with other elements of national power. The Executive 
Branch under both parties and, with the urging of Congress, has 
invested considerable resources in the U.S. capacity to design, 
implement, and enforce sanctions. From my informal count, there are 
hundreds of officials at the Departments of State and the Treasury, as 
well as in other agencies, working to develop and implement authorities 
that promote anticorruption, human rights, counterterrorism, 
counternarcotics, nonproliferation, and other core principles of U.S. 
policy. I am committed to making sure we preserve and enhance the 
effectiveness of sanctions. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
with these officials, as well as those responsible for other tools of 
foreign policy and economic statecraft.
    The scale of this effort means that proposals for sanctions arise 
across the U.S. Government on different timelines and for disparate 
reasons. The recent U.S. Treasury review of its sanctions noted an 
increase in individual sanctions designations, under Treasury 
authorities alone, to more than 9,421 in 2021. Each must be coordinated 
by and with officials responsible for other facets of U.S. policy. This 
poses several challenges.
    First, sanctions must be part of a strategy; they themselves cannot 
be the strategy. As the Treasury review notes and the Department of 
State has also expressed, each sanction, however well-justified, should 
support a clear policy objective and rest upon analysis of 
alternatives, effects, and support from our partners. This requires 
that its purpose be understood beyond the U.S. Government, that we work 
with other governments, including at the United Nations, and that we 
maintain and adapt sanctions regimes as technology changes and targets 
of sanctions react. The Office of the Sanctions Coordinator cannot do 
this alone and the office's success will require the leadership and 
cooperation of colleagues from across the Government, the Department, 
and especially from our embassies.
    Second, we must do more to understand both the effectiveness and 
the effects of U.S. sanctions, in particular human consequences. 
Sanctions may serve many purposes, and we should know both what our aim 
is and whether we have hit it. We should also work to avoid causing 
unintended consequences and take into account the effects on U.S. 
businesses and competitiveness. The White House has announced a review 
of the humanitarian consequences of sanctions, and I look forward to 
being active in those discussions if I am confirmed before the review 
is complete.
    Each of these goals requires that the U.S. Government and our 
partners engage regularly with the business community and with 
nongovernmental bodies and independent journalists. These groups add to 
our understanding of the impact of our sanctions actions and where they 
may help us achieve our foreign policy goals.
    Third, if confirmed, I look forward to engaging with our global 
partners whose cooperation will make sanctions programs more effective. 
This would again require that the Sanctions Coordinators' office work 
closely with US missions abroad and other officials who engage other 
governments.
    Finally, sanctions are crucial to the fight against corruption. The 
administration has put forward a robust strategy, and Secretary Blinken 
has announced that the Department will appoint a senior anticorruption 
coordinator. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
coordinator to address the threat from corrupt actors and the networks 
that enable them.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today and 
for considering my nomination. I look forward to answering your 
questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Tsunis?

  STATEMENT OF GEORGE J. TSUNIS OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
                  STATES OF AMERICA TO GREECE

    Mr. Tsunis. Thank you.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, esteemed members 
of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Greece, 
and I thank Senator Paul and Senator Casey for their 
introduction.
    I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their trust 
and confidence in me and I am grateful to this committee for 
considering my nomination.
    But most of all, if you will permit me, I want to express 
my heartfelt thanks to my parents. They heard Emma Lazarus' 
calling and they immigrated to this country from Greece to 
build a better life for themselves and our family.
    My family is very cognizant of the fact that if it was not 
for the Truman Doctrine, the world's first democracy would have 
been pulled into the Soviet orbit. If not for the Marshall 
Plan, Greece would have had descended into mass starvation and 
poverty, and very likely my family as well.
    I would not be here today if it was not for the United 
States' willingness to provide opportunity for immigrants like 
my mom and dad and for first-generation Americans like me. I am 
humbled by the President's nomination and I view it as a chance 
to give back to the country that has given me and my family so 
much.
    I would also like to thank my wife, Olga, whose mom and dad 
also immigrated from Greece, and our three children--James, 
Eleni, and Yanna. They are my bedrock of support.
    I would like to thank former Senator Alfonse D'Amato, my 
former boss, who is here to offer moral support. Thank you, 
Senator.
    It is not an exaggeration to say that I am blessed to live 
the American dream. After attending law school, I have worked 
in government as an associate in a small law firm and then a 
partner in a large firm until I followed my father in business 
as an entrepreneur when I founded Chartwell Hotels.
    During my tenure as CEO, Chartwell has weathered 
recessions, pandemics, and experienced unprecedented growth. 
Having witnessed the strength and resiliency of U.S. business 
in the international marketplace, I understand the importance 
of expanding our global business and trade and its effect on 
U.S. jobs as well. As an executive in the hospitality industry, 
I also understand how important it is to take care of people.
    If confirmed, my top priority would be to ensure the safety 
and security of the Americans who live, work, and travel to 
Greece.
    Throughout my career, I have maintained a strong interest 
in foreign and economic affairs. I have had the pleasure of 
contributing to public policy as a member of the Brookings 
Institution Foreign Policy Leadership Committee and a trustee 
with the Business Executives for National Security.
    If confirmed, I arrive in Athens at a crucial moment in 
U.S.-Greece relations. Our relationship is at an all-time high. 
The Annual Strategic Dialogue has helped define the key pillars 
of the U.S.-Greece relationship, including cooperation on 
defense and security, law enforcement and counterterrorism, 
trade and investment, disaster preparedness, energy and 
climate, and people-to-people ties.
    Greece continues to make progress on all fronts as it 
pursues economic revitalization, overcomes the challenges of 
the pandemic, and grapples with tensions in the Eastern 
Mediterranean. What happens in Greece matters, not just for 
Greece but for the Eastern Mediterranean region, NATO, the 
European Union, and the United States?
    Opportunity is vital to the United States and to Greece. If 
confirmed, my top economic commercial goals will be to build on 
the efforts to accelerate trade and investment opportunities.
    The United States and Greece have made tremendous progress 
on energy cooperation. If confirmed, I will encourage Greece to 
continue investing in renewable energy as well as projects 
important to regional energy security, including the 
interconnector with Bulgaria, the interconnector with North 
Macedonia, the Alexandroupolis Floating Storage Regasification 
Unit, and electricity interconnectors that can support both gas 
and renewable energy sources.
    We are seeing an increased U.S. investment in Greece and 
renewables. I believe there is room for greater cooperation. 
The United States benefits from a strong growing bilateral 
defense relationship with our NATO ally, Greece. If confirmed, 
I will continue to deepen this key relationship.
    Particularly noteworthy is the long-standing United States 
military presence at Souda Bay on the island of Crete from 
which the military conducted approximately 2,500 flights and 
143 ship visits in 2021 alone.
    Our defense relationship has grown significantly over the 
last five years, including through updates to the Mutual 
Defense Cooperation Agreement and greater training and 
deployment in Greece.
    People-to-people ties are the bedrock of the U.S.-Greek 
relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
Greek cultural institutions, NGOs, municipalities, individual 
citizens, the diaspora, this committee, to nourish these ties.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work with an outstanding 
Mission Greece team in an inclusive manner to bolster this 
already strong relationship.
    Thank you for the opportunity to be here before you. I 
welcome your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Tsunis follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of George Tsunis

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and esteemed members of 
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Greece and I thank Senator 
Paul and Senator Casey for their introductions. I thank the President 
and Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence in me, and I am 
grateful to this committee for considering my nomination.
    But most of all and if you will permit me, I would like to express 
my heartfelt thanks to my parents. They heard Emma Lazarus' calling and 
immigrated to this country from Greece to build a better life for 
themselves and our family. My family is cognizant of the fact that if 
not for the Truman Doctrine, the world's first democracy would have 
been pulled into the Soviet orbit, and if not the Marshall Plan, Greece 
would have descended into mass starvation and poverty. I would not be 
here today were it not for the United States' willingness to provide 
opportunity for immigrants like my parents and for first-generation 
Americans like me. I am humbled by the President's nomination and view 
it as a chance to give back to the country that has given me and my 
family so much. I would also like to thank my wife Olga and our three 
children--James, Eleni, and Yanna--who are my bedrock of support. 
Thanks also to former Senator Alfonse D'Amato, my former boss, who's 
here to offer moral support. Thank you, Senator.
    It is not an exaggeration to say that I have been blessed to live 
the American dream. After attending law school, I worked in government 
as an associate in a small law firm and then as a partner in a large 
firm until I followed my father into business as an entrepreneur when I 
founded Chartwell Hotels. During my tenure as CEO, Chartwell weathered 
the recession and experienced unprecedented growth. Having witnessed 
the strength and resilience of U.S. business in the international 
marketplace, I understand the importance of expanding our global 
business and trade. As an executive in the hospitality industry, I also 
understand how important it is to care for people. If confirmed, my top 
priority would be to ensure the safety and security of the many 
Americans who live, work, and travel in Greece.
    Throughout my career, I've maintained a strong interest in foreign 
and economic affairs, and I've had the pleasure of contributing to 
public policy as a member of the Brookings Institution's Foreign Policy 
Leadership Committee and as a trustee with the Business Executives for 
National Security.
    If confirmed, I will arrive in Athens at a crucial moment in U.S.-
Greece relations. Our relationship is at an all-time high. The annual 
Strategic Dialogue has helped define the key pillars of the U.S.-Greece 
relationship, including cooperation on defense and security, law 
enforcement and counterterrorism, trade and investment, disaster 
preparedness, energy and climate, and people-to-people ties. Greece 
continues to make progress on all fronts as it pursues economic 
revitalization, overcomes the challenges of the pandemic, and grapples 
with tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. What happens in Greece 
matters--not just for Greece, but for the Eastern Mediterranean region, 
NATO, the European Union, and the United States.
    Economic opportunity is vital to the United States and to Greece. 
If confirmed, my top economic and commercial goals will be to build on 
efforts to accelerate trade and investment opportunities.
    The United States and Greece have made tremendous progress on 
energy cooperation. If confirmed, I will encourage Greece to continue 
investing in renewable energy as well as projects important to regional 
energy security, including the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, the 
Interconnector Greece-North Macedonia, the Alexandroupoli Floating 
Storage Regasification Unit, and electricity interconnectors that can 
support both gas and renewable energy sources. We are seeing increased 
U.S. investment in renewables. I believe there is room for even greater 
cooperation.
    The United States benefits from a strong and growing bilateral 
defense relationship with our NATO ally, Greece. If confirmed, I will 
continue to deepen this key relationship. Particularly noteworthy is 
the long-standing U.S. military presence at Souda Bay on the island of 
Crete from which the military conducted around 2,500 flights and 143 
ship visits in 2021 alone. Our defense relationship has grown 
significantly over the last five years, including through updates to 
the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement and greater training and 
deployments in Greece.
    People-to-people ties form the bedrock of the U.S.-Greece 
relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work with 
Greek cultural and educational institutions, NGO's, municipalities, 
individual citizens, and the diaspora to nourish these ties.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work with the outstanding Mission 
Greece team, in an inclusive manner, to bolster this already strong 
relationship.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you. I welcome your 
questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Dr. Van Schaack?

 STATEMENT OF BETH VAN SCHAACK OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
        AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR GLOBAL CRIMINAL JUSTICE

    Ms. Van Schaack. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
distinguished members of this committee and your staffers, 
thank you so much for the opportunity to appear before you 
today.
    I am very touched by Senator Booker's lovely and somewhat 
hyperbolic introduction. It is a great honor to have been 
nominated by President Biden to return to the office where I 
once served as deputy and to be Ambassador-at-Large for Global 
Criminal Justice.
    I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence they have placed in me and also for giving me 
the opportunity to return to public service to advance global 
justice on behalf of the American people.
    I am very pleased to be accompanied today by my husband, 
Brent Lang, and one of my dearest friends, Kim Keating. 
Supporting me virtually are my mom, Carol, and my two kids, 
Miles and Brooke. They are joining us from their respective 
perches at the universities of the great states of Washington 
and Michigan, respectively.
    I am also thinking today of my late father, Eric, who was a 
veteran of the U.S. Army and who would be so proud of his two 
daughters--me, as I sit here before you today, and my sister, 
who is a devoted pediatrician and also a veteran of the U.S. 
Army.
    My family has been an endless source of love and support 
over the course of my career in international justice, and for 
that I am forever grateful.
    I am confident that my previous professional experiences 
position me well to lead the Office of Global Criminal Justice, 
which, as was mentioned, helps to advise the department and the 
interagency and Congress on U.S. policies on atrocities 
prevention and response and also to advance international 
justice efforts around the globe.
    I started my legal career in the Office of the Prosecutor 
of the two War Crimes Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and 
for Rwanda during the Renaissance of the Field in the 1990s.
    Since then, I have worked in the field of transitional 
justice and on behalf of victims of grave international crimes 
as a practicing lawyer, as an academic, as a civil society 
advocate, as a diplomat, and as a mentor.
    If confirmed, I hope that I will bring lessons learned from 
all of these incarnations to the role of Ambassador-at-Large 
and also to draw inspiration from the aspirations of survivors 
for justice and accountability.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with colleagues in 
the department, the interagency, here in Congress, and within 
civil society to advance the following interlocking priorities.
    First, I would work to ensure that the United States 
provides steady leadership for international justice efforts 
around the world to tackle impunity and to ensure fair and 
effective proceedings in regional, international, hybrid, or 
national courts.
    Second, if confirmed, I would ensure that the Office of 
Global Criminal Justice provides trustworthy expertise to 
department leadership, to our embassies and posts around the 
world, on the whole range of transitional justice mechanisms 
that are available to states emerging from situations of armed 
conflict or violence.
    Third, I would work with other relevant offices to 
strengthen the atrocities prevention architecture across the 
United States Government to ensure a timely early warning and a 
robust response.
    Fourth, I would commit to fully implementing the vitally 
important pieces of legislation that have emerged recently from 
Congress, including the groundbreaking Global Magnitsky and 
Global Fragility Acts, the Uighur Human Rights Policy and 
Forced Labor Acts, and the Elie Wiesel Act.
    As you all well know, this a deeply bipartisan portfolio 
and, if confirmed, I look forward to building strong 
partnerships with members of Congress and all of your dedicated 
staff to ensure the robust execution of U.S. laws.
    Fifth, I pledge to be a careful steward of the funds that 
Congress has entrusted to the Office of Global Criminal 
Justice, including with respect to the groundbreaking War 
Crimes Rewards program.
    And finally, if invited to serve, I look forward to joining 
a tremendous team of civil servants, Foreign Service officers, 
and subject matter experts who are working tirelessly on a 
daily basis on behalf of victims of grave international crimes.
    In this regard, I support work to diversify the department. 
I will mentor with care the next generation of U.S. diplomats 
and I will ensure the ability to foster morale within our 
office, notwithstanding its difficult subject matter.
    Needless to say, there is much work to be done, given the 
rise of authoritarianism, the endurance of brutal conflicts 
around the world, and retrenchments in states' respect for 
human rights.
    The United States was present at the founding of the Field 
of International Justice and, if confirmed, I will devote all 
of my energies to building upon this proud Nuremberg legacy 
within contemporary U.S. foreign policy.
    I hope with these brief remarks I have conveyed my passion 
for the work, the broad-based expertise I would bring to the 
role of Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice, and my 
enduring commitment to enhancing U.S. foreign policy around 
atrocities prevention and response.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of 
the committee, for your consideration of my nomination. It 
would be a great honor to return to the State Department, and I 
look forward to your questions and, if confirmed, to working 
diligently with all of you all on these matters. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Van Schaack follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Beth Van Schaack

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members 
of this committee--thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today. I am very touched by Senator Booker's generous introduction.
    It is a great honor to have been nominated by President Biden to 
serve as Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice and to return 
to the State Department office where I once served as Deputy. I am 
grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence 
they have placed in me and for giving me the opportunity to return to 
public service to advance global justice on behalf of the American 
people.
    I am pleased to be accompanied today by my husband, Brent, my mom 
Carol, and my kids Miles and Brooke, who are joining us from the 
universities of the great states of Washington and Michigan, 
respectively.
    I am thinking today of my father, a veteran of the U.S. Army, who 
would be very proud of his two daughters: me, as I sit before you 
today, and my sister, a devoted pediatrician and also an Army veteran. 
My family has been an endless source of love and support over the 
course of my career in international justice and for that I will be 
forever grateful.
    I am confident that my previous professional experiences position 
me well to lead the Office of Global Criminal Justice, which helps to 
advise on the United States' policies around atrocities prevention and 
response and to liaise with international justice efforts around the 
world.
    I started my legal career in the Office of the Prosecutor of the 
Yugoslavia War Crimes Tribunal in the 1990s, during the renaissance of 
the field of international criminal law. Since then, I have worked in 
the areas of international and transitional justice, and on behalf of 
victims of grave human rights abuses--as a practicing lawyer, a 
diplomat, a civil society advocate, an academic, and a mentor. If 
confirmed, I will bring lessons learned from all these incarnations to 
the role of Ambassador-at-Large and draw inspiration from the demands 
of survivors for justice and accountability.
    First, I would work to ensure that the United States provides 
steady leadership in efforts to advance justice around the world--in 
international, regional, hybrid, or national courts and tribunals--to 
tackle impunity while ensuring fair and effective proceedings.
    Second, if confirmed, I would ensure that the Office of Global 
Criminal Justice provides trustworthy expertise to Department 
leadership and our embassies and posts around the globe on the whole 
range of transitional justice tools that are available to states, 
including civil and criminal justice processes, truth-telling and 
historical memory exercises, reparations, psycho-social rehabilitation, 
and other measures to protect against a recurrence of violence.
    Third, I would work with other relevant offices to strengthen the 
atrocities prevention and response architecture across the U.S. 
Government to ensure timely early warning and a robust response.
    Fourth, I would commit to fully implementing the vitally important 
pieces of legislation Congress has enacted, including the 
groundbreaking Global Magnitsky, Uyghur Human Rights Policy and Forced 
Labor, and Elie Wiesel Acts as well as the suite of statutes allowing 
for the prosecution of individuals who stand accused of committing 
grave international crimes. As you well know, this is a deeply 
bipartisan issue, and--if confirmed--I look forward to building strong 
partnerships with members of Congress to ensure the robust execution of 
U.S. laws around atrocities prevention and response.
    Fifth, I pledge to be a careful steward of the funds Congress has 
entrusted to the Office of Global Criminal Justice, including the War 
Crimes Rewards Program.
    And finally, if invited to serve, I look forward to joining a 
tremendous team of civil servants, foreign service officers, and 
subject matter experts who are dedicated to working tirelessly on 
behalf of victims of atrocity crimes the world over. I commit to 
contributing to efforts to diversify the Department, to mentoring with 
care the next generation of U.S. diplomats, and to maintaining morale 
notwithstanding the office's difficult subject matter.
    Given the rise of authoritarianism, the endurance of brutal 
conflicts around the world, and retrenchments in states' commitments to 
respect human rights, there is much work to be done. The United States 
was present at the founding of the field of international justice, 
and--if confirmed--I will be committed to building upon this proud 
Nuremberg legacy within contemporary U.S. foreign policy.
    I hope with these brief remarks I have conveyed my passion for this 
work, the broad-based expertise I can offer, and my enduring commitment 
to enhancing U.S. foreign policy around atrocities prevention and 
response.
    Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this 
committee for your consideration of my nomination. It would be a great 
honor to return to the State Department and to the Office of Global 
Criminal Justice. I look forward to your questions and, if confirmed, 
to working diligently with you on these issues.


    The Chairman. Thank you. Let me just take a moment also to 
acknowledge Senator D'Amato. We appreciate your service to our 
country and we welcome you to the committee here today.
    We will turn to a round of five-minute questions by 
members. Before I do, I have questions that are asked on behalf 
of the committee as a whole. I ask each of you to give me a 
verbal yes or no response to each of these questions.
    They are questions that speak to the importance that this 
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the 
executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking from 
you. So please just provide a yes or no answer.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    We will go down the aisle.
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Thank you. All four nominees have answered 
yes to all of the questions. The chair will reserve his time.
    Let me turn to the distinguished Ranking Member, Senator 
Risch, for his questions.
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Van Schaack, what are your thoughts on the ICC?
    Ms. Van Schaack. Yes, thank you for that question, Senator 
Risch.
    The United States has a long history of supporting 
international justice institutions, as I mentioned, dating back 
to the Nuremberg era, to the 1990s with the Renaissance of the 
Field of International Justice and now to contemporary 
investigative mechanisms working around the globe to document 
and hold accountable those who stand accused of committing 
grievous international crimes.
    I think the International Criminal Court is a part of that 
larger system. I think in an ideal world domestic courts would 
handle the bulk of these matters and there is work to be done 
with respect to U.S. foreign policy and programming to help 
develop domestic capacity so that domestic courts can handle 
that.
    But in situations in which those domestic courts are 
genuinely unwilling or unable to do so, there may be a role for 
international institutions to step in.
    The United States has a long-standing objection to the 
International Criminal Court exercising jurisdiction over the 
nationals of nonparty states, such as the United States, and I 
will continue to advance that objection, if confirmed, as I 
have done in the past.
    But I do think that there are situations around the globe 
where there is a role for the International Criminal Court to 
play when the state has accepted jurisdiction or the court has 
jurisdiction by virtue of a referral from the Security Council 
exercising its peace and security mandate under the U.N. 
Charter.
    Senator Risch. I think that is an excellent analysis, 
really. I have objected to our participation in ICC just 
because of the way they have acted over the years and it is 
unfortunate, because the idea of an ICC, as you point out, 
going back to the Nuremberg trials is certainly, a laudable 
idea.
    The difficulty, of course, is we wind up with such a 
tremendous prejudice against us and, for that matter, Israel 
finds itself in the same position, that we cannot subject 
ourselves to the jurisdiction of the ICC.
    Those of us who work in the law are always stunned by how 
other countries--less developed countries--approach the law and 
have such a different view of what justice is than we do.
    So at the present time, in any event, our membership in the 
ICC is probably--not probably, is not in the cards, and your 
answer to the fact that it does provide some jurisdiction and 
relief in some areas, I think, is appropriate.
    But at the present time, our submission to that just is not 
appropriate. Are you in agreement with my analysis of the ICC?
    Ms. Van Schaack. Yes. Thank you for that analysis. I do 
think, and, as I mentioned, there is a role to be played and 
that we should be in a position to support proceedings before 
the court if it aligns with our foreign policy priorities, if 
it advances our national security interests, and if that work 
is, ultimately, in keeping with our core values around justice 
and accountability.
    Senator Risch. Thank you much. I appreciate that.
    Ms. Cleveland, let me--I want to tell you that we are 
hoping for big things from you. This committee is getting what 
my staff calls the Heisman from the legal department. That is, 
we get a stiff arm and that is about all.
    Just as an example, we asked for the department's response 
regarding the sanctions that are supposed to be put in place 
under Nord Stream 2, and this is a quote from the response we 
got from the legal team. Quote: ``We want to know why the 
sanctions were not put in place.'' This is a quote: ``We 
applied the statute. We looked at the relevant facts and 
determined the entity met the exception.''
    That is not what I expect from a lawyer, and gosh, you have 
got a heavy lift over there. And we are not the enemy on this 
committee.
    Certainly, we are a different branch of government and 
sometimes have competing interests. But it is really important 
that we work together, particularly, in some of these areas.
    So your thoughts?
    Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Ranking Member Risch, and I have 
heard this concern clearly from both your staff and Chairman 
Menendez, and other members of your committee. I know it is a 
bipartisan concern.
    As a teacher of U.S. foreign relations for over 20 years, I 
have always led my class with the importance of the 
constitutional role of Congress in foreign relations, including 
oversight, and I would firmly commit to making sure that your 
role is supported by receiving the information you need from 
the Office of the Legal Adviser, if I were confirmed.
    Senator Risch. That answer works for me. I hope you can 
execute. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Amen to that.
    Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me thank 
all four of our nominees for their willingness to serve our 
nation, and we also thank your families.
    Mr. O'Brien, I appreciated our conversation where we went 
over the importance of congressional sanction laws, including 
the Global Magnitsky, and the importance of coordinating those 
activities between the Administration and Congress so that we 
can be all on the same page on this.
    We need to be more aggressive in the use of sanctions, and 
I look forward to working with you as we identify areas in 
which we think we can make some progress.
    Professor Van Schaack, I want to talk a little bit about 
the legislations that you mentioned. They are bipartisan, 
including the Elie Wiesel Anti--Atrocities Prevention Act, and 
that was bipartisan.
    I introduced it with Senator Young. It requires certain 
reports with Congress. The objective here is to prevent 
atrocities. That is, certainly, our goal. In order to do that, 
we have to have accountability for any activities and crimes 
that are committed.
    I know that Secretary Blinken will be talking about this 
later this month in regards to compliance with the Atrocities 
Prevention Act, but I would like to get your views as to how 
aggressive you will be in the use of that statute and the use 
of your office working with Congress to deal with atrocities 
prevention and accountability for those who commit these 
crimes.
    Ms. Van Schaack. Thank you so much for that question and, 
frankly, for your leadership in this area. It is much 
appreciated, I know, from victims and survivor organizations 
around the world.
    I can tell you that I would wake up every morning in this 
position, if I were confirmed, to think how can I push this 
portfolio forward today--what can I do today to advance justice 
around the world.
    And I think the Elie Wiesel Act provides an incredibly 
important framework and a set of tools to strengthen the United 
States' response around both atrocities prevention and our 
ability to provide accountability for victims when it comes to 
perpetrators of grave international crimes.
    I think there are a whole range of things we can do and 
each situation is unique in terms of the vectors of violence, 
the way in which resiliencies operate, the triggers for 
violence, the role of peace builders within those societies.
    And so each situation will require, I think, a bespoke 
response and that is one place where I think the Office of 
Global Criminal Justice, working with like-minded offices 
around the building and within the interagency, can work to 
coordinate a whole range of responses that would incapacitate 
perpetrators, document abuses, provide financial, operational, 
technical, diplomatic support to existing justice efforts to 
documentation efforts, and I think the office, while small, can 
play a really important coordination role in this regard.
    So, if confirmed, I would pledge to, as I mentioned, work 
hard because, frankly, the victims of the world deserve our 
best efforts in this regard.
    Senator Cardin. And let me just add one additional part 
that I hope you would call upon us and Congress if you need 
additional support, resources, or legislation in order to 
support your efforts.
    Because I agree with you, there is no higher priority than 
preventing atrocities and there are so many areas in the world 
today in which we see the circumstances that very clearly are 
moving towards atrocities and genocide.
    You know you have partners here in Congress. Please work 
with us in order to make U.S. leadership effective in 
preventing atrocities.
    Ms. Van Schaack. Thank you. I will, Senator.
    Senator Cardin. Professor Cleveland, I just really want to 
underscore what Senator Risch said because there is bipartisan 
support in this committee, what the Chairman said in his 
opening comments about the use of Article Two. I would add to 
that the way in which delegated authority under the AUMF is 
handled by the Administration.
    I recognize you have a client and you have to serve that 
client. But I also recognize that an open process with Congress 
and a very transparent process is critically important to the 
integrity of the rule of law, and the message that you have 
been teaching your students about the constitutional 
protections we have and their authorities of the Article One--
the legislative branch of government.
    So there would be no surprise that many of us totally 
disagree with the interpretations under the 2001 AUMF. We 
recognize the history over many administrations.
    My question to you is not to get into the specifics on the 
2001 AUMF but to have your commitment to work with us in a very 
open, transparent way as to how we can best serve our country 
and Congress carrying out its responsibilities.
    We recognize that the President has Article Two powers. But 
we also recognize that when we delegate authority under an AUMF 
there has got to be a reasonable interpretation of that 
authority because it will affect future actions by Congress 
where we want to give some flexibility to the President but we 
will be reluctant if we do not have an understanding as to how 
these authorities are going to be interpreted.
    Ms. Cleveland. Absolutely, Senator. Under Article One, 
Congress has the power to declare war and AUMFs are an exercise 
of that authority.
    They are not a blank check for future use of force by the 
executive branch, and I would certainly commit to working 
closely with this committee on the shared goal, I think, with 
this administration of narrowing and making more specific a 
successor or revised version of the 2001 AUMF.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Paul?
    Senator Paul. Mr. O'Brien, you mentioned in your opening 
remarks that sanctions need to be part of a strategy. I could 
not agree more. I would argue, though, that the vast majority 
of our sanctions have no strategy or have an incomprehensible 
strategy.
    I will give you a couple of examples. For example, we are 
going to be debating later today or tomorrow whether or not we 
should sanction Nord Stream 2.
    I have asked the sponsors of the bill what their strategy 
is, what is the behavioral change you would like on the part of 
Russia or Germany, and they said, we just do not want the 
pipeline.
    We do not want them to sell oil to each other, sell natural 
gas to each other. And it is, like, well, that is not really a 
strategy that is achievable and not really one that, really, 
should be the role of the United States between two sovereign 
nations to say, oh, you cannot sell natural gas to each other.
    The other problem with the sanctions is we are really eager 
to put them on people but we never articulate a reason to take 
them off. The threat of sanctions can actually have some 
effect.
    For example, Germany and the United States came to an 
agreement last summer and they did issue a very succinct 
statement saying that if Russia were to invade or otherwise 
violate the integrity of Ukraine that there will be 
repercussions with regard to the pipeline and that--I think the 
threat of an action may have some deterrence.
    But if we just say tomorrow we are no longer going to let 
you sell gas between Russia and Germany, I do not know what 
deterrence that effect has and what does--when are we going to 
remove those sanctions.
    If you do not articulate what you are going to do to--what 
the other country needs to do to remove the sanctions, why have 
the sanctions at all?
    There are categories of sanctions where I do not think you 
are really trying to change a country's behavior. You just want 
to punish people. So you want to punish people for being 
corrupt? Fine.
    I voted for those, and maybe those have a deterrent effect 
the same way we have a punishment for crime here deters other 
people from committing those crimes. You can make that 
argument.
    But it is hard to imagine--so, for example, we have 
sanctions on members of the Russian legislation--legislature 
because they advocated for the takeover--they complimented 
Putin for the takeover of Crimea.
    When will those be removed, when Russia gives back Crimea? 
I guess that will be in the next Ice Age or something. They are 
never going to be removed. And so if we do not offer to remove 
sanctions or give countries a reason why we will remove 
sanctions, then they are of no value.
    I would argue that it is very difficult to see a behavior 
that China has changed or Russia has changed or even Iran. 
People say, well, the sanctions against Iran worked. They were 
international so they were more formidable.
    But the reason they also worked is we finally went to Iran 
and said, if you do this we will do this. If you do not offer 
to do something, if it is always just punishment, punishment, 
punishment, and all you are going to do is say, we are unhappy 
with you, they are of no value. In fact, they just make it 
worse and make international relations worse.
    I know you do not make the policy. We do, and this is more 
of a speech directed towards my fellow senators than you. But 
the question I would ask you is what behavior do you see that 
has changed in Russia or China because of our sanctions? Not 
the criminal sanctions. I am talking more about sanctions 
concerning policy.
    Mr. O'Brien. Sorry. Thank you, Senator.
    I agree with a lot of the analysis, and I look forward to 
working with you and making sure that we do set clear 
expectations, that the targets of our sanctions know what 
behavior they are supposed to undertake in order to have--to 
see sanctions relief, but that our partners also agree with us 
that the sanctions are part of the strategy and that we agree 
on when success has been achieved.
    I think you raise a number of questions applying across 
sanctions policies, I think, requires a sort of deeper dive.
    With regard to Russia and China, each of them in some way 
is acting as a malign and revisionist power at the moment. I 
think it is important that we attack the roots of that power 
and not simply some of the symbols.
    And so I look forward to working with colleagues both in 
the executive branch and here to be sure that we understand 
what we are trying to accomplish when we do use sanctions, and 
that piece, I think, is important.
    I oversaw a sanctions program years ago where it became 
clear that by relieving certain sanctions we could moderate 
some behavior, but that other sanctions were very effective at 
disrupting the core real power structure in the society and 
really did change policy behavior, and I think that that kind 
of analysis may be available to us, but that is something I 
look forward to working with you and your colleagues more on.
    And I will just close by saying that one theme throughout 
my consultations with both majority and minority and with 
members of the committee has been the desire to have more 
conversation while sanctions are under consideration, and I 
will commit to that because I think a discussion about what our 
goals are early can often avoid the kind of showdown that 
happens when we are looking at a specific action. And so I will 
be happy to be part of those conversations, going forward.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Let me thank the Senator for his--
I think there are some very worthy insights, both as it relates 
to Nord Stream and beyond as it relates to how do we also 
consider how sanctions are relieved as a measure for people to 
be induced to do something because they want the relief from 
it. So we appreciate those insights.
    Senator Booker?
    Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. What I 
want to get back to with Dr. Van Schaack is just the issue of 
the ICC, which is, frankly, a lot more complicated, I think, 
given some of the decisions by the Trump administration and 
others.
    I look at the Horn of Africa, for example, and the 
challenges we are facing with a lot of African countries 
because of the steps the ICC has taken, failing to do, as you 
said in your wonderful analysis to Senator Risch, looking less 
likely that they are going to comply or invite in the ICC's 
authority, and it creates a very difficult environment in a 
region in the Horn of Africa that is ripe with internationally 
human--international human rights violations.
    And so I am wondering how you create that balance of the 
legitimacy of the ICC along with the urgency to get the 
participation of many of those nations.
    Ms. Van Schaack. Yes. Thank you for that question and I 
share your concern about the situation in the Horn of Africa 
and the deterioration there and, frankly, the risk of civilians 
in--either caught in the crossfire or being directly targeted 
by so many of the armed groups there--the Tigrayan forces, the 
National Forces, and even Eritrea's involvement in the Horn.
    Ethiopia is not a member of the ICC so there is not an 
obvious pathway there. So it will be incumbent upon the nation 
to undertake its own transitional justice process as part of a 
larger political settlement, and I know that the Administration 
is working hard to try and encourage that through diplomacy, 
those sorts of movement towards bringing the parties to the 
table and reaching some sort of a negotiated solution.
    A transitional justice program would have to involve 
everything from acknowledging harm to the survivors to 
restitution of property if that is necessary, and, ultimately 
to accountability to those most responsible.
    The ICC may play a role, eventually. It would require 
either a Security Council referral or an acceptance of 
jurisdiction by Ethiopia.
    As you mentioned, some African states and other states 
around the globe have voluntarily self-referred matters to the 
court on the recognition that their domestic system is unable 
to handle it or that there might--it might be helpful to have 
an international body dealing with certain cases while the 
domestic system deals with other cases.
    And so, if confirmed in the role, I would look forward to 
working with our incoming Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, 
others across the regional bureaus, et cetera, to try and 
encourage the parties in the Horn of Africa to reach a genuine 
transitional justice program that involves a measure of 
accountability for victims.
    Senator Booker. And that alignment between where the ICC is 
resonating with our diplomatic gains, where there is--in 
countries who are members--are other areas, as you potentially 
ascend to this position, that--beyond the Horn--that you have 
really good ambition that we can make an impact from your 
office?
    Ms. Van Schaack. Absolutely. We have already seen in 
Central Africa that direct assistance and cooperation by the 
United States has led to some recent successes in the court.
    I am thinking, for example, of the cases against Dominic 
Ongwen, who is the top commander of the Lord's Resistance Army, 
which is wreaking havoc in northern Uganda and elsewhere in the 
region.
    In addition, Bosco Ntaganda, who was recently convicted of 
a whole series of war crimes and crimes against humanity, 
including the use and abuse of child soldiers and sexual 
violence as leader of the M23.
    The United States was instrumental in bringing those 
individuals to The Hague and in assisting the prosecutor there 
with those prosecutions, and I think that is a role that we can 
play, going forward, again, as I mentioned, so long as the work 
of the court is consistent with our foreign policy priorities 
and that we are in a position to be supportive.
    Senator Booker. I really appreciate it, and just to 
reiterate what I said earlier, your experience, your work in 
public service, your expertise, and your nationally recognized 
stature on these issues gives me great excitement about the 
difference you are going to make in a very important job that 
can, literally, save lives and prevent atrocities.
    And real quick in my remaining time, Mr. Tsunis, I have a 
lot of concerns about China's continued investment in 
strategically important ports around the world.
    We have seen China buy and invest in critical ports with 
stakes in ports in and along Africa's east coast, in critical 
shipping lanes in Asia and even in Europe, such as ports in 
Greece.
    How do you assess China's investment in critical 
infrastructure, such as the Port of Piraeus, and what can the 
U.S. do to counter Chinese potential to lock on this port--lock 
up these areas and other critical infrastructure in Greece?
    Mr. Tsunis. Thank you for your question, Senator, and it is 
a very seminal one.
    China has engaged in economic encroachment and malign 
influence. It is part of a very concerted effort and plan, and 
it is going to continue. The Risch China Report not only 
highlights various examples of this but it also speaks to 
transatlantic cooperation on how we counteract this.
    I am proud to say that Greece chose a European partner for 
5G and they are very clear eyed about what China is doing. I 
will also say that at the time of the purchase of the--of the 
tender of the Port of Piraeus, China was the only offer.
    We need to show up. We need to be aggressive. It is very 
clear that they are looking to make critical infrastructure 
investments in interconnectors, grids, and ports, and then use 
that economic influence and through more geopolitical influence 
to promote the interests of the PRC and the Communist Party of 
China.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work with the Administration, 
this committee, the Government of Greece, to counteract this, 
and as a business person I understand what it is to compete 
aggressively in business transactions.
    Senator Booker. I really appreciate that, and not only the 
nuances of your answer, but you showed great diplomacy there by 
mentioning Ranking Member Risch's very important report.

    The Chairman. We give the Ranking Member and his staff 
credit that that was actually a very good report.
    Senator Young?
    Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman. Congratulations to all 
of our nominees and thank you for your interest in serving our 
country.
    Ms. Cleveland, in August this committee held a hearing 
examining my legislation with Senator Kaine that would repeal 
the 1991 and 2002 authorizations for the use of military force 
against Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq.
    I would remind anyone who is within earshot of this 
committee that Saddam Hussein is dead--no longer in power, 
therefore.
    I appreciated hearing from your predecessor on this issue, 
Acting Legal Adviser Richard Visek. I believe repealing these 
outdated AUMFs sends a critical signal that the United States 
is no longer an adversary of Iraq but a partner.
    More importantly, it reasserts Congress' prerogative, which 
you have duly affirmed and acknowledged in your testimony 
today, on the critical decisions related to going to war.
    If confirmed, would you support moving forward with the 
repeal of these authorities?
    Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Senator, for this important 
question and for your very important leadership on this issue. 
I know that repeal of the 1991 and 2002 AUMFs is supported by 
this administration, and I absolutely would work with this 
committee to achieve that.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    And in your view, Ms. Cleveland, do you believe repealing 
these outdated AUMFs would impede military activities or 
counterterrorism operations around the world?
    Ms. Cleveland. No, Senator. The administration has made 
clear, including in the August hearing, that the current 
authorities under the 2001 AUMF and the President's Article Two 
constitutional authority to act to defend the United States 
when necessary are sufficient to address current 
counterterrorism and other challenges.
    Senator Young. Thank you. And knowing that you are a law 
professor and trained in all things legal, you are no doubt 
skilled in entertaining hypotheticals before courts of law, 
courts of public opinion, and other venues.
    I am going to give you a very plausible scenario. If you 
are to be confirmed and U.S. personnel in Iraq are attacked by 
Iranian-backed militias, is there anything whatsoever that 
would stop the President of the United States under Article Two 
authority from responding to such an attack if these AUMFs--
again, pertaining to 1991 and 2002 authorizations against 
Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq--were repealed?
    Ms. Cleveland. No, Senator.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    Mr. O'Brien, congratulations to you as well, sir. India is 
currently taking delivery of the Russian S-400 system and 
potential action, which has led some of my colleagues to call 
for sanctions under CAATSA.
    The Indians are also in the process of acquiring new 
frigate ships from Russia. Both are important systems for the 
Indians.
    As most here know, the Indians have a lot of legacy systems 
from previous decades and they are interoperable with the 
Russians' systems, and the Indians seek to defend their land 
border from Chinese incursions and defend the Indian Ocean from 
an increasingly adventurous and lawless Blue Ocean Navy and the 
People's Liberation Army.
    India is a vital ally in our competition against China and, 
thus, I believe we should resist taking any actions that might 
drive them away from us and the Quad.
    I am, therefore, strongly supportive of waiving CAATSA 
sanctions against India, given our shared foreign policy 
interests.
    Mr. O'Brien, does our experience with Turkey provide any 
warning or lessons for how to proceed with India? I believe 
they are very different circumstances and, of course, different 
security partnerships. But how do you believe we should think 
about the possibility of sanctioning our friends and not just 
threats?
    Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Senator. Thank you for your 
leadership on sanction issues, generally, and I look forward to 
working with you on this and other issues, going forward.
    As you say, I think it is difficult to compare the two 
situations with a NATO ally that is breaking with legacy 
defense procurement systems and then with India a growing--a 
partner of growing importance but that has legacy relationships 
with Russia.
    The administration has made clear that it is discouraging 
India from proceeding with the acquisitions of Russian 
equipment and there are important geostrategic considerations, 
particularly with the relationship to China.
    So I think we have to look at what the balance is and, of 
course, India has got some decisions in front of it so it would 
be premature to say more. But this is something I look forward 
to working with you and other interested members.
    Senator Young. All right. I am over my time and I, too, 
look forward to working with you. I enjoyed our visit and 
anticipate supporting your confirmation. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to all of our nominees who are here today.
    Mr. Tsunis, I would just like to, first, congratulate 
Senator Booker for a very insightful question about the Port of 
Piraeus.
    But I also want to comment on your very thoughtful answer 
and approach as a business person. We need more people with 
your sort of background in these important diplomatic posts.
    So congratulations to you on your nomination. Thank you for 
bringing that perspective--that valuable perspective to 
diplomacy.
    Mr. O'Brien, I would like to ask a question of you 
regarding sanctions with respect to Iran. In my prior post as 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I worked very hard to get Japan to 
agree to so-called secondary sanctions, to get them to stop 
buying Iranian crude oil.
    In fact, we worked very hard to make that happen around the 
world, and we reduced Iran's crude exports by 75 percent. 
Today, Iran has accelerated its exports through more 
clandestine activity. Their exports now are approaching the 
levels they were before these sanctions were ever imposed.
    And we have a team negotiating in Vienna that is wondering 
why Iran will not come to the table. Well, Iran is getting the 
revenues that it needs, it is getting the fuel that it wants to 
continue to become a nuisance around the world.
    They are the largest state sponsor of terror and they are 
generating revenue in this regard because we are not properly 
implementing these sanctions. Iran is being allowed to produce 
more oil.
    Can you speak to what you will be able to do to help 
properly implement these sanctions and stop this?
    Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Senator. It is an incredibly 
important question.
    For all of the arguments that have gone on about the right 
approach to Iran, I think there is strong bipartisan agreement 
that Iran is a malignant actor.
    It is, as you say, a sponsor of terrorism. It brings 
instability across its region and its nuclear program allows it 
to threaten oil supplies and the globe. So this, plus the 
ballistic missile program, are all items that we have to find a 
way to address.
    I will work to implement sanctions fully and effectively. 
That means working with our partners, and thank you for your 
work bringing the Japanese along and other allies who had been 
large consumers of Iranian oil and petrochemical products.
    We are now in a situation where a smaller set of states 
have decided to scoff at international sanctions, and so we 
have to adapt our program to be able to stay one step ahead of 
them.
    There is real impact if Iran is forced merely to work on a 
bartering or cash and carry basis. But we need to try to start 
shutting off those avenues and so not just with regard to Iran, 
but globally.
    I thank the Congress and the Administration for setting a 
new policy course dealing with anti-corruption activities 
because the ability to interdict the flow of money, the sort of 
opaque flows of money that allow for sanctions evasion, will be 
a tremendously important tool for addressing these concerns, 
going forward.
    So that is something, as I learn more, I will be happy to 
speak with you about.
    Senator Hagerty. I would appreciate your continuing to 
follow up with this committee.
    I would like to touch on another area of concern. That is 
North Korea. Again, while I have served as U.S. Ambassador to 
Japan, North Korea launched intercontinental ballistic missiles 
over Japan. They even tested what I believe was a hydrogen bomb 
while I was there. We imposed maximum pressure at that time.
    What we are seeing now, though, is a resurgence of North 
Korea's belligerence. They are testing hypersonics. They are 
testing intercontinental ballistic missiles. Yet, the current 
administration has only begun to impose sanctions in December 
with only one tranche of sanctions.
    Can you speak to what your plan would be for North Korea?
    Mr. O'Brien. We will be happy to work with you on that as 
we go forward. As you say, the Administration is putting in 
place its policy.
    I think a strong sanctions program is a critical part of 
our approach to North Korea, not just unilaterally but with our 
friends and allies. And, again, your experience in Japan will 
make you a really important colleague in developing that, 
Senator.
    Senator Hagerty. I hope you will commit to keeping this 
committee informed on a regular basis of your progress with 
sanctions.
    Mr. O'Brien. Yes.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
    Ms. Cleveland, I would like to turn to you, very quickly, 
to raise an issue that is deeply important to me. It has to do 
with one of my constituents, one of my constituents that is 
suffering in the Japanese criminal justice system, the so-
called hostage justice system of Japan.
    Secretary Blinken is well aware of the problem. Many 
members of the State Department are and are working on this.
    But I would encourage you and ask that you take a hard look 
at all of the tools that the United States might implement to 
help Mr. Greg Kelly, who has been trapped in the system for 
over three years, to get him home, to get him released.
    This is a situation that has bipartisan support by members 
of this committee, which I very much appreciate, and it is 
something that is greatly concerning to me, and it is an 
injustice that has gone on for far too long and it damages our 
national interest with one of our strongest allies, Japan, and 
America.
    So I would very much appreciate your commitment to take a 
very hard look at that.
    Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Senator, for raising this very 
important humanitarian concern. I would absolutely work with 
you and this committee to look into this.
    I am somewhat familiar with the difficulties with the 
Japanese criminal justice system, and they are a matter of 
concern to me. I will, certainly, take great interest in the 
situation of Mr. Kelly.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Several members have not been able to attend the hearing 
because of Senator--former Senator Reid's memorial. As a matter 
of fact, the Chair himself is part of the committee to receive 
Senator Reid in state.
    So the Chair and others will be submitting questions for 
the record. I would urge you to answer them fulsomely, fully, 
and expeditiously so that your nominations can be considered at 
a business hearing.
    And with that and the thanks to the committee, this hearing 
is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 10:48 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                              ----------                              

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. I commend Secretary Blinken and other senior officials at 
the State Department for prioritizing diversity to ensure that the 
Department reflects the makeup this country.

   How do you intend to ensure that the Office of the Legal Adviser 
        recruits and retains a diverse workforce?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has expressed, our country's diversity 
is one of our greatest strengths. I agree that it is imperative that 
the Department recruits, retains, and supports a workforce that truly 
reflects the country it represents. As with the rest of the Department, 
the Office of the Legal Adviser (L) has a responsibility to cultivate a 
diverse workforce and an equitable, inclusive, and accessible 
workplace. I am committed to recruitment and retention practices that 
connect with and retain individuals who reflect the diversity of our 
country. If confirmed, I would work with the Office of Diversity and 
Inclusion, the Bureau of Global Talent Management, and the Office of 
Civil Rights to ensure L is implementing best practices for recruitment 
and retention, including diversifying its outreach and recruitment 
efforts.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Under the Constitution, the President and the Senate 
share the treaty-making power. Over the last few decades, the President 
has increasingly claimed the authority to unilaterally withdraw from 
treaties with no further action by the Senate or Congress. Reserving 
the right to object to such a claim of authority to which the Senate 
has not consented, some have argued that, in recent cases, the 
President has failed to adequately notify the Senate in advance of such 
a unilateral withdrawal.

   What is your view with respect to the Senate's role in treaty 
        withdrawal?

    Answer. The administration respects the constitutional role of the 
Senate in treaty making, and I share that respect. Treaty-making is a 
shared power, and Article II of the Constitution makes clear the role 
of the Senate in providing advice and consent with respect to the power 
to enter into treaties. The Constitution, however, does not expressly 
address the issue of treaty withdrawal, and the Supreme Court has not 
definitively resolved the issue. As a matter of longstanding practice, 
the President has acted on behalf of the United States in suspending or 
terminating U.S. treaty commitments and in withdrawing the United 
States from treaties, either on the basis of the treaty's terms (such 
as a withdrawal clause) or on the basis of international law that would 
justify such action. I believe that the Senate's understanding of, and 
support for, significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is 
very important. Accordingly, if confirmed, I would advise the 
Administration to engage actively with the Senate and this Committee 
prior to the President making a decision to withdraw the United States 
from a treaty.

    Question. Should the President, acting through the Secretary of 
State, notify the Senate in advance of any presidential decision to 
suspend, terminate, or withdraw from any treaty that has received 
Senate consent to ratification?

    Answer. I believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support 
for, significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very 
important. Accordingly, if confirmed, I would advise the Administration 
to notify the Senate prior to the President making a decision to 
suspend, terminate, or withdraw the United States from any treaty that 
has received Senate consent to ratification.

    Question. Should the Secretary provide to the Senate, through the 
Foreign Relations Committee and with adequate advance notice, a 
detailed written justification for the withdrawal?

    Answer. I believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support 
for, significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very 
important. I also believe it is important for the Administration to 
explain both to the Senate and to the public the reasons for 
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations. Accordingly, 
if confirmed, I would advise the Administration to provide adequate 
advance notice to the Senate prior to the President making a decision 
to suspend, terminate, or withdraw the United States from any treaty 
that has received Senate consent to ratification, including providing a 
clear written public explanation of any decision to withdraw from a 
treaty.

    Question. In your view, what does ``advice and consent'' mean? What 
is and should be the role of the Senate be with respect to entering 
into and terminating treaties?

    Answer. The Constitution's Treaty Clause provides that the 
President ``shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the 
Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present 
concur.'' Accordingly, in order to consent for the United States to be 
bound by a treaty within the meaning of the Treaty Clause, the 
President must receive the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators 
present when the Senate considers the treaty in question.
    The Constitution does not expressly address the issue of treaty 
withdrawal, and the Supreme Court has not definitively resolved the 
issue. As a matter of longstanding practice, the President has acted on 
behalf of the United States in suspending or terminating U.S. treaty 
obligations and in withdrawing the United States from treaties, either 
on the basis of the treaty's terms (such as a withdrawal clause) or on 
the basis of international law that would justify such action. I 
believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support for, 
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very 
important, and I also believe it is important for the Administration to 
explain both to the Senate and to the public the reasons for 
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations. Accordingly, 
if confirmed, I would advise the Administration to provide adequate 
advance notice to the Senate prior to the President making a decision 
to suspend, terminate, or withdraw the United States from any treaty 
that has received Senate consent to ratification, including providing a 
clear written public explanation of any decision to withdraw from a 
treaty.

    Question. What is the scope of the President's authority to 
abrogate a treaty or other international agreement? Is it unlimited? If 
not, what are the limitations?

    Answer. As a matter of longstanding practice, the President has 
acted on behalf of the United States in suspending or terminating U.S. 
treaty commitments and in withdrawing the United States from treaties, 
at least on the basis of the treaty's terms (such as a withdrawal 
clause) or on the basis of international law that would justify such 
action.

    Question. In your view, does the President have the authority to 
re-join a treaty without resubmitting that treaty to the Senate for 
advice and consent? Please explain.

    Answer. The Constitution does not expressly address the question of 
the authority to re-join a treaty, and the Supreme Court has not 
considered it. Ordinarily, I would expect that the President would seek 
and obtain the Senate's advice and consent in order to rejoin an 
Article II treaty from which the United States had withdrawn. There may 
be circumstances, however, in which other sources of authority would 
allow the President to rejoin a treaty without the Senate's advice and 
consent. For example, in 2017, Congress passed legislation authorizing 
the President to rejoin the agreement establishing the Bureau of 
International Expositions, which the United States had ratified with 
the Senate's advice and consent in 1968 and withdrawn from in 2002. See 
P.L. 115-32. The State Department's Digest on the Practice of the 
United States in International Law, 2017 indicates that the United 
States rejoined that agreement in reliance on this statutory authority 
rather than on the Senate's advice and consent.

    Question. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, expert legal witnesses have suggested that Congress consider 
requiring the reporting of significant non-binding political 
commitments to Congress. Should Congress be informed of these non-
binding arrangements? If so, in what form?

    Answer. I respect the constitutional oversight responsibilities of 
the committee and the importance of transparency to fulfilling that 
function. I am aware of the committee's strong interest in significant 
non-binding political commitments, and I believe that appropriate 
mechanisms should be identified to ensure that the Congress is informed 
of such commitments. I am generally aware of the ongoing conversations 
regarding this issue between the committee and the State Department. I 
am not in the government and have not had occasion to consider the 
particular form such a mechanism might take. If confirmed, I would seek 
the views of both the State Department and the committee before forming 
a considered view on this question. As a general proposition, though, I 
support establishing additional reporting and publication mechanisms to 
ensure that significant non-binding instruments are brought to the 
attention of the committee.

    Question. The Case-Zablocki statute (22 U.S.C. 112b) requires the 
Secretary to provide to the Congress the text of international 
agreements to which the United States has agreed to become a party. The 
intent of the statute is to ensure Congress is fully informed of 
executive decisions to create international, legally binding 
obligations on the United States.
    In recent years, presidents have made ``political'' or ``oral'' 
agreements with potentially binding commitments on the United States. 
Successive administrations appear to have taken the view that such 
agreements fall outside the scope of Case-Zablocki and therefore do not 
have to be provided to the Congress.
    In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, expert 
legal witnesses have suggested that Congress consider requiring the 
written reporting of significant binding political commitments that 
have not been reduced to writing to Congress.

   What are your views regarding providing the Senate with the written 
        text of any political or oral agreement intended to be binding 
        on the United States under international law?

    Answer. The Case-Zablocki Act, 1 U.S.C. 112b, provides that the 
Secretary of State shall transmit to the Congress the text of any 
international agreement (including the text of any oral international 
agreement, which agreement shall be reduced to writing), other than a 
treaty, to which the United States is a party as soon as practicable 
after such agreement has entered into force with respect to the United 
States but in no event later than sixty days thereafter. I believe this 
requirement extends to any agreement that gives rise to rights or 
obligations for the United States under international law.

    Question. With respect to any oral international agreement or 
political commitment that creates or is intended to create a legally 
binding commitment for the United States under international law, will 
you commit, if confirmed, to working with Congress to establish a 
meaningful process for reducing such commitments or agreements to 
writing and transmitting to the Congress the text of such agreement?

    Answer. Yes. The Case-Zablocki Act, 1 U.S.C. 112b, provides that 
the Secretary of State shall transmit to the Congress the text of any 
international agreement (including the text of any oral international 
agreement, which agreement shall be reduced to writing), other than a 
treaty, to which the United States is a party as soon as practicable 
after such agreement has entered into force with respect to the United 
States but in no event later than sixty days thereafter. I believe this 
requirement extends to any agreement that gives rise to rights or 
obligations for the United States under international law. While I have 
not had the opportunity to review the existing process, if confirmed, I 
commit to reviewing existing procedures and helping to advise on new 
procedures, if necessary, to ensure that the act is implemented.

    Question. Although the State Department's Circular 175 process 
calls for consultation with Congress on treaties and agreements, it 
does not provide much guidance on how such conversations should occur. 
As a practical matter, no established routine procedure for 
consultation with the Senate (formal or informal) currently appears to 
exist, at least from the perspective of the Senate side. In recent 
years, to the extent they occur, State Department briefings to the 
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (SFRC) have been ad hoc and by 
affirmative request of the committee.
    The paucity of information has led some Senators to grow skeptical 
with respect to treaties presented to the committee for advice and 
consent but completed without the opportunity for consultation. This 
problem is further complicated if the treaty requires implementing 
legislation on subject matter over which another Senate committee may 
have jurisdiction. As a result, some Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
Senators have expressed wariness with taking up such treaties. 
Avoidable misunderstanding and confusion can result, complicating or 
preventing required Senate action.
    Alternatively, with a more regularized and institutionalized 
consultation process with SFRC, the Senate and administration can 
develop a more dynamic approach to these agreements. Enhanced and 
meaningful consultation can build support for these agreements and 
prove valuable in increasing Senate understanding of administration 
policy objectives over time.

   Will you commit to directing the Department to address this 
        oversight and work with the committee to establish a process 
        under which the Department will, on a regular periodic basis, 
        engage in meaningful, advance consultation with the SFRC 
        regarding the Departments' intention to negotiate significant 
        international agreements and treaties?

    Answer. I respect the Senate's constitutional role in treaty-making 
and believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support for, 
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very 
important. Accordingly, if confirmed, I would commit to reviewing 
existing procedures and work to help advise on new procedures if 
necessary to ensure active and consistent engagement with the Senate 
with regard to plans to negotiate significant international agreements 
and treaties.

    Question. In general, will you commit to working with this 
Committee to ensure timely feedback on draft legislative text when 
solicited if you are confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would work to help ensure timely 
feedback from the Department on draft legislative text consistent with 
relevant procedures.

    Question. In October 1999, the Senate voted to reject the 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty by a vote of 51-48.
    Setting aside the fact that the United States Senate has not 
consented to ratification of the Vienna Convention on Treaties, please 
describe your views with respect to the scope of the ``provisional 
application'' doctrine.

    Answer. In terms of its scope, the international law doctrine of 
provisional application of treaties applies to instances in which 
states have agreed to apply some or all of the terms of a treaty on a 
provisional basis pending its entry into force. Under U.S. law, if the 
advice and consent of the Senate, or congressional approval, is 
required but has not yet been obtained for an agreement to enter into 
force for the United States, a commitment that the agreement shall have 
provisional effect for the United States must rest on another 
agreement, on a statute, or on the President's own constitutional 
authority. With respect to the CTBT specifically, I understand that the 
treaty contains no article on provisional application, and is not 
provisionally applied.

    Question. What are your views with respect to the legal effect of a 
Senate vote to reject a treaty?

    Answer. Under Article II of the Constitution, the President may 
make treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
provided that two-thirds of the Senators present concur. If two-thirds 
of the Senators present do not concur, the President may not make the 
treaty. The failure of a treaty to receive two-thirds approval in a 
Senate vote would not, however, preclude the Senate from reconsidering 
the treaty at a later time, or preclude the President from making the 
treaty if the treaty receives the concurrence of two-thirds of the 
Senators present in a subsequent vote.

    Question. If rejected, does the President have authority to 
subsequently implement the provisions of that treaty in spite of that 
vote?

    Answer. Under Article II of the Constitution, the President may 
make treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
provided that two-thirds of the Senators present concur. If two-thirds 
of the Senators present do not concur, the President may not make the 
treaty.
    Whether the President may take actions that are consistent with the 
provisions of a treaty to which the United States is not a party will 
depend on what the actions entail and whether the President has 
relevant sources of Constitutional or statutory authority or 
obligations to take them. A decision by the Senate not to give its 
advice and consent to the ratification of a treaty would not, by 
itself, repeal pre-existing statutes or other authorities or 
obligations under domestic law that could be relied upon to take 
actions consistent with a treaty, nor would it bar the President from 
carrying out such statutes or other authorities.

    Question. Does such a Senate vote place limits on a future claim of 
presidential authority to provisionally implement the rejected treaty?

    Answer. Whether the President may take actions that are consistent 
with the provisions of a treaty to which the United States is not a 
party will depend on what the actions entail and whether the President 
has relevant sources of Constitutional or statutory authority or 
obligations to take them. A decision by the Senate not to give its 
advice and consent to the ratification of a treaty would not, by 
itself, repeal pre-existing statutes or other authorities or 
obligations under domestic law that could be relied upon to take 
actions consistent with a treaty, nor would it bar the President from 
carrying out such statutes or other authorities.

    Question. Please describe your views with respect to the binding 
legal effect of the Senate's inclusion of conditions to consent to 
ratification of a treaty under constitutional advice and consent, such 
as reservations, understandings, and declarations (RUDs). If the 
President decides to ratify a treaty to which the Senate has consented 
but has also included such RUDs in its resolution of consent to 
ratification, is the President legally bound to implement such 
conditions as included by the Senate in its consent to ratification 
resolution?

    Answer. The Senate may attach reservations or other conditions to 
its advice and consent to a treaty as long as they relate to the treaty 
and are not inconsistent with the Constitution. If the President 
ratifies a treaty after obtaining the Senate's advice and consent, he 
or she is deemed to have accepted any such conditions.

    Question. The War Powers Resolution requires congressional 
notifications when United States Armed Forces are introduced into 
hostilities or into situations where there is imminent involvement in 
hostilities.

   In your legal opinion, what do you think the term ``hostilities'' 
        means?

    Answer. For purposes of the War Powers Resolution, the Executive 
Branch has generally interpreted the term ``hostilities'' as situations 
in which U.S. armed forces are actively engaged in exchanges of fire 
with hostile forces. In addition to reporting in any case in which 
United States Armed Forces are introduced ``into hostilities or into 
situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly 
indicated by the circumstances,'' the War Powers Resolution also 
requires notification to Congress in any case in which United States 
Armed Forces are introduced ``into the territory, airspace or waters of 
a foreign nation, while equipped for combat, except for deployments 
which relate solely to supply, replacement, repair, or training of such 
forces'' or ``in numbers which substantially enlarge United States 
Armed Forces equipped for combat already located in a foreign nation.''

    Question. Separate from military action authorized under the 2001 
Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), do you believe the 
United States has been or is engaged in ongoing hostilities in Yemen? 
Please explain.

    Answer. It is my understanding that the United States has provided 
limited support to Saudi-led coalition military operations against 
Houthi and aligned forces in Yemen, including certain logistical and 
advisory support. It is also my understanding that President Biden 
directed an end to U.S. support for the Saudi-led Coalition's offensive 
military operations against the Houthis in Yemen, but that U.S. forces, 
in a non-combat role, continue to provide military advice and other 
limited support to regional forces for defensive and training purposes 
only as they relate to the Saudi-led Coalition's campaign against the 
Houthis in Yemen. I understand that the Administration has taken the 
position that such support has not amounted to engagement in 
hostilities for purposes of the War Powers Resolution. As I am not 
currently in government, I do not have access to all the relevant facts 
or legal analysis. However, if confirmed, I will look closely at this 
issue.

    Question. Under multiple administrations, certain terrorist 
detainees held at Guantanamo Bay have not been released for good 
reason. What is your legal opinion regarding Guantanamo Bay detentions?

    Answer. It is the position of this and prior administrations, based 
on now longstanding judicial precedent, that detainees at the 
Guantanamo Bay Detention Facility are held pursuant to the 2001 AUMF, 
as informed by the laws of war. The AUMF authorizes detention of 
individuals who were part of, or substantially supported, al-Qaida or 
Taliban forces and their associated forces that are engaged in 
hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. The 
AUMF generally authorizes detention until the end of hostilities. 
Separate from the legal authority to detain, detainees designated for 
continued law-of-war detention are eligible for review by the Periodic 
Review Board, an administrative, interagency body established under 
Executive Order 13567 to determine whether detention of eligible 
Guantanamo detainees remains necessary to protect against a continuing 
significant threat to U.S. security. My understanding is that as of 
January 12, 2022, there are about 18 detainees that have been 
determined to be eligible for transfer. If confirmed, I will support 
the Department of State's efforts to identify appropriate transfer 
locations and negotiate security and humane treatment assurances.

    Question. What is your view on the scope of the 2001 AUMF?

    Answer. I share this Administration's view that the 2001 AUMF is 
not a blank check for the use of force by the Executive Branch and that 
it does not authorize force against all terrorist groups. It has been 
the longstanding view of the Executive Branch that the 2001 AUMF 
authorizes the use of force against al-Qa'ida, the Taliban, and 
``associated forces.'' To be considered an ``associated force,'' the 
Executive Branch has explained that an entity must satisfy two 
conditions: first, the entity must be an organized, armed group that 
has entered the fight alongside al-Qa'ida or the Taliban; and second, 
the group must be a co-belligerent with al-Qa'ida or the Taliban in 
hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. If 
confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that Congress is well informed 
about these very important matters.

    Question. What is your view on the scope of Article II authority on 
the use of force?

    Answer. For over 20 years I have taught law students about the 
importance of the constitutional role of Congress in U.S. foreign 
relations, including the use of force. I recognize and respect 
Congress' constitutional power to declare war.
    I understand that this and prior Administrations have taken the 
view that the President may order military action without the prior 
approval of Congress only when (1) that action serves an important 
national interest, and (2) the reasonably anticipated nature, scope, 
and duration of the operation and any anticipated responses would not 
rise to the level of ``war'' for purposes of the Constitution's Declare 
War Clause. Whether acting under statutory or constitutional authority, 
the President must also conduct such operations in accordance with 
international law, including the law of war principles of military 
necessity, humanity, distinction, and proportionality.

    Question. Do you believe that the 2001 AUMF should be repealed or 
updated? Why or why not?

    Answer. I understand that President Biden has committed to working 
with Congress to ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of 
military force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that 
will ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist 
threats. I share that goal. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
with the committee and Congress on this important and complex task.

    Question. Is it possible for Congress to update the 2001 AUMF 
without negatively impacting current detention authority for terrorist 
detainees?

    Answer. Yes. The administration believes that any new or updated 
AUMF should include language that avoids undermining the legal basis 
for ongoing operations that the President and Congress deem necessary 
to address ongoing threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to 
continue those efforts. If confirmed, I would look forward to working 
closely with the committee and Congress on this important issue.

    Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001 
AUMF should ensure that detention authority for terrorist detainees is 
not interrupted? Why or why not?

    Answer. The administration believes that any new or updated AUMF 
should include language that avoids undermining the legal basis for 
ongoing operations that the President and Congress deem necessary to 
address ongoing threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to 
continue those efforts. If confirmed, I would look forward to working 
closely with the committee and Congress on this important issue.

    Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001 
AUMF should ensure that current military operations against terrorists 
around the world continue to be authorized?

    Answer. The administration believes that any new or updated AUMF 
should include language that avoids undermining the legal basis for 
ongoing operations that the President and Congress deem necessary to 
address ongoing threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to 
continue those efforts. If confirmed, I would look forward to working 
closely with the committee and Congress on this issue.

    Question. Do you believe that the 2001 AUMF authorizes the use of 
military force against associated forces of Al Qaeda?

    Answer. Yes. It has been the longstanding view of the Executive 
Branch that the 2001 AUMF covers ``associated forces'' of al-Qa'ida or 
the Taliban, and that to be considered an ``associated force'' an 
entity must satisfy two conditions: first, the entity must be an 
organized, armed group that has entered the fight alongside al-Qa'ida 
or the Taliban; and second, the group must be a co-belligerent with al-
Qa'ida or the Taliban in hostilities against the United States or its 
coalition partners. I share the Administration's view that the 2001 
AUMF is not a blank check for the use of force by the Executive Branch 
and that it does not authorize force against all terrorist groups. If 
confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the Administration engages 
with the committee and Congress in determining the appropriate scope of 
the current or any future AUMF.

    Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001 
AUMF should contain geographic constraints? Why or why not?

    Answer. President Biden has committed to working with Congress to 
ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are 
replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we 
can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats. I share that 
goal. Reforming the 2001 AUMF is an extremely complex task. As I am not 
currently in government, I do not have all the relevant facts and 
answers on what a new or revised authority should look like. If 
confirmed, I am committed to working with the committee and Congress on 
this important task.

    Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001 
AUMF should include a hard sunset? Why or why not?

    Answer. President Biden has committed to working with Congress to 
ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are 
replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we 
can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats. I share that 
goal. Reforming the 2001 AUMF is an extremely complex task. As I am not 
currently in government, I do not have all the relevant facts and 
answers on what a new or revised authority should look like. If 
confirmed, I am committed to working with the committee and Congress on 
this important task

    Question. Should the 2002 AUMF be repealed? Why or why not?

    Answer. Yes. The administration supports repeal of the 2002 AUMF, 
and I do as well. President Biden has committed to working with 
Congress to ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military 
force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will 
ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist 
threats. The administration has stated that the United States has no 
ongoing military activities that rely solely on the 2002 AUMF as a 
domestic legal basis, and that repeal of the 2002 AUMF would likely 
have minimal impact on current counterterrorism operations. The 
administration has made clear that the 2001 AUMF and the President's 
Article II authorities are sufficient to address current 
counterterrorism threats and defend U.S. national security. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee and Congress on 
this issue.

    Question. Do you believe the 2002 AUMF provided an independent 
legal basis for the strike against Solemani?

    Answer. I was not in government at the time, so I cannot speak to 
the specific legal basis for the strike or the sensitive intelligence 
or other information upon which the legal and policy analysis at the 
time was based. If confirmed, I will look carefully at this issue.

    Question. How would a repeal of the 2002 AUMF impact current 
detention operations?

    Answer. As I understand it, repeal of the 2002 AUMF would not 
impact current detention operations because those operations rely on 
the authority of the 2001 AUMF.

    Question. Do you commit to working closely with this committee and 
directing your staff to brief the committee on any use of force 
undertaken pursuant to the 2001 AUMF, 2002 AUMF, or Article II of the 
U.S. Constitution?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this 
Committee and directing my staff to regularly brief this Committee and 
to address any questions it may have regarding use of force undertaken 
pursuant to the 2001 AUMF, 2002 AUMF, or Article II of the U.S. 
Constitution.

    Question. On November 23, 2020, then-President-elect Joe Biden 
announced his intent to appoint former Secretary of State John Kerry to 
be a ``Special Presidential Envoy for Climate.'' In response to 
committee questions regarding whether Special Envoy John Kerry is 
legally required to be submitted to the Senate for Advice and Consent, 
the State Department has informed the committee an administration legal 
view that:

          Envoys who have only a discrete and temporary mission and do 
        not fill a ``continuing position established by law,'' see 
        Lucia v. SEC, 138 S. Ct. 2044, 2051 (2018), historically have 
        not been considered ``public ministers'' or ``Officers of the 
        United States'' to whom the Appointments Clause applies. See 
        Officers of the United States Within the Meaning of the 
        Appointments Clause, 31 Op. O.L.C. 73, 102-05 (2007).''

   Do you agree with this legal assessment? Why?

    Answer. I am not in the Administration, and therefore do not have 
access to any specific legal analysis underlying this opinion. However, 
it is my understanding that the O.L.C. Opinion you cite is the legal 
position of this administration, as it has been of prior 
administrations, and remains in effect. It is also my understanding 
that the President recently signed into law an NDAA amendment, 
supported by the committee, which prescribes a specific role for the 
Senate regarding Special Envoys starting in January 2023, including by 
providing that the President shall nominate for Senate advice and 
consent any Special Envoy or other appointee who will be ``exercising 
significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United States'' 
subject to certain exceptions.

    Question. Special Envoy Kerry remains in his position. Is this 
position ``temporary''?

    Answer. Since I am not in government, I have not had access to the 
full factual record or any legal analysis surrounding this position. If 
confirmed, I would examine the issue and consult my colleagues at the 
Department of Justice regarding any such questions.

    Question. For appointment clause purposes, at what point is a 
position no longer considered discrete and temporary?

    Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I have not had access 
to any legal analysis surrounding this question. It is my understanding 
that such an assessment would consider the specific facts and 
circumstances of a particular position and would involve assessments 
made by the Department of Justice. If confirmed, I would examine the 
issue and consult my colleagues at the Department of Justice regarding 
any such questions.

    Question. Is it possible for the Special Envoy Kerry's position to 
be considered ``discrete or temporary'' if the position is retained for 
a complete four year Presidential term? Why?

    Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I do not have access 
to the full facts and circumstances concerning this position. If 
confirmed, I would examine the issue and would consult with my 
colleagues at the Department of Justice regarding any such questions.

    Question. The State Department's legal analysis continued:

          Moreover, even if Mr. Kerry both occupied a continuing 
        position in the State Department, which the Secretary could 
        fill under the ordinary statutory authorities for staffing the 
        Department, and ``exercis[ed] significant authority pursuant to 
        the laws of the United States,'' id., so that he was an 
        ``Officer'' for Appointments Clause purposes, he would at most 
        be an inferior officer. See, e.g., Edmond v. United States, 520 
        U.S. 651 (1997). Therefore, the power vested in the Secretary 
        to make such a personnel appointment in the State Department 
        would satisfy the Appointments Clause.''

   Do you agree with this legal assessment? Why?

    Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I have not had access 
to any legal analysis surrounding this question. It is my understanding 
that the O.L.C. Opinion upon which this is based is the legal position 
of this administration, as it has been of prior administrations, and 
remains in effect. It is also my understanding that the President 
recently signed into law an NDAA amendment supported by the committee 
prescribing a specific role for the Senate regarding Special Envoys 
starting in January 2023.

    Question. Do you agree with the assessment that at most Special 
Envoy Kerry would be considered an inferior officer?

    Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I have not had access 
to the full factual record or any legal analysis concerning Special 
Envoy Kerry. I understand that the Administration has concluded that 
Special Envoy Kerry is acting in a role and in a manner that does not 
require the advice and consent of the U.S. Senate. If confirmed, I 
would examine the issue and consult with my colleagues at the 
Department of Justice regarding any such questions.

    Question. Section 5105 of the National Defense Authorization Act 
provides much needed congressional oversight over the appointment of 
special envoys.

   Do you commit to advising President Biden that he should submit a 
        nomination for any appointee who will be ``exercising 
        significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United 
        States'' to the Senate for its advice and consent before the 
        appointee takes office? For the purpose of ensuring compliance 
        with this law, how would you define significant authority?

    Answer. I am aware of the provisions in section 5105 of the 
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (P.L. 117-81). 
This is new legislation, and since I am not in the Administration, I 
have not had access to any legal analysis surrounding the question of 
``significant authority.'' However, if confirmed, I will work with 
others at the Department and in the Administration to ensure 
implementation of the statute with respect to special envoys and 
similar positions.

    Question. For positions not exercising significant authority, 
Section 5105 requires the President or Secretary of State to notify the 
committee 15 days before such appointment: (1) a certification the 
position does not require the exercise of significant authority 
pursuant to the laws of the U.S.; (2) a description of the duties and 
purpose of the position; and (3) a rationale for giving the specific 
title and function of the position. Do you commit to advising the 
President and Secretary of State to provide substantively robust 
notifications to Congress and consult with the committee as 
appointments are contemplated?

    Answer. I am aware of the provisions in section 5105 of the 
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (P.L. 117-81). 
If confirmed, I will work with others at the Department and in the 
Administration to ensure implementation of the statute, including all 
notification requirements.

    Question. Section 5105 also provides a limited exception for 
temporary appointments exercising significant authority, pending 
notifications to SFRC. Do you commit to adhering to these limits? And 
do you commit to advising the President to provide substantively robust 
notifications to Congress and consult with the committee as such 
temporary appointments are contemplated?

    Answer. I am aware of the provisions in section 5105 of the 
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (P.L. 117-81). 
If confirmed, I will work with others at the Department and in the 
Administration to ensure implementation of the statute, including 
limitations on appointments and notifications consistent with the 
requirements of the statute.

    Question. I confirmed, do you commit to brief my office and this 
committee in a timely fashion with respect to sanctions policy 
developments and designations as they occur?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working within the Department of 
State so that you receive such sanctions policy briefings in a timely 
fashion, which when appropriate would involve input from the Office of 
the Legal Adviser. As a teacher of U.S. foreign relations law for over 
20 years, I have always led my class with the importance of the 
constitutional role of Congress in foreign relations, including 
oversight. If confirmed, I would endeavor to make sure that your 
oversight role is supported by receiving the information you and the 
committee need from the Office of the Legal Adviser.

    Question. On December 27, 2020, President Trump signed into law the 
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021. This legislation includes a 
provision that I supported which establishes an Office of Sanctions 
Coordinator within the State Department.

   If confirmed, do you commit to give this new office the attention, 
        support, and resources needed to ensure its success and the 
        fulfillment of its statutory mandate?

    Answer. Yes. The Office of Sanctions Coordinator is an important 
contribution to the effective development and implementation of 
sanctions policy within the State Department and across the U.S. 
Government. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Office of the 
Legal Adviser robustly engages with and supports the Office of 
Sanctions Coordinator in performing its statutory function.

    Question. On December 27, 2020, President Trump signed into law the 
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021. This legislation includes a 
provision that I supported which establishes an Office of Sanctions 
Coordinator within the State Department.

   If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that this new office will 
        fulfill its mandate vis-a-vis other offices and bureaus within 
        the State Department to ``serve as the coordinator for the 
        development and implementation of sanctions policy'' within the 
        State Department?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Office of the 
Legal Adviser robustly engages with and supports the Office of 
Sanctions Coordinator in performing its statutory function.

    Question. On December 27, 2020, President Trump signed into law the 
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021. This legislation includes a 
provision that I supported which establishes an Office of Sanctions 
Coordinator within the State Department.

   If confirmed, do you commit to work with my office and this 
        committee to ensure that this office succeeds and fulfills its 
        statutory mandate?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Office of the 
Legal Adviser robustly engages with and supports the Office of 
Sanctions Coordinator in performing its statutory function.

    Question. Section 1263(d) of the Global Magnitsky Act requires that 
the President make a sanctions determination within 120 days after 
receipt of a joint request from the Chairman and Ranking Member of the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee (or other relevant committee 
leadership). If confirmed, will you commit to help ensure Congress 
receives a specific determination to any such request within 120 days 
of submission?

    Answer. Yes. Congressional engagement and transparency are 
important components of the Global Magnitsky Act. If confirmed, I 
commit to helping ensure that Congress receives such determinations in 
a timely manner consistent with the Act.

    Question. What role should L play in genocide determinations?

    Answer. I understand that the Secretary of State decides, as a 
matter of foreign policy, whether the U.S. Government should publicly 
characterize particular actions and abuses as a specific international 
atrocity crime, including genocide, based on an analysis of the law, 
available facts, and policy considerations. I also understand that the 
role of L, in coordination with relevant Department policy offices, 
including the Office of Global Criminal Justice, is to advise the 
Secretary in applying the law to the available facts. If confirmed, I 
will look forward to advising the Secretary on these critical issues 
and supporting the Department's important efforts to promote justice 
and accountability for genocide and other atrocities.

    Question. Should the atrocities committed in Burma against the 
Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities be considered a 
genocide?

    Answer. I am appalled by the Burmese military's brutal violence 
against Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities in Burma, 
and have previously taken the position that I consider such actions 
against Rohingya to constitute genocide. I understand that, in 2017, 
then-Secretary of State Tillerson concluded that the atrocities against 
Rohingya in northern Rakhine State constituted ethnic cleansing. I also 
understand that in his confirmation hearing, in January 2021, Secretary 
Blinken committed to reviewing whether these atrocities constitute 
specific international atrocity crimes, including genocide. Since I am 
not in the Administration, I am not aware of the current status of that 
review. If confirmed, I will look forward to supporting Secretary 
Blinken in that process and advising Department policy offices and the 
Administration in their ongoing efforts to promote respect for human 
rights as well as justice and accountability for atrocities in Burma.

    Question. Should the atrocities committed in Syria by the brutal 
Bashir Al-Assad regime be considered genocide?

    Answer. I understand that the Secretary of State decides, as a 
matter of foreign policy, whether the U.S. Government should publicly 
characterize particular abuses as a specific international atrocity 
crime, including genocide, based on an analysis of the law, available 
facts, and policy considerations. I also understand that, in 2019, 
then-Secretary of State Pompeo determined that the Assad regime is 
responsible for innumerable atrocities, some of which rise to the level 
of war crimes and crimes against humanity. I agree with that 
assessment. If confirmed, I will look forward to supporting the 
Department's efforts to address atrocities in Syria and to promote 
accountability for those responsible.

    Question. The re-instatement and expansion of the Protecting Life 
in Global Health Assistance Policy, formerly known as the Mexico City 
Policy, during the last administration reignited a longstanding debate 
about aid conditionality and the ``rights'' of U.S. foreign assistance 
implementers and beneficiaries.

   Do foreign non-governmental organizations have a legally-
        enforceable ``right'' to United States foreign assistance, or 
        is the provision of U.S. foreign assistance discretionary?

    Answer. I understand that most foreign assistance is provided 
through a competitive process and that any revocation of a federal 
award must comply with applicable rules and regulations. Aside from 
these regulations, I am not aware that foreign non-governmental 
organizations have a legally-enforceable ``right'' to U.S. foreign 
assistance.

    Question. Does Congress have the right to place conditions upon the 
use of the U.S. foreign assistance it appropriates?

    Answer. Yes, consistent with the Constitution of the United States.

    Question. Does the Executive also have the right to condition U.S. 
foreign assistance?

    Answer. I am not in the Administration and do not have access to 
all the legal analysis on this issue. However, it is my understanding 
that the Executive may condition U.S. foreign assistance consistent 
with all legal requirements, including in the Foreign Assistance Act of 
1961 and the annual appropriations act. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with Congress on decisions related to conditions on foreign 
assistance.

    Question. You served as an independent expert on a U.N. Human 
Rights Committee case where the committee found that Ireland had 
violated the human rights of a woman seeking an abortion and that 
Ireland should change its laws to ensure access to abortions in certain 
cases.

   Is access to abortion an internationally-recognized human right?

    Answer. This administration is deeply committed to promoting and 
protecting the rights of women and girls, including in the areas of 
reproductive health and choice. International human rights law protects 
access to reproductive health and choice in various ways, such as 
prohibiting discrimination. However, the United States does not regard 
access to abortion services as an international human right.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and 
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family 
planning; support involuntary sterilizations; or lobby for or against 
the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to providing advice consistent 
with all provisions of law related to our foreign assistance, including 
restrictions related to the use of foreign assistance for the 
performance or promotion of abortion as a method of family planning, 
coercive abortion and forced sterilization, and lobbying for or against 
abortion.

    Question. Section 1215 of the NDAA FY 2021 restricts funding for 
the Department of Defense for any activity to reduce force levels below 
both 4,000 and 2,000, until DOD submits a report to Congress or the 
President provides a written waiver. During the Afghanistan withdrawal, 
troop levels again exceeded 4,000 on the ground. Do you believe these 
restrictions were legally binding during the recent withdrawal? Why? 
Why has Congress not received either the required report or written 
waiver as mandated by law?

    Answer. As I am not currently in government, I am not familiar with 
all of the legal analysis or facts surrounding past decisions to 
provide such reports or waivers. It is my understanding that the 
Department of Defense (DoD) Office of General Counsel would ordinarily 
be responsible for the legal advice on this limitation on the use of 
DoD funding and its associated reporting requirements, in consultation 
with, inter alia, the Secretary of State. If confirmed, I will look 
into this issue and will advise the Department of State regarding 
cooperation with DoD on relevant congressional reporting requirements, 
including DoD reports that require Secretary of State consultation.

    Question. Section 1217 of the NDAA FY 2021 requires the 
Administration to transmit any agreement or arrangement with the 
Taliban to Congress within 5 days. The State Department currently has 
an agreement or an arrangement with the Taliban governing continued 
evacuations of American citizens and LPRs. Why has the State Department 
not provided Congress any such agreement or arrangement as required by 
law?

    Answer. As I am not currently in government, I am not familiar with 
all of the facts or legal analysis surrounding this question. I am 
aware that the United States and many other countries released a 
statement dated August 29, 2021 (available at https://www.state.gov/
joint-statement-on-afghanistan-evacuation-travel-assurances), 
acknowledging that the Taliban publicly committed that foreign 
nationals and any Afghan citizen with travel authorization would be 
allowed to proceed in a safe and orderly manner to points of departure 
and travel outside the country. However, I personally am not aware of 
any specific agreement or arrangement between the State Department and 
the Taliban governing continued evacuations of American citizens and 
LPRs. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing this issue and providing 
legal advice to Department policymakers to ensure compliance with 
Section 1217 of the NDAA for FY 2021.

    Question. Do you commit to providing Congress any agreement or 
arrangement, and relevant materials, made between the U.S. and the 
Taliban since August 14?

    Answer. I understand that Secretary Blinken has committed to 
keeping Congress informed of any agreement or arrangement with the 
Taliban subsequent to the February 29, 2020 U.S.-Taliban Agreement 
which the Department has identified and is under the purview of the 
State Department, including providing any materials relevant to such 
agreement or arrangement, consistent with section 1217(b)(2) of the 
William M. (Mac) Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act for 
Fiscal Year 2021 (P.L. 116-283). If confirmed, I would provide legal 
advice to Department policymakers to ensure compliance with this 
provision

    Question. The Department of Defense has opined that it will rely on 
the 2001 AUMF for continued counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan. 
What is the State Department's position on the legal authority for 
continued counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan?

    Answer. I am not currently in government and cannot authoritatively 
represent the Administration's legal positions. However, as I 
understand it, the United States has relied on the 2001 AUMF as the 
domestic law basis for the use of force in Afghanistan against al-
Qa'ida, the Taliban, and associated forces, including ISIS-K. As a 
matter of international law, U.S. operations against al-Qa'ida and 
ISIS-K targets in Afghanistan to date have been conducted in national 
self-defense with the consent of Afghanistan. If confirmed, I would 
advise on the legal basis for any future counterterrorism operations 
based on the information available to me at the time.

    Question. What is L's position on the repeal of the 2001 AUMF as it 
relates to counterterrorism operations and detention authorities?

    Answer. I am not currently in government and cannot authoritatively 
represent the Administration's legal positions. However, President 
Biden has committed to working with Congress to ensure that outdated 
authorizations for the use of military force are replaced with a narrow 
and specific framework that will ensure that we can continue to protect 
Americans from terrorist threats. It is my understanding that the 
Administration's position is that the 2001 AUMF should not be repealed 
without replacement, and that any new or updated AUMF should include 
language that avoids undermining the legal basis for ongoing operations 
that the President and Congress deem necessary to address ongoing 
threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to continue those 
efforts. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the 
committee and Congress on this important issue.

    Question. Can you commit to utilizing the deterrence mechanisms in 
the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, which Congress passed on a 
bipartisan, bicameral basis as a powerful tool to uphold the Assad 
regime's isolation, including through additional sanctions?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has made clear, the United States has 
not lifted sanctions on Syria. Caesar Act sanctions are an important 
tool to hold the Syrian regime accountable for the atrocities inflicted 
on its own people. If confirmed, I will look into this issue and will 
provide legal advice to ensure that the Department of State, in 
coordination with the Treasury Department, implements sanctions under 
the Caesar Act.

    Question. Is a waiver under the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection 
Act necessary to authorize Jordan's Electricity Proposal and Egypt's 
Gas Proposal with the Syrian regime?

    Answer. I am not currently in government and therefore do not have 
access to all the relevant facts and any legal analysis. I support 
efforts to resolve Lebanon's energy shortages in a way that is 
consistent with U.S. sanctions on Syria. I understand that the State 
Department is in contact with the Governments of Jordan, Egypt, and 
Lebanon, as well as the World Bank, to gain a more complete 
understanding of how these arrangements would be structured and 
financed, and to ensure they are in line with U.S. policy and address 
any potential sanctions concerns. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with the Treasury Department and provide legal advice to ensure 
compliance with all U.S. sanctions programs in Syria.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. The previous administration took several positions that 
were out of step with the international community, particularly on 
human rights.

   What steps does the Biden administration need to take to restore a 
        U.S. foreign policy that is rooted in internationally agreed 
        upon human rights norms and laws?

    Answer. President Biden has committed to a foreign policy that is 
centered on the defense of democracy and the protection of human 
rights. In the last year, the Administration has taken many steps to 
restore the place of the United States as a leader in human rights, 
including seeking and winning election to the United Nations Human 
Rights Council, putting forward U.S. candidates to serve as independent 
experts on a number of human rights treaty bodies and United Nations 
forums, and promoting accountability for human rights violations and 
abuses including through bilateral and multilateral engagement and 
application of targeted sanctions. If confirmed, I look forward to 
continuing to support the Administration and the Department in 
engagement with this Committee, civil society, and the international 
community, to promote and protect human rights consistent with 
international law.

    Question. Across the globe, the principles and institutions of the 
international legal system have been under attack in recent years, with 
the rise of nationalism and authoritarianism.
    What do you see as the most important steps the State Department 
can take to bolster the international system and strengthen 
international legal norms?

    Answer. The administration shares your concern regarding the rise 
of illiberal and authoritarian states and their efforts to undermine 
human rights, democracy and the rules-based international order. The 
most important steps the State Department can take to bolster the 
international system and strengthen international legal norms are 
constructive engagement and to lead, in concert with other like-minded 
states, by the power of example. As Secretary Blinken stated before the 
United Nations General Assembly last fall, ``it makes a difference when 
the United States shows up, listens, leads.It allows us to strengthen 
the rules and institutions that have helped defend our values and 
advance our interests for many years.'' U.S. engagement with others in 
the international community, including through bilateral and 
multilateral work and participation in regional and international 
organizations, has helped shape and safeguard rules, agreements, and 
mechanisms that help keep our people safe and healthy, and our 
businesses competitive while upholding our democratic values. If 
confirmed, I would support the Administration and the Department in 
engagement with the international community, in particular through the 
promotion and protection of international law, and I would look forward 
to consulting with this Committee on these efforts.

    Question. I have long disagreed with the State Department's 
interpretation of eligibility for the Special Immigrant Visa program as 
defined in the Afghan Allies Protection Act of 2009. Congressionally 
written statute says that individuals are eligible for the program if, 
among other requirements, they were or are employed in Afghanistan 
``by, or on behalf of, the United States Government.'' The way that 
State has interpreted this language over the last two administrations 
has arbitrarily excluded those who worked for the U.S. as grantees or 
through certain types of contracts. These individuals spent 20 years on 
the frontlines of U.S. efforts to engage with the Afghan people, and 
certainly meet all other criteria for eligibility, including 
demonstrating an ``ongoing serious threat'' to their safety. And this 
group includes more women than under current State-determined 
eligibility.

   I hope that you will take a close look at this language and how it 
        has been interpreted by the State Department. Do you commit to 
        doing so, and communicating your legal opinion to my office?

    Answer. Yes. I have not had access to the full factual record or 
legal analysis surrounding the Department's interpretation of the 
statute. But I know that ensuring effective processing of SIV 
applications for individuals who provided faithful and valuable service 
to the United States in Afghanistan is a top priority for the 
Department. If confirmed, I would examine the issue and would be 
prepared to engage with Congress and your office on ensuring 
implementation of the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa program.

                              __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Do you believe international tax treaties require the 
approval of two-thirds of the Senate in order to be ratified as 
outlined by the U.S. Constitution?

    Answer. Article II of the Constitution provides that the President 
may make treaties with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the 
Senators present. On many occasions, however, Congress has passed 
statutes authorizing the President to enter into international 
agreements on behalf of the United States, and the Supreme Court has 
recognized that such statutes can provide a valid legal basis for the 
President to enter into international agreements, like the Senate's 
adoption of resolutions of advice and consent pursuant to the Article 
II treaty process has done.
    Whether Congress would wish to pass a statute authorizing the 
President to enter into an agreement addressing international taxation 
would, of course, be for Congress to decide. Historically, bilateral 
income tax treaties have been approved by the Senate via the Article II 
treaty process. To the extent that the Senate may prefer that future 
agreements addressing international taxation be approved via the 
Article II treaty process rather than via statute, this would be a 
matter within the Senate's control, as a statute could not pass without 
the Senate's approval. Tax treaties have long served to advance 
important economic interests of the United States and have enjoyed 
strong bipartisan support in the Senate. If confirmed, I would look 
forward to engaging with this Committee to continue the historic 
partnership between the executive branch and the Senate with regard to 
these important agreements.

    Question. The United States is currently negotiating an important 
international agreement on taxes under the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework 
on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting. One key element, referred to as 
Pillar One, will require countries to update international tax rules. 
It is my understanding that this includes modification of each of the 
United States' bilateral tax treaties. If that is the case, based on 
your training and experience as an attorney, do you believe the Pillar 
One agreement will need to be implemented through the formal treaty 
process?

    Answer. Historically, bilateral income tax treaties have been 
approved by the Senate via the Article II treaty process. However, 
Congress could also authorize the President by statute to enter into 
international agreements regarding taxation. Whether the Senate would 
wish to do this for the multilateral convention contemplated under 
Pillar One would be for the Senate to decide.
    Even where agreements are approved via the Article II treaty 
process, however, separate implementing legislation sometimes is 
required to allow the United States to give effect in its domestic law 
to the obligations it undertakes in an international agreement. 
Accordingly, even if an agreement such as the multilateral convention 
contemplated under Pillar One were approved via the Article II treaty 
process, enactment of separate implementing legislation could still be 
necessary before the United States could join the agreement and carry 
out its obligations thereunder.
    If confirmed, I would look forward to engaging with this Committee 
on issues related to the proposed Pillar One multilateral convention.

    Question. Would you agree that an international tax agreement that 
makes fundamental changes to our international tax system and the 
global economy are related to the conduct of foreign policy?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you advise Treasury and 
coordinate with the Senate on the OECD agreement and the treaty 
process?

    Answer. I believe the Senate's input will be very important as the 
Administration considers the ways in which the OECD/G20 Inclusive 
Framework's two-pillar solution can be implemented expeditiously and 
effectively, including with respect to the multilateral convention 
contemplated under Pillar One. If confirmed, I would look forward to 
engaging with colleagues in Treasury and elsewhere in the 
Administration and with this committee on these issues.

    Question. Does the CCP's treatment of China's Uyghur minority 
constitute genocide?

    Answer. Yes. The administration has recognized that there is an 
ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang province 
against the Uyghur minority and members of other ethnic and religious 
minority groups. I am also appalled by these actions. I understand that 
the Department has sought to impose consequences on those responsible 
for these atrocities, including through the imposition of financial 
sanctions and visa restrictions, as appropriate. If confirmed, I will 
support the Department's efforts to promote accountability for those 
responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.

    Question. What evidence does it take to determine that the CCP was 
engaged in genocide in Xinjiang? Do findings by international tribunals 
or NGOs have any weight in State Department determinations?

    Answer. I understand that, in January 2021, then-Secretary of State 
Pompeo determined that the PRC Government, under the direction and 
control of the Chinese Communist Party, has committed genocide and 
crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and 
religious minority groups in Xinjiang, and that Secretary Blinken has 
stated that he agrees with that determination. As I am not currently in 
the Department, I cannot speak to what information the Secretary may 
have taken into account when making these determinations. However, if 
confirmed, I will look forward to advising the Secretary on these 
issues. I also look forward to supporting the Department's work to 
promote accountability for those responsible for genocide and crimes 
against humanity in Xinjiang, in consultation with this Committee.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you advise the Secretary on the 
standards for making a genocide determination?

    Answer. I understand that the Secretary of State decides, as a 
matter of foreign policy, whether the U.S. Government should publicly 
characterize particular actions and abuses as a specific international 
atrocity crime, including genocide, and that such decisions are based 
on an analysis of the law, available facts, and policy considerations. 
I also understand that the role of L, in coordination with relevant 
Department policy offices, including the Office of Global Criminal 
Justice, is to advise the Secretary in applying the law to the 
available facts. I also understand that, for the purposes of atrocity 
determinations, the Department looks to international law, including 
the definition of genocide in Article II of the 1948 Convention on the 
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, and U.S. domestic 
law. If confirmed, I will look forward to advising the Secretary on 
these issues and supporting the Department's efforts to promote 
accountability for genocide and other atrocity crimes.

    Question. What are the legal consequences of making a genocide 
determination under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and 
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide?

    Answer. Under Article I of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention 
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention), States 
Parties have an obligation to prevent and punish genocide. The Genocide 
Convention, among other things, provides in Article VI that persons 
charged with genocide or any of the other acts punishable under Article 
III of the Genocide Convention ``shall be tried in a competent tribunal 
of the State in the territory of which the act was committed, or by 
such international penal tribunal as may have jurisdiction with respect 
to those Contracting Parties which shall have accepted its 
jurisdiction.''

    Question. In March 2021, the International Criminal Court launched 
a one-sided political attack on Israel in the guise of a formal 
investigation against alleged Israeli war crimes in Gaza and the West 
Bank. This investigation comes even though Israel is not a party to the 
ICC and has a robust judicial system capable of investigating and 
prosecuting any alleged crimes. The ICC has also threatened action 
against the U.S. for actions in Afghanistan. In your view, what is the 
proper role of the International Criminal Court?

    Answer. I agree with the U.S. Government's longstanding objection 
to the ICC's attempts to assert jurisdiction over nationals of non-
parties, such as the United States and Israel, absent the State's 
consent or a Security Council referral. As Secretary Blinken has said, 
U.S. concerns about these cases should be addressed through engagement 
with all stakeholders in the ICC process. If confirmed, I will work 
with our partners and allies, together with the Office of Global 
Criminal Justice, to focus the Court on its core mission of trying 
alleged perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war 
crimes where the relevant State is truly unable or unwilling to do so.

    Question. President Biden has pledged to reopen a consulate in 
Jerusalem closed by the previous administration. Such a move would come 
after the United States recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital. What 
is your understanding of U.S. obligations related to the opening of 
diplomatic facilities abroad? Do agree with the Administration's stated 
position that opening such facilities requires the consent of the host 
government?

    Answer. I understand that the Administration intends to reopen our 
Consulate General in Jerusalem to strengthen our ability to engage the 
Palestinian people and execute our assistance programs, public 
diplomacy outreach, and diplomatic reporting. I also understand that 
the reopening of the Consulate General in Jerusalem would not affect 
U.S. policy that the U.S. Embassy remains in Jerusalem, would not alter 
the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and would not 
constitute the recognition of a Palestinian state.
    Additionally, I understand that to reopen the Consulate General, 
the United States would look to Israel to provide privileges and 
immunities to Consulate General officers and employees as they have in 
the past, and I would expect the Office of the Legal Adviser to support 
policymakers in any necessary discussions to that end. If confirmed, I 
would work to ensure that the Department complies with all applicable 
congressional consultation and notification requirements related to 
reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem.

    Question. The Biden administration is continuing to negotiate with 
Iran in Vienna on a nuclear deal to curb Tehran's nuclear program. The 
Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) gives Congress the right to 
review any agreement involving Iran's nuclear program. What is your 
view regarding INARA? Do you agree that under INARA any nuclear related 
agreement with Iran must be presented to Congress?

    Answer. I understand that INARA requires that any ``agreement'' 
with Iran related to Iran's nuclear program be transmitted to Congress 
for a period of congressional review, and that ``agreement'' is broadly 
defined to include non-legally-binding political arrangements. I also 
understand that the Administration has committed to ensuring that the 
requirements of INARA are satisfied. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring 
that policy makers obtain the legal advice they need in order to 
satisfy the requirements of INARA, including its transmission 
requirement.

    Question. If the Administration reaches an agreement to return to 
the JCPOA, do you believe that would need to come to Congress under the 
terms of INARA?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the 
Administration carefully considers the facts and circumstances of any 
U.S. return to the JCPOA to determine the implications under INARA, and 
to ensuring that policy makers receive the legal advice they need in 
order to satisfy the requirements of INARA, including its transmission 
requirement.
                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to James C. O'Brien by Senator Robert Menendez

Sanctions Coordinator Position
    Question.  Sanctions are one of the few meaningful sticks we have 
in our foreign policy toolkit, yet State and successive administrations 
have often had difficulty developing and implementing them in a 
coordinated manner. The law creating your office gives you three key 
roles: the lead sanctions diplomat, the lead for State on sanctions in 
the interagency, and the lead within State in coordinating sanctions 
policy.

   I'd like to hear how you will approach each of these roles.

    Answer. In my testimony to the committee on January 12, I outlined 
the importance of ensuring that sanctions are part of our national 
security strategy, support clear policy objectives, and rest upon a 
solid analysis of alternatives, effects, and support from our partners.
    The three roles established in the law should reinforce one 
another. A senior voice and decision-maker focused on sanctions can 
affect deliberations in the Department and with other agencies; a point 
of contact for other agencies and partners should improve feedback 
about the design and adaptation of sanctions and the strategies of 
which they are a part; and engagement with partners should provide 
additional ideas about how U.S. policies are functioning and 
opportunities to strengthen international cooperation against 
sanctionable activities.
    This is a lot for a newly-reconstituted, still-growing Office to 
undertake. It will require a clear set of priorities, to be set by the 
Secretary, and cooperation from senior policymakers across the 
Administration and Congress. If confirmed I look forward to consulting 
with the committee on priorities and resources for the office.

    Question. Once you are in office, I want to make sure there is a 
running dialogue between you and your team and me and my staff. Do you 
commit to that?

    Answer. Yes. I would especially appreciate learning what concerns 
you are hearing about U.S. sanctions, recommendations for information 
on sanctions, and possible Congressional action related to sanctions.

State-Treasury Relationship
    Question. I think there are real questions about whether the 
executive branch is structured appropriately on sanctions. Everyone 
seems to agree they are a foreign policy tool, but Treasury is the 900-
pound gorilla in this area and regularly gets its way over State. The 
release of the Treasury sanctions policy review a few months ago is 
representative: it was a Treasury only report that barely had any input 
from State and did not address State-administered sanctions or human 
right sanctions like Global Magnitsky.

   How will you approach the inter-agency process to allow for State 
        and Treasury to have a more balanced relationship on sanctions 
        policy?

    Answer. The first conclusions of the Treasury Report were that 
sanctions must be linked to broader U.S. policy and strong 
international partnerships. The Treasury report also correctly cited 
that ``Treasury's work on sanctions is conducted in close partnership 
with other parts of the Executive Branch, in particular the Department 
of State and the National Security Council, which lead the formulation 
of the foreign policy and strategic goals that sanctions serve, as well 
as the Department of Justice.'' If confirmed, I will vigorously 
advocate for the State Department's role in shaping and leading U.S. 
foreign policy and engagement with foreign partners. I expect to build 
on the close working relationship the State Department has with the 
Treasury Department and other agencies, as well as our foreign allies 
and partners, and to engage regularly as well with the National 
Security Council on any interagency disagreements.
    Executive Branch Implementation of Mandatory Secondary Sanctions: 
When it comes to foreign policy in particular, the executive branch 
seems to take the position that mandatory equals discretionary, and 
there is often a failure to implement secondary sanctions as Congress 
intended. This is not just an issue of Congress versus the executive 
branch--private sector actors tell us that U.S. secondary sanctions are 
losing their bite because there are so rarely designations.

    Question. Do you commit to being a strong advocate for full 
implementation and enforcement of mandatory sanctions?

    Answer. Yes. I am interested in learning about the views of private 
sector actors mentioned in the question and, if confirmed, will consult 
with the committee and other colleagues on that question.

Cuba
    Question. The Treasury Department's sanctions review report earlier 
this year underscored the importance of U.S sanctions being tied to a 
specific policy objective. In the case of Cuba sanctions, Congress has 
defined in law clear policy goals and benchmarks that need to be met 
before sanctions are lifted. As you know, I care deeply about U.S. 
policy towards Cuba and I was concerned about previous efforts to lift 
U.S. sanctions on Cuba--in violation of the spirit of U.S. law--even 
while Cuba's intransigent dictatorship refused to take any steps to 
permit a democratic opening in the country.

   What assurances can you provide that you will follow the letter and 
        spirit of the law when you are coordinating U.S. sanctions on 
        Cuba?

    Answer. I understand and appreciate your deep commitment to the 
human rights of the Cuban people. If confirmed, I will work to advance 
U.S. policy on Cuba sanctions consistent with all relevant laws. I 
commit to engage with you on the issues if I am confirmed.

    Question. Can I have your personal commitment that you will consult 
directly with me and my staff prior to any significant changes to U.S. 
sanctions on Cuba--whether those changes are proposed by you, others in 
the State Department, or by another part of the U.S. Government?

    Answer. Yes. I understand and appreciate your deep commitment to 
the human rights of the Cuban people. If confirmed, I will engage with 
the relevant policymakers on Cuba policy in the Administration so that 
my office can remain informed. I commit to engage directly and 
routinely with you and your staff.
    The Biden administration rightfully designated Cuban Defense 
Minister Lopez Miera under Global Magnitsky sanction, but it is clear 
that the challenges posed by the Cuban armed forces are bigger than one 
general. In addition to military involvement in human rights abuses, 
I'm concerned about the rise of a new generation of military oligarchs 
that control vast parts of the Cuban economy. Secretary Blinken made a 
commitment to me regarding a Magnitsky designation on the Cuban 
military.

    Question. Can I get your commitment that you will make this 
designation a priority, if you are confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will learn about work on this designation 
and consult closely with colleagues in the Department. I will consult 
with your staff and you about the topic. If a designation is warranted, 
I will advocate for it.

China
    Question. I am deeply concerned that China is continuing to buy oil 
from the Iranians both subverting international sanctions and impacting 
the oil market. I am disappointed that the U.S. and the rest of the 
international community do not seem to be holding China accountable for 
these violations.

   What steps is the United States taking to urge/force China to 
        comply with sanctions related to Iran's oil?

    Answer. The United States has designated individuals and entities 
in response to Iranian sanctions evasion activities, including 
transactions involving the PRC. If I am confirmed, I will seek to learn 
what more might be done. I am told that the Administration has also 
been raising this issue in diplomatic channels with Beijing as part of 
a dialogue on Iran policy and that Beijing has a strong interest in 
preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon given the profoundly 
destabilizing impact that would have in a region upon which the PRC 
depends for its oil imports.

Afghanistan:
    Question. What further steps can the United States take to clarify 
and expand upon existing sanctions authorities on the Taliban and 
Haqqani Network, while ensuring that humanitarian aid goes directly to 
the Afghan people? What can we do to ensure that these steps don't 
result in a complete economic collapse that could cause a mass 
humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, I expect to take a leadership role in 
striking an appropriate balance between sanctions against listed 
Taliban members and the Haqqani Network and supporting the continued 
flow of humanitarian aid. This approach would include evaluating the 
effectiveness of the steps that have been taken.
    The Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control 
(OFAC) issued six general licenses (GLs) aimed at facilitating economic 
activity and the flow of assistance to benefit the people of 
Afghanistan. Among other activities, these actions facilitate the 
official business of the U.S. Government, the official business of 
certain international organizations (including the U.N. and World 
Bank), and NGOs, and those acting on their behalf, providing 
humanitarian assistance and other critical support in Afghanistan as 
well as the export to Afghanistan of critical food and medicine.

Burma
    Question. The 2021 coup in Burma makes clear--as a number of us 
here offered in 2014 and 2015, only to be ignored by the 
Administration--that the way in which the United States dealt away its 
leverage and potential pressure in Burma was a mistake, undermining the 
ability of the democracy movement to get the military to relinquish 
power, and knee-capping efforts for genuine ethnic and national 
reconciliation, including the subsequent Rohingya genocide.

   How do we regain traction and leverage, what sanctions do you think 
        would be appropriate to reimpose, what new sanctions might be 
        necessary, including targeting MEC and MEHL and MOGE, so that 
        perhaps this time we can get Burma right?

    Answer. The United States has been steadfast in its support for the 
people of Burma since the military coup d'etat on February 1, 2021. 
Immediately following the coup, President Biden issued an Executive 
Order 14014, authorizing sanctions in response to the coup. In total, 
the U.S. Government has sanctioned 58 individuals and 20 entities. 
These include top military commanders and senior officials of the 
regime, as well as businesses that generate revenue for the military 
and its leaders. As I understand them, sanctions against individuals 
and entities connected to the military regime impose a continuing and 
direct cost on the military regime, which is responsible for the 
horrific violence perpetrated against the pro-democracy movement and 
the people of Burma.
    While I am not part of the Administration and the Administration 
does not preview future sanctions, if the violence and abuses in Burma 
continue, I anticipate that the Administration will continue to use all 
available tools to put pressure on the regime to cease the violence, 
release all those unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to 
democracy. The announcement of anti-corruption initiatives may also 
provide important tools for addressing the networks that enable 
corruption, human rights abuses, other sanctionable activity, and 
sanctions evasion.
    In all these aspects, coordinating sanctions with allies and 
partners is important to make our actions as impactful as possible. Our 
coordinated response shows that the international community is united 
against the coup, the horrific violence, and suppression of Burma's 
democracy. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing close U.S. 
coordination with likeminded partners, including the UK, Canada, and 
the EU, who have imposed sanctions on the military regime since the 
coup.

Venezuela
    Question. I have authored every piece of major legislation on 
Venezuela that Congress has passed; this includes sanctions provisions, 
as well as policies in support of a negotiated solution to the 
Venezuelan crisis. While the entire world obviously knows that Maduro 
has no genuine interest in negotiations, our sanctions very clearly 
give us leverage to push a process forward. However, I am concerned 
that some in the Administration would lift some sanctions for nothing 
in return from Maduro.

   If confirmed, will you ensure that the Administration doesn't cede 
        leverage to forge a negotiated solution without meaningful 
        concessions from the Maduro regime?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the interagency and 
foreign partners and allies to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives 
in Venezuela. My personal experience across several continents is that 
the prospect of accountability, including through sanctions, can be 
important leverage for peace negotiations, and I expect to discuss this 
with responsible officials.

Hong Kong
    Question. During the previous administration the United States 
rolled out a series of sanctions designations related to China's 
treatment of Hong Kong and Hong Kongers. None of those sanctions 
appeared to have had any deterrent or shaping effect on Beijing's 
calculus.

   What are the lessons that you take from that?

    Answer. The Department of State remains deeply concerned about the 
degradation of the autonomy of Hong Kong, and, if confirmed, I will 
continue the Department's work to employ a variety of policy tools in 
response to the deteriorating situation. Sanctions are one such tool. 
As I noted in my testimony, sanctions must be part of a strategy; they 
themselves cannot be the strategy.
    In addition, working with partners and allies is also key to create 
effective sanctions regimes. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging 
with our global partners whose cooperation will make sanctions programs 
more effective. This would again require that the Coordinator's Office 
work closely with U.S. missions abroad and other officials who engage 
other governments.

    Question. Did we use sanctions in a way that was ineffective? Did 
we misalign targets? Or are there natural limits to what sanctions can 
leverage without a broader and more coherent policy framework?

    Answer. The Biden administration has made the U.S. and allied 
approach to China and the relationship with China central to U.S. 
foreign policy. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the 
role that sanctions can play in that strategy and will consult with the 
committee accordingly.
    On Hong Kong itself, sanctions cannot substitute for a broader 
policy or achieve broader goals by themselves. If confirmed, I am 
interested in learning more about how sanctions in this instance can 
reinforce the China strategy and principles important to the 
international order here and elsewhere. Hong Kong's traditional role in 
the international financial system is particularly relevant in the 
consideration of how sanctions might be relevant and effective, both 
with regard to Chinese policy and to institutions and individuals 
seeking to benefit from that policy. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with my colleagues in the Department and other agencies to consider 
potential future sanctions that will advance our foreign policy 
interests regarding the deteriorating situation in Hong Kong.

Ethiopia
    Question. The administration has designated four Eritrean entities 
and two Eritrean individuals under the E.O., but has not designated any 
Ethiopians, or made designations of actors supplying arms or materiel 
to parties to the conflict.

   Can we expect to see additional designations related to the 
        Executive Order Imposing Sanctions on Certain Persons with 
        Respect to the Humanitarian and Human Rights Crisis in Ethiopia 
        issued on September 17th?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues to continue to 
use all policy options available to stop the fighting and human rights 
abuse, get the Ethiopian Government and Tigray People's Liberation 
Front to the negotiating table, secure the withdrawal of Eritrean 
forces from Ethiopia, enable access to critical humanitarian 
assistance, and support an inclusive national dialogue process.

North Korea
    Question. ``Maximum pressure'' on North Korea under the previous 
administration was neither. And as we stand at the start of 2022 it's 
clear that the sanctions regime currently in place has been badly 
broken. The Panel of Experts at the U.N. has been sidelined. There is 
tension between Washington and Seoul. And North Korea continues to 
march happily along with their nuclear and ballistic missile programs. 
Moreover, under successive administrations there seems to have been a 
disconnect between the bilateral and multilateral sanctions that we 
impose on North Korea and our diplomatic posture.

   Given the orientation of the new administration towards North Korea 
        how would you recommend revising and refining our sanctions in 
        a way that will actually be effective to compel different 
        behavior from North Korea?

    Answer. The United States has a vital interest in deterring the 
DPRK, limiting the reach of its unlawful and dangerous WMD and 
ballistic missile programs, and, above all, keeping the American people 
and America's allies safe. It is important for the international 
community to send a strong, unified message that the DPRK must halt 
provocations, abide by its obligations under U.N. Security Council 
resolutions, and engage in sustained and intensive negotiations with 
the United States.
    United Nations sanctions on the DPRK remain in place, and we will 
continue to promote their implementation, including through diplomacy 
at the United Nations and with the DPRK's neighbors. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with our partners to ensure U.S. sanctions advance 
our policy goals, including ending the DPRK's unlawful WMD and 
ballistic missile programs.

Nicaragua
    Question. Starting in February 2020, I publicly advocated that U.S. 
sanctions needed to be aimed towards the single diplomatic goal of 
forging conditions for democratic elections. Instead, the Trump 
administration sanctioned at random without any clear strategy. 
Although Ortega's fraudulent elections are now behind us and numerous 
opposition candidates are still in jail, it remains clear that 
Nicaragua needs new democratic elections. Congress passed my RENACER 
Act in November, which calls for a deeper marriage between our 
sanctions and diplomatic goals.

   If confirmed, can you commit that you personally will meet with my 
        staff during your first 90 days to discuss how we can best 
        utilize U.S. sanctions to advance our diplomatic goals in 
        Nicaragua?

    Answer. Our sanctions strategy has been and continues to be aimed 
at advancing our foreign policy goals by, among other things, promoting 
accountability for the Ortega-Murillo regime's actions to undermine 
democracy, including by preventing free and fair elections, and respect 
for human rights. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with you and your 
staff within the first 90-days to discuss the use of U.S. sanctions to 
advance our diplomatic goals in Nicaragua.

Mali
    Question. Following actions in the U.N. Security Council, the Trump 
administration issued an Executive Order in 2019 with respect to those 
who undermine peace and security in Mali. Five individuals implicated 
in armed group activities and/or illicit trafficking were designated in 
late 2019, concurrent with U.N. designations, but there have been no 
subsequent design actions despite the fact that there have been two 
military coups, worsening violence in northern and central Mali, and 
recent public reports that the current junta plans to delay elections 
and engage the Wagner Group, a U.S. and EU sanctioned Russian private 
military company. And there has never been a government official 
sanctioned, despite ample evidence of malfeasance documented in U.N. 
Panel of Experts' reports.

   What do you intend to do to ensure that the Mali sanctions program 
        is furthering U.S. foreign policy goals in Mali?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my colleagues in the 
Department and other agencies to determine what tools would be helpful 
and consistent with the efforts of our ECOWAS and European partners to 
achieve our policy goals in Mali. I would unfortunately anticipate that 
further action in the U.N. Security Council would be challenging given 
Russia's relationship with the Malian authorities.

    Question. Also, what more can the Administration do to help counter 
Russia's malign influence in Mali--and elsewhere in Africa?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the Department 
and other agencies to identify opportunities to further counter Russian 
malign influence through the African continent. The administration has 
noted that Africa can play a central role in driving global economic 
growth, especially through the digital and green transitions. As U.S. 
institutions and businesses look to play important roles across the 
continent, support for the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts, 
including through sanctions, will be an important part of U.S. policy, 
with regard to Russia and other actors.

Democratic Republic of the Congo
    Question. The U.S. has levied sanctions against individuals and 
entities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo based on several 
different statutes and programs. Among these are recent visa 
restrictions against wildlife traffickers under section 212(a)(3)(C) of 
the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), and corruption-related 
sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act.

   With so many different sanctions programs in place to address such 
        a wide range of problems in the DRC, what is your assessment of 
        the overall effectiveness of US sanctions in DRC, and of the 
        relative effectiveness of each program?

    Answer. The United States' commitment to promote accountability for 
corrupt actors and other spoilers of the DRC's democratic processes is 
clear. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the use of all 
relevant authorities, including both domestic and U.N. sanctions, to 
support the reform efforts of the DRC Government and target armed 
groups, human rights abusers, corrupt actors, as well as those that 
profit from the illicit trade in natural resources, such as wildlife 
and minerals, at the expense of the Congolese people. Anti-corruption 
initiatives, such as those announced in December, provide additional 
tools to address the networks that enable corruption, human rights 
abuses, sanctions evasion, and other sanctionable activities.
    Our sanctions authorities, especially when implemented 
multilaterally, underscore our continued work with partner nations to 
designate individuals and entities who threaten peace and security in 
the DRC. I would also evaluate how best to use the tools available to 
address the growing threat from ISIS-DRC, also known as the Allied 
Democratic Forces.

Central African Republic
    Question. It is unclear that those sanctioned in the Central 
African Republic (CAR) have significant holdings in U.S. financial 
institutions or other foreign banks, own property abroad, or have an 
interest in obtaining U.S. visas.

   How does this impact the effectiveness of current sanctions on CAR?

    Answer. The impact of sanctions goes beyond the direct financial 
implications of a target's U.S. assets and has the potential to impose 
significant reputational costs that limit a designee's ability to 
conduct sanctionable activity and may play a role in political 
settlements. Anti-corruption initiatives may provide additional tools 
to address the networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses, 
sanctions evasion, and other sanctionable activity.
    Sanctions in CAR, especially when taken multilaterally, underscore 
U.S. and global support for the CAR Government's efforts to deter those 
who stoke violence and threaten peace for the Central African people. 
The December designation of armed group leader Ali Darassa at the U.N. 
is one such example, which the CAR Government and civil society 
welcomed. If confirmed, I will continue to work with partner nations to 
designate individuals and entities both domestically and at the U.N.

    Question. What actions could the U.S. take that would impact those 
who undermine peace and security in CAR, and what actions will you take 
if confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will carefully review all diplomatic tools 
available to respond appropriately to those who undermine peace and 
security in CAR, including both domestic and U.N. sanctions. Anti-
corruption initiatives may provide additional tools to address the 
networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses, sanctions 
evasion, and other sanctionable activity.

Sanctions Enforcement in Africa
    Question. The U.S. has sanctions regimes for several countries in 
Africa. Yet robust and effective implementation of sanctions in Africa 
has been a relatively low priority for policymakers and the agencies 
responsible for implementing sanctions.

   Do you commit to briefing SFRC staff about your assessment of the 
        barriers to the effective implementation of US sanctions 
        programs for Africa, and your plans to overcome them if 
        confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of expanding the 
impact and efficacy of our sanctions across Africa as part of a larger 
policy framework to promote accountability among human rights abusers, 
corrupt actors, and those who threaten peace and stability. I would 
look forward to working closely with Treasury and Congress in 
evaluating and improving our sanctions and those of our partners.
    I will advocate for sufficient resources and priority to implement 
and update designations made under these programs if that is a barrier. 
The administration has made clear that Africa will be an important 
driver of global economic growth, and access for U.S. and allied 
institutions and companies will depend on the rule of law and efforts 
against the networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses, 
sanctions evasion, and other sanctionable activity.

    Question. Do we have enough people dedicated to effectively enforce 
sanctions designations related to conflicts and human rights abuses in 
Africa? If not, what steps are you planning to take to change that?

    Answer. Promoting accountability among those who stoke violence, 
abuse human rights, and use public resources private gains is key for 
ensuring a prosperous and stabile Africa. If confirmed, I will advocate 
for sufficient resources, in State and to the extent I can at Treasury, 
and policy focus on Africa sanctions in order to further these goals.

Syria
    Question. While I appreciate the sanctions this administration has 
imposed under long-standing Syria authorities; I am concerned by the 
lack of any sanctions imposed by this administration under the 
bipartisan Caesar Act. Failure to do so would be a missed opportunity 
to hold the Assad regime, and its international enablers like Russia 
and Iran, accountable for their ongoing human rights violations against 
the Syrian people.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to impose mandatory 
        sanctions under the Caesar Act?

    Answer. The Caesar Act is a powerful tool in limiting the ability 
of Assad and others in the Syrian regime to profit from the conflict, 
including profiting by forcibly taking the property of the Syrian 
people. If confirmed, I will look at every appropriate sanctions 
authority to promote accountability for the Assad regime's abuses and 
will coordinate with the U.S. Department of the Treasury, which 
implements the Caesar Act, to deploy those sanctions when opportunities 
are identified.

    Question. How can those sanctions, as well as others under other 
Syrian authorities be better coordinated to ensure that legitimate 
humanitarian groups doing critical work in Syria are not caught up in 
de-risking efforts by financial institutions?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, I expect that humanitarian issues will 
be an important topic for the Coordinator's Office. Outreach and 
dialogue are crucial in any sanctions program, particularly programs 
like those in Syria, where humanitarian assistance is essential.
    I understand that during the previous year, the Administration 
prioritized making sure that U.S. sanctions were not having an 
inadvertent negative impact on the flow of humanitarian aid, including 
in Syria. This included the Department of the Treasury in November 
amending the Syrian Sanctions Regulations to expand authorizations for 
NGOs to engage in certain additional humanitarian activities in Syria. 
If confirmed, I intend to work with humanitarian groups, the financial 
sector, and our international partners to continue to identify 
humanitarian needs and do the work required to ensure that appropriate 
exceptions and authorizations are in place with respect to the care of 
the Syrian people.

Iran
    Question. I am concerned by the Administration's recent decision to 
grant a specific license to South Korea, allowing for the payment of 
$63 million in damages to an Iranian company with ties to the Iranian 
Government, which has shown time and again that it would rather funnel 
money to terrorist groups and other proxies than help its own people.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that such repatriated 
        funds cannot be used by the Iranian regime to further its 
        regional aggression against the U.S. and our allies and 
        partners?

    Answer. The administration has fundamental problems with Iran's 
actions across a series of issues, including its support for terrorism, 
its ballistic missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the 
region, and its human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will ensure 
continued support for a comprehensive approach using a variety of 
tools, including sanctions, to counter the full range of Iran's 
destabilizing behavior.
    On the funds in question, I am told that the license issued by the 
Administration permit use of the U.S. financial system to facilitate 
the payment of an arbitral award to a group of private Iranian 
investors and does not involve the transfer or draw down of Iranian 
Government funds. If confirmed, I will be available to consult with you 
further on this.

    Question. What further steps must be taken to prevent such funds 
from supporting nefarious Iranian activity?

    Answer. The administration will continue to use its considerable 
leverage--including sanctions and joint action with allies and 
partners--to protect U.S. interests. As part of these efforts, we will 
continue to maintain and impose sanctions, including on Iranian 
entities providing support to terror groups and violent militias in the 
region.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to James C. O'Brien by Senator James E. Risch

The Role of Sanctions Coordinator Within the State Department
    Question.  One of the chief goals of the position of Sanctions 
Coordinator is to improve internal Department communication about the 
goals of our sanctions regimes and most effective use of implementation 
tools and resources. What is your vision for the role of Sanctions 
Coordinator within the Department internally?

    Answer. While Secretary Blinken ultimately will set priorities, the 
Coordinator will be the Secretary's ``principal adviser'' on sanctions 
issues, including on the numerous sanctions authorities delegated to 
the Secretary. This role will make the Office a tool for the Secretary 
to use in setting and conveying the Department's priorities and for 
resolving disputes among bureaus.
    Authorities, of course, are only a starting point, and, if 
confirmed, I will devote significant effort to developing relationships 
with policymakers within the Department and interagency. The Sanctions 
Coordinator will need to provide clear, actionable guidance on 
sanctions priorities, design, and implementation; effective advocacy in 
Washington and globally; and constructive options for sanctions 
programs.

    Question. How would you plan to improve communication within the 
Department about sanctions issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that sanctions advance 
broader U.S. policy, taking into account expected impacts, likely 
responses, steps needed to mitigate collateral consequences, and 
follow-up needed to ensure ongoing effectiveness. Having and using such 
a deliberative process will help each Department bureau responsible for 
a sanctions program or policy initiative understand the broader context 
in which decisions are sanctions are being made.
    Also, the Sanctions Coordinator office should be staffed and 
organized to be able to effectively engage closely and directly at the 
working level with relevant bureaus and offices to convey priorities 
and requirements. If I am confirmed, I would seek to provide assistant 
secretaries and Department leadership with timely, early guidance, 
including on likely reactions to sanctions and lessons learned from 
existing sanctions programs, with the aim of informing decisions both 
on sanctions and how sanctions have influenced previous policy goals.

    Question. How would you deconflict with other offices to prevent 
duplications of effort?

    Answer. The Department has excellent sanctions expertise, including 
on counter-proliferation, counterterrorism, anticorruption, and 
counter-narcotics. If confirmed, I would seek not to add redundant 
expertise within the Coordinator's Office but would rather look to 
provide these existing programs and structures with coordinated policy 
guidance and expert assistance as needed to ensure that the threat or 
use of sanctions are part of broader policy goals. I would focus the 
Coordinator's Office on providing clear guidance on priorities, goals, 
and scope early; advocating for timely decisions; and developing best 
practices so that each program benefits from the lessons of others. The 
Office's role in exercising authorities delegated to the Secretary, as 
set out in the statute establishing the office, will be an important 
tool. Consistent coordination and communication will be core to all the 
office's work.

    Question. How would you plan to improve coordination with the 
regional bureaus on particular sanctions regimes?

    Answer. I anticipate that the Coordinator's Office will have a 
liaison to each regional bureau, will coordinate with other relevant 
bureaus, and will seek to ensure that each bureau is able to take 
advantage of lessons from other sanctions programs and from discussions 
about sanctions on Capitol Hill and elsewhere. If I am confirmed, I 
expect to work directly with the relevant assistant secretaries, as 
directed by the Secretary, so that sanctions guidance can be 
incorporated into policymaking as early as possible.

    Question. How would you plan to work with the Bureau for Economic 
and Business Affairs specifically?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Bureau of 
Economic and Business Affairs (EB) on sanction issues, including on 
interagency and multilateral coordination efforts. EB houses much of 
the Department's expertise in designing and implementing sanctions, and 
it will be an especially important partner. EB also has a unique role 
in the Department through its established work engaging with the global 
business community and in assisting U.S. companies around the world. 
This will make it a particularly important partner in assessing the 
effectiveness and effects of sanctions and in ensuring good 
communications with the private sector.

The Role of Sanctions Coordinator Within the Interagency
    Question. If confirmed, you will be responsible for coordinating 
U.S. sanctions policy across the interagency. How would you aim to 
improve U.S. interagency communication with regard to sanctions to 
ensure our sanctions regimes are fully aligned with U.S. foreign policy 
objectives?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with all relevant U.S. 
departments and agencies. This will require, first, close coordination 
across the Department to ensure that all officials deliver a consistent 
message in all interagency policy bodies. In addition, if I am 
confirmed, I would work closely with, among others, the National 
Security Council, Treasury Department, Commerce Department, and the 
Intelligence Community. The Sanctions Coordinator should provide a 
focal point for international reactions to sanctions proposals and 
ensure that these views are understood and considered in the domestic 
policy-making process.

    Question. If confirmed, in particular, how would you plan to work 
with the Department of the Treasury and its Office of Foreign Assets 
Control?

    Answer. The Department's partnership with the Treasury, and with 
OFAC in particular, continues to be close. If confirmed, I will seek 
close working relationships with Treasury officials and those in OFAC. 
Both Departments play a central role in the development, 
implementation, and enforcement of sanctions and, in many instances, as 
Executive Order 13224, rely on the same set of authorities. This shared 
purpose requires close coordination on priorities, tactics, and 
designations as sanctions are considered, proposed, announced, and 
implemented. Effective information sharing also remains a critical 
component of this process, and, if confirmed, I would work to continue 
improvements made in this area so that State can appropriately fulfill 
its role in sanctions implementation.

    Question. In the event of a policy conflict between your office and 
another agency, how would you approach resolving the conflict?

    Answer. Disagreements during the policymaking process are expected 
and healthy, and, if confirmed, I would expect the Coordinator's office 
to engage directly with relevant agencies and the National Security 
Council to address any differences of opinion. Such a scenario could 
require further coordination within the Department or, if a 
disagreement remains with another agency, I would, as dictated by 
statute as the ``principal advisor to the senior management of the 
Department and the Secretary'' on sanctions, work to ensure that the 
views of the Coordinator's Office would be reflected in Department 
preparations for senior interagency policy meetings.

Interactions with Foreign Governments
    Question. Another goal of creating this office and elevating this 
position to the rank of Ambassador was to create a centralized point of 
contact for foreign governments to ensure effective communication with 
allies and partners on sanctions, implementation, and technical 
cooperation. In your view, what challenges does United States face in 
its relationships with foreign allies and partners regarding sanctions 
policy and implementation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate a significant amount of my time 
will be dedicated to partner engagement. When sanctions are implemented 
in coordination with our partners, we send a strong message of 
international resolve to deter or constrain malign activity and hold 
bad actors to account. They also increase the effectiveness of other 
efforts, as bad actors are further cut off from global financial and 
other networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses, and 
sanctions evasion.
    The challenges of engaging with partners are also opportunities for 
further engagement. From my experience, I know that feedback from 
partners with different views can inform U.S. sanctions policy; 
reluctant partners can provide information as well as occasional public 
support; and capacity constraints in partners can provide opportunities 
to engage in strengthening domestic systems against corruption, 
sanctions evasion, and other weaknesses that can threaten U.S. and 
allied security. In this regard, if confirmed, I look forward to 
working with relevant stakeholder bureaus to support the Democracies 
Against Safe Havens initiative, to which the Department committed at 
President Biden's Summit For Democracy in December 2021. This 
initiative seeks to increase coordination and expand partners' capacity 
to establish and implement corruption-related sanctions regimes.

    Question. Where does the United States need to improve 
communication with foreign countries on sanctions?

    Answer. The United States maintains close relationships with our 
foreign allies and partners in the development and implementation of 
sanctions. This includes various bilateral and multilateral fora such 
as the U.N. Security Council, the G7 and routine engagements with 
Canada, the United Kingdom, the EU, Australia and New Zealand. Anti-
corruption initiatives, in particular the Democracies Against Safe 
Havens initiative, provide a new opportunity to build effective 
coalitions that will make anti-corruption sanctions more effective and 
that can address sanctions evasion. A key goal of the Sanctions 
Coordinator, and in fact a large amount of the time I expect to 
dedicate in this role, will be in talking with and coordinating 
sanctions with key foreign partners.

    Question. The United Kingdom was previously a key partner in 
navigating the European Union's (EU) financial institutions to 
effectively implement various sanctions regimes. Now that the United 
Kingdom is no longer a member of the EU, do you foresee gaps in U.S.-EU 
cooperation on sanctions? If so, how would you propose to fill those 
gaps?

    Answer. The United States maintains a close relationship with both 
the United Kingdom and the European Union on sanctions development and 
implementation. Both relationships, though different in some ways post-
Brexit, remain critical to the success of coordinated sanctions 
efforts. Each relationship will be central to developing measures that 
attack the networks enabling corruption, human rights abuses, and 
sanctions evasion. If confirmed, I will continue to advance these 
critical relationships and expect each of them to occupy core roles in 
global approaches to sanctions.

Resourcing and Personnel
    Question. If confirmed, what kind of structure would you envision 
for the Office of Sanctions Policy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I envision an office with the necessary 
resources to amplify and support the work of the State Department 
bureaus and offices. This would likely start with staff assigned as 
liaison to bureaus directly involved in sanctions and related 
policymaking.
    It would also mean providing expertise and experience to look 
across sanctions programs so that best practices can be transmitted 
across the Department. The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, 
Public Law 116-260, provides the head of the Office of Sanctions 
Coordination with direct hire authority through December 2022. I 
understand that this was done to ensure that the office could quickly 
hire qualified professionals with technical expertise in the use of 
sanctions authorities and in sanctions implementation. This is an 
especially important and appreciated tool to successfully stand up this 
office. If confirmed, I would be happy to consult with you on the 
status of staffing the office and on my intentions, upon reviewing the 
existing structure, for hiring and structuring.

    Question. If confirmed, what are your plans for the use of this 
authority?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will exercise the direct hire authority to 
ensure that the office is appropriately staffed and resourced with the 
expertise needed to carry out the office's mandate in support of the 
Secretary. It can be especially important in attracting personnel who 
will have experience that might not be common within the Department, 
for example, in understanding commercial networks that facilitate 
corruption, human rights abuses, and sanctions evasion.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to keep this committee 
updated about the office's use of this authority, and to keep the 
committee apprised of whether an extension of this authority would 
serve the needs of the office and the goals of the legislation that 
created this office?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to updating the committee on my 
use of the authority and whether an extension would serve the needs of 
the office and the goals of the legislation.

Syria
    Question. Can you commit to advocating for robust enforcement of 
the sanctions tools provided in the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection 
Act?

    Answer. Yes. Our sanctions, including under the Caesar Act, are an 
important tool to press for accountability from the Assad regime, with 
respect to its atrocious record of human rights abuses inflicted upon 
the Syrian people. If confirmed, I will commit to advocating for robust 
enforcement of the sanctions tools provided in the Caesar Syria 
Civilian Protection Act.

    Question. How can sanctions be used to further U.S. national 
security objectives in Syria?

    Answer. My experience is that individual accountability for those 
who commit human rights abuses can be an important tool in making and 
sustaining peace. If confirmed, I expect to engage with colleagues 
about the role that sanctions can play in advancing U.S. foreign policy 
in Syria and holding to account those responsible for serious human 
rights abuses.

    Question. What role should sanctions play in ensuring 
accountability for the crimes committed in Syria, by both Syrians and 
non-Syrians alike?

    Answer. My experience in advising on peace negotiations in Europe, 
Africa, and Asia is that those responsible for violations of 
international humanitarian law often are obstacles to peace. Sanctions 
(and prosecution) can be effective tools to create an environment 
conducive to peace, and, if confirmed, I look forward to engaging with 
colleagues on the role that sanctions could play. Sanctions will remain 
a critical tool to advance U.S. foreign policy in Syria and promote 
accountability of the Assad regime, those who support the regime, and 
other armed groups in Syria for their role in serious human rights 
abuses.

    Question. A majority of the sanctions both the Trump and Biden 
administration have issued against the Assad regime are pursuant to an 
EO rather than the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act. Sanctions 
Under EO are not consistent with the legal requirements outlined in the 
Caesar Act. Please provide an explanation for sanctions issued under EO 
and not pursuant to the law.

    Answer. I do not know the rationale, because I was not part of the 
Trump administration and have not been part of the Biden 
administration. If confirmed, I commit to exploring this issue and 
consulting with you further.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of the importance of U.S. 
deterring reconstruction funding in Syria.

    Answer. Secretary Blinken has stated that the United States does 
not support normalization with Syria; does not support reconstruction 
with Syria until there has been irreversible progress towards a 
political solution; and will not lift sanctions until there is 
irreversible progress toward a political solution. If confirmed, I will 
look further into the issue of foreign government reconstruction 
efforts in Syria.

    Question. In your view, how can sanctions be used to prevent 
countries from providing reconstruction funds to an unreformed Assad 
regime?

    Answer. Sanctions, including the Caesar Act, can be utilized to 
deter countries and international investors from providing funding the 
Assad regime is desperate to receive.

    Question. Egypt and Jordan are respectively pursuing energy and 
electricity agreements with Lebanon that would pass through Syria and 
provide in-kind support to the Assad regime.

    Answer. I have read press reports but do not know the facts of the 
situation. I am told that addressing the energy crisis in Lebanon is a 
key priority for the Administration. If confirmed, I will commit to 
working with the Department, other agencies, and our foreign partners 
and allies to identify a solution that helps Lebanon in a manner 
consistent with U.S. sanctions on Syria. I will consult with the 
committee.

    Question. In your view, does this meet the definition of a 
significant transaction under the Caesar Act? Why or why not?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would consult on this question with 
colleagues including in the Office of Foreign Assets Control. I would 
be happy to discuss the outcomes of this conversation with you or your 
staff.

    Question. Please elaborate on your thinking regarding the necessity 
of issuing a waiver to authorize projects that provide in-kind support 
to the Assad regime.

    Answer. While I understand that the Secretary of State has the 
authority to issue a waiver in certain circumstances, the first step 
would be consultation between State and Treasury as to whether a waiver 
is necessary. If confirmed, I will look into this issue with colleagues 
and consult further with the committee.

    Question. How does your opinion on waivers apply to the projects 
currently being pursued by Egypt and Jordan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would consult on this question with 
colleagues, including in the Department of the Treasury's Office of 
Foreign Assets Control. I would be happy to discuss the outcomes of 
this conversation with you or your staff.

Hamas
    Question. The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields Act of 
2018 (P.L. 115-348) mandates sanctions on any member of Hezbollah or 
Hamas who ``knowingly orders, controls, or otherwise directs the use of 
civilians protected as such by the law of war to shield military 
objectives from attack.'' Under the law, the President is required to 
submit to Congress a list of, and impose financial sanctions on, each 
foreign person involved in the use of human shields by Hamas or 
Hezbollah ``on or after the date of enactment.'' Despite widespread 
reporting on Hamas's use of human shields, as of September 21, 2021, no 
action has been pursued under this act.

   If confirmed, can you commit to advocating for the imposition of 
        sanctions under The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields 
        Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for the use of appropriate 
sanctions authorities to counter Hamas' terrorist activity, including 
the use of human shields. Sanctions are a tool to advance support for 
humanitarian principles and international law.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of Qatar's role with 
respect to Gaza.

    Answer. The administration views Qatar's ongoing economic aid to 
the Gaza Strip as an important stabilizing mechanism. The 
administration also views Qatar as a valuable diplomatic mediator 
between Israel and Hamas. Most recently, Qatar assisted in securing a 
ceasefire between Israel, Hamas, and other parties in Gaza following a 
11-day conflict in May 2021. If confirmed, I will consult with you and 
the committee on this issue.

    Question. To what extent do you see Qatar as a stabilizing 
influence to Gaza?

    Answer. The administration views Qatar's ongoing economic aid to 
the Gaza Strip as an important stabilizing mechanism. If confirmed, I 
will consult with you and the committee on this issue.

Nord Stream 2
    Question. If confirmed, do you commit that you will routinely and 
robustly engage with me and committee staff on sanctions relating to 
the NordStream 2 pipeline?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit that you will timely and 
robustly respond to member and staff questions on sanctions relating to 
the NordStream 2 pipeline?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Should there be new authorities to better target human 
rights abusers?

    Answer. The administration currently has numerous sanctions 
authorities that provide a basis to designate individuals and entities 
in connection with serious human rights abuses including the Global 
Magnitsky sanctions program, various country-specific sanctions 
authorities, and a variety of Executive Orders.
    If confirmed, I would like to see sanctions be part of an effective 
strategy to ultimately end the human rights abuses that give rise to 
sanctions. In that context, I look forward to examining the extent to 
which existing sanctions authorities provide both the leverage and 
flexibility to help policymakers achieve that goal. I would be happy to 
discuss what I learn with your staff and you, including whether 
legislative changes would improve the programs.

    Question. How do you plan on working with the newly announced 
Coordinator on Global Corruption on corruption related sanctions?

    Answer. I intend to work closely with the Coordinator on Global 
Corruption on the use of sanctions and visa restrictions, as part of 
our broader efforts to combat corruption globally, including both the 
targets of sanctions and the networks that enable them. As I noted in 
my testimony and consultations, anti-corruption tools provide 
additional weapons for effective strategies, with sanctions an 
important part of the whole. This will require close cooperation not 
only with the Coordinator on Global Corruption but with colleagues at 
Treasury, who have their own anti-corruption authorities; with 
colleagues who know the business environment and economic governance 
components, especially in the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs; 
and with relevant colleagues in regional bureaus and embassies.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to James C. O'Brien by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Treasury completed its comprehensive review of U.S. 
sanctions policy in October 2021 outlining the significant growth of 
programs and recommending steps to modernize sanctions. What key 
reforms or process changes would you most hope for, based on the 
findings from the report?

    Answer. I have read the publicly released report from Treasury's 
review of its authorities. The conclusions are reasonable--that 
sanctions should be part of a strategy, rooted in cooperation, 
structured to mitigate unintended impacts, and able to be communicated 
and adapted as necessary--and, if confirmed, I will work to see them 
implemented in coordination with colleagues at Treasury. The re-
establishment of the Coordinator's Office at State is an opportunity to 
learn how those conclusions apply to State's sanctions authorities, 
and, if I am confirmed, my role in representing the U.S. Government 
internationally on sanctions will require that lessons be discussed 
with our partners. I am especially interested in working with 
colleagues at Treasury and in other agencies on ways to ensure that the 
sanctions infrastructure and work force in the U.S. Government can be 
kept up to date and focused on priority areas.

    Question. The report says the Administration will ``link sanctions 
to a clear policy objective.'' If confirmed, how would you anticipate 
creating that linkage?

    Answer. As the Treasury report outlines, sanctions should have 
clear objectives and be part of a larger strategy. If confirmed, I hope 
to ensure that each recommendation for sanctions explains the goal and 
broader strategy of which the sanctions are a part, that likely 
reactions are considered and follow-up recommended, and that 
recommendations for broader policies place sanctions in context. This 
should already be best practice, and one role of the Coordinator's 
Office will be to help policymakers assess the relevance of different 
sanctions programs in different contexts. If confirmed, I will work 
with Treasury, the team at the Department of State, and the interagency 
to incorporate rigorous economic analysis, technical expertise, and 
intelligence to ensure that sanctions are applied to the right set of 
circumstances.

    Question. The report notes that the number of sanctions has 
increased almost 1,000 percent in the last two decades. Do we have too 
many sanctions programs?

    Answer. Sanctions are increasingly a favored tool of foreign policy 
makers, both in the Executive and Legislative branches of government. 
If confirmed, I will work closely with Treasury and other agencies to 
identify lessons learned from our sanctions programs. It is important 
that our departments understand which programs work best (for example, 
achieve goals, can be integrated into other programs, are widely 
understood and can be adapted as circumstances change).
    One outcome of this process should be to help with the selection of 
sanctions authorities for a particular purpose when more than one 
sanctions program is available. This may allow us to determine that 
some programs should receive more resources while others may remain 
narrowly focused or come under consideration (after consultations with 
Congress as appropriate) for discontinuation.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to better employ 
sanctions?

    Answer. If confirmed, a large part of my job will be to identify 
what sanctions can and cannot do in a circumstance, what policies can 
make sanctions more or less effective, and what follow-up is needed to 
bring in necessary partners and to keep sanctions programs relevant as 
circumstances change and the targets of sanctions adapt. The ability of 
a senior State official to focus on this set of questions should affect 
the policy process.
    Throughout, as I mentioned in my statement, and as is clear from 
public comments by senior State officials and from the Treasury review 
of its authorities, some themes will recur: sanctions must be part of a 
strategy; they themselves cannot be the strategy. Each sanction, 
however well-justified, should support a clear policy objective and 
rest upon analysis of alternatives, effects, and support from our 
partners. This requires that the sanctions' purpose be understood 
beyond the U.S. Government, that we work with other governments, 
including at the United Nations, and that we maintain and adapt 
sanctions regimes as technology changes and the targets of sanctions 
react.
    The process for recommending sanctions is the first place that 
these topics should be discussed and evaluated. Discussions with 
partners about how sanctions programs are working also help us 
understand which sanctions programs merit further investment.
    As these topics are addressed consistently and across sanctions 
programs--something that may be happening--the outlines of effective, 
consistent sanctions practice should emerge. Part of the Office's job 
will be to communicate this within the Department, to other agencies, 
and to our partners as advisable.
    The Office of the Sanctions Coordinator cannot do this alone. If 
confirmed, I would coordinate with colleagues from across the 
Government, the Department, and especially from our embassies, on the 
use and evaluation of sanctions.

    Question. What is your sense of the risks from alternative cross-
border payments systems like China's CIPS or Russia's SPFS that are 
designed to avoid SWIFT and U.S. financial institutions and evade U.S. 
sanctions?

    Answer. Every sanctions program must evolve as targets find 
alternatives to routes foreclosed by sanctions. In particular, if 
confirmed, I am very interested in evaluating how U.S. and 
international initiatives against corruption and in support of 
transparency and financial integrity can be brought to bear against 
sanctions targets and networks that enable corruption, human rights 
abuses, and sanctions evasion. New payment channels or technologies 
also will be important for sanctions programs to take into account as 
will the impact of sanctions in facilitating shifts to such 
technologies.
    With regard to this particular risk, the dollar's role is 
underpinned by the United States' credible and longstanding commitment 
to transparency, the rule of law, contractual obligations and rights, 
deep and liquid financial markets, and sound economic governance. This 
has been crucial to the stability of the international monetary system. 
Foreign Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs) by themselves do not 
now threaten this dominance, though we should continually and carefully 
monitor their deployment and adoption. Should I be confirmed, I will 
consult on it with you and the committee.

    Question. Do you see digital currencies like China's eCNY as an 
effort to supplant the U.S. dollar in international transactions?

    Answer. I look forward to consulting with you and my colleagues 
across the Government on this issue if I am confirmed. My understanding 
is that the dollar's role is underpinned by the United States' credible 
and longstanding commitment to transparency, the rule of law, 
contractual obligations and rights, deep and liquid financial markets, 
and sound economic governance. These attributes are crucial to the 
stability of the international monetary system. Foreign Central Bank 
Digital Currencies (CBDCs) by themselves do not threaten the dollar's 
dominance, though we should continually and carefully monitor 
deployment and adoption of the PRC's eCNY. Again, should I be 
confirmed, and should this become a future issue, I will consult on it 
with you and the committee.

    Question. How should sanctions policies adjust to a new world of 
digital assets and multiple cross-border payment systems?

    Answer. Every sanctions program must evolve as targets find 
alternatives to routes foreclosed by sanctions. In particular, if 
confirmed, I am very interested in evaluating how U.S. and 
international initiatives against corruption and in support of 
transparency and financial integrity can be brought to bear against 
sanctions targets and networks that enable corruption, human rights 
abuses, and sanctions evasion. New payment channels or technologies 
also will be important for sanctions programs to take into account.
    To be effective, sanctions must be calibrated to meet specific 
foreign policy objectives and adaptable to new and emerging economic 
and political systems. If confirmed, I will continue to review the use 
of sanctions as they relate to digital assets and will consult with you 
and the committee.

    Question. You will be the first person to hold the position of 
sanctions coordinator at the State Department. Can you describe your 
role as you see it?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would follow in the large footprints of 
Ambassador Dan Fried, and lessons from his time in office--in 
particular, the importance of continuous communication with senior 
policymakers within the Department; the centrality of a close 
relationship with OFAC and Treasury; and the need for the US Government 
to speak with one voice to our partners and others globally--will shape 
the work of the Office.
    In addition, the statutory authority on which the reconstituted 
Office will rest will serve as a stable, lasting foundation for the 
Office so that it can become part of usual U.S. practice on sanctions. 
Secretary Blinken will set priorities, but the statute makes it clear 
that, if I am confirmed, I will be the Secretary's ``principal 
adviser'' on sanctions issues, including on the numerous sanctions 
authorities delegated to the Secretary. This role will make the Office 
a tool for the Secretary to use in setting and conveying the 
Department's priorities and for resolving disputes on sanctions 
programs before they reach the Secretary.
    Authorities, of course, are only a starting point, and significant 
effort will be required in establishing relationships within the 
Department and interagency. To succeed, if confirmed, I will need to 
provide clear, actionable guidance on sanctions priorities, design, and 
implementation; effective advocacy in Washington and globally; and 
constructive options for sanctions programs.

    Question. How will you coordinate with the Office of Terrorism and 
Financial Intelligence at Treasury and OFAC?

    Answer. The Department's partnership with the Treasury, and with 
OFAC in particular, continues to be close. Both Departments play a 
central role in the development and implementation of sanctions and, in 
many instances, as with Executive Order 13224, rely on the same 
underlying set of authorities. This shared purpose requires close 
coordination on priorities, tactics, and designations as sanctions are 
considered, proposed, announced, and implemented. Effective information 
sharing also remains a critical component of this process, and, if 
confirmed, I would work to continue improvements made in this area so 
that State can appropriately fulfill its role in sanctions design and 
implementation.

    Question. If confirmed, are you fully committed to carrying out the 
sanctions laws passed by Congress, even if you, the President, or the 
Secretary of State may disagree with the views of Congress?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting imposition 
of sanctions when statutorily mandated and will consult with you and 
the committee throughout that process.

    Question. How would you respond if the President or Secretary of 
State asked you to turn a blind eye to a particular set of sanctions 
violations, or violations by a specific company or individual?

    Answer. I anticipate situations where there will be disagreements, 
among partners, within the Administration, and with members of 
Congress, about whether violations are confirmed, what responses will 
be appropriate and when, and how sanctions should interact with other 
parts of U.S. policy. If confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that the 
law is upheld and that decisions made are widely understood, and I 
intend to consult closely on such matters with you and the committee.

    Question. Will you ensure full transparency and communication with 
Congress on any new sanctions being considered, or any sanctions 
lifting or waiver being considered?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engage directly and routinely 
with you and your staff regarding significant changes to U.S. 
sanctions, including the lifting or waiving of sanctions. I would work 
closely with my colleagues in Legislative Affairs and with relevant 
policymakers to see that they also consult with the committee.

    Question. The Islamic Republic of Iran continues to be the leading 
state-sponsor of terror. Foreign Terrorist Organizations backed by Iran 
continue to wreak havoc across the Middle East. Earlier this year the 
Iranian-proxy terrorist group Hamas launched thousands of rockets at 
Israel. Just in the last two weeks we have seen repeated attacks by 
Iranian proxies on U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria. The U.S. has 
sanctioned Iran for both nuclear and non-nuclear offences. What are 
your thoughts on U.S. sanctions against Iran? If confirmed, are you 
fully committed to enforcing sanctions against Iran as mandated by law?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will be committed to supporting the 
implementation of sanctions as required under U.S. law. The U.S. 
Government has wide-ranging sanctions authorities with respect to Iran, 
and these are a critical tool to impose costs on Iran for its 
destabilizing behavior. If confirmed, I am committed to using these 
sanctions authorities, together with the full range of available tools 
the U.S. Government possesses, in a comprehensive approach to counter 
the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior.

    Question. Over the last year, we have seen a significant decrease 
in the number of sanctions and enforcement actions taken by the 
Administration against Iran and entities violating our Iran sanctions. 
One can speculate this is part of an effort to encourage the Iranians 
to return to the 2015 nuclear deal. Yet, it is not the law. The laws as 
passed by Congress require sanctions to be imposed on entities 
violating the law. If confirmed, will you strictly enforce sanctions on 
Iran? What role should negotiations have on whether or not U.S. law is 
enforced?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting the 
implementation and enforcement of sanctions as required under U.S. law. 
Because I am not in the Administration, I do not know the rationale for 
the recent pace of sanctions work, but I will learn this if I am 
confirmed. The framework of U.S. sanctions remains robust, and there 
are many aspects of our sanctions architecture that would remain in 
place in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA. The administration 
will continue to use its considerable leverage--including sanctions 
that would remain in place, the threat of sanctions re-imposition, and 
other joint action with our allies and partners--to protect U.S. 
interests. In the meantime, the Biden administration continues to 
maintain and impose sanctions, including on Iranian entities providing 
support to terrorist groups and violent militias in the region.

    Question. Do you agree the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps is a 
foreign terrorist organization? Do you foresee any near-term scenario 
in which sanctions on the IRGC, or the FTO designation on the IRGC, 
would be lifted or waived?

    Answer. I am under no illusion about the nature of the Iranian 
regime and in particular the threat posed by the Islamic Revolutionary 
Guard Corps (IRGC). The IRGC has been subject to U.S. sanctions for 
many years. In addition, the United States designated the IRGC as a 
Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) in April 2019. If confirmed, I 
will act in accordance with U.S. law to advance our national security 
interests.

    Question. Can you commit that the Administration is not, and will 
not, lessen sanctions to counter Iran's support for terrorism, as part 
of either negotiations with Iran or as part of a nuclear agreement with 
Iran?

    Answer. Iran's actions across a wide array of issues are highly 
problematic--including its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile 
program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and its human 
rights abuses--and U.S. sanctions programs address each. If confirmed, 
I will advocate for a comprehensive approach using a variety of tools, 
including sanctions, to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing 
behavior.

    Question. If an agreement to return to the JCPOA is achieved, will 
you commit to not lift any sanctions on Iran until Congress has had the 
required time to review that agreement, as required by the Iran Nuclear 
Agreement Review Act (INARA)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will act consistent with all applicable 
U.S. laws, including INARA.

    Question. Under the JCPOA, do you believe the U.S. has the right to 
sanction entities that engage in illicit activities, even if those 
entities received sanctions relief under the agreement? For example, 
should the Central Bank of Iran get a free pass for its financing of 
terrorism, simply because it received relief under the JCPOA?

    Answer. The Biden administration has stated it remains committed to 
countering Iran's destabilizing activities, including its ballistic 
missile program and support for terrorist groups and violent proxies in 
the region. If confirmed, I will support continued sanctions on Iranian 
entities for sanctionable activity, including those supporting 
terrorist activity, and would work with our allies to hold Iran 
accountable.

    Question. Do you agree human rights sanctions on Iran should be 
fully enforced regardless of any nuclear negotiations?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure continued support for a 
comprehensive approach using a variety of tools, including sanctions, 
to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior, which 
includes its human rights violations and abuses.

    Question. As part of the recently passed National Defense 
Authorization Act, Congress required the Administration to provide this 
committee an unclassified report detailing the impacts any revocation 
of unilateral United States economic sanctions on Iran may have on the 
military capabilities of the IRGC and Iran's terrorist proxies. 
President Biden said upon signing the bill, that he would not provide 
such a report. If confirmed, do you agree to provide any reports 
legally mandated by Congress?

    Answer. I commit, if confirmed, to working with Congress to provide 
it the information it needs to perform its acknowledged oversight 
function, without regard to the form that takes, and I am happy to 
review this issue and work with you on a way forward.

    Question. Do you believe an administration can simply ignore a 
legal mandate to issue a report required by Congress?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to consulting with and 
providing information to Congress. On the specific question, I am happy 
to review this issue and consult with you on a way forward.

    Question. China has long been one of the biggest violators of U.S. 
sanctions on Iran, particularly through purchases of Iranian oil. Yet, 
we have seen practically no sanctions by the Administration on these 
purchases. If confirmed, how would you go about seeking better 
cooperation from China on sanction matters?

    Answer. The United States has designated individuals and entities 
in response to Iranian sanctions evasion activities, including 
transactions involving the PRC. If confirmed, I would explore this 
topic further. I am told that the Administration has also been raising 
this issue directly in diplomatic channels with Beijing as part of a 
dialogue on Iran policy. I am also told that Beijing has expressed a 
strong interest in preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon 
given the profoundly destabilizing impact that would have in a region 
upon which the PRC depends for its oil imports.

    Question. Do you agree that any significant transaction involving 
Iran's energy sector, including the import of oil or petroleum products 
would violate U.S. sanctions?

    Answer. Our current Iran-related sanctions authorities remain in 
effect unless they are lifted. This includes sanctions that apply to 
certain transactions involving, among others, Iran's energy sector.

    Question. There are significant human rights concerns emanating 
from Burma following the coup there last year. Many believe that China 
is helping to support the military junta in power. Do you support 
exploring the application of sanctions on China for their support for 
the military junta in Burma?

    Answer. The United States has been steadfast in its support for the 
people of Burma since the military coup d'etat on February 1, 2021. The 
U.S. Government has repeatedly announced new designations to 
specifically target current or former members of the military who 
played a leading role in the overthrow of Burma's democratically 
elected government and the violent crackdown against the people of 
Burma. In total, the U.S. Government has sanctioned 58 individuals and 
20 entities. These include top military commanders and senior officials 
of the regime, as well as businesses that generate revenue for the 
military and its leaders. If confirmed, I will work with all relevant 
policymakers in the Administration to target those responsible for the 
assault on Burma's democracy and the revenue streams that fund the 
military regime and that facilitate the purchase of arms used to commit 
brutal violence against the people of Burma.

    Question. If confirmed, are you fully committed to the enforcement 
of sanctions targeting Hezbollah, including sanctions under the 
Hezbollah International Financial Prevention Act?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support the continued 
implementation and enforcement of sanctions against Hizballah and the 
continuing targeting of individuals and entities that support 
Hizballah. Most recently, on January 18, the United States designated 
three Hizballah-linked financial facilitators and their Lebanon-based 
travel company, under Executive Order (E.O.) 13224.

    Question. Do you support the long-held policy of the United States 
that there is no such thing as a terrorist and a political wing of the 
terrorist group?

    Answer. Yes. I support the United States' position that it does not 
distinguish between the so-called ``wings'' of terrorist organizations.

    Question. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to urge 
countries that only sanction Hezbollah's terrorist wing, to end this 
false distinction and sanction the terror group in its entirety?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to urge 
countries to take action against the entirety of Hizballah. Since 2019, 
such efforts have resulted in 15 additional countries announcing a 
total designation, ban, or other restrictions against the group. Most 
recently, the Australian Government announced its intent to expand its 
designation of Hizballah's ``military wing'' to encompass the entire 
organization.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to George J. Tsunis by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question.  How can the 3+1 format continue to expand its 
cooperation in other areas beyond energy?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to 
encourage future areas of cooperation between U.S. partners, such as 
the 3+1 which brings the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Israel plus the 
United States together on an array of issues including economics, 
counterterrorism, and climate in addition to energy issues. I would 
also welcome future interparliamentary engagement of the 3+1 as 
provided for in the U.S.-Greece Defense and Interparliamentary Act.

    Question. Do you commit to advocating that the 3+1 is reinvigorated 
and becomes a central aspect of U.S. diplomacy in the Eastern Med?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support robust ties between the 
United States and Greece, Israel, and the Republic of Cyprus. The 3+1 
presents a unique opportunity to deepen economic integration, cooperate 
on energy security, and combat climate change with our partners. I 
believe the United States should--and does--support regional efforts 
that enhance and promote cooperation and regional stability, including 
the 3+1 mechanism. If confirmed, I will work to deepen ties between the 
United States, Greece, the Republic of Cyprus, and Israel.

    Question. Where do you see the potential for additional advancement 
on energy security?

    Answer. As I see it, Greece is a strong proponent of energy 
diversification and security, and has made significant advancements in 
recent years, including through its focus on projects such as the 
Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP), the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, the 
North Macedonia-Greece Interconnector, and the Alexandroupoli Floating 
Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU). If confirmed, I would work with 
Greece to mitigate regional energy security vulnerabilities. Supporting 
these efforts as well as Greece's clean energy initiatives, which offer 
complementary energy security benefits, is key to providing other 
options for Greece--and the broader region--beyond Russian energy 
supplies.

    Question. What role do you see for Greece in countering Kremlin 
aggression, and how do you plan to support the Greek Government to 
stand strong against Kremlin influence?

    Answer. Greece shares a long history with Russia, including through 
the Orthodox Church, and, like other countries in the region, depends 
on Russian energy supplies. From what I have seen, Athens is clear-eyed 
in its initiatives to reduce the region's dependence on Russian energy 
supplies and its stance with the EU and NATO to promote Transatlantic 
solidarity and the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. 
If confirmed, I would continue to encourage and expand Greece's 
initiatives in this regard and build on initiatives such as the Mutual 
Defense Cooperation Agreement and the annual U.S.-Greece Strategic 
Dialogue to deepen our strategic partnership.

    Question. The strength of the U.S.-Greece relationship is on 
display when it comes to defense cooperation. The recent renewal of the 
Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement and increased U.S. presence at the 
Port of Alexandroupoli is a great sign of the strength of U.S.-Greece 
security cooperation.

   What will your priorities be for building upon this strong 
        cooperation?

    Answer. My understanding is the latest update to the Mutual Defense 
Cooperation Agreement permits the U.S. military to utilize Camp 
Giannoulis (Alexandroupoli) as well as Camp Georgoulas (Volos), 
Litochoro Range, and Souda Naval Base. If confirmed, I would seek to 
deepen our defense cooperation and ensure that any new commitments 
advance U.S. national security priorities. I would also support efforts 
to boost Greece's defense capabilities as outlined in the U.S.-Greece 
Defense and Interparliamentary Partnership Act passed as part of the 
National Defense Authorization Act of 2022.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents should be taken seriously. 
This is a sensitive ongoing issue that Secretary Blinken has said is a 
top priority. If confirmed, I will work to ensure affected employees 
and their family members get the care they need and work together with 
Washington and the interagency to protect against these incidents.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary responsibility 
to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy community. I will 
ensure anyone who reports unexplained health incidents receives 
immediate and appropriate attention and care and will share information 
with our workforce as appropriate.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, my primary responsibility would be to 
ensure the safety and security of the Embassy community. I would meet 
with all relevant parties to ensure we were applying necessary 
safeguards and investigating possible causes.

                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to George J. Tsunis by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. How will you engage with the Greek Government to ensure 
its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and drilling rights are protected in 
the Eastern Mediterranean?

    Answer. I understand that the United States has a long-held policy 
of encouraging countries to resolve their maritime delimitation 
disputes peacefully through dialogue and in accordance with 
international law. Greek PM Mitsotakis has consistently expressed his 
willingness to engage constructively with Turkey to do so, consistent 
with Greece's constructive approach across the region. If confirmed, I 
would encourage Greece to continue initiatives such as exploratory 
talks with Turkey to resolve disputes diplomatically.

    Question. How will you engage with your counterpart at U.S. Embassy 
Ankara to facilitate progress in Greco-Turkish relations in United 
States interests?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would make it a priority to remain 
frequently and directly in touch with Ambassador Flake in Turkey. I 
would welcome the opportunity to visit Mission Ankara early in my 
tenure and invite Ambassador Flake to Mission Greece to exchange best 
practices and discuss areas of opportunity. I would also encourage 
frequent communication among the teams at Mission Greece, Mission 
Turkey, and the Office of Southern European Affairs at the State 
Department, which coordinates regional policies.

    Question. How will you facilitate U.S. and other western investment 
in Greece?

    Answer. If confirmed, my top economic and commercial goal would be 
to build on efforts to accelerate trade and investment opportunities 
between our countries. Specifically, the renewable energy and 
technology sectors are two areas that the Government of Greece is 
prioritizing, and several U.S. companies have made significant 
investments in Greece in recent years. If confirmed, I would seek to 
continue this trend by encouraging the expansion of the Foreign 
Commercial Service's activity in Greece.

    Question. What are the perceived risks to western investment, and 
how can they be mitigated?

    Answer. Like most countries, Greece is still recovering from the 
COVID-19 pandemic, which had a significant impact on the country's 
economy. Yet, from what I understand, the Government's focus on 
reducing bureaucracy and digitizing services helped mitigate the full 
impact of the pandemic, and Greece's GDP grew by approximately 6 
percent in 2021. If confirmed, I would work closely with Greece to 
continue to promote fiscal responsibility and facilitate investments. 
Greece could also benefit from a comprehensive, national security-
focused investment screening process, ensuring the Government of Greece 
has the ability to identify, investigate, and mitigate national 
security risks.

    Question. What role, if any, do you see the U.S. Development 
Finance Corporation playing in stimulating western investment in 
Greece?

    Answer. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation 
(DFC) could help invest in Greece's strategic infrastructure to level 
the playing field with our strategic competitors. If confirmed, I will 
seek to promote U.S. investment in Greece using tools made available by 
the European Energy Security and Diversification Act, including DFC 
products.

    Question. What sectors do you see as potential areas of growth for 
U.S.-Greece business ties?

    Answer. My understanding is that Greece is prioritizing its 
technology and renewable energy sectors. In recent years we've seen 
investment in Greece from several U.S. companies including Amazon Web 
Services, Applied Materials, Cisco, Digital Realty, Google, Microsoft, 
and Pfizer. If confirmed, I would seek to expand U.S.-Greece business 
ties in these sectors while encouraging Greece to consider U.S. 
business solutions in areas such as battery storage, offshore wind, and 
hydrogen.

    Question. As Ambassador, how will you engage with the Government of 
Greece and encourage protect critical industries, assets, and 
technologies from malign Chinese influence?

    Answer. I understand Greece continues to welcome foreign direct 
investment, including from the PRC, to mitigate the impact of the 
pandemic and recover from the decade long financial crisis. However, 
Greece has shown a willingness to weigh important national security and 
strategic considerations for critical infrastructure projects, for 
example effectively excluding Huawei from building its 5G 
infrastructure. Greece does not currently maintain a comprehensive 
national investment screening mechanism. If confirmed, I would support 
continued robust engagement sharing investment screening best practices 
and implementation. I would also seek to promote U.S. investment in the 
region to push back on problematic PRC investments in critical 
infrastructure and sensitive sectors, and on PRC disinformation 
campaigns designed to undermine the sovereignty of Greece's Government 
and voters.

    Question. The Port of Alexandroupolis is undergoing privatization 
sale and has attracted bids from Chinese and Russian companies, which 
presents issues for U.S. and NATO use of the port. What tools do the 
U.S. and you as Ambassador have to preserve the ports strategic value 
by ensuring it does not fall victim to foreign influence?

    Answer. The Port of Alexandroupoli is significant not only for 
commercial purposes, but also because it offers strategic access for 
U.S. and NATO maneuverability in the region. If confirmed, I would seek 
to employ the tools made available by the European Energy Security and 
Diversification Act, including the DFC, to bolster bids made by U.S. 
companies on critical infrastructure projects. I would also direct 
Mission Greece to maintain frequent contact with U.S. businesses 
seeking to invest in Greece's critical infrastructure, encourage 
competition by U.S. firms for strategic assets that Greece is 
privatizing, and support their bids through diplomacy and advocacy as 
appropriate.

    Question. What do you believe Greece's role is in improving 
stability and good governance in the Balkans?

    Answer. I see Greece as a driver of stability in the Western 
Balkans, where it has supported regional integration and conflict 
resolution. An example of this is the Prespa Agreement, in which North 
Macedonia changed its name and Greece agreed to support the country's 
NATO accession. Now Greece is actively championing the future EU 
accession of North Macedonia and Albania. I understand that although 
Prime Minister Mitsotakis opposed the Prespa Agreement while in the 
opposition, his government now supports Prespa as a means of promoting 
regional stability. If confirmed, I would support Greece's continued 
commitment to Prespa and look for ways to leverage the country's 
regional leadership in the areas of trade facilitation, 
counterterrorism, building security partnerships, and in strengthening 
EU and NATO integration.

    Question. What internal and external risks does Greece face 
regarding its own stability?

    Answer. My view is that Greece has made considerable progress in 
mitigating internal and external risks since the Government debt crisis 
of 2009 and with the Prespa Agreement of 2018. Greece is a stable, 
responsible, and decidedly pro-U.S. regional leader, and I believe this 
trend will continue into the foreseeable future as Greece's three main 
political parties all support a strong relationship with the United 
States and embrace Greek leadership in the region. While Greece is 
situated in a dynamic region of often significant sensitivities and 
tensions, Greece has previously shown restraint and a desire to resolve 
disputes diplomatically. If confirmed, I would continue to encourage 
Greece to consult closely with the United States on both internal and 
external areas of concern where we could cooperate.

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to Greece, how do you see your 
role in the context of ongoing State Department efforts to promote 
stability and anti-corruption in the region?

    Answer. Greece was an active participant in President Biden's 
Summit for Democracy in 2021, where it made commitments to update its 
National Authority on Transparency and whistleblower protections and 
improve its financial transaction transparency. Additionally, Prime 
Minister Mitsotakis' drive to reduce bureaucratic red tape and digitize 
government services is, in part, meant to increase transparency and 
further combat corruption. If confirmed, I would support Greece's 
ongoing reforms and encourage it to make good on the commitments in 
made at the Summit for Democracy. Greece also supports the EU prospects 
of its Western Balkan neighbors, and we can work together with the 
Greek authorities and the EU to implement the anti-corruption measures 
required for EU accession by these countries.

    Question. What are the most effective ways Greece can further its 
defense cooperation, both with the U.S. and within NATO?

    Answer. Our defense and security relationship with Greece has grown 
dramatically over the past five years, and Greece views the United 
States as its top security partner. My understanding is the latest 
update to the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement added four 
additional sites for the U.S. military to utilize in Greece: Camp 
Georgoulas (Volos); the Litochoro Range (near Mount Olympos); Camp 
Giannoulis (Alexandroupoli); and the Souda Naval Base. Greece can 
continue to further its defense cooperation with the United States and 
NATO by implementing the latest updates to the MDCA and continuing to 
meet defense modernization investment goals in accordance with the 
Wales Pledge. If confirmed, I would continue to deepen our defense 
cooperation and advance U.S. national security.

    Question. Do you believe that the United States is focusing too 
much energy on building the defense relationship with Greece rather 
than enhancing the capabilities of other NATO allies in the Eastern 
Mediterranean and Black Sea regions?

    Answer. Greece is a vital NATO Ally that plays a critical role in 
maintaining peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean, the 
Western Balkans, and the Black Sea regions, and it should be 
incorporated into regional strategies focused on those areas. Given our 
military presence at Naval Support Activity Souda Bay in Crete, our 
military's frequent use of the port of Alexandroupoli for transport, 
and the opportunities of our expanded MDCA, we must continue to 
strengthen defense ties with Greece. Souda Bay is one of the few deep-
water ports in the region suitable for U.S. aircraft carriers which 
could project power in the Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea regions. 
Furthermore, Greece is increasingly becoming a hub for multilateral 
training and exercises with NATO Allies in the Eastern Mediterranean 
and Black Sea as well as regional partners. Thus, building our defense 
with relationship with Greece results in positive impacts well beyond 
its borders. If confirmed, I would seek to deepen defense cooperation 
with Greece and further integrate it into regional strategies.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Person's 
report, Greece remained on Tier 2. What are concrete steps you and your 
mission, if confirmed, can take to improve trafficking efforts in 
Greece as well as regionally?

    Answer. Confronting the challenge of trafficking in persons is a 
moral absolute for me. My understanding is that Greece has made 
improvements in convicting traffickers and identifying trafficking 
victims over the last year, partly due to the implementation of the 
national referral mechanism. However, the Government should continue to 
decrease the length of court proceedings, strengthen specialized 
services to trafficking victims, and increase efforts to proactively 
identify victims among vulnerable populations, including unaccompanied 
children, migrants, and asylum seekers. If confirmed, I would work 
closely with the Government to address these issues.

    Question. How will you work with the office to Monitor and Combat 
Trafficking in Persons to further this goal?

    Answer. My understanding is that Embassy Athens maintains close 
contact with the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons 
and the Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration. If confirmed, I 
would direct the Embassy to continue close coordination with both 
offices and work on ways to improve Greece's ability to identify 
victims of trafficking and provide them with the necessary resources to 
prosecute traffickers and prevent the scourge of human trafficking.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Greece was described as having significant human rights abuses like 
refoulement of refugees, acts of corruption, violence against minority 
groups, and more.

   What is your assessment of human rights in Greece?

    Answer. My understanding is that Greece takes respect for human 
rights very seriously, which is demonstrated by the Government's 
willingness to prosecute human rights violators, particularly those who 
previously served in official capacities. Still, I'm aware of reports 
suggesting the sometimes unhealthy and unsafe conditions for migrants, 
credible reports of migrant pushbacks, as well as reports of societal 
discrimination against minority religious groups and LGBTQI+ persons. 
If confirmed, I would work closely with the Government to address these 
issues.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps can you and your mission take to 
better improve the U.S. and international organization responses to 
migrant and asylum-seeking populations in country?

    Answer. My understanding is the United States provided nearly $5 
million to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the U.N. 
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and UNICEF in Greece to protect 
the vulnerable refugee and asylum-seeking population from COVID-19, 
including ambulances that provided supplies and care, and several 
shelters for unaccompanied minors. This aid makes an important 
statement about U.S. priorities and has directly assisted migrant and 
asylum-seeker populations. If confirmed, I would ensure any assistance 
is wisely spent and continue to consult closely with appropriate 
offices in the Department and with international organizations to 
identify additional priority areas where Embassy Athens could assist.

    Question. How will you engage with the Government of Greece on the 
numerous reports of refoulement?

    Answer. This is a serious issue for me. While the Government of 
Greece displayed political courage in welcoming over 800 Afghans, 
including several prominent women and their families, I am concerned by 
credible reports of pushbacks of asylum-seekers made by UNHCR, IOM, 
international media, and numerous other organizations. If confirmed, I 
would continue to work within the Department and with the Greek 
Government and NGOs to promote the safety, integration, and 
resettlement of migrants in Greece. I also support the EU's call for an 
independent investigation into the credible allegations of pushbacks.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with civil society to 
bolster human rights in country?

    Answer. My understanding is that Embassy Athens maintains close 
contact with several NGOs, civil society leaders, and journalists to 
shed light on human rights conditions within Greece. Most recently, 
Mission Greece's hard work and broad network facilitated Greece's 
decision to temporarily welcome over 800 Afghans brought into the 
country by an NGO. Embassy Athens has also worked to secure grants for 
NGOs doing important work, such as sheltering unaccompanied minors in 
the country. If confirmed, I would encourage my team to think 
creatively about how we can empower civil society to help address human 
rights concerns in Greece.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, there were noted antisemitic and anti-Muslim acts along 
with rhetoric and attacks on Orthodox churches in Greece.

   What is your assessment of the status of societal and governmental 
        respect for religious freedom?

    Answer. Freedom of religion is an important principle for me. The 
Hellenic constitution allows freedom of worship, and the Government 
affords special protections for the Muslim minority, which consists of 
over 120,000 Greek citizens of Turkish, Pomak, and Roma descent who 
live in the Thrace region of northern Greece. In 2020, Greece 
authorized the first government-funded mosque in Athens in over 200 
years, as well as six Jehovah's Witness Kingdom Halls, and other 
religious minority houses of prayer. If confirmed, I would support 
Greece's measures to uphold religious freedom and protect minority 
religious groups from hate crimes and discrimination.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps can the U.S. mission take to 
bolster religious freedom on the ground?

    Answer. Mission Greece maintains direct contact with various groups 
such as the Muslim minority in the north, refugees who have settled 
throughout the country, and Greece's small Jewish community. If 
confirmed, I would ensure that we continue this outreach and maintain 
close contact with civil society organizations, including religious 
actors; international organizations; and NGOs involved in Greece.

    Question. Ongoing tensions between Greek and Turkish Cypriots are 
preventing any tangible progress from being made on the UNFICYP issue. 
If confirmed, do you commit to providing necessary support to the Greek 
Cypriots and to de-escalate tensions where possible?

    Answer. The United States supports efforts to increase bicommunal 
cooperation between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, including 
through the UNFICYP Technical Committees. If confirmed, I will continue 
to engage Greece, as a guarantor power, and express U.S. support for a 
Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated comprehensive settlement to reunify the 
island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality to 
benefit all Cypriots and the wider region. I will work with my 
colleagues in Nicosia and Ankara to encourage both sides to demonstrate 
the necessary openness, flexibility, and compromise to find common 
ground to restart formal talks.

    Question. Would you support downsizing of the UNFICYP and the 
eventual closing of the peacekeeping part of the mission?

    Answer. I believe UNFICYP continues to play an important role in 
maintaining the conditions necessary for the Greek Cypriot and Turkish 
Cypriot communities to find a common ground to restart formal talks. 
UNFICYP's work supervising ceasefire lines, maintaining a buffer zone, 
and supporting the Secretary-General's Good Offices remains an 
important stabilizing factor in Cyprus.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunication Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you 
commit to demarch the Greek Government and any other counterparts 
necessary to communicate our support of Doreen?

    Answer. Yes. Secretary Blinken publicly endorsed Ms. Doreen Bogdan-
Martin's candidacy to lead the ITU in March 2021. If confirmed, I would 
work closely with the Bureau of International Organizations to voice 
support for Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy, as well as the candidacies 
of other Americans endorsed by the Department to fill critical 
positions at the U.N. and its specialized bodies.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Athens?

    Answer. My understanding is that like missions around the world, 
Mission Greece was significantly impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, 
which forced employees to work from different locations and limit in-
person interactions with key interlocutors. That, in addition to an 
ongoing renovation of the Embassy's chancery, has made life more 
challenging for Embassy Athens. I also understand that the Embassy team 
remains highly motivated under the great leadership of Ambassador 
Pyatt, advancing U.S. interests as we deepen our relationship with 
Greece. If confirmed, it would be my goal to build on the high morale 
at Mission Greece and continue to advance U.S. interests through ever 
deepening improved bilateral relations.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Athens?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would empower my team, including the Deputy 
Chief of Mission, State Department and interagency colleagues, and 
locally employed staff, to share their views on new and meaningful ways 
to further the bilateral relationship. Furthermore, I understand the 
pandemic and ongoing renovations have made work more difficult for the 
Mission, so I would do everything in my power and consistent with local 
health regulations to facilitate in-person functions, progress the 
Chancery's overhaul, and advance the day-to-day business of U.S. 
diplomacy.

    Question.  How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Athens?

    Answer. My view is that to create a unified mission and vision, 
first you need a unified team. If confirmed, I would welcome input from 
all spectrums of the Mission community to ensure an inclusive 
environment where all voices are heard. Since Mission Greece is 
comprised of both Embassy Athens and Consulate General Thessaloniki, I 
would also encourage frequent and meaningful coordination between both 
teams to ensure unity of effort in achieving overall objectives as 
outlined in the Integrated Country Strategy.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. As a businessman, I understand the importance of building 
rapport and working with everyone in a professional and cooperative 
manner. As a hotelier, I understand the importance of making people 
feel welcome and comfortable. My management style is one of inclusivity 
and draws on the broad experiences and expertise of the teams that I 
lead. If confirmed, I commit to empowering my teams so that, together, 
we can conceive and implement the most effective ways of advancing U.S. 
policy priorities.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. If confirmed, I would treat all subordinates, Mission 
community members, and local contacts with the utmost respect. I 
believe in honesty and providing constructive feedback to subordinates 
in a courteous and professional manner, and I would endeavor to never 
publicly or privately berate a subordinate.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I understand that I would be working with a 
Deputy Chief of Mission who has been on the job in Athens for over two 
years. I prize expertise and inclusivity and would actively seek 
counsel from my Deputy Chief of Mission as appropriate, particularly on 
issues related to State Department processes and procedures.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. My view is that the Deputy Chief of Mission's role is to 
provide counsel, manage the day-to-day operation of a mission, 
including personnel issues, and assume the role of the Ambassador when 
necessary. If confirmed, I would delegate critical responsibilities to 
my Deputy Chief of Mission while I focus my efforts on the overarching 
U.S. policy priorities and maintaining the safety and wellbeing of 
mission personnel.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes, I believe that accurate and constructive feedback is 
important in any position to facilitate improvement and growth. My 
understanding is the Department has annual review cycles in place, and 
if confirmed, I would ensure that evaluations were completed in a fair 
and transparent manner.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support clear, accurate, and 
direct feedback to employees so as to improve performance, identify 
areas for growth, and reward team and individual accomplishments. I 
believe the Department manages several awards programs as well, which I 
would utilize to highlight the achievements of my team.

    Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. My understanding is that diplomats want to get outside 
Embassy walls and prefer advancing U.S. priorities in-person, if 
possible. The global COVID-19 pandemic has made it harder for them to 
meet in person, but I understand the team in Greece did a remarkable 
job of innovating new approaches and pivoting to virtual spaces. 
Despite the pandemic, for example, our Public Diplomacy team was able 
to safely deliver a yearlong series of programming to commemorate U.S.-
Greek friendship during Greece's bicentennial year in 2021 which 
included virtual and in-person programs throughout the country. If 
confirmed, I would encourage my team to continue to seek to engage with 
contacts in-person, or through whatever means they felt were most 
effective, in accordance with local health regulations and security 
conditions. I would work closely with medical staff and the Regional 
Security Officer at Post to ensure the safety of my team.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Mission Greece to continue 
its broad outreach efforts not only with government contacts, but with 
NGOs, civil society, and vulnerable populations in the country. To the 
extent possible, I would also advocate for increasing the resources 
made available to the public diplomacy team for additional outreach 
activities. For example, Mission Greece has vast potential to engage in 
the areas of education and with Greek youth. The Greek Ministry of 
Education is seeking to expand partnerships with U.S. universities to 
implement joint- and dual-degree programs, as well as exchange 
programs. Mission Greece has six ``American Spaces'' in the country 
which provide an incredible platform for engagement with youth, 
particularly to promote STEM and entrepreneurship training across 
several regions of the country.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Greece?

    Answer. Greece benefits from a dynamic media environment and a 
public that is eager to engage with the United States. If confirmed, I 
would work closely with Mission Greece's Public Diplomacy Section to 
shape the media narrative about our deepening bilateral relationship 
and important regional developments. I would also work closely with the 
Public Diplomacy Section to support new avenues for engagement in 
education, women's empowerment, countering climate change, and others 
to promote the full range of our policy priorities and to deepen our 
people-to-people ties.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The global pandemic has presented unique challenges for 
public diplomacy efforts by postponing critical exchange programs and 
converting in-person events to virtual engagements. More specifically, 
my understanding is that Greece provides a receptive and engaging media 
environment, but that there are significant generational differences in 
media preferences. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Public 
Diplomacy Section to identify even more effective and non-traditional 
ways to engage with the country's youth on policy issues.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. My view on this is that the country mission is best placed 
to have a pulse on media environments and national audiences, while 
Main State offers a broader, more coherent perspective in harmony with 
other Department and national priorities. You need both perspectives to 
achieve effective public diplomacy messaging, and if confirmed I would 
work with the Mission Greece team and the Bureau for Eurasian and 
European Affairs to find the right balance.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. Yes, these incidents are the subject of a sensitive ongoing 
investigation and remain a top priority for the Department. If 
confirmed, I will communicate with our workforce to provide care for 
affected employees and their family members and work together with 
partners in Washington and the interagency to do what we can to protect 
against these incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has 
been afflicting these members of our Embassy teams.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Athens personnel?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will do my utmost to speak openly 
about this issue and ensure anyone who reports unexplained health 
incidents receives immediate and appropriate care. I will also consider 
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the 
Embassy community.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to George J. Tsunis by Senator John Barrasso

    Question. How would you respond to requests for a U.S. commitment 
to assist Greece in the event of an invasion or similar act of 
aggression by Turkey?

    Answer. If confirmed, my overall objective would be to support 
regional peace and stability, including between our two NATO Allies. 
The United States has been clear with Turkey that certain military 
maneuvers in the past have been unhelpful and provocative. If 
confirmed, I would work with the State Department and U.S. Government 
in tandem with my counterpart, Ambassador Flake, to defuse any crisis 
diplomatically.

    Question. What were the new commitments made in the enhanced U.S.-
Greece Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement?

    Answer. My understanding is the latest update to the Mutual Defense 
Cooperation Agreement extended the agreement term to five years, with 
an indefinite duration thereafter, stabilizing our defense cooperation 
with Greece, and bringing the agreement up to standard with those we 
have with other NATO Allies. The update also added four additional 
sites for the U.S. military to utilize in Greece: Camp Georgoulas 
(Volos); Litochoro Range; Camp Giannoulis (Alexandroupoli); and Souda 
Naval Base. If confirmed, I would seek to deepen our defense 
cooperation and ensure that any new commitments advance U.S. national 
security.

    Question. Do you support the Eastern Mediterranean gas pipeline?

    Answer. My understanding is, in line with U.S. climate priorities, 
the United States looks critically at new fossil fuel infrastructure 
projects to ensure U.S. public investment and support is not directed 
to carbon intensive sources and does not result in future stranded 
assets as we accelerate the clean energy transition. The East 
Mediterranean Gas Pipeline would constitute significant and expensive 
new fossil fuel infrastructure at a time when we and our partners are 
focused on investing in renewables and clean energy sources. At a time 
when Europe's energy security is--more than ever--a question of 
national security, if confirmed I would commit to deepen U.S. regional 
relationships, promote clean energy technologies and projects such as 
the proposed EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors, and counter 
climate change.

    Question. How does the pipeline help reduce Europe's dependence on 
Russian gas?

    Answer. I view Greece as a top U.S. partner in Europe on energy 
security and diversification. The Trans-Adriatic Pipeline, 
Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, Interconnector Greece-North Macedonia, 
and the Alexandroupoli FSRU are examples of projects that will position 
Greece and Europe to reduce their dependence on Russian gas and break 
Gazprom's monopoly over the region. If confirmed, I would continue to 
work with Greece to identify projects that both advance our energy 
security goals and facilitate the transition to cleaner forms of 
energy. The administration remains committed to physically 
interconnecting East Med energy to Europe.

    Question. In your view, what role does the Eastern Mediterranean 
gas pipeline play in promoting energy security and regional 
cooperation?

    Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Pipeline is still at the 
conceptual level, technically challenging and commercially very 
expensive. Greece is, however, involved in a number of other 
commercially and technically viable natural gas projects that support 
energy security and regional cooperation such as the Interconnector 
Greece-Bulgaria, the North Macedonia-Greece Interconnector, the Trans-
Adriatic Pipeline, and the Alexandroupoli Floating Storage 
Regasification Unit. If confirmed, I would continue to work with Greece 
to identify projects that advance our goals of energy security and 
diversification.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to support the 
Eastern Mediterranean pipeline and the establishment of liquefied 
natural gas terminals across the Easter Mediterranean?

    Answer. While I applaud Greece' ambitious decarbonization goals to 
phase out lignite by 2028, the reality is Greece will continue to 
utilize LNG as it transitions to renewable energy. If confirmed, I 
would support Greece's efforts to advance energy security and 
decarbonization and seek other initiatives that advance the goals 
outlined in the European Energy Security and Diversification Act of 
2019, such as the proposed EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors. 
Understanding that the East Mediterranean Gas Pipeline would constitute 
significant and expensive new fossil fuel infrastructure at a time when 
we and our partners are focused on investing in renewables and clean 
energy sources, if confirmed, I would commit to deepen U.S. regional 
relationships, promote clean energy technologies, and counter climate 
change.

    Question. What is your strategy to encourage additional natural gas 
development and infrastructure in the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would make supporting U.S. investment in 
Greece's critical infrastructure a top priority, working with 
interagency partners, including the U.S. International Development 
Finance Corporation (DFC) and Congress, to identify projects for U.S. 
investment. I would strongly support U.S. commercial engagement in 
Greece. I agree wholeheartedly with Congress' intent in passing the 
European Energy Security and Diversification Act of 2019 and would 
continue to search for other strategic opportunities.

    Question. What are some of the current challenges facing American 
energy companies currently operating or looking to operate in the 
Eastern Mediterranean?

    Answer. I understand political and security tensions in the Eastern 
Mediterranean present challenges for U.S. energy companies currently 
operating or looking to operate there. The United States supports 
efforts to de-escalate tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, including 
the continuation of exploratory talks between Greece and Turkey. I 
believe disagreements should be resolved peacefully through dialogue 
and in accordance with international law.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you address those challenges in 
order assist American companies pursuing natural gas and oil 
operations?

    Answer. As I understand it, the United States supports regional 
cooperation to bring durable energy security to the region, create new 
markets, drive energy innovation, and provide economic prosperity in 
the Eastern Mediterranean. If confirmed, I would encourage peaceful and 
diplomatic resolutions, which respect the sovereignty and territorial 
integrity of all countries. I would also work closely with U.S. 
companies to ensure they can compete for these projects, across all 
aspects of the energy sector, including the fastest growing 
technologies and markets.

    Question. What is your strategy to counter Chinese investments in 
critical infrastructure investments in Greece?

    Answer. I understand Greece continues to take steps to increase 
foreign direct investment, including from the PRC, to mitigate the 
impact of the pandemic and recover from the decade long financial 
crisis. However, Greece has shown a willingness to weigh national 
security and strategic considerations for certain critical 
infrastructure projects, for example effectively excluding Huawei from 
building its 5G infrastructure. Greece has taken an important step in 
approving a process expected to result in an investment screening 
mechanism in line with the EU investment screening framework. If 
confirmed, I would encourage Greece to adopt a national investment 
screening mechanism and continue efforts to share investment screening 
best practices, including from the U.S. experience with recent 
legislation implementation. As a businessperson, I know how to work 
with a team to formulate a winning economic bid, and if confirmed, 
that's exactly what I would do by vigorously promoting U.S. investment 
in the region and pushing back against problematic PRC disinformation 
and influence campaigns.

    Question. In what ways do you believe the United States has not 
shown up or been aggressive? What is your strategy to change it?

    Answer. The PRC is aggressive and strategic in acquiring strategic 
infrastructure, and I am cognizant of the fact that we need to play to 
win when we are competing with Beijing for strategic investment. Since 
2016, China's state-owned shipbuilding company, COSCO, has owned and 
operated the port of Piraeus, now the second busiest port by volume in 
Europe. This year Greece will privatize the ports of Alexandroupoli and 
Kavala, and it is critical that Greece selects a western partner to 
acquire them. If confirmed, I will seek to promote U.S. investment in 
the region, and employ the tools made available by the European Energy 
Security and Diversification Act, to ensure the United States is seen 
as a keenly interested and reliable business partner. The DFC, for 
example, has shown great promise to help level the playing field with 
our strategic competitors on projects that meet its criteria.

                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Beth Van Schaack by Senator Robert Menendez

Israel
    Question. Last year, the Prosecutor of the ICC confirmed the 
opening of a formal investigation into the Palestinian situation, which 
I believe was a politically-motivated decision to target Israel and 
wrongfully extends the Court's jurisdiction over personnel of a non-
State Party.

   Will you commit to pushing back against the International Criminal 
        Court's wrongful pursuit of a war crimes investigation against 
        the State of Israel?

    Answer. Yes. I agree with the serious concerns of the U.S. 
Government about the ICC's attempts to exercise jurisdiction over 
Israeli personnel. If confirmed, I will uphold the United States' 
strong commitment to Israel and its security, including by opposing 
actions that seek to target Israel unfairly.

    Question. How will you work to promote reform within the Court to 
help ensure that it properly carries out investigations and respects 
the rights of non-State Parties?

    Answer. As the Court approaches its twentieth anniversary, I am 
encouraged that States Parties, civil society, and other stakeholders 
have identified and committed to a broad range of reforms to help the 
Court fulfill its core mandate as a court of last resort, including 
through prioritizing resources, focusing on the most serious crimes of 
international concern, and continuing to develop the fundamental 
importance of the principle of complementarity. If confirmed, I commit 
to engaging with all ICC stakeholders, including some of our closest 
allies who are States Parties, to address our concerns and promote 
further reform.

Additional Tools and Mechanisms for Global Criminal Justice
    Question. The ICC represents only one piece of the larger global 
criminal justice landscape. There are a range of international, 
regional, and domestic tribunals as well as international investigative 
mechanisms seeking to provide accountability for victims of mass 
atrocity crimes.

   How can the United States strengthen international mechanisms for 
        accountability to enhance their ability to prevent mass 
        atrocities?

    Answer. There is a whole range of forms of assistance that the 
United States can provide to international mechanisms to enhance their 
ability to prevent, and respond to, mass atrocities. In addition to 
financial and programmatic assistance, this can include diplomatic 
support in international fora (to strengthen mandates and build 
multilateral support for these efforts), operational assistance in the 
field (e.g., identifying perpetrators, offering witness protection, or 
providing security), and technical support (e.g., providing 
evidentiary, forensic, and legal analysis). Helping such institutions 
better understand the context in which they are operating by, for 
example, sharing information, improves their ability to craft and 
implement effective responses. The United States can also enhance the 
environment in which these institutions are operating by constraining 
perpetrators through, among other things, sanctions and import/export 
restrictions, where available. The United States can also help with the 
rehabilitation of survivors through supporting psychosocial 
rehabilitation and other restorative measures.

    Question. In your view, what tools and mechanisms have been most 
effective in promoting accountability?

    Answer. The international community has developed a number of 
institutions and models for addressing the commission of grave 
international crimes. This includes international and hybrid criminal 
tribunals and specialized international crimes chambers. In addition, 
many states-including the United States-have empowered their domestic 
courts to prosecute international crimes under their national penal 
codes. Hybrid institutions (i.e., tribunals with mixed international 
and domestic elements such as the nationality of key staff and the law 
to be applied) have proven particularly effective because they combine 
local legitimacy and knowledge with international expertise, skill, and 
resources.
    Alongside these criminal accountability options, states emerging 
from periods of mass violence, repression, or conflict can also choose 
from a range of transitional justice mechanisms that advance the 
interlocking goals of truth-telling, reparation/rehabilitation, 
memorialization, vetting, and institutional reform. The Office of 
Global Criminal Justice advises State Department leadership, embassies 
and posts, the inter-agency, and other stakeholders on developing and 
deploying of these various options for ensuring retributive and 
restorative justice.
    No accountability mechanism can be effective without solid 
documentation, including contextual and linkage evidence connecting 
individual perpetrators to the commission of international crimes. 
Consistent U.S. support for documentation (for both fact-finding and 
building criminal cases) and financial support to institutions, 
judicial and non-judicial, has been vital for achieving the 
accountability that has occurred in many courts and tribunals.
    There also are actions that promote accountability for contemporary 
atrocity situations that go beyond these traditional tools. For 
example, when it comes to the genocide and crimes against humanity 
unfolding in Xinjiang, in addition to financial sanctions and visa 
restrictions, I understand that the United States Government has 
tightened export controls respecting entities implicated in human 
rights abuses in Xinjiang; issued Withhold Release Orders and a 
Business Advisory regarding heightened risks to U.S. businesses with 
links to Xinjiang given the existence of forced labor; and formally 
listed products that are believed to have been produced by forced 
labor. In addition, to these economic measures, the United States 
undertakes rigorous Leahy vetting to ensure that applicable U.S. 
assistance is not provided to security force units that are credibly 
implicated in gross violations of human rights. All this suggests that 
a ``whole-of-government'' approach, especially when done in concert 
with our allies and partners, is more effective.

Syria
    Question. As I am sure you know, a German court recently found a 
former Syrian intelligence officer guilty of crimes against humanity 
and sentenced him to life in prison for his role in the Assad regime's 
industrial-scale torture and murder of its own citizens. As the first 
ever trial and guilty verdict against a high-ranking Syrian regime 
official for crimes against humanity, this is an important landmark for 
ensuring accountability for the Assad regime's barbarism, especially 
since the ICC does not have jurisdiction over Syria and efforts to take 
action through the form of a U.N. Security Council resolution face 
pushback from China and Russia.

   If confirmed, how do you plan on ensuring accountability for crimes 
        in Syria?

    Answer. I share Congress' horror at the scale, scope, and brutality 
of the Assad regime's atrocities. In my professional and academic 
career, I have devoted considerable energy to pursuing justice for 
Syria. If confirmed, I will strongly support U.S. efforts to promote 
accountability for these atrocities. My work in this area includes 
completing a Ph.D. on ``Imagining Justice for Syria'' that tracks 
international, regional, and domestic justice options (OUP 2020). 
Unfortunately, very few avenues for justice currently exist for the 
myriad international crimes that have been, and are being, committed in 
Syria. In the absence of any international, regional, or hybrid court 
with criminal jurisdiction over perpetrators, domestic proceedings-like 
those in Germany-are vital engines of accountability. In addition to 
holding individual perpetrators accountable, these judgments can offer 
all victims a sense of justice, develop important jurisprudence, find 
facts and reveal the truth about atrocities, deter other perpetrators, 
and inspire judicial efforts elsewhere.
    Domestic investigations and prosecutions are being assisted by the 
work of grassroots documentation organizations as well as international 
institutions, such as the U.N. Commission of Inquiry on Syria, created 
by the U.N. Human Rights Council, and a new international investigative 
mechanism established by the U.N. General Assembly: the U.N. 
International, Impartial, and Independent Mechanism (IIIM). The United 
States has supported, diplomatically and financially, the creation and 
operation of such documentation processes. If confirmed, I will work to 
ensure that the United States continues its crucial support of the 
IIIM's mission to collect, consolidate, preserve, and analyze evidence 
of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights 
violations and abuses committed in Syria since 2011 for future 
accountability and transitional justice processes. This work is 
critical to facilitating criminal justice mechanisms and paving the way 
for a durable political solution that addresses the aspirations for 
justice of the Syrian people. I also believe that GCJ has a 
particularly important role to play in supporting documentation and 
accountability efforts by Syrian human rights defenders and their 
international partners, many of whose efforts feed directly into the 
IIIM and its work.

    Question. What actions will you take to support continued efforts, 
such as the trial in Koblenz, to bring about justice for victims of 
state oppression in Syria?

    Answer. The road ahead for justice and accountability in Syria 
remains long, but I am encouraged by the progress made in this area 
over the last year, notably in Germany where, in January the first 
senior Syrian regime officer was convicted of crimes against humanity 
and in 2021 a lower-ranked officer was also found guilty for being an 
accessory to commit crimes against humanity. I welcome the January 13 
Koblenz court verdict as a crucial victory for victims of the Assad 
regime's decade-long conflict against its own people.
    I also welcome efforts by other national courts to investigate and 
prosecute crimes within their jurisdiction committed in Syria. If 
confirmed, I will look for ways to continue supporting Syrian human 
rights defenders and their international partners that document 
evidence of the Assad regime's atrocities and support key witnesses 
involved in the process. The evidence collected by these stakeholders, 
and shared with national law enforcement and judicial authorities, has 
been highly valuable to such accountability efforts.
    Finally, there is the possibility of a case before the 
International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Syria under the Convention 
Against Torture. This treaty provides for the possibility of the ICJ 
exercising jurisdiction over disputes between state parties to the 
treaty, which cannot be settled through negotiation, and that are over 
the interpretation or application of the Convention, including claims 
of state responsibility. The Netherlands and Canada have indicated that 
they consider Syria to be in breach of its treaty obligations, 
including the obligations not to commit torture and to investigate 
allegations of torture. If confirmed, I would follow this matter 
closely to determine whether there might be ways for the United States 
to support our allies in this groundbreaking suit.

                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Beth Van Schaack by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, what are your biggest priorities in the 
first 100 days of your Ambassadorship?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ``hit the ground running'' during the 
first 100 days in office when it comes to executing upon the critical 
mandate of the Office of Global Criminal Justice (GCJ). I envision the 
first days in office being devoted to getting myself up-to-speed on the 
current workings of the office as well as the Executive Branch's 
atrocities prevention and response architecture and operations, 
particularly with respect to the Early Warning Task Force and related 
efforts. This would require me to acquaint myself with GCJ's staff and 
their respective portfolios, as well as the work of other offices 
across the Government, all with an eye toward understanding the scope 
of GCJ's expertise (and any gaps in coverage), building relationships 
across government, and identifying the most pressing areas of concern. 
Second, I would get immediately briefed on the status of existing 
atrocities determination processes as well as any upcoming key dates 
and deadlines, especially regarding Congressional reporting and the War 
Crimes Rewards Program. Third, I would scan the globe with my regional 
colleagues to map at-risk situations and better understand what U.S. 
and multilateral responses are already in train. Fourth, I would review 
all ongoing justice efforts around the world with the goal of 
identifying ways to enhance U.S. support for these endeavors. Finally, 
and to the degree permitted in light of the pandemic, I would hope to 
begin diplomatic outreach to atrocities prevention and response 
initiatives around the world, as well as my counterparts within the 
Governments of U.S. friends and allies devoted to this work.

    Question. What role should GCJ play in the interagency process on 
Atrocity Prevention, including as a participant in the Atrocity 
Prevention Task Force?

    Answer. I believe atrocity prevention requires a whole-of-
government approach, as Congress has recognized in enacting the Global 
Fragility Act of 2019 and Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities 
Prevention Act of 2018. If confirmed, I will work closely with 
Department and inter-agency colleagues through the Task Force, and with 
Congress, to anticipate, prevent, mitigate, and respond to atrocities 
in line with those legislative priorities.
    As I understand it, GCJ's primary role is to respond to atrocities 
as they unfold, advance justice for victims, support efforts to hold 
those responsible for atrocities accountable, and work to prevent 
recurrence by promoting robust and effective transitional justice 
mechanisms. This transitional justice work is an essential component of 
atrocity prevention. It contributes to reconciliation and greater 
stability, builds trust in institutions, breaks cycles of vengeance and 
retaliation, and demonstrates that atrocities are not acceptable. I 
also understand that J/GCJ plays a critical role in Department atrocity 
prevention training efforts, ensuring Department personnel and other 
government stakeholders understand how transitional justice mechanisms 
contribute to the full spectrum of atrocity prevention activities.

    Question. Do you support the United States becoming a party to the 
Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court?

    Answer. The United States has a long history of leadership in 
supporting criminal accountability for atrocity crimes through 
international, national, and hybrid tribunals. We have much to be proud 
of and our leadership is essential to confronting atrocities being 
carried out around the world. If confirmed as the Ambassador-at-Large 
for War Crimes Issues, a position filled under all administrations 
since the mid-1990s, I would be honored to carry forward that legacy. 
Although not a State Party to the Rome Statute, the United States has 
an important role to play with regards to the Court, as a global leader 
in promoting accountability for atrocities, as a permanent member of 
the U.N. Security Council, and as an Observer State to the ICC's 
Assembly of States Parties. The United States can be supportive of 
these efforts without becoming a member of the Court.

    Question. Under what circumstances should the U.S. cooperate with 
the ICC?

    Answer. There are situations in which it advances our national 
interest and our values to cooperate with or support the activities of 
the ICC-as recognized in legislation including the Dodd Amendment to 
the American Servicemembers Protection Act and legislation regarding 
the War Crimes Rewards Program. Like other international tribunals, the 
International Criminal Court can provide an important forum for 
accountability when national systems are unwilling or unable to do so, 
provided proper jurisdiction is established. The United States has 
recognized, for example, that the ICC's investigations in Libya, in 
Sudan, and across Central Africa further U.S. national interests. The 
United States facilitated the voluntary surrender and transfer to the 
ICC of Bosco Ntaganda and Lord's Resistance Army commander Dominic 
Ongwen--both later convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity. 
Ongwen and Ntaganda were designated under the War Crimes Rewards 
Program, managed by the Office of Global Criminal Justice. These 
rewards were possible because of bipartisan legislation passed by 
Congress in 2013. I believe cooperation is appropriate where consistent 
with U.S. law and where the work of the Court aligns with U.S. foreign 
policy priorities, national security objectives, and core values.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC should be investigating 
alleged actions of U.S. service members and officials in Afghanistan? 
If yes, please explain.

    Answer. The U.S. Government has a longstanding objection to the 
ICC's attempts to assert jurisdiction over nationals of non-States 
Parties, such as the United States, absent the consent of the State or 
a U.N. Security Council referral. If confirmed, I will support and 
maintain that objection. I am deeply concerned about the current human 
rights situation in Afghanistan, including allegations of atrocities 
carried out by ISIS-K and the Taliban, and welcome efforts to ensure 
accountability for such atrocities. The ICC Prosecutor's September 
announcement that he will prioritize investigations into alleged 
violations by ISIS-K and the Taliban, and deprioritize other aspects of 
the investigation, such as allegations against U.S. personnel, reflects 
the gravity of the current situation.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to 
investigate or bring to trial United States service members, officials, 
or other United States citizens? If yes, please explain.

    Answer. As I noted in my testimony and above, the International 
Criminal Court should remain focused on those situations where the 
state in question has consented to jurisdiction or the Security Council 
has referred a situation to the Court, consistent with the U.S. 
Government's longstanding objection to the ICC's attempts to assert 
jurisdiction over nationals of non-parties, such as the United States.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC should be investigating a 
case involving alleged Israeli actions in the Palestinian territories? 
If yes, please explain.

    Answer. I share the serious concerns of the United States 
Government about the ICC's attempts to exercise its jurisdiction over 
Israeli personnel. Israel is not a Party to the Rome Statute and has 
not consented to the ICC's jurisdiction.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to 
investigate or bring to trial Israeli service members, officials, or 
other Israeli citizens? If yes, please explain.

    Answer. Israel is not a Party to the Rome Statute and has not 
consented to the ICC's jurisdiction. My understanding is that, while 
the Palestinians purported to join the Rome Statute in 2015, the United 
States does not believe that the Palestinians qualify as a sovereign 
state and therefore are not qualified to obtain membership as a state 
in, participate as a state in, or delegate jurisdiction to the ICC.

    Question. Do you believe the ICC's reputation has been diminished 
by recent attempts to prosecute United States and Israeli nationals? If 
no, please explain.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to uphold our strong commitment 
to Israel and its security, including by opposing actions that seek to 
target Israel unfairly. I will also continue to advance the U.S. 
Government's longstanding objection to the ICC's attempts to assert 
jurisdiction over non-parties, such as the United States and Israel. As 
Secretary Blinken has stated, our concerns with respect to such 
situations are best addressed through engagement with all stakeholders 
in the ICC process. If confirmed, I will lead that engagement.

    Question. Do you believe that an ICC prosecution of United States 
services members and public servants would deny those U.S. citizens 
fundamental due process protections to which all Americans are 
guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution, such as a right to trial by 
jury? If no, please explain.

    Answer. The ICC should not prosecute nationals of non-states 
parties such as the United States. If confirmed, I will maintain and 
support the United States' longstanding position in this regard.

    Question. Do you believe the United States has an obligation to 
protect U.S. citizens who have served or are currently serving in 
Afghanistan against criminal prosecution by the ICC? If yes and if 
confirmed, what specific actions would you take to ensure that U.S. 
service members, officials, and citizens are not subject to ICC 
prosecutions? If no, please explain.

    Answer. The ICC Prosecutor has indicated his intention to 
prioritize the ongoing violations by the Taliban and ISIS-K in his 
investigation into the Afghanistan situation, which appropriately 
reflects the gravity of the situation and the acute threats faced by 
civilians there. That said, the United States should defend U.S. 
personnel who served, or are serving, in Afghanistan against any 
potential criminal charges by the ICC.

    Question. What additional international avenues exist to pursue 
justice and accountability for victims of atrocities outside of the 
ICC?

    Answer. Since Nuremberg, the United States has supported various 
international and domestic transitional justice mechanisms in pursuit 
of justice and accountability for atrocity crimes, including ad hoc 
tribunals, hybrid courts (courts with international and domestic 
elements), and domestic judicial processes, as well as non-penal 
institutions engaged in truth-telling, reparation, memorialization, and 
institutional reforms. Essential to many of these efforts are also the 
independent investigative mechanisms, commissions of inquiry and fact-
finding missions that lay the groundwork for justice and accountability 
through fact-finding, documentation, and evidence collection of human 
rights violations and abuses. All these mechanisms, to one extent or 
another, shape the architecture of accountability under international 
criminal law. If confirmed, I will commit to continuing U.S. leadership 
in supporting a range of transitional justice measures and exploring 
all avenues for justice and accountability in line with U.S. foreign 
policy and values.

    Question. Beyond the ICC, what international accountability 
mechanisms do you support?

    Answer. The twin goals of ending impunity and providing a measure 
of justice for victims can be advanced by various types of 
international accountability mechanisms designed to address atrocity 
crimes. As I noted in my testimony, each situation requires a bespoke 
response. The United States has played a historic leadership role in 
establishing and supporting many of these mechanisms, including the 
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the 
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in the 1990s. This 
assistance, which included the detail and transfer of U.S. personnel, 
was critical to their success. In the current day, I am proud that the 
United States has continued to look for ways to support-technically, 
financially, diplomatically, and operationally-new international, 
hybrid, and national mechanisms to respond to contemporary human rights 
crises, including the Special Criminal Court for the Central African 
Republic, the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the Special Jurisdiction for 
Peace in Colombia, and the international mechanisms investigating 
crimes in Syria and Myanmar/Burma. This generation of accountability 
mechanisms reflects the understanding that ensuring justice for 
atrocities requires utilizing a range of transitional justice 
mechanisms, including those that promote truth-telling, institutional 
reform, and memorialization. If confirmed, I will support the creation 
and the strengthening of those mechanisms that reflect core U.S 
interests and values.

    Question. If the U.S. is not a member or party to avenues listed 
above, do you believe it should be?

    Answer. The United States supports all the mechanisms I referenced 
above. They have generally been created by elements of the United 
Nations-such as the U.N. General Assembly or Human Rights Council-or by 
national authorities with international involvement/assistance. The 
United States has been instrumental in standing up these institutions, 
and ensuring their success, through its votes and influence in 
multilateral institutions and the international sphere. Ultimately, how 
best to respond to a situation involving atrocity crimes must be 
assessed on an individual basis. Each atrocity situation requires a 
bespoke response, depending on the national and international context. 
If confirmed, I will commit to applying my expertise to providing the 
best advice and guidance to the Secretary as to whether a proposed or 
existing mechanism is genuine, credible, and advances U.S. foreign 
policy.

    Question. In your view, what are some examples of special court or 
tribunals which did not work well?

    Answer. While the international criminal justice framework has 
become more robust and effective since the establishment of ad hoc 
tribunals in the 1990s, there is always room for reflection, learning, 
and improvement. If confirmed, I will look for ways to continue the 
United States' efforts to enhance the technical capacities of special 
courts and criminal tribunals and to ensure that they are cost 
effective, especially given the generous financial contributions that 
the United States has made and continues to make. In addition, the 
United States also has an important interest in ensuring that any 
transitional justice mechanism-whether a court or a truth-telling body-
is fair, independent from undue political influence, and respects human 
rights. Doing so confers legitimacy on the institution. I also believe 
that there are ways in which accountability mechanisms can engage more 
effectively with victims, survivor groups, human rights defenders, and 
civil society. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to ensure that 
such accountability mechanisms can fulfill their respective mandates 
effectively and efficiently.
    The Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal offers an example 
where greater reflection, learning, and improvement are warranted. A 
previous Ambassador-at-Large visited Bangladesh multiple times to 
encourage Bangladeshi authorities to ensure that this special court, 
convened to try crimes committed during the 1971 war of independence, 
afforded defendants the fair trial guarantees set forth in 
international human rights law given concerns that the proceedings were 
focused on members of the political opposition and unfolding in ways 
considered fundamentally unfair to the defendant. Unfortunately, this 
tribunal has not fully respected these guarantees. Another example is 
the Extraordinary Criminal Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, which 
featured a unique hybrid structure that led to multiple impasses 
between international and national staff and generated allegations of 
political interference, although it did accomplish some measure of 
justice. This particular hybrid model should not be replicated in 
future institutions, although other hybrid institutions have proven 
effective in combining local legitimacy and knowledge with 
international expertise, skill, and resources.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N, including in elections for 
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). If confirmed, do you commit to furthering these goals and 
contributing to the whole-of-government strategy to elect such 
personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with 
colleagues in the IO Bureau, the interagency, and likeminded countries 
to identify, promote, and elect qualified, independent candidates to 
U.N. bodies. The United Nations system, including U.N. tribunals for 
atrocity crimes, and other international entities, have long benefited 
from the service of qualified, independent American personnel, reaching 
back to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson, the Chief United 
States Prosecutor of the Nuremberg Trials. I was proud to see the 
United Nations Secretary General recently appoint Professor Margaret de 
Guzman to serve as a roster Judge on the International Residual 
Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, continuing the long-standing 
tradition of American leadership at international organizations. If 
confirmed, I will strive to advance U.S. priorities and, with our 
partners, our shared commitment to promoting respect for democracy and 
human rights and protecting the founding principles and values of the 
U.N.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction over U.S. 
citizens, in particular U.S. service members?

    Answer. As mentioned, I will continue to advance the U.S. 
Government's longstanding objection to the ICC's attempts to assert 
jurisdiction over nationals of non-parties such as the United States, 
absent the State's consent or a Security Council referral.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction over Israel 
and Israeli citizens?

    Answer. As I noted in my testimony, I share the serious concerns of 
the United States Government about the ICC's attempts to exercise its 
jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. Israel is not a party to the Rome 
Statute and has not consented to the Court's jurisdiction.

    Question. Previously, the United States expressed concern that 
changes the U.N. General Assembly made--starting in 2018 and until 
now--to narrow the focus of the reference to the remembrance of ``1994 
Genocide in Rwanda'' to the ``1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in 
Rwanda.'' The United States view has been that this change does not 
capture the fullness of the genocide, particularly the violence against 
other victims and non-Tutsi groups. Among the reasons, the U.S. has 
cited the dangers of revising language used to describe a past 
genocide, particularly the dangerous precedent that would create for 
other dates and references of remembrance. Meanwhile, the Rwandan 
Government points to the U.N. General Assembly's decision to affirm 
that the 1994 genocide specifically targeted the Tutsi in Rwanda.

   What is your view on this matter?

    Answer. The 1994 genocide was one of the most horrific events of 
the late 20th century. In addition to the large numbers of Tutsi lives 
tragically lost, we also cannot forget the many Hutu and Twa who were 
killed during this time, some for their opposition to the atrocities 
being committed. Honoring and remembering all victims presents a fuller 
picture of this dark period in history. If confirmed, I will consider 
this matter carefully with my colleagues in other bureaus and offices.

    Question. Should the United States review the underlying reasons 
behind the 1994 genocide and most of the Tutsi victims?

    Answer. One of the strongest measures we can take to prevent 
atrocities from occurring again is to preserve the history of what has 
taken place and ensure that an accurate historical record is 
established. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and now 
the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, have 
greatly contributed to establishing such a historical record, and 
through outreach and educational programs, providing future generations 
with access to this record. Examining and understanding the complex 
root causes of how such a horrific event could happen is necessary for 
the United States and the international community to ensure that it 
never happens again. Gathering these lessons learned is critical to 
enhancing the United States' programs for atrocities prevention and 
response.

    Question. The Biden administration continues to refer to 'nascent 
talks' and the process of gathering evidence in the ongoing conflict in 
Ethiopia, among the reasons why it has not yet made an atrocities 
determination regarding the human rights abuses, violence and killings 
carried out by parties to the conflict.

   Should the United States continue to delay an atrocities 
        determination regarding the Ethiopia conflict? If so, why? If 
        not, what will you do, if confirmed, to impact this policy 
        approach?

    Answer. If confirmed I will look into the status of this issue and 
will consult regularly to ensure Congressional views are conveyed to 
the Secretary.

    Question. Specific to the Ethiopia conflict, what would be the 
value of an atrocities determination, and how can it help shape current 
and future U.S. policy and assistance to Ethiopia?

    Answer. An atrocity determination by the Secretary is one tool in 
our toolkit to address, respond to, and prevent atrocities. It may be 
appropriate at some point in Ethiopia, and, if confirmed, I look 
forward to providing the Secretary with my best advice on that point.
    But as the Secretary has said, ``regardless of what we call it,'' 
the most important priorities are to stop the violence and ensure there 
is justice and accountability for abuses. We must insist that the 
parties to the conflict in Ethiopia commit to a comprehensive, 
transparent, and inclusive transitional justice process that addresses 
grievances, holds those most responsible for human rights abuses and 
violations accountable, acknowledges harms, restores property to lawful 
owners, guarantees non-recurrence, and facilitates country-wide 
reconciliation. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the 
Department to promote such efforts. The needs of victims should drive 
decisions about specific mechanisms.

    Question. Speaking in your personal capacity, and based on what you 
know of the atrocities being committed in Ethiopia, how would you 
characterize the atrocities committed in the course of this ongoing 
conflict?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned about the situation in Ethiopia. 
Reports of killings, sexual violence, and detention based on ethnicity 
are extremely disturbing. I have not fully analyzed whether these acts 
may constitute atrocity crimes, such as war crimes or crimes against 
humanity, but regardless of how one characterizes them, these horrific 
acts need to stop and those responsible need to be held accountable. If 
confirmed, I will work with others in the Department to promote an end 
to all human rights violations and abuses in Ethiopia, an inclusive 
peace agreement, and a commitment to comprehensive and inclusive 
transitional justice.

    Question. Regarding atrocities determinations, should the U.S. 
generally give more weight to developing peace processes that often 
take months even years to form, over being forthright and being public 
in their atrocities determination?

    Answer. An atrocity determination can be an important tool in 
efforts to prevent and stop ongoing atrocities. However, as the 
Secretary has said in the context of Ethiopia, ``regardless of what we 
call it,'' the most important priorities are stopping the violence and 
ensuring justice for victims. Whether an atrocity determination at a 
given time will contribute to these priorities must be considered on a 
case-by-case basis.

    Question. During President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf's administration, 
Liberia formed a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in 2006 to 
look at the horrors of Liberia's civil wars and the related crimes 
committed. The TRC published its final report in 2010 that included a 
set of findings and recommendations, including a call for a special war 
crimes court and for individuals linked to factions during the war from 
seeking office for 30 years. The TRC listed several senior politicians, 
senators, including President Sirleaf, in the report. The Sirleaf 
Government, or the current administration under President George Weah, 
never implemented the TRC report, but calls for a special war crimes 
tribunal remain.

   Do you believe Liberia's leaders, including President George Weah, 
        should meet previous commitments towards forming a court?

    Answer. Liberia's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) report 
recommended a mix of criminal accountability and restorative measures 
to address the crimes committed during the country's civil wars to 
include prosecution of gross violations of human rights and violations 
of international humanitarian law and monetary reparations and 
memorialization of victims. To date, I understand the Liberian 
Government has not implemented the majority of the recommendations from 
the TRC report. In my view, to be effective, efforts to promote justice 
and reconciliation in Liberia must be Liberian-led. If confirmed, I 
will work to ensure the United States continues to be a partner to 
Liberia in justice and reconciliation efforts and will continue to 
encourage the Liberian Government and people to pursue such efforts in 
keeping with the recommendations of the TRC.

    Question. What should be the international community's role in 
working with the Liberian people to see this commitment become a 
reality? What should be the U.S. role?

    Answer. In my view, to be effective efforts to promote justice and 
reconciliation in Liberia must be Liberian-led. If confirmed, I will 
work to ensure that the United States continues to partner with Liberia 
in justice and reconciliation efforts, and I will continue to encourage 
the Liberian Government and people to pursue such efforts.

    Question. During your meeting with SFRC minority staff, you stated 
that, in your view, the 2002 AUMF is the United States' ``best 
argument'' for the air strike against Qassem Soleimani on January 3, 
2021. Can you elaborate on that view?

    Answer. Thank you for these questions. My views expressed during 
meetings with your staff were my own, based on reading publicly 
available materials. Since I was not in government at the time, I 
cannot speak to the specific legal and policy analysis undertaken given 
the sensitive intelligence or other information available. I would 
therefore defer to experts in the State Department's Office of the 
Legal Adviser (L), which provides legal advice to the Department on 
these issues. If confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large in the Office of 
Global Criminal Justice, I look forward to working with Congress on 
matters related to the prevention of, responses to, and accountability 
for atrocities, which are J/GCJ's core responsibilities.

    Question. Do you believe the 2002 AUMF provided an independent 
legal basis for this strike?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large in the Office of Global 
Criminal Justice (J/GCJ), I would not be handling issues related to 
legal advice on authorizations for the use of military force.

    Question. Do you believe the 2002 AUMF should be repealed?

    Answer. These legal matters are not within the portfolio of the 
Office of Global Criminal Justice, which focuses on United States' 
policy regarding atrocity situations around the world.

    Question. In your legal opinion, how would a repeal of the 2002 
AUMF impact current detention operations?

    Answer. These legal issues fall outside the remit of the Office of 
Global Criminal Justice, and I would therefore defer to experts in the 
State Department's Office of the Legal Adviser and the Department of 
Defense General Counsel on these matters.

                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Beth Van Schaack by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. The Office of Global Criminal Justice is imperative to 
coordinating U.S. Government efforts to bring to justice perpetrators 
of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

   Given this purview, how do you view the situation in Syria, where 
        we have seen a host of horrific and immoral crimes that violate 
        international laws?

    Answer. I share Congress' horror at the scale, scope, and brutality 
of the Assad regime's atrocities. In my professional and academic 
career, I have devoted considerable energy to pursuing justice for 
Syria. This includes completing a PhD on ``Imagining Justice for 
Syria'' (OUP 2020) that analyzes, tracks, and evaluates a whole range 
of international, regional, and domestic options. If confirmed, I will 
strategize and strongly support U.S. efforts to promote accountability 
for these atrocities. The United States played a key role in 
establishing the U.N. Commission of Inquiry on Syria and supported the 
creation of the U.N. International, Impartial, and Independent 
Mechanism (IIIM). If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the United 
States continues its crucial support of the IIIM's mission to collect, 
consolidate, preserve, and analyze evidence of the violations of 
international humanitarian law and human rights violations and abuses 
committed in Syria since 2011 for future accountability and 
transitional justice processes. This work is critical to facilitating 
criminal justice mechanisms and to paving the way for a durable 
political solution that addresses the aspirations for justice of the 
Syrian people. I also believe that the Office of Global Criminal 
Justice has a particularly important role to play in supporting 
documentation and accountability efforts by Syrian human rights 
defenders and their international partners, many of whose efforts feed 
directly into the IIIM and its work.

    Question. Could you speak to the importance of American leadership 
to deter crimes against humanity and war crimes?

    Answer. The United States was present at the founding of the field 
of international criminal law in the post-World War II era. Since then, 
U.S. leadership has been instrumental in helping to establish and 
support modern justice institutions, including criminal tribunals, 
fact-finding bodies, and transitional justice mechanisms operating in 
post-conflict environments. This century, attention has shifted to the 
imperative of preventing atrocities in addition to providing 
accountability after the fact. Mass atrocities threaten international 
peace and security, including through destabilizing regions; generating 
internal displacement and refugee flows; emboldening perpetrators and 
creating openings for violent extremism; disrupting economic relations 
and undermining progress on economic development; contributing to state 
fragility; necessitating costly ex post interventions; and undermining 
the credibility of international norms.
    Given these effects, all states should be encouraged to commit to 
working together on prevention and civilian protection. The United 
States is uniquely situated to convene coalitions of like-minded states 
to ensure a robust multilateral response. In addition, it can provide 
tangible technical and operational assistance to human rights 
defenders, peacebuilders, investigators, government authorities, and 
civil society actors to understand and interrupt vectors of violence, 
protect civilians, address potential triggers, build societal 
resilience, and constrain perpetrators. The Office of Global Criminal 
Justice has proven central to coordinating U.S. Government efforts to 
bring to justice perpetrators of atrocities but also to help 
conceptualize ways to respond to situations at risk of experiencing 
mass violence. In this way, it plays an instrumental role in the 
prevention and recurrence of violence. If confirmed, I look forward to 
joining a tremendous team of subject matter experts who are devoted to 
this portfolio.

                               __________

         Correspondence Supporting Sarah Cleveland's Nomination


[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                             __________


                            NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                       TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:07 a.m., in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Rubio, 
Johnson, Romney, Portman, and Young.
    Also Present: Senators Schumer and Rosen.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominations for four 
important positions: Dr. Deborah Lipstadt to be the Special 
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, Ambassador Laura Dogu 
to be Ambassador to Honduras, Assemblyman Nickolas Perry to be 
Ambassador to Jamaica, and Ms. Randi Charno Levine to be the 
Ambassador to Portugal.
    Congratulations to each of you. We appreciate your 
willingness and the sacrifices that are made not just by you 
but your families, who are part of this process, to serve our 
country in this capacity.
    I know that the majority leader is on his way to introduce 
some of our nominees. But I see that Senator Rosen is with us. 
I will recognize her at this time to introduce Dr. Lipstadt.

                STATEMENT OF HON. JACKY ROSEN, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM NEVADA

    Senator Rosen. Chairman Menendez, thank you, and Ranking 
Member Risch. I really want to thank you both for holding this 
important hearing on the nomination of Deborah Lipstadt to 
serve our nation as Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat 
Antisemitism, which last year was elevated by Congress to rank 
of Ambassador.
    Dr. Lipstadt has devoted her life to fighting back against 
antisemitism and Holocaust denial. She is a renowned scholar of 
Holocaust studies at Emory University, has published multiple 
books on antisemitism and Holocaust denialism, and who famously 
defeated a libel suit brought against her by Holocaust denier 
David Irving.
    She is, arguably, the nation's foremost expert on 
antisemitism and Holocaust denial with over four decades of 
groundbreaking scholarship, and her nomination comes at a 
critical time in the fight against antisemitism.
    In the United States and across the globe, we are 
witnessing a significant rise in antisemitism, violent 
extremism, and Holocaust distortion and denial.
    From swastikas spray painted in public synagogues--in 
public to synagogues being attacked, we have recently seen 
heinous acts of harassment and violence targeting Jewish 
communities.
    We are also seeing an alarming rise in Holocaust distortion 
and denial worldwide. More and more people are vocally 
questioning, trivializing, or outright denying the atrocities 
of the Holocaust, eroding the truth of one of the worst 
chapters of human history and dishonoring the memory--
dishonoring the memory--of the 6 million Jews who were 
murdered.
    As co-founder of the Senate's bipartisan Task Force for 
Combating Antisemitism, my mission has been to confront this 
head on. Alongside my colleague, Senator James Lankford, we 
brought Senators from both sides of the aisle together to 
address this growing crisis.
    With dedicated leadership in place at the State Department, 
we can put a stop to these disturbing trends. I am honored to 
introduce to you today an exceptionally qualified nominee to 
serve as Special Envoy and take on global antisemitism head on 
no matter where it rears its ugly head.
    And while Senator Lankford could not be with us in person 
today, he submitted a statement for the record in strong 
support of Dr. Lipstadt's swift confirmation, because we both 
recognize the urgent need for American leadership in combating 
global antisemitism.
    Dr. Deborah Lipstadt has an extensive record of combating 
and calling out antisemitism no matter which side of the 
political spectrum it comes from, and with this tough but fair 
approach, she will serve a vital role in our nation's critical 
work to protect Jewish communities and combat antisemitism 
across the globe.
    We cannot waste any more time. I urge my colleagues to 
advance her nomination so she can lead the State Department's 
efforts to improve the safety and security of at-risk Jewish 
communities, promote accurate Holocaust education, and ensure 
foreign leaders condemn antisemitic discourse.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Rosen. And I know that you 
have a busy schedule so whenever you feel it appropriate you 
are welcome to leave.
    Senator Schumer is here, and I know he wants to speak and 
introduce both Mr. Perry and Ms. Levine.

             STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES E. SCHUMER,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW YORK

    Senator Schumer. Thank you very much to Chairman Menendez, 
to Ranking Member Risch, and all the members of the SFRC, this 
great committee, for the opportunity to introduce two really 
outstanding nominees this morning.
    It is my honor to introduce a proud New Yorker, a dear and 
longtime friend--we have known each other for 30 years--and 
fellow Brooklynite, Nick Perry, to serve as the next U.S. 
Ambassador to Jamaica.
    I worked hard to make sure President Biden named Nick for 
this post and I am glad to finally be here introducing him to 
the committee. He is here with his wife, Joyce, his son, 
Nickolas, and he has one granddaughter, Justine Skye, who is a 
famous recording artist, so she could not be here today, but 
made good. Local girl made good.
    Now, whether I am back home in Brooklyn--whenever I am back 
home in Brooklyn, particularly at the West Indian Day Parade, I 
ask folks, what is the biggest island in the Caribbean? I tell 
them it is a trick question.
    Some people say Haiti. Some people say Cuba. Some people 
say Barbados. I say no, it is Brooklyn. We have more Caribbean 
immigrants than anywhere else, and it is a great and wonderful, 
hard-working community, climbing up that ladder and being part 
of the American dream.
    And this makes Nick Perry not only an outstanding nominee 
because of his qualifications and who he is, but an exceedingly 
fitting nominee to serve as our next Ambassador to Jamaica.
    He is a native of the island, and Nick Perry would be the 
first ever--the first ever Jamaican-born person to serve as its 
American Ambassador. It is, truly, an important milestone, one 
that, I would add, is long overdue.
    Back home, Assemblyman Perry is known--is a well-known face 
in the community. He has a knack for doing politics the old-
fashioned way, shaking hands, showing up at every event, and 
just listening to people from everyday life. Nick is an 
immigrant, he is a veteran, and a longtime public servant, and 
he represents the best of what America is all about.
    I am certain that Nick will be a wonderful Ambassador to 
Jamaica, and one other thing I would note--he has a beautiful 
tenor voice, sort of like you, Mr. Chairman, and he is often 
asked to sing the ``Star-Spangled Banner'' at a multitude of 
events throughout Brooklyn and throughout New York.
    It is also my great honor to introduce another great New 
Yorker, Randi Charno Levine, nominated by President Biden to 
serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to Portugal. I was proud to 
urge the Biden administration to name Randi for this important 
post and, when confirmed, she will become only the second woman 
to head our diplomatic mission in Portugal.
    I have known Randi and her husband, Jeff, who is right 
there, for over 30 years, and Randi in particular has been one 
of our city's top philanthropic forces for decades. Few have 
advocated as passionately and tirelessly for New Yorkers as 
Randi and Jeff have, and I am particularly grateful for the 
work they have done in support of New York's Jewish 
communities.
    It has been a blessing to see firsthand their leadership, 
their generosity, and most of all, their desire to bring people 
together.
    As chair of the Meridian Center for Cultural Diplomacy here 
in Washington, Randi has been one of our country's best 
leaders, promoting cultural exchanges between students, 
diplomats, and businesses.
    In other words, she has already advanced in a different 
context the work any good ambassador must accomplish, 
encouraging understanding between our country and those across 
the world.
    And as trustee for the New Museum in New York, Randi has 
also worked with established and emerging artists from Peru to 
Italy to Portugal and more, lifting up the voices of women 
artists and bringing their work to American audiences.
    I have every bit of confidence that Randi will represent 
the U.S. with distinction to Ambassador to Portugal, and I 
thank the President for acting on my recommendation.
    And one more point, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your 
indulgence. Though I am not introducing her this morning--I 
know that Senator Rosen has--I want to recognize the nomination 
of Professor Deborah Lipstadt to serve as the State 
Department's Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism.
    I am glad she is getting her confirmation hearing today. 
The malicious poison of antisemitism must be confronted 
whenever it rears its ugly head.
    Sadly, we have seen a spike of antisemitism here at home 
and around the world, making this post at the State Department 
all the more urgent.
    As one of the nation's top scholars on the Holocaust and on 
modern-day antisemitism, Dr. Lipstadt ought to be confirmed as 
soon as possible. We just saw a few more antisemitic incidents 
in Williamsburg yesterday in New York.
    I want to thank the committee for holding this hearing and 
I want to congratulate her on her nomination.
    Finally, I do not want to leave out since I have spoken on 
three of the nominees--I would like to welcome the fourth, 
Laura Dogu, the Ambassador to Honduras, a distinguished member 
of our Foreign Service, and I thank her as well for her 
service.
    I thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, for your 
allowing me to welcome these guests.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Leader, for those glowing 
introductions and I know that you have an incredibly busy 
schedule so you are welcome to depart when it feels 
appropriate.
    Let me turn to the nominees.
    Let me welcome world-renowned scholar Deborah Lipstadt to 
be considered as the first Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat 
Antisemitism with the rank of Ambassador.
    I am truly disappointed it took this long to schedule your 
hearing, and I look forward to your swift confirmation.
    I have received a number of letters in support of Dr. 
Lipstadt's nomination, and I would ask unanimous consent that 
they be entered into the record.
    Without objection, so ordered.


    [The information referred to is located at the end of this 
transcript.]


    ]The Chairman. Antisemitism is rising across the world. We 
see it inscribed in textbooks for children across the Middle 
East, violent attacks on Jewish communities.
    Antisemitism is rising across the world--the defacing of 
religious buildings and graveyards. Every year more Jewish 
people around the world, from Europe to Latin America to in my 
home state of New Jersey, are increasingly fearful for their 
safety.
    History has taught us that rising antisemitism goes hand in 
glove with authoritarianism, racism, and oppression, and I 
believe you will be a huge asset to the department as it works 
to combat this centuries-old scourge.
    I am pleased to welcome Ambassador Laura Dogu, our nominee 
for Honduras. Since 2014, the United States has intensified its 
engagement with Honduras, along with its neighbors, El 
Salvador, and Guatemala, to address the security challenges, 
low levels of democratic governance, and high levels of extreme 
poverty that drive irregular migration.
    During this period, I have repeatedly urged that we use our 
foreign assistance to make significant investments in the rule 
of law in Central America and increase accountability for 
elites involved in criminal activity. I welcome the Biden 
administration's focus on these issues.
    Given repeated natural disasters, endemic levels of 
criminal violence in Honduran society, and the impact of COVID-
19 pandemic, I have also led calls for the Administration to 
re-designate Honduras for temporary protective status.
    I look forward to hearing our nominee's assessment of 
country conditions in Honduras and how the United States can 
best address ongoing governance challenges.
    I am also pleased to welcome New York Assemblyman Nick 
Perry, the President's nominee to be our next ambassador to 
Jamaica. Jamaica is a key U.S. political and security partner 
in the Caribbean as well as in the Organization of American 
States.
    We know that COVID-19 has hit Jamaica and its economy 
especially hard, and I look forward to hearing from our nominee 
how the United States can support pandemic recovery efforts.
    Additionally, given major investments by China in Jamaica, 
I look forward to hearing from our nominee about the risks to 
U.S. national interests and how we can strengthen relations 
with our neighbor.
    Finally, let me welcome Ms. Levine to the committee. 
Congratulations on your nomination. Portugal is an important 
friend and ally of the United States, and as I am sure you 
know--I think we had a conversation yesterday which I enjoyed 
your visit--we have a robust Portuguese-American community in 
New Jersey, whose contributions to our state are immeasurable.
    Portugal's role in NATO is essential to transatlantic 
security, including through its leadership of Baltic Air 
Policing missions. Portugal hosts the naval striking and 
support forces at NATO headquarters, and the U.S. 65th Air Base 
group at Lajes Air Base.
    The U.S. is Portugal's largest non-EU trading partner, and 
our trade and investment relationship continues to grow.
    I look forward to your swift arrival in Lisbon to continue 
to bolster our strong relationship with a key partner and ally.
    Let me turn to for this hearing--the distinguished ranking 
member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee has had a coup 
and Senator Risch has actually graciously conceded to him 
presiding over this hearing.
    Senator Rubio?

                STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA

    Senator Rubio. Anytime two Cubans are in charge of 
anything, it is usually called a conspiracy. But I appreciate 
the opportunity to share the co-chair to be the ranking member 
on this today.
    Thank you all for being here. I am very happy to see the 
President has made these nominations to Honduras and to 
Jamaica. Senators Menendez and Kaine and myself sent a letter 
urging that he nominate qualified individuals throughout the 
Western Hemisphere.
    These are two important posts. Starting with Honduras, the 
pandemic put more than 400,000 Hondurans out of work, and then 
two hurricanes that caused almost $2 billion in damages to a 
country that really could not afford it.
    And then on top of that, the energy sector is actually one 
of the least efficient in the entire region. I think it costs 
them about $450 million dollars annually with 29 percent of 
energy produced lost in the transmission. It is a very serious 
problem.
    They have a new government, and I hope that this new 
government will take the opportunity to implement common sense 
reforms that will make it a place that is more amenable to 
foreign investment.
    Those things, I think, could end up resulting in things 
like nearshoring of U.S. supply chains, which we talk about 
that all the time.
    Why are most things--if more things were being made in 
nations like Honduras closer to our country we would have a 
more secure supply chain, and we would be less reliant on 
disruptions coming from other regions of the world.
    I hope the new president will follow that path and not the 
example that was set by her husband when he was the president 
and cozied up to Chavez in Venezuela and Raul Castro in Cuba, 
and I am concerned that she has openly suggested the idea of 
perhaps switching recognition from Taiwan to the People's 
Republic of China.
    Ambassador Dogu, if you are confirmed, I hope you will use 
your extensive previous diplomatic experience including very 
difficult places like Nicaragua to help make clear and have 
influence over the new Honduran Government as it seeks to 
navigate these challenges and in particular that we emphasize 
how important it is that that recognition of Taiwan not be 
switched.
    When it comes to Jamaica, it is the largest English-
speaking nation in the Caribbean. It has very strong cultural, 
historical, economic ties to this country and particularly to 
south Florida.
    We have a very robust Jamaican-American and Jamaican expat 
community that does business in our state but remains citizens 
of Jamaica and they are undergoing a pretty ambitious reform 
program under Prime Minister Holness. Their public debt fell 
below 100 percent in GDP for the first time. Very impressive.
    The United States is their largest trading partner and that 
does include companies that now provide products that form the 
very basis of exactly the kind of sustainable and secure supply 
chains we need more of.
    They have a very strong economic relationship with the 
United States with my home state, but they are suffering the 
consequences of the illegal drug crisis that we are facing in 
this country.
    Its location geographically makes it ripe for drug 
trafficking, and they have been a very strong partner. Jamaica 
has been a very strong partner in countering these drug 
trafficking networks and, obviously, we should continue to do 
more to bolster their capabilities to do that.
    If confirmed, Assemblyman Perry, I hope you will build on 
your experience, not just in the legislature but also your deep 
ties to Jamaica, to help foster and continue to build on that 
U.S.-Jamaica partnership.
    When it comes to Portugal, it is, obviously, a NATO ally 
and actually one that has really done quite a bit. They 
contributed significantly towards the operations in 
Afghanistan, the Baltic Air Policing mission, Rapid Reaction 
and Naval Strike Force.
    And so if you are confirmed, you are overseeing a very 
important relationship for the United States at a very tense 
time, obviously, when it comes to NATO and recent and ongoing 
events in Ukraine.
    And, finally, Dr. Lipstadt is the nominee to be the U.S. 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism. I believe you 
will be the first person nominated to this position since my 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism Act became law 
in January of 2021, which made this position subject to Senate 
confirmation.
    And my intent when I authored that law was to ensure that 
the Special Envoy would be a nonpartisan figure to develop and 
implement the department's policies to address the evil 
poison--the ancient and evil poison of antisemitism around the 
world.
    And so you, clearly, bring considerable experience and 
breadth and scope of experience on Holocaust matters, on 
history. Authored numerous books and countless articles on the 
topic, both on the Holocaust and antisemitism, and I am really 
eager to learn how, if you are confirmed, you intend to 
continue our traditional nonpartisan approach to America's 
antisemitism policy, because I truly believe it is one that is 
shared by the overwhelming majority of people in American 
politics and American Government and in America.
    And I would like to note, if I can, Mr. Chairman, my 
colleague, Senator Lankford, provided a statement regarding 
this nomination and I ask that it be included in the record.
    The Chairman. Without objection.


    [The information referred to is located at the end of this 
transcript.]


    ]Senator Rubio. And with that, I want to thank all of you 
for being here today and for your willingness to serve your 
country. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Senator Risch, the ranking member of the full 
committee?

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to thank Senator Rubio for agreeing to preside as 
ranking member on this because of the important matters 
regarding the Western Hemisphere and because the ranking member 
on the subcommittee often has deep knowledge of this.
    In addition, we have the other nominations here: Portugal, 
which is very important, as both of you have pointed out, and 
then Ms. Lipstadt, whose nomination is very important. Senator 
Rubio mentioned how his bill that provided for this special 
envoy is warmly received by this committee.
    This committee is strongly committed to fighting 
antisemitism, each and every member thereof. I am not aware of 
anyone who has any weakness whatsoever on this issue. I know 
there was some grumbling about how quickly Ms. Lipstadt's 
nomination went forward.
    This is a learning moment for people who want to be 
appointed to something that requires Senate nomination. That 
is, whenever an appointee has made remarks publicly regarding a 
member, particularly of the Senate committee that is under 
jurisdiction, it always draws and should draw more scrutiny and 
more vetting than usual inasmuch as our job of advice and 
consent is very important.
    I think this is going to become abundantly clear in a few 
moments when Senator Johnson has a few words to say on this 
particular subject.
    Again, thank you, and thank you, Senator Rubio. It would be 
nice if you would return the favor occasionally and let me be 
ranking member on the Intelligence Committee, particularly, if 
we hold a hearing on unidentified flying objects, since, as you 
know, I am deeply committed to that issue.
    Thank you very much.
    Senator Rubio. Now he has gone too far, but----
    [Laughter.]
    The Chairman. All right. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    We will turn to our nominees for their statements. We ask 
you to summarize them in about five minutes or so so the 
committee can engage in a conversation with you. Your full 
statements will be included in the record, without objection.
    And we will start with Dr. Lipstadt and just go down the 
roster. Thank you.

 STATEMENT OF DR. DEBORAH E. LIPSTADT OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED TO 
BE SPECIAL ENVOY TO MONITOR AND COMBAT ANTI-SEMITISM, WITH THE 
                       RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Ms. Lipstadt. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee, thank you, Senators.
    Being here is one of the great honors and great surprises 
of my life. I am nominated for a rather unusual ambassadorship. 
With your permission, I begin with something rather unusual, a 
Hebrew blessing.
    Barukh atah Adonai, matir assurim.--``Blessed are you G-d, 
who frees the captives.''
    This blessing was recited by Jews worldwide when we heard 
of the escape from the Colleyville synagogue of the resourceful 
and brave captives.
    Many of us fearing the worst sat suspended over the void 
with another blessing at the ready.
    Barukh dayan emet.--``Blessed is the merciful judge,'' the 
blessing Jews traditionally recite upon hearing of a death, 
particularly, an untimely tragic one.
    Senators, this was no isolated incident. Increasingly, Jews 
have been singled out for slander, violence, and terrorism.
    Today's rise in antisemitism is staggering. We witness a 
surge less than eight decades after one out of every three Jews 
on Earth was murdered. Often in their long history, Jews have 
felt abandoned, but then is not now, certainly, not in the 
United States.
    Today, the American Government recognizes Jew hatred as a 
serious global challenge. I sit here because the United States 
in a bipartisan--the United States Senate in a bipartisan 
effort takes this problem seriously enough to create, fund, and 
now elevate this position to an ambassadorship.
    Senators, I have taught about antisemitism for 40 years. I 
have written seven books and countless articles. I have 
designed museum exhibits, including at the United States 
Holocaust Memorial Museum.
    I have lectured at universities from Germany to the 
Vatican's Pontifical Institute. But I have not stayed in the 
academies' ivory tower. I have confronted real-world 
antisemitism. I cite three life-changing moments.
    In 1972 as a young graduate student, I visited the Soviet 
Union to meet refuseniks, the Soviet Jews whose applications to 
leave the USSR were rejected by Moscow. They lost their jobs, 
their families were harassed, their children bullied. I 
anticipated finding people cowering in fear. I did not.
    Senators, though Soviet Jews were the bravest, most 
resolute people I have met. They spoke truth to tyranny and 
were profoundly liberated by so doing.
    I went to strengthen their Jewish identity and their fight 
for freedom. I left strengthened by them and acutely aware of 
democracy's precious gift.
    A second episode. In 1996, I was sued for libel for 
describing the world's leading Holocaust denier as a fraud, 
racist, and anti-Semite. He sued me in the U.K., hoping to 
exploit Britain's more lenient libel laws.
    The grueling six-year legal battle resulted in a resounding 
verdict in my favor and against antisemitism. Yet, for the 10 
weeks of the trial, I listened in a London courtroom to a 
Hitler apologist spew Holocaust denial, antisemitism, and 
racism.
    And, finally, a more recent episode. In 2021, I was an 
expert witness at the Charlottesville civil suit against the 
organizers of the vile August 2017 demonstration. For those 
extremists who came to Charlottesville ready to do battle, neo-
Nazism, racism, and antisemitism are intimately intertwined.
    Senators, as these episodes suggest, Jew hatred can be 
found across the entire political spectrum. One finds it among 
Christians, Muslims, atheists, and sadly, even a handful of 
Jews. One finds it in Europe, the Middle East, Latin America, 
and even in countries with no Jews.
    I am an equal opportunity foe of antisemitism. Unless one 
is willing to fight Jew hatred wherever one finds it, one 
should not be a nominee for this position.
    My parents were immigrants to this exceptional republic, 
and they embedded in their children a love for country, a rock-
solid Jewish identity, and the belief that we could achieve 
great things.
    But they, certainly, never imagined that one of their 
children could be nominated for an ambassadorship, one that 
speaks of our republic's determination to confront a hatred 
that defies our founding ideals.
    Senators, I am blessed with a job at a university--a job I 
love at a university I revere with inspiring students. This 
role, if I am honored by confirmation, will be difficult and 
demanding.
    When first asked to apply for it, I told a friend I would 
not. But she said, you could make a difference.
    Senators, if confirmed, I shall fight antisemitism 
worldwide without fear or favor and with that one goal 
emblazoned before me, to make a difference.
    Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to 
this committee, its members and staff, to seek advice and 
guidance wherever appropriate.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time 
and your consideration. Thank you for this great honor. I look 
forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Lipstadt follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Deborah E. Lipstadt

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, Thank you, Senators. Being here is one of the great honors--
and great surprises--of my life. I am nominated for a rather unusual 
ambassadorship, so with your permission, I'd like to open with 
something unusual:
    A Hebrew blessing--Barukh ata Adonai, matir assurim. Blessed are 
you G-d, who frees the captives.
    This blessing was recited by Jews worldwide when we heard of the 
escape from the Colleyville, Texas, synagogue of the resourceful and 
incredibly brave captives.
    Many of us, fearing the worst, sat suspended over the void with 
another blessing at the ready: Barukh dayan emet, Blessed is the 
merciful judge, the blessing Jews traditionally recite upon hearing of 
a death, particularly an untimely, tragic one.
    Senators, this was no isolated incident. Increasingly, Jews have 
been singled out for slander, violence and terrorism.
    Today's rise in antisemitism is staggering. It is especially 
alarming that we witness such a surge less than eight decades after one 
out of three Jews on Earth was murdered.
    Often, in their long history Jews have felt abandoned. But then is 
not now, certainly not in the United States.
    Today the American Government recognizes Jew-hatred as a serious 
global challenge. I sit here because, the United States Senate, in a 
bipartisan effort led by Senators Rosen and Lankford, takes this 
problem seriously enough to create, fund, and now, elevate this 
position to an Ambassadorship.
    Senators, I have taught about antisemitism for 40 years. I have 
written seven books and countless articles about it. I have designed 
museum exhibits, including at the United States Holocaust Memorial 
Museum. I have lectured at universities from Germany to the Vatican's 
Pontifical Institute.
    But I haven't stayed in the academy's Ivory Tower. I have 
repeatedly confronted real world antisemitism. I cite three life-
changing moments.


   In 1972, when I was a young graduate student, I visited the Soviet 
        Union to meet Refuseniks, the Soviet Jews whose applications to 
        leave the USSR for Israel or the United States were rejected by 
        Moscow. They lost their jobs; their families were harassed; 
        their children were bullied.
          I anticipated finding people cowering in fear. I did not. 
        Senators, those Soviet Jews were the bravest, most resolute 
        people I've met. They spoke truth to tyranny and were 
        profoundly liberated by so doing. I went to strengthen their 
        Jewish identity and their fight for freedom. I left 
        strengthened by them and acutely aware of democracy's precious 
        gift.

   Let me share a second episode. In 1996, I was sued for libel for 
        accurately describing the world's leading Holocaust denier as a 
        fraud, racist, and antisemite. He sued me in the U.K., hoping 
        to exploit Britain's more lenient libel laws. The grueling six-
        year legal battle resulted in a resounding verdict in my favor 
        and against antisemitism. Yet for the ten weeks of the trial, I 
        sat in a London courtroom, listening to a Hitler apologist spew 
        Holocaust denial, antisemitism, and racism.

   And finally, a more recent episode. In 2021, I was an expert 
        witness at the Charlottesville civil suit against the 
        organizers of the vile August 2017 demonstration. For those 
        extremists, who came to Charlottesville ready to do battle, 
        neo-Nazism, racism and antisemitism are intimately intertwined.


    Senators, as those episodes suggest, Jew-hatred can be found across 
the entire political spectrum.. One finds it among Christians, Muslims, 
atheists, and, sadly, even a handful of Jews; in Europe, the Middle 
East, Latin America, and even in countries with no Jews.
    I am an equal-opportunity foe of antisemitism. Unless one is 
willing to fight Jew-hatred wherever one finds it, one should not be a 
nominee for this position.
    My parents were immigrants to this exceptional republic. And they 
embedded in their children a love for country, a rock-solid Jewish 
identity, and the belief that we could achieve great things.
    But they certainly never imagined that one of their children could 
be nominated for an ambassadorship--and one that speaks of our 
republic's determination to confront a hatred that defies our founding 
ideals.
    Senators, I am blessed with a job I love, at a university I revere, 
with inspiring students. This new role, if I am honored by 
confirmation, will be difficult and demanding. When I was first asked 
to apply for it, I told an old friend that I doubted I would. Without 
hesitation, she said, ``But you could make a difference.''
    Senators, if confirmed, I shall fight antisemitism worldwide, 
without fear or favor and with that one goal emblazoned before me: to 
make a difference.
    Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to this 
committee, its members, and staff to seek advice and guidance wherever 
appropriate.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time and your 
consideration. Thank you for this great honor. I look forward to your 
questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Dr. Lipstadt, for a very powerful 
statement.
    Ambassador Dogu?

  STATEMENT OF HON. LAURA FARNSWORTH DOGU OF TEXAS, A CAREER 
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
    THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS

    Ms. Dogu. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Rubio, 
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the 
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance 
our Nation's interests alongside Honduras' first woman 
president in its 200-year history.
    During a public service career that has taken me around the 
world, including to Nicaragua as the U.S. Ambassador, I have 
leaned on my family for support.
    My late husband and I raised two sons who are both serving 
our Nation, one with two combat tours in Afghanistan with the 
75th Ranger Regiment, and the other on the frontlines of our 
nation's defense with the 82nd Airborne Division.
    Unfortunately, their military duties did not allow them to 
be here today, but I am very proud of their service to our 
nation and I know they are supporting me remotely.
    The United States has a strong and multifaceted partnership 
with Honduras. As Assistant Secretary Nichols testified, too 
many ordinary citizens in the region's democracies saw their 
governments failing to meet their expectations and aspirations 
for a better future.
    Corruption remained rampant. Economies grew, but so did 
inequality. Crime and insecurity took too many lives and 
stymied the region's development.
    But the citizens of Honduras confronted these challenges 
and demonstrated their belief in democracy by voting in 
historic numbers on November 28th.
    If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Congress and 
interagency, the Honduran Government and people, international 
partners, civil society, and the private sector to promote a 
democratic Honduras, a Honduras with transparent institutions 
that fight corruption, narcotics trafficking, and organized 
crime, to enhance security and address the root causes of 
migration, including through promoting human rights.
    I will work with these same diverse partners to reactivate 
the economy, enhance climate resilience, and respond to the 
COVID-19 pandemic.
    The U.S. Government supports the new president's plans to 
reduce corruption, including through internationally supported 
mechanisms.
    Through DOD, DEA, and State's INL program, the embassy 
works to improve Honduras' ability to interdict drugs and 
disrupt drug trafficking and other transnational criminal 
networks. The new administration's focus on citizen security 
presents an opportunity to cooperate with the highest levels of 
Government in Honduras on this issue.
    Honduras also works with the United States, including the 
Department of Homeland Security, to address irregular 
migration. Its efforts have included expanded document checks 
in checkpoints, strengthened reintegration services for minors 
and families to deter recidivism, and acceptance of direct 
flights of migrants expelled from the United States under Title 
42.
    Hondurans remain among the largest group of Central 
Americans apprehended at the U.S. border, partially due to a 
lack of economic opportunity at home. One of the poorest 
countries in the hemisphere based on per capita GDP, Honduras 
struggles to attract investment. A low-skilled labor force, 
endemic corruption, and unpredictable regulations in judiciary 
complicate Honduras' efforts to become an investment 
destination.
    In addition to a 9 percent GDP contraction during the 
pandemic, two hurricanes hit the Sula Valley in November of 
2020, destroying agricultural and manufacturing centers.
    Our colleagues at U.S. Southern Command, Soto Cano Airbase, 
and USAID responded to address immediate survival needs. But 
food insecurity reached crisis levels in Honduras, prompting 
the embassy to declare emergencies in 2021 and 2022.
    These hurricanes and an ongoing drought highlight the need 
for climate resilient infrastructure and industries. The U.S. 
Army Corps of Engineers conducted studies to help with recovery 
in the Sula Valley.
    If confirmed, I look forward to advancing a U.S. Government 
wide approach to help Honduras during its reconstruction and 
economic recovery.
    Honduras faces many challenges on human rights and gender-
based violence, issues that appear in the pillars of the U.S. 
strategy to address the root causes of migration, and we have 
committed to helping Hondurans address these issues.
    Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the two countries held a 
high-level Human Rights Working Group, which I look forward to 
resuming within the context of a new bilateral strategic 
dialogue that will launch in April.
    We promote Taiwan as a valuable partner, and I will make 
clear the importance of a Honduras-Taiwan relationship and do 
all I can to enhance Honduras' partnerships with other 
democracies.
    In conclusion, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our 
team of professionals at the U.S. Embassy in Tegucigalpa. My 
highest priorities will be to protect U.S. citizens and 
champion the interests of the United States in cooperation with 
our partners in Honduras.
    Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear here 
today before you. If confirmed, I look forward to working very 
closely with this committee, and I am happy to answer your 
questions.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Dogu follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Laura Farnsworth Dogu

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance our 
nation's interests as the U.S. Ambassador to Honduras alongside the 
country's first woman president in its 200-year history.
    During a public service career that has taken me around the world, 
including to Nicaragua as Ambassador, I have leaned on my family for 
their support.
    My late husband and I raised two sons who both serve our nation--
one with two combat tours in Afghanistan with the 75th Ranger Regiment 
and the other on the front lines of our nation's defense with the 82nd 
Airborne Division.
    The United States has a strong and multifaceted partnership with 
Honduras. As Assistant Secretary Nichols testified, ``too many ordinary 
citizens in the region's democracies saw their governments failing to 
meet their expectations and aspirations for a better future. Corruption 
remained rampant. Economies grew but so did inequality. Crime and 
insecurity took too many lives and stymied the region's development.'' 
The citizens of Honduras confronted these challenges and demonstrated 
their belief in democracy by voting in historic numbers on November 28.
    If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Congress and interagency, 
the Honduran Government, international partners, civil society, and the 
private sector to promote a democratic Honduras with transparent 
institutions that fight corruption, narcotics trafficking, and 
organized crime to enhance security and address the root causes of 
migration, including through promoting human rights. I will work with 
those same diverse partners to reactivate the economy, enhance climate 
resilience, and respond to the COVID-19 pandemic using all available 
tools, including the new Strategic Dialogue.
    The U.S. Government supports the new Honduran president's efforts 
to expand Honduran Government efforts to reduce corruption, including 
through internationally-supported mechanisms. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize U.S. cooperation on those efforts.
    Through DOD, DEA, and State's INL programs, the Embassy works to 
improve Honduras' ability to interdict drugs and disrupt drug 
trafficking and other transnational criminal networks. Honduras seized 
17.8 metric tons of cocaine in 2021, up from 3.4 metric tons in 2020. 
The new administration's focus on citizen security presents an 
opportunity to cooperate with the highest levels of government in 
Honduras on this issue.
    Honduras works with the United States, including DHS, to address 
irregular migration. Its efforts have included expanded document checks 
and checkpoints, strengthened reintegration services for minors and 
families to deter recidivism, and acceptance of direct flights of 
migrants expelled from the United States under Title 42. Hondurans 
remain among the largest groups of Central Americans apprehended at the 
U.S. border, partially due to lack of economic opportunity at home.
    The fourth poorest country in the hemisphere based on per capita 
GDP, Honduras struggles to attract investment. A low-skilled labor 
force, endemic corruption, and unpredictable regulations and judiciary 
complicate Honduras' efforts to become an investment destination. 
Poverty, corruption, and economic stagnation contribute to emigration. 
In addition to a 9 percent GDP contraction during the pandemic, two 
hurricanes hit the Sula Valley in November 2020, destroying 
agricultural and manufacturing centers. Our colleagues at U.S. Southern 
Command, Soto Cano Air Base, and USAID responded to address immediate 
survival needs. Food insecurity reached crisis levels in Honduras, 
prompting the U.S. embassy to declare emergencies in 2021 and 2022.
    These hurricanes and an ongoing drought highlight the need for 
climate resilient infrastructure and industries. The U.S. Army Corps of 
Engineers conducted studies to help with recovery in the Sula Valley. 
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing a U.S. Government-wide 
approach to help Honduras during its reconstruction and economic 
recovery.
    Honduras faces many challenges on human rights, an issue that 
appears in the pillars of the U.S. Strategy to Address the Root Causes 
of Migration, and we have committed to helping Hondurans address these 
issues. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the State Department and 
Honduras held a high-level Bilateral Human Rights Working Group, which 
I look forward to resuming with the new government, if confirmed, 
within the context of the new Strategic Dialogue that will launch in 
April. U.S. embassy officials attend, when possible, human rights-
related trials. Gender-based violence remains highly prevalent in 
Honduras. The latest U.N. femicide data show Honduras has the highest 
rate in Latin America with 6.2 per 100,000.
    We promote Taiwan as a valuable partner. If confirmed, I will make 
clear the importance of the Honduras-Taiwan relationship and do all I 
can to enhance Honduras' partnerships with other democracies. We see an 
opportunity to align U.S. investment and development priorities with 
key democratic partners to help Honduras succeed.
    In conclusion, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy 
in Tegucigalpa. My highest priorities will be to protect U.S. citizens 
and champion the interests of the United States in cooperation with our 
partners in Honduras.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working closely with this committee. I'm happy to 
answer your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
    Ms. Levine?

 STATEMENT OF RANDI CHARNO LEVINE OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC

    Ms. Levine. Thank you, Chairman, Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to 
the Portuguese Republic.
    I am deeply honored to be considered for this position and 
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence that they have placed in me.
    I pledge to do my very best to represent our great country 
and to lead the U.S. Mission to one of our most reliable 
European partners.
    Thanks to Senator Schumer for his gracious introduction. I 
remember getting a call from him in the car on the way to our 
son's Bar Mitzvah--he is 37 today--and he said, Ben, you are a 
lucky boy. Your parents have worked hard to get you here so 
make them proud. And indeed, our children have made us so 
proud.
    Ben and his wife, Zoe, our daughter, Jessica, and her 
husband, Evan, our daughter, Dara, and her husband, Jonathan, 
and our most precious treasures watching today, our 
grandchildren, Eli and Orly.
    My husband, Jeff, is with me here today. He has been my 
partner and my rock for more than 40 years. We are proof that 
the American dream is alive and well.
    Jeff's parents, Irene and Irving, a cab driver, raised 
their four children in public housing in Brooklyn. My mother, 
Wendy, was an elementary school teacher and my father, Eddy 
Charno, owned a pharmacy in Greenpoint, Brooklyn, down the 
block from where his father, Joe, lived and worked when he 
emigrated here from Poland in the 1900s.
    The Charno family has always believed in the importance of 
serving the community, and a street in Brooklyn was renamed 
Charno Way to commemorate this history.
    My nomination as Ambassador follows our family's long-
standing commitment to service and would bring them so much 
pride and joy.
    My road to public service was paved by the arts. I am a 
passionate arts advocate and supporter of using cultural 
exchanges to advance diplomacy.
    If confirmed, I will draw upon my extensive work at 
Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery and the Meridian Center 
for Cultural Diplomacy to build partnerships that will advance 
American interests and enrich our bilateral relationship.
    Portugal has been a strong U.S. partner for more than 200 
years and was among the first countries to recognize U.S. 
independence. It is home to the longest continuously operating 
U.S. consulate at the Azores. Our partnership is built on 
shared values, a commitment to human rights, to democracy, and 
to the rule of law.
    As a founding member of NATO, Portugal is an essential 
player in strengthening our transatlantic relationships and 
defending against malign influences in the region.
    Portugal is also a notable partner in global defense. It 
deploys thousands of troops overseas each year to NATO, the EU, 
the U.N. and international peacekeeping efforts including the 
global coalition to defeat ISIS.
    Portugal hosts, proudly, the U.S. Air Force's 65th airbase 
group at Lajes Field in the Azores, an important outpost for 
transatlantic peace and security.
    And Portugal's collaboration with the Lusophone African 
countries offers the transatlantic alliance the opportunity to 
enhance regional security and promote prosperity in the South 
Atlantic.
    If confirmed, Senators, I will have three priorities. My 
top priority will always be the safety and security of 
Americans in Portugal, including the outstanding personnel and 
family members of Embassy Lisbon and our consulate at the 
Azores. I will also work to enhance bilateral and regional 
security efforts.
    Second, I will work to deepen our bilateral economic ties. 
Bilateral trade and goods between our two countries reached 
$4.6 billion in 2020. The United States is Portugal's largest 
trading partner outside of the EU. Portuguese investment in the 
United States is significant, particularly in tech and in 
renewable energy projects.
    Third, I will collaborate with the Portuguese to address 
shared existential challenges, including fighting climate 
change and combating COVID-19. I will also work closely with 
Portugal to address any significant challenges that the 
People's Republic of China poses to our national security and 
to align efforts to deter Russia's destabilizing activities.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, this 
committee, to strengthen our partnership with Portugal and to 
advance U.S. interests.
    Thank you for allowing me to testify, and I look forward to 
your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Levine follows:]


                   Prepared Statement of Randi Levine

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Portuguese 
Republic.
    I am deeply honored to be considered for this position. I am 
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence 
they have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to do my very best to 
serve our great country and to lead the U.S. Mission to one of our most 
reliable European partners.
    Thank you, Senator Schumer, for your gracious introduction. I 
remember getting a call from you on our way to our son Ben's Bar 
Mitzvah years ago. You said: ``Ben, you are a lucky boy! Your parents 
have worked hard to get you here, so make them proud.''
    Our children have indeed made us proud: Ben and his wife Zoe, our 
daughter Jessica and her husband Evan, our daughter Dara and her 
husband Jonathan, and our most precious treasures, our grandchildren 
Eli and Orly.
    My husband, Jeff, is with me here today. He has been my partner and 
rock for more than 40 years. We are proof that the American dream is 
alive and well. Jeff's parents Irene and Irving, a cab driver, raised 
their four children in public housing in Brooklyn. My mother Wendy was 
an elementary school teacher and my father, Eddy Charno, owned a 
pharmacy in Greenpoint, Brooklyn down the block from where his father 
Joe lived and worked when he emigrated from Poland in the early 1900s.
    The Charno family has always believed in the importance of serving 
the community. A street in Brooklyn was renamed Charno Way to 
commemorate this history. My nomination as Ambassador follows our 
family's longstanding commitment to service and would bring them so 
much pride and joy.
    My road to public service was paved by the arts. I am a passionate 
arts advocate and supporter of using cultural exchanges to advance 
diplomacy. If confirmed, I will draw upon my extensive work at the 
Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery and the Meridian Center for 
Cultural Diplomacy to build partnerships that will advance American 
interests and enrich our bilateral relationship.
    Portugal has been a strong U.S. partner for more than 200 years and 
was among the first countries to recognize U.S. independence. It is 
home to the longest continuously operating U.S. consulate in the 
Azores. Our partnership is built on shared values: a commitment to 
human rights, democracy, and the rule of law.
    As a founding member of NATO, Portugal is an essential player in 
strengthening our transatlantic relationships and defending against 
malign influences in the region.
    Portugal is also a notable partner in global defense. It deploys 
thousands of troops overseas each year to NATO, the EU, the U.N., and 
international peacekeeping efforts, including the Global Coalition to 
Defeat ISIS. Portugal hosts the U.S. Air Force's 65th Air Base Group at 
Lajes Field in the Azores, an important outpost for transatlantic peace 
and security.
    Portugal's collaboration with the Lusophone African countries 
offers the transatlantic alliance an opportunity to enhance regional 
security and promote mutual prosperity in the South Atlantic.
    If confirmed, I will have three priorities:


   My top priority will be the safety and security of Americans in 
        Portugal, including the outstanding personnel and family 
        members of Embassy Lisbon and our Consulate in the Azores. I 
        will also work to enhance bilateral and regional security 
        efforts.

   Second, I will work to deepen our bilateral economic ties. 
        Bilateral trade in goods between our two countries reached $4.6 
        billion in 2020. The United States is Portugal's largest 
        trading partner outside of the EU. Portuguese investment in the 
        United States is significant, particularly in tech and 
        renewable energy projects.

   Third, I will collaborate with the Portuguese to address shared 
        existential challenges, including fighting climate change and 
        combating COVID-19. I will also work closely with Portugal to 
        address any significant challenges that the People's Republic 
        of China poses to our national security and align efforts to 
        deter Russia's destabilizing activities.


    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee 
to strengthen our partnerships with Portugal and advance U.S. 
interests.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look forward to 
your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Perry?

 STATEMENT OF HON. N. NICKOLAS PERRY OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
                  STATES OF AMERICA TO JAMAICA

    Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished 
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 
testify before you today.
    I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to Jamaica.
    I would like to take this opportunity to thank Senate 
Majority Leader Schumer for his recommendation to the 
President, for his steadfast support, and for taking some time 
to introduce me today.
    I also express my appreciation for the encouragement I have 
received from others in New York's congressional delegation.
    I am grateful to appear before you today accompanied by my 
wife, Joyce, and my son, Nickolas Alexander. My daughter, 
Novalie, and granddaughter, Justine, are not here, but I am 
assured of their full support.
    This continuation of my lifelong journey of public service 
is deeply personal to me. I was born and raised in Jamaica in a 
family of 11 children. After attending and graduating from 
secondary school, I worked for the Bustamante Industrial Trade 
Union briefly before moving to the United States in the summer 
of 1971.
    My career in public service began soon after my arrival. I 
volunteered for the Selective Service, was drafted into the 
United States Army, and served for two years of active duty, 
including a year-long deployment to South Korea and four years 
on reserve status before being honorably discharged.
    I attended Brooklyn College on the GI Bill, graduating with 
a BA in political science, and later studied for a MA in public 
policy and administration.
    After college, I got involved with community organizing, 
was appointed to a local community board, and eventually was 
elected to five consecutive terms as chairman of that board.
    As committee board chair, I concurrently served five 
consecutive terms on the Brooklyn Bar board before being 
elected to the New York State Assembly in 1992. I have since 
served for nearly 30 years, and is currently the assistant 
speaker pro tempore.
    I have dedicated my career in public service working across 
diverse communities to build consensus on issues of social 
importance.
    If confirmed, I believe my experience and perspective as a 
state legislator for almost 30 years, complemented by my 
background as an American who was born and raised in Jamaica 
for the first 20 years of my life, could contribute positively 
to strengthening the United States partnership with Jamaica.
    As the safety and security of Americans abroad is the State 
Department's top priority, if confirmed, I pledge to fulfill my 
responsibilities to safeguard the welfare of all U.S. citizens, 
including supporting the security of U.S. citizens living in or 
traveling to Jamaica.
    I pledge to also coordinate closely with U.S. law 
enforcement agencies and Jamaican counterparts to address the 
threats posed by transnational criminal organizations, drug 
trafficking and human trafficking, including through the 
Caribbean Basin Security Initiative.
    The United States is leading the world in the fight against 
COVID-19 by donating more vaccines than any other nation 
combined. Recognizing the severe impact of the pandemic on 
Jamaica, if confirmed, I will ensure we continue U.S. backing 
to address Jamaica's COVID-19 public health-related challenges 
and to help Jamaica recover from the economic impacts of the 
pandemic.
    As the world looks to create an equitable clean energy 
future and millions of good paying jobs, if confirmed, I will 
also work to support innovative U.S. engagement with Jamaica in 
promoting renewable energy sources to help stabilize 
electricity cost, promote a reliable, resilient, and low-carbon 
power grid to assist the country's development.
    Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to 
this committee, its members, and staff to seek your advice and 
guidance where appropriate.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time 
and consideration. I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Perry follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of N. Nick Perry

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, Thank you for the opportunity to testify before this 
committee today. I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to Jamaica. I would 
like to take this opportunity to thank Senate Majority Leader Schumer 
for his steadfast support and express my appreciation for the 
encouragement I have received from others within New York's 
Congressional delegation. I am grateful to appear before you today 
accompanied by my wife--Joyce; my children--Novalie and Nickolas 
Alexander; and my granddaughter--Justine.
    This continuation of my lifelong journey of public service is 
deeply personal to me. I was born and raised in Jamaica in a family of 
eleven children. After attending and graduating from secondary school, 
I worked for the Bustamante Industrial Trade Union briefly before 
moving to the United States in the summer of 1971. My career in public 
service began soon after my arrival. I volunteered for the selective 
service, was drafted into the U.S. Army, and served for two years of 
active duty--including a yearlong deployment to South Korea--and four 
years on reserve status before being honorably discharged. I attended 
Brooklyn College on the G.I. Bill, graduating with a B.A. in Political 
Science, and later studied for an M.A. in Public Policy and 
Administration. After college, I got involved with community 
organizing, was appointed to the local Community Board, and eventually 
was elected to five consecutive terms as Chairman of that Board. As 
Community Board Chair, I concurrently served five consecutive terms on 
the
    Brooklyn Borough Board before being elected to the New York State 
Assembly in 1992, where I have served for nearly 30 years and currently 
serve as the Assistant Speaker Pro Tempore.
    I have dedicated my career in public service working across diverse 
communities to build consensus on issues of social importance. If 
confirmed, I believe my experience and perspective as a state 
legislator for almost 30 years, complemented by my background as an 
American who was born and raised in Jamaica for the first 20 years of 
my life, could contribute positively to strengthening the United 
States' partnership with Jamaica.
    As the safety and security of Americans abroad is the State 
Department's top priority, if confirmed, I pledge to fulfill my 
responsibilities to safeguard the welfare of all U.S. citizens, 
including supporting the security of U.S. citizens living in or 
traveling to Jamaica. I pledge to also coordinate closely with U.S. law 
enforcement agencies and Jamaican counterparts to address the threats 
posed by transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking, and 
human trafficking, including through the Caribbean Basin Security 
Initiative.
    The United States is leading the world in the fight against COVID-
19 by donating more vaccines than all other countries combined. 
Recognizing the severe impact of the pandemic on Jamaica, if confirmed, 
I will ensure we continue U.S. backing to address Jamaica's COVID-19 
public health related challenges, and to help Jamaica recover from the 
economic impacts of the pandemic
    As the world looks to create an equitable clean energy future and 
millions of goodpaying jobs, if confirmed, I will also work to support 
innovative U.S. engagement with Jamaica in promoting renewable energy 
sources to help stabilize electricity costs and promote a reliable, 
resilient, and low-carbon power grid to assist the country's 
development.
    Recognizing Jamaica's vulnerability to the effects of the climate 
crisis, including extreme weather events like hurricanes, storms, and 
flooding, I commit to continue working with Jamaica to strengthen its 
preparedness for and resilience to such climate and severe weather 
impacts.
    I understand Jamaica has one of the highest rates of HIV in the 
Caribbean. If confirmed, I will advance the President's Emergency Plan 
for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and work with government and civil society to 
support the timely diagnosis and treatment of persons living with HIV.
    If confirmed, I will also work closely with the Jamaican Government 
to promote and protect fundamental freedoms and human rights, including 
for members of the LGBTQIA+ community and to combat gender-based 
violence, and to make tangible progress in fighting trafficking in 
persons.
    Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to this 
committee, its members, and staff to seek your advice and guidance 
where appropriate.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time and your 
consideration. I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you all very much for your statements.
    Before I start a round a five-minute questions, I have 
questions that we ask on behalf of the committee as a whole, 
and it goes to each nominee and I would just simply ask you for 
a yes or no response.
    These are questions that speak to the importance that this 
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the 
executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking from 
you.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Okay. Do you commit to keep this committee 
fully and currently informed about the activities under your 
purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. And, finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    All of the nominees have responded yes to all the questions 
and shall be recorded. The chair will reserve his time and turn 
to Senator Rubio for his questions.
    Senator Rubio. Let us begin with the Envoy to Monitor and 
Combat Antisemitism. Let us just--as I think Senator Lankford 
pointed out in his letter, this is a position that we want to 
make sure is one that is represented as a nonpartisan one, that 
the world knows that America is united on this and it gives us 
the strength of our voice around the world, obviously, and I 
want to give you a chance to address it.
    As you know, you have answered questions and have in the 
past addressed a series of social media posts and the like that 
referenced members of the Republican Party, members of the 
Senate, and the like and, clearly, as an American, you have the 
absolute right. We do not believe in canceling anybody. People 
have a right to speak out and express their views.
    But I think you would understand how someone seeing that 
would then be concerned that a position that is supposed to be 
nonpartisan how could that be so if someone has expressed these 
views in recent history.
    I wanted to give you an opportunity to sort of address to 
someone who is concerned about your ability to operate in a 
nonpartisan way how do we reconcile that with very strong 
opinions that you have expressed in the past about both 
individuals in the Senate and also the Republican Party, 
frankly?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you for the question, Senator Rubio, 
and thank you for the chance to address that issue.
    As I said in my opening statement, I am an equal 
opportunity critic of anyone who says something or people--it 
does not matter what end or even in the middle of the political 
spectrum they may place themselves.
    I, firmly, believe that those people who only see 
antisemitism or any form of prejudice but, certainly, 
antisemitism, on the other side of the political transom are 
not really interested in fighting antisemitism.
    They are weaponizing antisemitism and there is no excuse 
for that at all. I have been critical and I acknowledge it. I 
have also learned not to tweet in the middle of the night. Very 
bad thing to do. And I have sometimes not been as nuanced in my 
tweets as I would like.
    But I think if you look at my criticism holistically, you 
will see that I have been exceptionally critical of members of 
the Democratic Party, of people on the end of the spectrum--
political spectrum--where I place myself.
    I have written about Antifa, for instance, as a violent, 
anti-democratic, self-serving and dangerous entity. I have 
criticized specific members when I feel that they have said 
something that can be construed or is antisemitic.
    Finally, the last two points. A person's political 
persuasions are irrelevant in the fight against antisemitism.
    And the last point I want to make is when I am critical, I 
am not critical of the person themselves, particularly if I do 
not know the person or have had no contact with the person, but 
of what they said and how that might be interpreted.
    Senator Rubio. I wanted to ask about Amnesty International. 
Their recent report--I am sure you are very familiar with it at 
this point--I think it falsely--well, it does--it falsely 
frames Israel as a singular evil among the nations of the 
world.
    Is that kind of language from an organization like that--
could that be something that helps to justify and foster 
antisemitic attacks against Jews across the globe?
    Ms. Lipstadt. I found the language used in that report--I 
do not want to talk about the details of the report--but that 
kind of language I found it more than ahistorical. I found it 
unhistorical.
    Branding Israel an apartheid state is more than 
historically inaccurate. I believe it is part of a larger 
effort to delegitimize the Jewish state.
    Such language, I see it is spilling over onto campuses 
where it poisons the atmosphere, particularly, for Jewish 
students. You have to ask why people are using that kind of 
language. What are they trying to accomplish?
    And I know that the Biden and Harris administration has 
taken a very strong position on this. In fact, last month, the 
State Department spokesman cited the department's vehement 
disagreement with that language, and probably our Ambassador to 
Israel, Tom Nides, said it best, albeit in a tweet. He said, 
``Come on. This is absurd.'' And I second that.
    Senator Rubio. I guess I will reserve my questions on 
Honduras if we go to a second round.
    I just wanted to ask on the topic of Honduras, and, 
obviously, these countries are people that choose their leaders 
and they have a right to elect them.
    But there is reason to be concerned, is there not, with 
both the statements recently made about this desire to, 
potentially, engage--abandon diplomatic recognition of Taiwan 
and switch it to Beijing?
    I just want an assurance that would be a priority for us--
for you, if confirmed to this post, that it would be--and it 
reflects the--I believe, the official position of the United 
States, that would be very forceful in making that a priority 
and in laying out the arguments for why we think that would be 
a bad idea.
    Ms. Dogu. Senator Rubio----
    Senator Rubio. Your microphone. I am sorry.
    Ms. Dogu [continuing]. Senator Rubio, since the elections 
there have been many high-level visits from Washington down to 
Honduras, and I know that everybody that has made that visit 
and spoken with the new government down there has stressed the 
importance of that relationship with Taiwan.
    And as you heard me say in my opening statement, I, too, if 
confirmed, will uphold that strong position. I do believe it is 
very important for the Government of Honduras to continue their 
relationship with the Government of Taiwan.
    I think it can be beneficial. Obviously, it has been in the 
past and I think it will continue to be so. I think there are 
opportunities to work together, especially in the economic 
space.
    Obviously, the Government of Taiwan has succeeded in 
developing a strong economy in their own country, and I think 
there are lessons that can be learned and shared and 
investments that can be made and should be made in Honduras.
    I do commit to you that I would continue to take that 
position and to work strongly to maintain that relationship 
with Taiwan if I am confirmed.
    The Chairman. Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for 
convening this hearing.
    I want to congratulate all four of our nominees and thank 
them for their willingness to serve our country, and also thank 
their families for recognizing that this is going to be a 
family commitment for the service that you all have been 
nominated for.
    Ms. Lipstadt, I want to concur with Senator Rosen and 
Senator Schumer and thank you for your extraordinary service to 
date in fighting antisemitism. You are extremely well qualified 
and you are the right person at this moment when we see a rise 
globally of antisemitism, including here in the United States.
    For over two decades, the U.S. Helsinki Commission, which I 
now have the honor to chair, has been raising the concerns 
about the rise of antisemitism. It was the work of the Helsinki 
Commission that led to the Berlin Conference that took place in 
2005, in which we gathered together to plan a strategy to fight 
the rise of antisemitism.
    And there was a good action plan that came out of the 
Berlin Conference which includes the responsibility of leaders 
to speak out about any form of antisemitism that occurs under 
their watch, sharing best practices, law enforcement training, 
sharing data information, particularly on hate crimes.
    There were recommendations that came out of the Berlin 
Conference in 2004, and despite those recommendations, we now 
see a rise of antisemitism.
    I am the Special Representative for Antisemitism, Racism, 
and Intolerance in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, and during 
the 2019 Parliamentary Assembly in Luxembourg we convened a 
separate section to deal with antisemitism and it was very well 
attended.
    One of the recommendations that came out of that particular 
conference was the fact that we should not be tunnel visioned 
in our strategies that we need to form coalitions, because hate 
knows no religious or ethnic bound. Those that are going to be 
committing these types of hate crimes will target any 
marginalized group.
    My question to you is, what new strategies can you bring, 
recognizing the challenges have been here for some time and in 
recent time has grown rather dramatically?
    We all know that. When I used to visit Europe a couple--10, 
15 years ago, I was surprised to see the level of security at 
Jewish institutions. Now I see that level plus here in the 
United States at Jewish institutions. All we have to do is take 
a look at the assessments we are getting for security in our 
synagogues.
    My question to you is how do you see your role to recognize 
that we have met before, we have had strategies before, these 
strategies have been effective to a limited degree, and how do 
we form coalitions so that we recognize that antisemitism is 
based in hate, which also affects other groups of individuals?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you, Senator. Thank you for your kind 
words.
    I, too, have commented often on the fact that it used to be 
when we went to Europe you could identify the synagogue by the 
gendarmes and now that is the case in the United States, and I 
am particularly honored that one of my guests today is Anna 
Eisen Salton, the founding president of Congregation Beth 
Israel is Colleyville, Texas, the child of two survivors, and 
who watched with her 100-year-old mother on Facebook the recent 
assault on that synagogue.
    I also am very pleased to be accompanied by Diane D'Costa, 
a graduate alum of the University of Virginia, who hid in her 
room as the marchers passed by that night in Charlottesville 
and then escaped in the dead of night and said it reminded her 
of her grandmother escaping from Poland.
    All those things we relegated to history, all those things 
we relegated to Europe, are now here as well, even though my 
position, of course, is global antisemitism.
    To your question in terms of what I would do--my goals--I 
think, on some level, the same--more of what has been done, 
more of the basis, the foundation, that you and your colleagues 
and your fellow senators have laid over the years.
    But I am an educator, and I know when I go into a room with 
other--with representatives, whether it is of organizations, 
whether it is NGOs or it is government representatives, I want 
to make them understand, first of all, the pernicious nature of 
antisemitism, and one would think that after the Holocaust and 
after everything that has gone on you would not have to do 
that, that that would be bringing coals to Newcastle.
    But, sadly, it is the fact. Many people who take other 
hatreds very seriously will sometimes, as a sop, say, and 
antisemitism. Whereas I say the Jew is often the canary in the 
coal mine. No democracy has ever been a healthy democracy if it 
abided antisemitism.
    I look forward to partnerships, to educating, to stressing 
that though Jews may not present as other victims, antisemitism 
is a prejudice like other prejudices with its distinct 
characteristic. It has got to be addressed and it has got to be 
addressed wherever you find it.
    I do not care if I agree with you on everything else you 
say. If you are engaging in antisemitism, I am going to call 
you out and I am going to address it. It cannot be a political 
weapon.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that.
    Mr. Chairman, let me just point out the U.S. Holocaust 
Memorial Museum gives you a real tool in your toolkit to fight 
antisemitism.
    But it is interesting that that organization is very much 
engaged in all forms of hatred against racial minorities and 
religious minorities because there is that common theme, and 
working in coalition we can present a stronger package to fight 
antisemitism.
    Thank you, again, for your willingness to serve.
    Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you, Senator.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Mr. Chairman, I am going to yield to Senator 
Johnson. He has another appointment.
    The Chairman. Senator Johnson?
    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Lipstadt, I attended the inaugural address of President 
Biden. I completely agreed with his goal that he laid out, his 
number-one goal to unify and heal this nation. I would assume 
you would agree with that as well?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely.
    Senator Johnson. A year later, do you think our nation is 
more unified? Are we healing?
    Ms. Lipstadt. I think not.
    Senator Johnson. Okay.
    Ms. Lipstadt. I think there are deep divisions.
    Senator Johnson. I agree with you on that. I think one way 
to try and heal our nation, try and unify it, is person to 
person. Are you familiar with something called the Joseph 
Project in Milwaukee, Wisconsin?
    Ms. Lipstadt. No, I am not.
    Senator Johnson. I will take just a brief time to describe 
it. It is something I teamed up with a pastor in an inner city 
church, Pastor Jerome Smith, a wonderful man.
    His congregation is, obviously, largely African American, 
but we have used this to connect people with real opportunity--
you know, people of all races, all genders, people, some of 
them formerly incarcerated, some just down in their life--
alcohol, drug abusers, that type of thing. People who want to 
turn their lives around by improving their attitude, committing 
to success, and we have literally transformed hundreds of 
lives. I wish it was thousands. I wish it was tens of 
thousands, but literally hundreds of lives.
    Does that sound like a pretty good way to heal this nation, 
working with individuals on a person-to-person basis?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely. You can make broad policy 
pronouncements, but unless you have changed facts on the ground 
nothing is going to change.
    Senator Johnson. Yeah. I agree. I think it has been very 
healing, certainly, for those individuals that participate in 
it.
    A way not to heal, I think, is what is happening on social 
media. It was interesting to hear Senator Schumer talk about 
the malicious poison, and what is happening on social media so 
often is just malicious and it comes, as I think you said in 
your opening statement, from across the political spectrum. We 
need to all condemn it.
    Let me ask you a question. If somebody came up to you 
privately, quietly, and said, you are racist--you are a white 
supremacist--you are white nationalist--by the way, I do not 
believe you are.
    I would never assume that because, certainly, growing up 
when I was being taught the commandment that says do not bear 
false witness, my Lutheran Catechism says always put the best 
construction on things.
    In other words, always assume the best about people, not 
the worst. How would you feel if somebody just privately called 
you are racist?
    Ms. Lipstadt. First of all, I would say they are wrong. 
Second of all, I would disagree with them and, as I said 
earlier but I want to reiterate, that even in my critiques of 
people I am very careful never to ascribe to the person.
    Senator Johnson. I thought--I heard that. I thought that 
was interesting. You say you never criticize the person.
    But that is not true. What you just testified there is 
false because not only did you go on--first of all, you do not 
know me. You do not know a lot of the people that you have 
accused online in front of millions of people.
    You have engaged in the malicious poison. You have accused 
people you do not know of very vile things. I mean, would you 
not agree that probably calling somebody a racist is just shy--
just under murderer and rapist, calling somebody a racist?
    That is about as serious and vile accusation as you can 
hurl against somebody, somebody you do not even know. I mean, 
you have never talked to me. You have never met me. You do not 
know what is in my heart, do you?
    Ms. Lipstadt. I have no idea what--no, I do not know what 
is in your heart at all. I know what----
    Senator Johnson. So why would you go on social media and 
make those charges? And not only me--and by the way, what 
Senator Rubio said, this position is supposed to be for a 
nonpartisan.
    It seems like how you engage in malicious poison is purely 
partisan. You are hurling these charges against people that 
are, generally, one political persuasion. That is not 
nonpartisan.
    But, again, why did you--why did you go on social media and 
level these vile and horrible charges against people, including 
me that you do not even know? You did not know anything about 
the Joseph Project. You do not know about my--what is in my 
heart. Why did you do it?
    Ms. Lipstadt. First of all, I do not think--as far as I can 
tell--and I am happy to have this conversation further or right 
here--call you personally--I do not call people personally----
    Senator Johnson. No. I mean, we all know the tweet. It is 
right here.
    Ms. Lipstadt. Right. Right.
    Senator Johnson. Okay. You said it is pure and simple--pure 
and simple--white supremacy, nationalism, and then you refer to 
articles----
    Ms. Lipstadt. Right.
    Senator Johnson [continuing]. That continue the charge. Do 
you feel bad about that at all? I mean, do you----
    Ms. Lipstadt. I----
    Senator Johnson [continuing]. Do you retract that? I mean, 
do you--I mean, what is your current position on this?
    The Chairman. Can we allow the witness to answer your 
questions?
    Ms. Lipstadt [continuing]. As I said earlier, it was not 
nuanced. I would not do diplomacy by tweet. While I may 
disagree with what you said specifically, and I think that is a 
legitimate difference, I certainly did not mean it and I am 
sorry if it was taken and I am sorry if I made it in the way 
that it could be assumed to be a political--at the person 
personally.
    Senator Johnson. Listen, I appreciate your apology and I 
will accept your apology. It is more than, for example, what 
the Chairman of this committee has done and other members who 
have also callously and cavalierly hurled those same charges 
that I would consider are malicious poison to our body politic 
today.
    But, again, I appreciate the apology. But I think somebody 
that has had a 30-year professional career ought to know 
better, and when you are being nominated and considered for 
confirmation to a position of diplomacy representing these 
United States, I certainly cannot support your nomination. I 
hope my other colleagues will not either. You just, simply, are 
not qualified for it. But I wish you the best in life, and I do 
accept your apology.
    The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen is next.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
    Dr. Lipstadt, I did want to follow up on what Senator Rosen 
mentioned, Senator Cardin, I think, the Chairman, about what we 
all recognize is an alarming increase--rise in antisemitism 
both here at home and around the world.
    Just recently here in the Washington, D.C., area we have 
seen swastikas drawn on the walls in Union Station and 
pamphlets spreading COVID-19 misinformation and antisemitic 
hatred in Silver Spring, Maryland.
    Worldwide, we have seen a new phenomena of public figures 
comparing COVID-19 public health restrictions to the horrors of 
the Holocaust.
    Can you talk about what your priorities would be, what your 
immediate strategy would be, if you were confirmed in this 
position to begin to address the challenge of antisemitism 
globally?
    Ms. Lipstadt. First of all, as I have said before and I 
said just now, to fight it wherever I find it, but also I think 
it is necessary to help people--politicians, policymakers, 
media, whomever--understand what Jew hatred is.
    We have seen in this country in recent weeks well-known 
people, prominent people, mangle an understanding of what is 
Jew hatred, and I think that is exceptionally important.
    I also think it is important sometimes working with our 
partners bilaterally, countries who are partners on so many 
things, that sometimes what they might engage in would be a 
form of--might have antisemitic implications without their even 
realizing it.
    I am--look, I have a broad-based agenda to work with other 
people and also to work with different elements in the State 
Department, whether it is the ambassador for religious freedom, 
whether it is the special envoy on Holocaust issues, whether it 
is the people on the various regional desks. There is a great 
deal of expertise there.
    I think it is something that has to be stressed. This is 
not a joke and this is not a small group making a lot of noise 
and this is not special pleading. This is a serious issue. It 
is a serious issue even in and of itself. But it is also, as I 
said earlier, the canary in the coal mine. If you value 
democracy you got to hate antisemitism.
    Senator Van Hollen. And I want to underscore the point that 
you made with regard to the seriousness of it. As we have seen 
this alarming rise in antisemitism, we have also witnessed some 
who seek to politicize antisemitism by equating legitimate 
criticism of Israeli Government policies with antisemitism. You 
have said that it is, quote, ``dangerous'' because it 
diminishes real antisemitism.
    Can you elaborate on the important distinction that you 
were drawing there?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely. Criticism of Israeli policy is 
not antisemitism. If you want to hear criticism of Israeli 
policies, I suggest you seat yourself down in a cafe in Tel 
Aviv or in Jerusalem, whatever part of the country, depending 
who is in the Government. It is the national sport in Israel, 
second only maybe to soccer and maybe more than that.
    I do not think any rational-minded person would think that 
criticism of Israel--Israeli policies is antisemitism. I do 
think there are certain things that cross the line into 
antisemitism and criticism can often cross the line.
    In the IRA definition--it is a working definition, I think 
it is an exceptionally useful tool as such--it gives examples 
and it illustrates different kinds of things, some of which--a 
number of which have to do with Israel. It says these may, but 
not necessarily are, antisemitic. A lot depends on the context.
    I think it is very important to be nuanced there because it 
is sort of Chicken Little and the sky is falling. If you call 
everything antisemitism, when you have a real act of 
antisemitism people are not paying attention. But when you have 
a real act of antisemitism, irrespective of where it is coming 
from, you have got to call it out.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Dr. Lipstadt.
    And I see my time is running short. I will submit questions 
for the other witnesses for the record.
    Thank you all. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. I understand that the only other person at 
this point is Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to each of our nominees, and thank you for your 
willingness to serve the country. I am actually going to begin 
with each of the ambassadorial nominees--Ms. Levine, Mr. Perry, 
and Ms. Dogu. Am I pronouncing your last name correctly?
    Because I have been very concerned about anomalous health 
incidents, attacks by our embassy personnel around the world 
and--also known as Havana syndrome, and I want to ask each of 
you if you are familiar with that--I do not know whether to--I 
am not going to call it a disease, though I think there are 
health issues that result. But are you familiar with anomalous 
health incidents?
    Ms. Dogu. Yes.
    Ms. Levine. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Yes? Mr. Perry?
    Mr. Perry. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. I want to ask you to commit, if confirmed, 
you will go to the ambassadorial seminar session that addresses 
AHIs and seek a classified briefing with the State Department 
so that should you have those attacks by your embassy personnel 
that you will be able to respond appropriately.
    Ms. Dogu. Yes.
    Ms. Levine. Yes.
    Mr. Perry. I will.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you all very much.
    I would like to actually begin with you, Mr. Perry, and 
you, certainly, know firsthand the importance of the role 
that--the relationship between the United States and Jamaica.
    One of the things that has been important in New Hampshire 
and so many other states have been the Jamaican workers who 
have come for a short period of time, often on H-2B visas, to 
work in various industries in New Hampshire--it is usually in 
the hospitality industry--who are very important to our 
workforce, and who then go home. They are able to send funds 
back to their families in Jamaica, and it is an important 
aspect of our workforce here and also in supporting families in 
the country.
    Now, one of the important aspects of those H-2B visas is 
the role that the embassies play in ensuring that those 
interviews are held and that people can come to the United 
States.
    I would ask you if you would commit to doing everything you 
can, if confirmed as ambassador, to ensure that those visa 
applicants are given due consideration and that that process 
works as smoothly as possible.
    Mr. Perry. Thank you for that question, Senator.
    I do understand that the pandemic had impact on the 
efficiency of the services provided at the embassy in Kingston.
    I do understand also that that is a very important 
program--the economic values to Jamaica and to our 
partnership--and I, certainly, commit to very strongly 
emphasizing and ensuring that our embassy takes actions in 
light of the improvements that we have been able to make with 
additional staff, I understand, to focus on addressing that 
particular visa situation because I know it is necessary and 
that it strengthens our partnership.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I really appreciate 
that, and any way that I or my office can be helpful in that 
process we, certainly, stand ready to do that.
    Ambassador Dogu, I was in the Senate during the Obama 
administration when we saw a migration from Central America 
from--and Honduras was one of those three countries that had a 
very--tens of thousands of people migrating to come to the 
United States.
    We saw a decline in that, I think, as the result of a 
number of factors, but now we are seeing it increase again. We 
have seen it increase again.
    Can you speak to why you think we are seeing that cyclical 
increase and what policies we should be pursuing to help 
Hondurans be able to see a brighter future in their own 
country?
    Ms. Dogu. Yes, Senator. Thank you for that very important 
question.
    Obviously, there has been a historical large flow of 
migration from Honduras and it is something that the U.S. 
Government has worked over a long period of time to try and 
address.
    There have been sort of some periods with more investments 
and periods with less investment into Honduras. I think it is 
very important that it be consistent.
    Clearly, the people are leaving the country--when you talk 
to them--for very fundamental reasons. They do not feel safe in 
their own country and they do not feel like they can find jobs 
to support their families.
    Clearly, I think, as the U.S. Ambassador my role would be 
to support the new Government of Honduras' efforts to address 
these sorts of challenges. This is also a negative, in a sense, 
for the country. It is a brain drain as their young people flow 
north to the United States.
    I think that we need to continue with our programs to focus 
on security. As I mentioned in my statement, I think it is also 
very important to focus on helping rebuild the economy.
    They have really taken a large hit due to the pandemic and 
they have taken a large hit due to two very large hurricanes 
that went through there and, unfortunately, damaged some very 
critical parts of their country economically for them.
    I think that being consistent and focusing, and now we have 
a new government, a new partner in Honduras. I think there are 
opportunities to really expand our efforts there, and I look 
forward to working with the team that is already on the ground 
in Honduras to do so, should I be confirmed.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My time is over.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Portman?
    Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the 
hearing today and I appreciate just hearing about some 
improvements in Central America, which is always good news, 
given the impact it has on the people of those countries but 
also on our current situation with regard to illegal migration.
    You are going to have your hands full, and it is really 
important that we do all we can to deal with the push factors 
in those countries.
    My question, Mr. Chairman, is to Dr. Lipstadt.
    You are about to fill a really important position, and with 
your background I think you will fill it well. I have had a 
number of constituents actually reach out on your behalf who 
have worked with you, and as the ranking member of the Homeland 
Security Committee, we have continued to advocate for 
something, I think, you are aware of, which is called the 
Nonprofit Security Grant Program.
    This is a critical source of funding for houses of worship, 
other nonprofits. It has been used primarily in the Jewish 
community as synagogues, community centers, schools, face 
increasing threats of antisemitism and other hate crimes, 
growing threats of violence. We just saw this recently with 
regard to the kidnapping in Texas.
    As we continue to help protect targets of antisemitic 
violence, we have got to also combat the root causes, of 
course. How do you propose we address the root causes of 
antisemitism?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you very much. I am well aware of that 
program. I have benefited from it in my own synagogue and other 
synagogues.
    I was just talking to Ms. Eisen, who is here from 
Colleyville, Texas, and she was telling me when--that the 
synagogue needs a lot of repair after what happened. And I 
said, how do you pay for that, and she says, well, what 
insurance does not pay the Government is helping us with. I do 
not know if it is through this specific program, but I was glad 
to hear that.
    But back to the bigger issue of the root causes, 
antisemitism has the moniker of being the oldest or the longest 
hatred. It has been around for a very long time, and though I 
do not surprise easily, given my field of study, it is 
sometimes surprising that, as I said in my opening statement, 
but less than eight decades after the Holocaust that we should 
be facing antisemitism, many people predicted after the 
Holocaust that that was the end of antisemitism, and we are 
surprised, or as the British would say, gobsmacked, to the 
degree to which it is not.
    I plan to become a thorn in the side of those who engage in 
antisemitism. There are those who are violent anti-Semites. We 
saw that in Texas. We saw that in the streets, as Senator 
Schumer said earlier, like Williamsburg. We saw that in 
Charlottesville. We saw that in Halle, Germany, and so many 
places throughout Europe.
    But there are also the polite anti-Semites, the people who 
say things but it is just, I am just saying it, or do not think 
about the implications of what they say. I think all those 
people have to be called out.
    And then governments have to be told that this is something 
we take very seriously and we will work with you on it. We will 
work with you on it. This is not a way of the Senate or the 
United States making a small group of Jews feel comfortable or 
feel happy.
    But this is--we see this as a danger to the founding ideals 
of this republic. We see this as a sign of what could be, and 
we recognize and most of all, Senator, no genocide, no attack, 
begins with the attack, whether you are talking about a 
genocide in Europe, whether you are talking about a genocide in 
Rwanda, wherever you are.
    It starts with words, and as some of your colleagues have 
mentioned, the Holocaust Museum--just go down the block, and 
you can see how it starts with words and then it escalates.
    That does not mean it is always going to escalate to a 
holocaust. But if you are going to stop something, you stop it 
when--well before it is of that degree.
    I plan to be as energetic as possible in fighting this. I 
never thought I would be in this position. But if I have the 
honor of being confirmed, I want to make a difference in that 
regard.
    Senator Portman. Great. Again, given your background, you 
are well qualified to take on that task, including the 
international task, and we want to work with you on that.
    The Nonprofit Security Grant Program did provide the 
synagogue in Texas with hardening, as I understand it, 
including cameras, which were very helpful with regard to the 
hostage taking, but also training.
    And one thing we have found out is that although these 
grant programs have been effectively used in some areas of the 
country, other folks do not know about it--the Sikh community, 
the Muslim community, the Jewish community, the Christian 
community. It is it is available, broadly, for these kinds of 
threats.
    We have introduced new legislation called the Pray Safe 
Act, which is to provide houses of worship at one centralized 
place where you can find out what the best practices are, find 
out what training is available.
    This is with Senator Shaheen and Hassan, and my sense is 
that following the incident in Colleyville, Texas, this is more 
important than ever to let people know what is available to 
them. Have you looked at that Pray Safe Act?
    Ms. Lipstadt. I have looked at it. I have not studied it in 
depth because my remit, of course, if confirmed, will be 
abroad.
    But the division between domestic and international 
antisemitism is getting murkier. The terrorists, the kidnapper, 
the would-be murderer in Colleyville, was radicalized abroad 
and then he came here to do his handiwork. The divisions we 
used to draw are not as clear.
    Clearly, my remit in the State Department is abroad. But 
you cannot--the hard lines, especially with social media, for 
better or for worse, it is harder to draw those lines.
    My synagogue has benefited from this program and I have to 
tell you, speaking personally just for a second, I sat in 
synagogue about--I guess it was before COVID but about two 
years ago, where the rabbi and the members of the synagogue who 
were taking charge of this handed out pieces of paper showing 
us what door to exit, God forbid, there was something and 
telling parents--all parents but especially Jewish parents--do 
not go for your children. Your children will be brought to 
safety. A lot of good that is going to do, but go out--how to 
go out, where to rendezvous.
    I have that piece of paper sitting on my desk. It is a 
reminder that it has come to me in Atlanta just as it has been 
coming to so many places in the rest of the world--Paris, 
Berlin, Halle, Belgium. Too many places today.
    Senator Portman. Pittsburgh Tree of Life.
    Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely, where the rabbi got training 
before and, of course, the people at Colleyville talked about 
the training and that would save their life.
    Senator Portman. And can save lives. As you say, this 
terrorist--and my time is expired. But just one sentence on 
that because this committee gets involved in these issues.
    He came here on a visa from a country where we have a 
relationship where it is easy to have access to United States 
through visa programs. And, yet, the reports are that he had 
told the U.K. police and others that he wanted to--well, 
reports are that he had said that he wanted to kill Jews, and 
that this was reported to the U.K. police last year--these 
antisemitic threats--and yet the visa waiver program was 
available to him.
    We have got to tighten up the visa waiver program from 
countries, even our great allies like the U.K., to be sure we 
are not allowing these terrorists in when we have information.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Exquisite timing, Mr. Chair. Impeccable.
    I am very interested in asking questions about Honduras, 
where I lived in 1980 and '81, and I appreciate, Ambassador, 
you being here and your being poised for that position. I am 
sorry that I have been at other hearings and have not heard 
questions that you have already been asked.
    But the tragedy of Honduras is--I lived there when it was a 
military dictatorship and things were awful. I knew people who 
were oppressed by the military. I knew some people who were 
killed by the military.
    It is worse now. You think the move from a dictatorship to 
a democracy, just like magic, makes things better. I do not 
think that is the case, and I did not think I would ever say 
that.
    But in recent years, becoming murder capital of the world, 
the control of narco traffickers, the deep, deep corruption by 
the past government especially but they were not unique in 
that, has created situations that are just so grim for 
Hondurans trying to live everyday life.
    Some of the challenges they face are directly related to 
our pain. If the U.S. did not have such a tremendous hunger for 
illegal drugs and we are willing to send cash south to pull 
drugs north, many of the communities in Honduras--many the 
neighborhoods in Honduras and other countries would be a lot 
safer and more secure than they are. And so their pain is 
connected to our pain in ways that we have to own and try to be 
creative in solving.
    Talk a little bit about the opportunities that the U.S. has 
with a new government in place. President Castro was 
inaugurated recently, a somewhat controversial election but, 
thank goodness, an election that compared to previous elections 
was widely viewed to be fair. It was called relatively quickly. 
There was a concession.
    I know right around the time of the inauguration there was 
sort of a skirmish on the legislative front. We are used to 
that, too--skirmishes between an executive and the legislative 
branch.
    But putting the past administration and Honduras in the 
rearview mirror with its corruption, its abandonment of anti-
corruption and anti-transparency initiatives, its connection to 
drug trafficking in the United States, what would your 
intention be, should you be confirmed, in terms of trying to 
start a new chapter in the relationship that would be positive 
for the United States and positive for Honduras?
    Ms. Dogu. Senator, thank you very much, not only for those 
remarks but for your long-term interest in Honduras and the 
importance of the U.S.-Honduran relationship. I agree with you 
completely on all of that.
    I think that we do have a unique opportunity here. I mean, 
there is a new president. She was inaugurated just recently. 
She won in a very strong turnout by the population of Honduras.
    She really comes into office representing the yearning 
desire for democracy and anti-corruption programs and for 
freedoms and security by the people of Honduras, and that is 
really powerful, I think, for an elected leader to arrive in 
that position.
    And I know that the United States Government--obviously, I 
am not involved in this yet, since I am pending confirmation 
and I am waiting for the Senate to decide if that is a good 
choice or not.
    But there have been many senior officials, including 
recently the vice president, who traveled to Honduras to meet 
with her, and I think that there are a lot of areas that we 
have in common that we can work together, things that she wants 
to do to make things better in Honduras and things that we have 
recognized that are good for Honduras and are also good for the 
United States.
    Obviously, we need to continue to help them address the 
security challenges that they have faced. Things are not good 
but things have been worse in that regard. Some of those 
violent numbers have come down. In some of the areas that we 
have invested in, we have seen some significant improvement 
there.
    Clearly, they face strong economic challenges. There have 
been hurricanes that have destroyed the key parts of the 
country, in addition to just the normal pandemic challenges, 
and then historical challenges.
    It is very important to work with them to do things like 
opening up their regulations to make it a better place for 
outside investors to come in.
    Previously, Senator Rubio was talking about the possibility 
of nearshoring production. I think there is tremendous 
opportunity in all of that.
    But it really is going to be up to both the president and 
her new team and the new congress to be able to get themselves 
organized and working together as a team to pass the 
legislation that is going to be needed to stabilize and open up 
the markets there.
    And then the judiciary is going to play a key part, because 
if businesses do not feel confident in the fact that they can 
invest and that there is rule of law, they are still going to 
be reluctant to do that, even with the best of regulations.
    I have a broad agenda in front of me, if I am lucky enough 
to be confirmed. I look forward to confronting those 
challenges. The team on the ground down there has been doing a 
great job already and I would just be a new part of this very 
strong team.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Dogu.
    One final point, Mr. Chair, quickly. I would hope you work 
together with our Vice President's office and others in the 
Administration at this root causes analysis and you look at 
economic opportunities.
    I sometimes think when we approach a problem like that we 
look at what company can we get to make a commitment to invest 
in Honduras, and that is hard to get a commitment from a 
company that is not already there.
    I would really focus on the American companies that are 
already there. There is a quarter of a million textile workers 
in the Northern Triangle who work for American companies, 
usually using U.S. cotton to then make clothing. There is 
retail--American retail companies.
    I would really listen to those who are already there and 
ask what could we do that would make you hire more people, that 
would make you expand. I think that that is usually a higher 
likely play than trying to get somebody new to come in who has 
never been there and does not really know the culture and the 
people.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    The chair will recognize himself.
    I would have left this untouched but the record cannot 
stand as it is. Senator Johnson called out the chair, saying 
that I have not apologized for the speech I made on the Senate 
floor, and I will not apologize for the speech I made on the 
Senate floor.
    If we cannot call out comments for what they are, if we do 
not understand that words have power to them, sometimes very 
negative powerful consequences, then we can never challenge, 
whether it be antisemitism or racism or other elements.
    My speech and the comments I made--and I think the comments 
that Dr. Lipstadt referenced to were about the comments, not 
about the person--and in that regard, when you say that you 
describe those who stormed the Capitol on January 6 as people 
who, quote, ``truly respect law enforcement and love this 
country'' but would worry if the mob had been Black Lives 
Matter protesters, I think that is deeply, deeply problematic.
    I will ask unanimous consent to include my speech of that 
day in the record for context.

    [The information referred to follows:]


                              ----------                              


        Floor Remarks of Senator Robert Menendez, March 16, 2021


                 Congressional Record Vol. 167, No. 49

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I take no pleasure in coming to the floor 
today. We in the Senate take pride in our decorum and our sense of 
comity with each other, so much so that we often twist ourselves into 
pretzels to avoid saying anything that might be interpreted as a 
criticism of another Senator. Yet there comes a time when these verbal 
gymnastics simply won't do. You are either going to speak the truth or 
fail to do justice to the values you hold dear.
    What one of our colleagues said last week about the events of 
January 6 was felt by many to be racist and hurtful--a stain on the 
office he is so fortunate to hold.
    Look, I get that no one likes to be called racist, but sometimes 
there is just no other way to describe the use of bigoted tropes that 
for generations have threatened Black lives by stoking White fear of 
African Americans and Black men in particular.
    On a radio show, our colleague explained that he never feared for 
his safety during the January 6 insurrection of the U.S. Capitol. But 
make no mistake, under different circumstances, he would have been 
afraid.
    He said:


          Now, had the tables been turned--now, Joe, this will get me 
        in trouble--had the tables been turned and President Trump won 
        the election and those were tens of thousands of Black Lives 
        Matter and antifa protesters, I might have been a little 
        concerned.


    Is that not racism?
    I don't think the Senator is ignorant of the fact that for 
centuries in this country, White supremacy has thrived on using fear to 
justify oppression, discrimination, and violence against people of 
color. I do, however, think my colleague may be ignorant of the pain 
caused by his comments and unaware of how they compound the trauma that 
so many still feel in the wake of the events of January 6.
    Because I do not think I can do justice to that pain, I want to 
share with you an email I received this weekend. It is from one of the 
most devoted public servants I have ever had the pleasure of working 
with, an African-American member of my staff. His name is Keith 
Roachford. He has devoted nearly three and one-half decades to serving 
the people of New Jersey in Congress and his community as a faithful 
churchgoer and Boy Scout leader.
    It reads:


        Senator,
          I would not normally send you an email like this but I am at 
        a loss of how to express the outrage and hurt I am feeling from 
        the comments made by Senator Johnson that he would have been 
        more afraid on January 6th if the insurrectionists would have 
        been from Black Lives Matter.
          I am blessed to be on your staff and have had the opportunity 
        to serve as a staff member in the NJ delegation for 34 years, 
        but this is the most painful thing I have ever heard being said 
        by a U.S. Senator.
          I could not imagine that the horrible and painful events from 
        [January] 6th could be replicated in a statement from a sitting 
        member of the Senate.
          However, Johnson's comment is worse than the image of the 
        insurrectionists walking through the Capitol building with the 
        confederate flag.
          He is perpetrating the racist trope that the country should 
        fear black people.
          I have experienced what it is like to have a taxi cab pass 
        you by in order to pick up white passengers who are further 
        down the block of where you are standing.
          Nothing can describe the feeling when you have entered a 
        store and having store clerks watch your every step while 
        shopping.
          Sandy--


    That is his wife--


          and I have had the conversations with our sons when they were 
        young about how to enter a store; not look suspicious; keep 
        your hands out of your pockets until you make your purchase; or 
        how to respond and talk to police officers in any interaction.
          I have had the difficult conversation of explaining to a 
        young black scouter in our scout troop why a white campground 
        store clerk accused him of not paying for an item because he 
        was black.
          [This] type of hate speech is [not] new. The hardest part of 
        what he said is that in 2021, a United States Senator would so 
        freely express this type of hate out loud.
          I am so grateful for our officers who endured so many 
        injuries on [January] 6th, and I pray that they will recover 
        physically and mentally.
          They are going through so much right now, I feel guilty that 
        my email to you might sound shallow because of the pain they 
        are trying to overcome.
          I understand that the Senate works best when both sides can 
        find common ground, but how do [you] really reach common ground 
        when [such views can be held]?
          Again, I am sorry for reaching out late on Saturday evening, 
        but I needed to share this with you.
                                                             Keith.


    To read these pained words both broke my heart and boiled my blood. 
Thousands of people of color serve in the U.S. Capitol workforce. They 
are legislative staffers like Keith and Capitol Police officers and 
maintenance workers, cafeteria staff, and so much more. I should not 
have to stand here and remind anyone that many of them feared for their 
lives on January 6. But not Senator Johnson. He felt no fear. He wasn't 
afraid because, and I quote:


          I knew those are people that love this country, that truly 
        respect law enforcement, would never do anything to break the 
        law, so I wasn't concerned.


    People who love this country do not desecrate our most sacred 
democratic institutions and display symbols of racial hatred like the 
Confederate flag in the halls of Congress. People who respect law 
enforcement do not assault Capitol Police officers, beat them within 
inches of death, and hurl ugly epithets at officers of color. And 
people who would never do anything to break the law would not try to 
overturn the rule of law, plot to kill elected officials, and stop the 
peaceful transfer of power as instructed by the Constitution of the 
United States.
    Now, I know what some rightwing media pundits and some of my 
Republican colleagues will say. They say it every time they are asked 
to accept some responsibility for perpetuating the lies told by 
President Trump that inspired the violent events of January 6.
    They say: What about Black Lives Matter?
    They say: Well, what about it?
    Well, I say: Well, what about it?
    The violent picture they paint of this movement could not be more 
divorced from reality. At this point, several reputable studies have 
confirmed that the protests launched in the wake of George Floyd's 
chilling murder were overwhelmingly peaceful. I repeat: The Black Lives 
Matter movement is overwhelmingly peaceful. I know many people don't 
care about facts these days, but it is the truth.
    One study out of Harvard University analyzed 7,305 Black Lives 
Matter protests. The conclusion? Allow me to quote Professor Erica 
Chenoweth.
    She said:


          Only 3.7 percent of the protests involved property damage or 
        [some form of] vandalism. Some portion of these involved 
        neither police nor protesters, but people engaging in vandalism 
        or looting alongside the protests. In short, our data suggest 
        that 96.3 percent of events involved no property damage or 
        police injuries, and in 97.7 percent of events, no injuries 
        were reported among participants, bystanders or police.


    Likewise, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project--an 
organization I might add is partially funded by the U.S. Department of 
State's Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations--examined 7,750 
different Black Lives Matter demonstrations across the Nation last 
summer. They found just 3 percent of those protests associated with any 
violence or property destruction whatsoever. They also concluded that 
police departments ``disproportionately used force while intervening in 
demonstrations associated with the [Black Lives Matter] movement 
relative to other types of demonstrations.''
    Indeed, on January 6, as we waited for hours for backup from the 
National Guard and other law enforcement agencies to come to the aid of 
Congress, I know that I am not the only one who could not help but 
think of the violent, government-sanctioned crackdowns that met Black 
Lives Matter protesters last summer.
    The bottom line is that these lies casting Black Lives Matter as 
violent have already done real damage. They have convinced millions of 
Americans that they should fear those who march under the banner of 
this movement for justice, when really it is the resurgence of violent 
White supremacy that should be Americans' real cause for alarm.
    Indeed, last October, the Department of Homeland Security issued a 
report confirming that White supremacists pose the most lethal domestic 
terror threat to the American people. Research from the Center for 
Strategic and International Studies finds that White supremacists and 
their sympathizers carried out two-thirds of terrorist plots and 
attacks in 2020.
    In the weeks since January 6, we have learned that far-right 
extremist groups that regularly preach White supremacy, such as the 
Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys, played a major role in plotting and 
executing the attack on the U.S. Capitol.
    Every Member of this body owes their life to the sacrifices made 
that afternoon by Capitol Police officers, including officers of color. 
At least 100 officers were physically injured in the January 6 attack. 
One officer, a veteran and fellow New Jerseyan named Brian Sicknick, 
later succumbed to the injuries he sustained. Two others subsequently 
committed suicide. Hundreds of officers now carry with them invisible 
scars from the trauma they endured that day--scars that may not fade 
for years or even decades.
    For one of our colleagues to cast those who attacked the Capitol as 
harmless patriots while stroking fear of Black Americans is like 
rubbing salt in an open wound.
    Everybody in this body should know that when you perpetuate such 
racist tropes, you contribute to a culture that gives people permission 
to treat Black Americans as suspicious and their lives as expendable. 
We in the Senate are supposed to hold ourselves to a higher standard. 
We are supposed to advance America's long march toward a more perfect 
Union, not coddle and cater to those who would take us backwards, and 
we are supposed to stand up for the truth. That is what brought me to 
the floor today.
    I hope Members of this body on both sides of the aisle will join me 
in making sure that we do not debase the institution and the people we 
are called to serve--all the people--for whom so much pain has existed 
for years and exists still today.
    With that, I yield the floor.


                               __________


    The Chairman. I think it is also--without objection--I 
think it is also worth pointing out that the rioters on that 
day, literally, wore and bore Nazi symbolism, including t-
shirts that said, 6MWE, which stands for 6 million--those who 
perished in the Holocaust--was not enough, and a t-shirt saying 
Camp Auschwitz on one side and on the other side of that t-
shirt Staff, as well as Confederate flags and nooses.
    Maybe the Senator was not afraid for his life but every 
Jewish person in the Capitol, certainly, had a reason to be 
concerned for their lives. It is in that context that I made my 
remarks, and let me close on this.
    I have a record replete of nominees under the previous 
administration who made incredibly outrageous statements, and 
yet in each and every context they were confirmed, and some of 
them really did not have the background to be confirmed for the 
positions they were confirmed to.
    In this case, we have a nominee that is impeccable in terms 
of their knowledge of the subject matter, probably not just the 
U.S. but a global expert and scholar on the question of 
antisemitism.
    I think if you cannot call out an antisemitic trope or 
prejudice, how in God's name are you going to do this job? Your 
proven history of fighting against antisemitism here in the 
United States and around the world, I think, makes you uniquely 
qualified for this position.
    I just want to ask you two questions, Dr. Lipstadt. If 
confirmed, will you continue to call out all incidents of 
antisemitism, regardless of where these prejudices emanate from 
in the global community?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely, because after I stop this 
position I still have to live with myself.
    The Chairman. And regarding responsibilities, do you 
understand the difference between making comments as a private 
citizen versus as a public servant?
    Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely, and I have learned a lot and 
already have begun an education with would-be colleagues at the 
State Department. That may be the hardest part of this task. 
But yes, I understand the difference.
    The Chairman. And do you commit to abide by the State 
Department rules for social media comments that you make in 
your official capacity, guidance that was, I would note, 
routinely ignored and flouted by the last administration?
    Ms. Lipstadt. A hundred and ten percent.
    The Chairman. All right.
    With that, I have questions for the record for the other 
nominees. I do not want you to think you are not the object of 
my affection. But you are all going to serve in important 
positions and I look forward to your responses as it relates to 
those questions and the questions of other members of the 
committee. They will be open to the close of business tomorrow, 
Wednesday.
    I would urge members who have questions for the record to 
submit them. I would also urge the nominees to give significant 
responses to those questions so that we can consider your 
nominations before a business committee.
    And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:43 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                              ----------                              

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. Deborah E. Lipstadt by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, what is your main priority as Ambassador-
at-Large?

    Answer. If confirmed, my main priority would be to fight Jew-hatred 
wherever it exists globally, irrespective of where it comes from. I 
believe we should condemn and counter antisemitism wherever and 
whenever it occurs, both online and offline, whether as hate speech, 
Holocaust distortion and denial, or in other forms. We should also 
counter antisemitism by promoting tolerance and inclusion, including 
through education. We need to work with our international partners to 
ensure the security of their Jewish communities, resources and training 
for law enforcement personnel to address hate crimes and, ideally, the 
establishment of national coordinators for combating antisemitism.
    We also need to reinforce efforts to foster a common understanding 
of the challenge. If confirmed, I would try to help our interlocutors 
understand what Jew hatred is, what it is not, and why it is so 
pernicious. One of the ways we can do that is by encouraging other 
countries and international bodies to embrace and apply the 
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition 
of Antisemitism, inclusive of its examples, which is an exceptionally 
useful diagnostic tool.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to engage with partners and 
allies on combatting antisemitism globally?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to forge coalitions with other 
governments, international bodies, civil society organizations, and the 
private sector to work across diverse communities and among faiths to 
combat antisemitism globally. If confirmed, I will work closely with 
other special envoys and coordinators combating antisemitism and our 
partners and allies in multilateral fora such as the OSCE, EU, and the 
U.N.
    If confirmed, in addition to working closely with partners in 
Europe, the Western Hemisphere, and around the world, I would also look 
forward to exploring opportunities for engagement with U.S. allies and 
partners in the Middle East. The Abraham Accords have helped build 
momentum for exciting initiatives relating to interfaith dialogue and 
combating ignorance, intolerance, and hate, including antisemitism.

    Question. How will you de-conflict your work with the Ambassador-
at-Large for religious freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and seamlessly with 
the Ambassador-at-Large (AAL) for International Religious Freedom and 
his team to advance the fight against antisemitism and other forms of 
religious discrimination around the world. I recognize that my 
partnership with the AAL and his team will be vital as we work with our 
embassies and consulates to monitor and combat antisemitism.
    If confirmed, I intend to have regular meetings with the AAL and to 
encourage my staff to consult often with the experts in the Office of 
International Religious Freedom, as I understand they already do. The 
issues we would collectively address are interconnected and require 
collaboration to optimize coalition building and engagement. One 
example of a religious freedom issue on which I would work closely with 
the AAL concerns proposed or enacted limitations on religious practices 
of animal slaughter and non-medical circumcision, which can directly 
affect the viability of Jewish, Muslim, and other religious 
communities.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict but provide 
specialized assistance to the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and 
Labor?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and collaboratively 
with the Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and 
Labor (DRL) and the DRL team to advance the fight against antisemitism 
around the world. I recognize that my partnership with DRL will be 
vital as we work through our embassies and consulates to monitor and 
address antisemitism and other issues of human rights concern. If 
confirmed, I intend to have regular meetings with DRL leaders and 
experts and to encourage my staff to consult often with DRL experts, as 
I understand they already do.

    Question. Please describe how your office, if confirmed, will 
contribute to the efforts of the office for International Religious 
Freedom to produce annual country reports on religious freedom. Do you 
believe there should be annual country reports on antisemitism and 
efforts to combat antisemitism? If so, why? If not, why?

    Answer. I understand that the Office of the Special Envoy to 
Monitor and Combat Antisemitism works closely and collaboratively with 
the Office of International Religious Freedom and has important input 
into the International Religious Freedom Report, as well as the Country 
Reports on Human Rights Practices, which both address antisemitism as a 
significant issue.
    If confirmed, my office will continue to provide invaluable input 
into those reports, as is statutorily required by the Global 
Antisemitism Review Act of 2004, which would not necessitate the 
creation of another reporting process to which the Department and U.S. 
embassies and consulates the world over would have to direct additional 
resources. That said, I commit to consult with the committee on best 
approaches to combat antisemitism.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Special Envoy 
for Holocaust Issues (SEHI) on the continuing desecration of Jewish 
cemeteries in Europe?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and collaboratively 
with the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues (SEHI) on issues of mutual 
concern including the continuing desecration of Jewish cemeteries in 
Europe. I understand that the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor 
and Combat Antisemitism works closely with SEHI on areas where 
Holocaust issues and antisemitism overlap, such as historical 
distortion, Holocaust denial, and rehabilitation of controversial 
wartime figures. I understand that SEHI also advocates for the 
preservation of Jewish cultural history in Europe, including 
cemeteries.
    If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with SEHI and the U.S. 
Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad on these 
issues and condemn desecration of Jewish cemeteries in Europe.

    Question. It has recently been suggested to us that the Government 
of Lithuania may look to resolve the dispute over the Snipsikes 
Cemetery in Vilnius by converting the Palace of Concerts and Sports 
into a Holocaust Museum. How do you believe the Jewish communities in 
the U.S., Europe, and elsewhere, will respond to this proposal?

    Answer. I understand that the Biden administration's policy is that 
any action taken with respect to Jewish heritage sites should include 
government consultations with Jewish groups and other community 
stakeholders to ensure that sites are treated with the proper respect 
and consideration of their historic importance. If confirmed, I will 
reach out to Jewish communities to ensure their views are heard.

    Question. Do you believe that this proposal is an acceptable and 
sensitive solution to this issue?

    Answer. I understand that the Administration has not yet seen a 
formal proposal from the Government of Lithuania for this site. As a 
result, the Administration cannot comment on whether it is an 
appropriate solution. If confirmed, I will engage with appropriate 
officials with the goal of obtaining an acceptable and sensitive 
solution.

    Question. If, as many suspect, Russia invades Ukraine in the coming 
weeks, many unfortunate issues may arise that find themselves in your 
purview. The President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, and some other 
prominent defenders of Ukrainian sovereignty (like oligarch and former 
governor of Dnipro region, Igor Kolomoisky) are Jewish. Do you have any 
concern that their origins may precipitate violence specifically 
against the Jews of Ukraine, or Jewish institutions?

    Answer. I understand the Administration is deeply concerned about 
all aspects of Russia further invading Ukraine, which would have dire 
humanitarian and human rights implications. That is why deterrence 
efforts are so critical, and why the Administration continues to urge 
Russia to choose dialogue and de-escalation. I understand the 
Administration is in close contact with members of the Jewish community 
in Ukraine and associated Jewish groups in the United States and is 
continuing to monitor the situation as events develop. At this point, I 
am not aware of any particular threats to the Jewish community beyond 
those posed to the Ukrainian population in general if Russia were to 
invade.

    Question. Ukraine holds many sites that are both religiously and 
historically important to Jewish communities in Ukraine and around the 
world. What do you believe can or should be done by the U.S. and its 
allies to protect those sites in the event of military action in 
Ukraine?

    Answer. Destruction of cultural property during armed conflict is 
an attack on the identity, history, and dignity of the communities it 
represents. If confirmed, I will work with Department colleagues, 
including the Office of the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues, others 
in the U.S. Government, and overseas partners to speak out against such 
actions. I will also commit to using diplomatic, economic, and 
political tools to work on preventing destruction of religiously and 
historically important sites in Ukraine.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale in the Office of the 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?

    Answer. It is my understanding that morale in the Office of the 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism has been high over the 
past year, owing to the effective interim leadership of Senior Official 
Kara McDonald (a career foreign service officer serving as a deputy 
assistant secretary of state in the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, 
and Labor) and to the quality of the personnel she has recruited to 
staff the office.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale in the Office of the 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will personally meet with each member of 
the team during my first days on the job to glean staff members' 
opinions on the office's priorities and operations, including areas of 
room for improvement. If confirmed, I will maintain an open-door policy 
whereby any team member can bring concerns or recommendations to me 
directly. Open and frequent communication is key to fostering a 
productive, efficient, and inclusive workplace.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will move quickly and decisively to 
undertake a thorough review of where our mission currently stands, 
including by consulting with a broad array of Department of State and 
other U.S. Government stakeholders active in the fight against global 
antisemitism. After consulting with key members of my team and relevant 
senior Department of State principals, I will lay out and clearly 
explain my reasons for any proposed changes to the Office's activities 
or new areas of emphasis. I will also champion an office-wide system of 
continuous feedback, assessment, and recalibration to ensure buy-in and 
sustained good counsel. Finally, if confirmed, I will work not only to 
create a unified mission and vision for the office, but I will also 
commit to consult with Congress on the mission and work of the office.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I consistently seek to empower, to listen, and to learn 
from the various experts on my team; to lead by example; and to ensure 
clear, two-way communication. I always endeavor to ensure my teams are 
diverse and inclusive and that there is equity in the work and in our 
hiring and evaluation processes. I also seek to give my team members 
wide latitude and autonomy to take ownership of initiatives and make 
key decisions while also being a resource to them in case a new 
situation or any doubts arise. I believe professional training and 
development are essential, and, if confirmed, I intend to encourage 
team members to avail themselves of all relevant training and 
professional development opportunities at the Department of State. 
Finally, I want to note my appreciation for the very capable interim 
leadership of Senior Official Kara McDonald of this office, which I 
know, if I am confirmed, will have paved the way for a smooth 
transition for the entire team.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. Absolutely not. I firmly believe it is unacceptable, not to 
mention decidedly unproductive, to berate anyone under any 
circumstance. If confirmed, I will pledge to only provide respectful, 
clear, and constructive feedback to team members and will expect my 
managers to do the same and hold accountable anyone who does not.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I expect to continue to enjoy a close and 
collegial relationship with the current Deputy Special Envoy or any 
other deputy. I have known the current Deputy Special Envoy, Aaron 
Keyak, for some time, during which we have developed an excellent 
professional relationship. I have had the good fortune to collaborate 
with him on a number of projects, including with respect to combating 
antisemitism, prior to his joining the Department of State in late 
2021. I know, respect, and trust Mr. Keyak and look forward to working 
day in and day out with him on fighting global antisemitism, if given 
the opportunity.

    Question. How do you envisage your leadership relationship with 
other bureau leaders whose portfolios may intersect with yours?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and seamlessly with 
the Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and 
Labor, the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and 
other assistant secretaries of state to advance the fight against 
antisemitism around the world. I recognize that my relationships with 
the regional assistant secretaries, notably the Assistant Secretary of 
State for European and Eurasian Affairs, will be vital as we work 
through our embassies and consulates in Europe and elsewhere to monitor 
and combat antisemitism. If confirmed, I also intend to partner with 
the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues to advance the United States' 
work to push back against Holocaust denial and distortion.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to delegate much of the day-to-day 
management of the office to the Deputy Special Envoy, Aaron Keyak, 
consistent with the approach of most of my predecessors. I will also 
call on Mr. Keyak to serve as my surrogate when I am unavailable for 
certain official duties.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide 
subordinates with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance 
in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded 
in their roles?

    Answer. I firmly believe in providing clear, constructive, and 
respectful feedback on performance to every member of my team. 
Similarly, if confirmed, I look forward to receiving constructive 
feedback from my team members on my own performance as well. Providing 
thoughtful feedback to subordinates not only encourages better 
performance, but also engenders trust and mutual respect.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to each employee in my chain of command 
to improve performance and I will ensure high achievers are routinely 
rewarded for their contributions.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like around the 
world in relation to the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and 
Combat Antisemitism?

    Answer. In many parts of the world, the environment is challenging. 
Antisemitic sentiment runs high in many countries. Even in countries 
where the United States engages productively with governments on this 
issue, conspiracy theories about Jews and overall antisemitism are on 
the rise, notably throughout Europe. Malign actors use social media and 
other online platforms to spread their antisemitic messages with 
unprecedented speed and reach, including in some cases speech that may 
incite violence. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with public 
diplomacy and other experts at the Department of State to enhance our 
strategies for condemning and countering antisemitic rhetoric while 
respecting freedom of expression, including by providing accurate 
counter-messaging in the online space.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
in relation to the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat 
Antisemitism?

    Answer. As I note in the answer above, the public diplomacy 
environment overseas is challenging when it comes to fighting the 
scourge of antisemitism. U.S. diplomats in many countries around the 
world contend with entrenched antisemitic views among government 
officials, within society at large, in local media, and online. If 
confirmed, I look forward to partnering with the public diplomacy and 
other experts at the Department of State to provide our forward-
deployed diplomats with tools to undermine conspiracy theories about 
Jews, to advance messaging on interfaith dialogue and harmony, and to 
condemn and counter antisemitic rhetoric and narratives.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. While recognizing the importance of sound, coherent 
messaging being formulated at the headquarters level, I also appreciate 
that the public diplomacy environment for combating antisemitism and 
promoting religious freedom varies from country to country--and often 
with regard to different populations within the same country. As such, 
I believe that U.S. embassies and consulates play an important role in 
shaping, prioritizing, and sequencing public messaging and social media 
campaigns on these issues.

    Question. Regarding ``Anomalous health incidents.'' If confirmed, 
do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and 
security of the people who will work with me and, if confirmed, and I 
will ensure that any reported incident under my watch will receive an 
appropriate medical and security response. Secretary Blinken 
prioritizes the Department's response to AHIs, setting clear goals for 
the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected 
employees and family members.

    Question. Regarding ``Anomalous health incidents.'' If confirmed, 
do you commit to talking as openly as you can to the Office of the 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engage my team members on 
this issue as openly as possible. I take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people who will work with me. I commit 
to working with health and security officials and other parties as 
recommended.
                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Dr. Deborah E. Lipstadt by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Do you recognize that, if confirmed, your personal 
statements and tweets, even if not made in an official setting, may be 
perceived to be the views of the United States?

    Answer. Yes, I recognize that, if confirmed to this position, my 
words both official and unofficial will carry significant diplomatic 
importance to the interests of the United States. As such, if 
confirmed, I commit to following all guidance from the Department of 
State regarding diplomatic conduct and Public Diplomacy efforts, 
including guidance as it pertains to the use of social media.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to uphold the non-partisan 
nature of the position you hold?

    Answer. As I said in my hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, I am an equal opportunity foe of antisemitism. If confirmed, 
I pledge to call out global antisemitism wherever it is found. It is my 
firm belief that those who are only interested in finding 
antisemitism--or any form of prejudice--on the opposite end of the 
political spectrum are more interested in weaponizing antisemitism than 
fighting it. If confirmed, I commit to upholding and cementing the 
nonpartisan nature of my position, as a nonpartisan approach is 
fundamental to meaningfully combating antisemitism.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to not making statements 
unbecoming of a public official that speaks on behalf of all Americans?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting the exceptionally 
high standards required for the words and conduct of an official 
representative of the United States, in engagements both public and 
private, overseas and domestic.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to making yourself, and your 
staff, available to provide briefings as requested to my office and 
others?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to make myself and my staff 
available to provide briefings to your office and to others, both upon 
request as well as proactively on matters of significance.

                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. On March 9, 2021, the U.S. Embassy in Honduras issued a 
disaster declaration in response to crisis levels of food insecurity. 
The disaster declaration for Honduras was reissued for FY 22 due to 
unmet needs caused by hurricanes Eta and Iota and the impacts of the 
pandemic. In recent weeks, I led a letter, alongside 32 of my 
Democratic colleagues in the Senate, calling for Temporary Protected 
Status redesignations for Honduras--as well as for Guatemala, El 
Salvador, and Nicaragua.

   Can I have your commitment that you will independently assess 
        country conditions and make a recommendation to the State 
        Department and the Department of Homeland Security during your 
        first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador to Honduras?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing the Department's 
understanding of basic humanitarian needs in Honduras during my first 
100 days and to considering, as appropriate, the wide variety of tools 
available through the Department and the interagency, including 
possible Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designation.

    Question. Will you directly brief my office on your findings?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the Department to 
provide briefings to members of congress and staff as requested.

    Question. What steps will you take to address mis- and 
disinformation about TPS and U.S. immigration policy so that the 
Administration can do right by the people in Central America while also 
ensuring that we prevent mass movements to the border of people who 
would never qualify for TPS?

    Answer. Interrupting the messaging of unscrupulous actors peddling 
false information about U.S. immigration policy is a top priority for 
addressing migration challenges in the region and at our border. The 
Department strengthened its outreach to communities within migrant-
sending countries, including Honduras, and simultaneously intensified 
outreach to Central American diaspora communities within the United 
States, using media interviews and social media amplification to 
provide prompt, accurate information about TPS. We monitor dis- and 
misinformation about U.S. immigration policy and push out tailored 
responses with accurate information, including through support to our 
international partners to develop targeted community-based messaging 
campaigns. If confirmed, I will support ongoing programs through the 
U.S. Agency for International Development, the Bureau of Democracy, 
Human Rights and Labor (DRL), the Bureau of International Narcotics and 
Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration (PRM), and others that already strive to target the 
communities most likely to send irregular migrants to the United States 
and encourage my teams to work together on creative and effective 
messaging efforts. I will also remain closely engaged with the 
Department and the interagency on stakeholders' outreach efforts to 
reduce pull factors for irregular migration.

    Question. Ambassador Dogu, former Honduran President Juan Orlando 
Hernandez has been directly implicated in significant drug trafficking 
activities. Last week, I wrote to Secretary Blinken and Secretary 
Yellen, urging them to publicly hold Hernandez accountable for his 
criminal actions by revoking his visa and designating him as a 
``significant foreign narcotics trafficker'' under the Kingpin Act.

   If confirmed as our next ambassador to Tegucigalpa, what additional 
        steps would you take to hold Hernandez accountable? 
        Additionally, what measures will you apply to Honduran 
        officials that place their participation in drug trafficking 
        and criminal activity above the interests of the Honduran 
        people?

    Answer. On February 7, the Department publicly announced former 
President Hernandez's inclusion on the United States' Corrupt and 
Undemocratic Actors list, under Section 353 of the United States-
Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act, which generally makes the 
listed individuals ineligible for visas and admission to the United 
States. The Department included Hernandez on the list on July 1, 2021. 
The Department employs multiple tools to promote rule of law and fight 
impunity around the world and seeks constantly to address the 
challenges posed by the evolving nature of transnational organized 
crime and drug traffickers.
    In addition to the U.S. Government's existing tools, we publicly 
committed to supporting President Castro's request to the United 
Nations for support in establishing an anticorruption mission. We 
already collected best practices and lessons learned from 
anticorruption commissions throughout the region and will work with the 
U.N. and Honduras to ensure new efforts incorporate these standards and 
build off existing anticorruption mechanisms already working in 
Honduras. If confirmed, I will also continue to advance these policies 
by supporting the work of other agencies responsible for pursuing 
justice in these cases.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and 
security of the people who will work with me, and, if confirmed, I will 
ensure that any reported incident that falls under my Chief of Mission 
authority will receive an appropriate medical and security response. 
Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to AHIs, 
setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to 
strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce and 
providing care for affected employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that employees 
who report a possible AHI receive immediate and appropriate attention 
and care and the incident is reported through appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, I will take nothing more 
seriously than the health and security of the people working at U.S. 
Embassy Tegucigalpa. I commit to working with health and security 
officials and other parties as recommended.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. How would you characterize the incoming Honduran 
Government's views of the United States?

    Answer. The Department invested in developing a productive 
relationship with the Castro administration, beginning during the 
campaign. U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa personnel met with President 
Castro's transition team, and the U.S. Government sent high-level 
interlocutors, including Vice President Harris, to demonstrate U.S. 
support for some of President Castro's initiatives, including on 
anticorruption. President Castro will not fully align with the United 
States on every policy issue, but she repeatedly stressed her hope that 
the United States will remain Honduras' preferred partner on her top 
priorities. If confirmed, I will strive to maintain that status as 
Honduras' preferred partner by working together on our shared 
priorities, including countering corruption and drug trafficking, 
strengthening democratic institutions, rebuilding the economy, 
improving security, and increasing respect for human rights, all of 
which will contribute to decreasing irregular migration.

    Question. Please describe the top U.S. law enforcement priorities 
in Honduras.

    Answer. Honduras remains a significant transshipment point for drug 
traffickers and transnational criminal organizations, and Honduras is 
both a source and transit country for irregular migration. U.S. law 
enforcement policy takes a broad approach to combating drug 
trafficking, including through training and professionalization of 
Honduran police services, strengthening efforts to humanely manage 
migration, including identifying unaccompanied children in need of 
child welfare services, strengthening the rule of law and the 
judiciary, and developing economic opportunities.
    If confirmed, I would look forward to cooperating with President 
Castro on her push to improve citizen security, including by increasing 
respect for human rights, improving mechanisms for combating sexual and 
gender-based violence, and strengthening relations between police 
services and local communities.

    Question. Political disagreements in the National Congress of 
Honduras have ignited a legitimacy crisis with potential long-term 
negative consequences for governability in the country.

   Is the current Honduran legislature functioning under a 
        constitutional framework? If not, what needs to happen to 
        achieve that?

    Answer. The political crisis in the Honduran National Congress 
tarnished the otherwise strong start of the Castro administration. 
Civil society, government actors, and others question the 
constitutionality of the claims to the presidency of Luis Redondo, the 
declared president of the congress, and Redondo passed an amnesty law 
for former President Manuel Zelaya's supporters without the full 
support of the congress. While the matter is internal and for Honduras 
to resolve, U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa and Honduras' bilateral and 
multilateral partners have offered Honduras support in resolving the 
crisis since the beginning. Additionally, the Department communicated 
its concerns regarding the need to reinforce, not weaken, democratic 
institutions and rule of law through Embassy and Washington channels. 
If confirmed, I will work with the Department, the interagency, and the 
U.S. Congress to ensure we deploy the appropriate tools for addressing 
this crisis.

    Question. How would you describe the Administration's views on the 
legality of measures adopted by the National Congress of Honduras led 
by Mr. Luis Redondo and assembled on January 21?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains troubled by 
concerns that the Honduran National Congress has acted beyond its 
authority in enacting significant laws before ensuring the president of 
the congress had full authority to do so. If confirmed, I would work 
closely with the Honduran Government, civil society, and international 
partners to help ensure respect for democratic institutions and 
processes as well as the separation of powers.

    Question. Please describe the importance of the 2019 Asylum 
Cooperative Agreement (ACA) with Honduras in incentivizing the 
Government to adhere to international commitments to increase asylum 
capacity.

   In your opinion, did the Administration wrongfully terminate the 
        agreement in 2021 before it had the opportunity to take effect 
        and have meaningful results?

    Answer. The 2019 Asylum Cooperative Agreement (ACA) shifted the 
burden of the U.S. asylum system to other countries in the region, 
including Honduras. I remain unaware of any way in which the ACA 
incentivized Honduras to build up its asylum capacity. Rather, its 
implementation would have placed undue pressure on the country's 
nascent asylum system without providing sufficient time or resources to 
build domestic capacity. Independent of the ACA framework, the United 
States continues to support Honduran efforts to build its asylum 
capacity in a sustainable manner, as well as to respond to the 
protection needs of internally displaced Hondurans, in line with 
Honduras' national action plan commitments under the Comprehensive 
Regional Protection and Solutions framework; better known by its 
Spanish acronym, MIRPS. The Biden-Harris administration believes there 
are more suitable ways to confront regional protection and irregular 
migration challenges.

    Question. If confirmed, would you advocate for the U.S. to leverage 
existing bilateral extradition treaties and Palermo protocols to 
prosecute transnational criminal actors who facilitate human smuggling 
and human trafficking?

    Answer. As a party to the U.N. Convention Against Transnational 
Organized Crime and its optional protocols, Honduras has obligations to 
criminalize human trafficking and migrant smuggling. Honduran law 
criminalizes all forms of trafficking in persons and the Government 
maintains a specialized anti-trafficking prosecution unit. If 
confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to build the skills of officials 
in this unit and will engage the Honduran Government to allocate 
increased resources to augment and sustain the unit's capacity. I will 
also support the work of Joint Task Force Alpha, the U.S. Department of 
Justice and U.S. Department of Homeland Security partnership to combat 
dangerous human smuggling and trafficking activity in Honduras and 
elsewhere in the region by working with our partners to increase both 
U.S. and foreign prosecutions of such criminal actors and 
organizations, including by pursuing extraditions in appropriate cases 
consistent with U.S. law and our treaty obligations.

    Question. The Central American Agreement for Free Mobility (CA-4) 
requires citizens from Central America to show only a legal 
identification document, not a passport or visa to enter other 
participating countries. This has effectively placed all immigration 
enforcement north on Mexico and the U.S. If confirmed, would you commit 
to advocating for adoption and implementation of stronger visa 
requirements among the CA-4 countries?

    Answer. The Central American Agreement for Free Mobility (CA-4) 
significantly improves regional integration. The agreement has served 
as a linchpin of improving economic ties in the region. It has 
documentation requirements that, if enforced, should assist in 
deterring irregular migration. If confirmed, I will continue to 
encourage these countries to humanely enforce their respective 
immigration laws and policies, including enforcing document 
requirements under CA-4, and to secure their borders.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
report, Honduras was identified as a Tier 2 state, due to overall 
increasing efforts to eliminate human trafficking, but failed in key 
areas, like lowered penalties for trafficking crimes and fewer victims 
identified in the reporting year.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the Honduran Government to 
        address these issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work across the interagency and with 
all the tools available to me to address shortcomings in Honduras' 
anti-trafficking efforts identified in the annual Trafficking in 
Persons Report. In addition to the work we do to train and 
professionalize police services and to improve identification and 
assistance to trafficking victims among migrants, I would ask the 
Embassy team to engage with the congress, government and non-
governmental service providers, the judicial system, and law 
enforcement in Honduras to improve the local response to criminals 
preying on vulnerable communities.

    Question. The State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat 
Trafficking in Persons has several successful programs in the region 
that could be beneficial in Honduras and within the hemisphere. If 
confirmed, how will you bolster these efforts with the office to combat 
and monitor trafficking in persons?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage the U.S. Government to 
respond to our priorities in Honduras, including requesting programs 
through our Trafficking in Persons Office and coordinating across the 
interagency to integrate anti-trafficking components into related 
programs. I will build on the Trafficking in Persons Office's current 
efforts in Honduras to enhance victim protection services and 
strengthen the capacity of law enforcement and public officials at the 
local and national level to effectively investigate and prosecute 
trafficking crimes. I will encourage the Embassy team to think 
creatively about responding to local challenges, and I will support 
outreach within the region to identify best practices and lessons 
learned in implementing programs to address the needs of vulnerable 
communities.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you and your mission work with 
the Honduran Government to improve migration processing, including 
asylum claims?

    Answer. I remain committed, if confirmed, to supporting continuing 
collaboration with our Honduran counterparts both bilaterally as well 
as through regional fora such as the Comprehensive Regional Protection 
and Solutions Framework (or MIRPS in Spanish)--for which Honduras holds 
the 2022 presidency pro tempore--and the Regional Conference on 
Migration to advance shared strategic solutions to humanely manage 
migration in the region. These strategies include enforcing borders and 
immigration laws while ensuring access to protection for those in need; 
enhancing lawful migration pathways including labor opportunities; and 
combatting migrant smuggling and human trafficking. In addition to 
coordinating through multilateral fora, I will support the Department's 
ongoing efforts through international organization and NGO partners to 
help the Honduran Government build its capacity to register and process 
asylum claims, respond to the needs of internally displaced persons, 
and humanely enforce its borders. These efforts include technical 
advisory assistance, support for staff, training, equipment, and other 
needs related to sustainably increasing migration management 
capacities.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of China's presence and 
interests in Honduras.

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) attempted to make 
inroads in Honduras with vaccine diplomacy. On June 1, 2021, former 
President Juan Orlando Hernandez announced he would open a commercial 
office in Shanghai to facilitate the sale and delivery of COVID-19 
vaccines. Ultimately, Honduras never opened the office as supply 
urgency abated. During her campaign, President Castro suggested she 
would consider switching Honduras' diplomatic ties from Taipei to 
Beijing, but she appears to have reconsidered that position. The PRC 
has some investments in Honduras but does not have a high profile. If 
confirmed, I commit to working diligently to expose the risks 
associated with ties to Beijing and the benefits associated with 
continued diplomatic ties with Taipei.

    Question. Honduras is one of the last 14 countries to maintain 
diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Honduran President Castro vowed during her 
campaign to switch the country's recognition to China; however, the new 
Government noted it would maintain diplomatic ties with Taiwan. 
Honduran Foreign Minister Eduardo Enrique Reina stated last week that 
Honduras' relationship with Taiwan will remain fluid.

   If confirmed, what action would you take to encourage Honduras to 
        maintain its recognition of Taiwan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to highlighting the value of strong 
ties to Taiwan. The United States, under the auspices of the American 
Institute in Taiwan, works with Taiwan's overseas offices to identify 
and promote opportunities for cooperation. I would encourage my team to 
continue working with local partners on areas for Taiwan's cooperation 
with Honduras and to develop creative opportunities for Taiwan to raise 
its profile with the Honduran Government and people.

    Question. In 2008, the Chinese company Huawei opened an office in 
Honduras, and it's now the main provider for telecommunications 
companies in the country. How would you urge Honduras to choose 
trustworthy suppliers for their critical infrastructure/telecom?

    Answer. The United States supports efforts to ensure countries, 
companies, and citizens realize the promise of 5G wireless networks, 
and we encourage governments and telecom operators to prioritize 
security when building their broadband cellular network infrastructure. 
We welcome collaboration with allies and other partners to ensure our 
shared security in a 5G future and beyond. Each country must make a 
sovereign decision about its national and economic security. The Biden-
Harris administration remains committed to ensuring U.S. 
telecommunications networks do not use equipment from untrusted 
vendors. Countries and their citizens need to be able to trust that 5G 
equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national 
security, economic interests, privacy, or human rights. Trust cannot 
exist where information and communications technology and services 
providers remain accountable to authoritarian governments like the PRC, 
which subject domestic companies to broad intelligence and national 
security laws and lack an independent judiciary and the rule of law to 
protect companies and consumers. If confirmed, I will collaborate with 
partners like Honduras to ensure our shared security in a 5G future.

    Question. Honduran President Castro has embraced the Maduro regime 
and no longer recognizes Juan Guaid" as the elected leader of 
Venezuela. Do you agree with the Honduran Government's decision? If 
not, who should be viewed as the rightful Venezuelan leader?

    Answer. I regret that President Castro moved so quickly to 
recognize a regime that has contributed to the largest humanitarian 
crisis in recent history in the region. The United States continues to 
recognize the legal authority of the democratically elected 2015 
National Assembly and the person chosen by this National Assembly to be 
constitutional interim President of Venezuela, Juan Guaid". If 
confirmed, I will stress the importance of strong, representative, 
democratic leadership for the region, grounded in democratic 
institutions and processes.

    Question. How do you plan to engage the Honduran Government to 
reverse course to restore democracy in Venezuela?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use the tools and support available to 
me through the U.S. Government to highlight the dangers posed by the 
Maduro regime, and the benefits of supporting the return of democracy 
in Venezuela. I will draw on my experience as U.S. Ambassador to 
Nicaragua, home of another difficult regime in the region, to inform my 
actions.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
        Tegucigalpa?

    Answer. I understand morale remains good. Like all missions, 
Mission Honduras has been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. The 
Department's provision of COVID-19 vaccines and boosters, as well as 
pediatric vaccines has been a tremendous help to the Mission and a huge 
help to morale of employees and family members. The international 
school's transition from a fully virtual to hybrid learning environment 
this school year also provided welcome relief to families. Outdoor 
events organized by the Embassy's Community Liaison Office that 
celebrated U.S. holidays enabled families to socialize in person and 
strengthened resilience and a sense of community. Although the recent 
Omicron surge in Honduras necessitated a return to virtual-only events, 
the community understands the importance of mitigating the COVID-19 
risk and looks forward to a time when in-person events might again be 
possible.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission 
Tegucigalpa?

    Answer. I specialize in building strong and resilient teams whose 
members support each other, especially during difficult periods. If 
confirmed, I would begin my tenure as Ambassador by maintaining a focus 
on our people, ensuring we fully utilize available tools to care for 
our employees and their families. I would review eligible family member 
employment available through the Embassy and Washington hiring 
mechanisms to ensure qualified applicants are able to deploy their 
talents in support of the United States while developing their own 
careers. While it may not always be possible to work in the same space 
or relax together in person in the COVID-19 era, employees can and 
should feel energized and proud of the impact their important work is 
having both in the United States and in Honduras.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Tegucigalpa?

    Answer. For a mission to be successful, each agency and their 
employees must have a solid understanding of our overall goals and 
strategy, and we must create an inclusive mission culture. All agencies 
and all employees must support the Integrated Country Strategy 
objectives and understand the role they as individuals play so that 
they will be fully invested in its success. Beginning with my arrival 
at post, I would regularly share our vision with all Mission members 
and develop diverse and interagency work teams within an inclusive 
environment to support accomplishing these objectives. I understand a 
new Integrated Country Strategy is being developed now with the input 
from all agencies, and if confirmed, I would ensure that all employees, 
not just the section or agency heads, understand the important role 
they play in helping achieve the Mission objectives.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style prioritizes taking care of our people 
first, including their families, and demonstrating the highest level of 
ethics and integrity in my work. I expect teams I lead to do the same. 
I will make it clear I expect the professionals in Mission Tegucigalpa 
to do the right thing the right way but also to innovate and embrace 
change with a focus on achieving results. I will encourage those I rely 
on for support to provide honest and creative advice. I will always 
remind my team that they are ultimately responsible to the American 
people, and they should view their work not only through a foreign 
policy lens but also through a U.S. domestic policy lens. If our work 
does not benefit the American people, we need to redirect our efforts.
    Finally, diplomacy is changing, and I look forward to supporting 
Department of State actions to build a new Diplomacy for the 21st 
Century and will encourage Mission Tegucigalpa's active participation 
in these efforts. I believe in empowering our talented employees and 
supporting their efforts.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates. Everyone 
deserves to be treated with respect and dignity both in public and in 
private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The role of the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and the DCM's 
partnership with the Ambassador remains critical to the success of an 
Embassy. I intend to fully partner with and empower the DCM to serve as 
the Embassy Chief Operating Officer and as someone prepared to step in 
as Charge d'Affaires, if needed.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. While the Ambassador ultimately takes responsibility for 
all operations of the Mission, I intend to empower the Deputy Chief of 
Mission (DCM) to serve as the Chief Operating Officer, handling the 
day-to-day operations of the Embassy, including the coordination of the 
work of all federal agencies. The partnership between the Ambassador 
and DCM remains critical and I will ensure we make a tight team. I will 
support the DCM's work heading up the Emergency Action Committee, the 
Law Enforcement Working Group, and other working groups in the Mission 
as well as supporting the employee-led Mission Diversity and Inclusion 
Council. The DCM would also lead development programs for all First and 
Second Tour employees from all agencies while also helping develop mid-
level leaders throughout the Mission. Finally, I believe the DCM can 
and should assist me in supporting the requirements of the members of 
Congress, including official visits.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who succeed the most 
        in their roles?

    Answer. I strongly support providing all employees with accurate 
and constructive feedback. As Ambassador, I would do this personally 
with employees working directly for me, but I would also ensure this 
remains a priority for all managers in the Mission. Feedback begins 
long before the official EER is written and also includes nominating 
all qualified employees for awards for outstanding performance.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host-government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Honduras.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. I believe building a large and diverse network across the 
entire country remains an essential requirement for any diplomat. If 
confirmed, I would support Embassy employees engaging with as many 
different groups as possible outside the Embassy. While many conditions 
(security, pandemic restrictions, weather) can temporarily impact the 
ability to meet in-person outside the Embassy, we must continue to find 
a way for our team to safely engage. I would work with appropriate 
personnel in the Embassy to ensure U.S. diplomats can fully accomplish 
their mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. Accessing all local populations remains a key part of 
diplomacy. I would ensure that we appropriately share finite security, 
transportation, and representational resources across the Mission to 
allow for access to all local populations. I would also encourage 
different agencies and sections to work together to reach many 
different populations.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Honduras?

    Answer. Embassy Tegucigalpa's Public Affairs Section (PAS) advances 
U.S. foreign policy priorities through programs and messaging related 
to migration, anti-corruption, support for democracy and civil society, 
the fight against transnational crime, and other bilateral priorities. 
Honduras' media environment remains open to Embassy messaging, and PAS 
has historically found audiences receptive to a broad spectrum of U.S. 
Government messages and public programs. This includes programs to 
improve quality of life for disadvantaged communities, including 
through English language education, a women's entrepreneurship program, 
and a public messaging campaign to reduce violence against women.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Embassy Public Affairs Section (PAS) programs address 
challenges to educational exchange, including low levels of education, 
lack of access to the Internet, and limited English language skills. 
PAS works to improve professionalism among Honduran media outlets by 
offering professional development opportunities to Honduran 
journalists, working to improve the quality of their reporting on 
issues like corruption, rule of law, and other key bilateral interests.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The Department in Washington sets policy and messaging 
priorities based on administration goals, while Embassy Public Affairs 
teams use their on-the-ground understanding of the media environment, 
local audiences, and prevailing political conditions in Honduras to 
convey persuasive messages that advance U.S. objectives. When a policy 
objective would benefit from the Washington bullhorn, we work with the 
Embassy to shape a media statement or tweet to effectively reach 
audiences in country. At all times, the Embassy Public Affairs 
professionals work closely with counterparts across the interagency to 
select the proper tool and channel to achieve a desired result. While 
the media and government officials monitor messages from Washington and 
value them greatly, the average Honduran is more interested in 
messaging from the Embassy. In the realm of migration information, 
information flowing through diaspora and smuggling networks have more 
sway than official messages from the U.S. Government, either in country 
or in Washington, though evidence shows that Hondurans consider U.S. 
Government information about immigration rules reliable.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to taking this threat seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Tegucigalpa personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to talking as openly as I can with Mission 
Tegucigalpa personnel.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Honduras was identified as lacking societal respect of 
religious freedom, particularly in regards to anti-Muslim rhetoric and 
behavior.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue?

    Answer. I believe in the right of every person to practice religion 
or not in the manner that best responds to their beliefs and 
preferences. If confirmed, I will call for tolerance and respect 
between adherents of all faiths and practices, provided they do not 
interfere with the rights of others.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will welcome the experience and ideas of 
the Ambassador-at-Large to promote religious freedom in Honduras. I 
will work with the Embassy community to identify challenges and 
opportunities both within the Mission and within the country for us to 
promote a message of support and openness to all expressions of faith.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Honduras was identified as having committed severe human rights abuses, 
like corruption, unlawful killings, threats and violence against free 
media, lack of accountability for those who commit human rights abuses, 
violence against women, among many more.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa tracks human rights cases and 
abuses carefully, and various offices in the Mission and across the 
U.S. Government contribute to the Embassy's understanding of and 
ability to engage on these cases. If confirmed, I commit to actively 
supporting the Embassy team in policy and programming endeavors to 
advance respect for and protection of human rights. President Castro 
highlighted citizen security as a priority, and we share her concerns 
as we see insecurity as a driver of irregular migration. I will draw on 
my experience in the State Department and the Department of Defense to 
identify areas of engagement and innovative approaches to strengthening 
respect for human rights in Honduras.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa already engages with civil society 
organizations and human rights institutions to follow human rights 
cases. If confirmed, I will empower the officers and staff working on 
human rights to seek meetings and activities that will advance U.S. 
interests in promoting respect for and protecting human rights in 
Honduras. I will make myself available to deliver hard messages, as 
appropriate, and to celebrate advances, and I will encourage broad use 
of funds and programming available through the interagency that support 
civil society organizations.

    Question. How will you work with the relevant Ambassadors at Large 
within the Department to combat these major human rights issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will welcome the expertise and experience 
of the Ambassadors-at-Large with a focus on the various human rights 
issues in Honduras. I will ask my team to identify gaps in our 
programming and outreach efforts and to make contact with the offices 
of the Ambassadors-at-Large to identify any possible cooperation 
opportunities.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to raising these human rights 
concerns within your first 100 days of your tenure?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to raising human rights 
concerns within the first 100 days of my tenure and will also continue 
to raise them, as appropriate, throughout my time as Ambassador.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator Tim Kaine

Value-Added Tax
    Question. U.S. companies operating in Honduras play an important 
role in increasing government revenue, creating jobs, and stimulating 
local economies. Improving the environment for U.S. investment by 
ensuring businesses are treated fairly and transparently are critical 
to addressing the root causes of migration. Unfortunately, U.S. 
companies continue to report significant over-withholdings of value 
added tax (VAT) and income taxes, and delays or denials in millions of 
dollars of tax refunds to which they are lawfully entitled.

   If confirmed, how will you ensure the Department works with the 
        Castro administration to fulfill the legal and financial 
        obligations necessary to foster an attractive investment 
        environment and stimulate economic growth, including the timely 
        refund of excess taxes paid by U.S. companies? What specific 
        actions will you take to ensure the Castro administration 
        implements effective remedies to expedite approved refund 
        payments?

    Answer. The United States worked to improve the investment climate 
in Honduras for U.S. investors for many years. We strive to increase 
predictability, rule of law, and international best practices with 
Honduras' Government institutions. If confirmed, I will use the array 
of mechanisms available to the Department and through the interagency 
to ensure Honduras respects its commitments under investment 
mechanisms, including CAFTA-DR, and that U.S. investors can obtain 
effective relief from excessive tax withholding.

Rule of Law
    Question. An independent judiciary and fair, consistent application 
of legal precedent is critical to fostering predictability for U.S. 
investors considering opportunities in Honduras. President Biden's Root 
Causes Strategy highlights that weak rule of law, lack of transparency, 
and corruption deter much needed foreign investment in the region.

   As Ambassador, what steps would you take to encourage the 
        Government of Honduras to strengthen the rule of law and foster 
        a business-enabling environment for inclusive economic growth, 
        especially regarding the fair and equitable treatment of 
        critical investments by the U.S., and particularly in the CEMAR 
        case?

    Answer. The Department, the U.S. Agency for International 
Development, and other agencies active at post work on rule of law 
programming to strengthen the justice sector in Honduras. These 
programs seek to create predictability and accountability in Honduras' 
Government institutions and to render those institutions worthy of 
confidence from citizens and investors. If confirmed, I will promote 
the existing programs and work with my team to develop creative 
responses to evolving situations, especially those involving U.S. 
investors. A strengthened justice sector will advance several U.S. 
priorities in Honduras, including fighting corruption, increasing 
citizen security, and supporting economic development. I cannot comment 
on the specifics of any case, but if confirmed, I commit to asking my 
team to provide me with the information I need to help U.S. investors 
pursue resolution of their disputes and to meeting with those investors 
as appropriate.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Last month, Honduras inaugurated Xiomara Castro to serve 
as its new President. She replaces Juan Orlando Hern ndez, under whose 
administration Honduras has pursued a broadly pro-American policy. For 
example, Honduras joined the U.S. in multilateral initiatives to 
support the interim Government of Venezuela and to impose sanctions on 
the D!az-Canel/Castro regime in Cuba.

   What is your assessment of how Honduras will approach its 
        relationship to the United States under President Castro?

    Answer. I understand the Department devoted significant effort to 
developing a positive relationship with President Xiomara Castro and 
her administration, beginning during the campaign. U.S. Embassy 
Tegucigalpa personnel met with Castro's transition team, and the U.S. 
Government sent high-level interlocutors, including Vice President 
Harris, to demonstrate U.S. support for some of President Castro's 
initiatives. Castro will not fully align with the United States in 
every policy, but she repeatedly stressed her hope that the United 
States will remain Honduras' preferred partner on her top priorities. 
If confirmed, I will strive to build on the existing positive 
relationship to accomplish progress on our shared priorities, including 
countering corruption and drug trafficking, rebuilding the economy, 
improving security, and strengthening respect for human rights, all of 
which will contribute to a reduction in irregular migration. President 
Castro's victory as an opposition candidate in a free and fair election 
also sent the region a positive signal about democratic governance.

    Question. What is your assessment of the new Honduran Government's 
plans to overhaul the Honduran economy?

    Answer. I understand President Castro campaigned heavily on the 
need for economic recovery, and she focused on the need for improved 
rule of law--especially with regards to fighting corruption--as a 
central part of that plan. Honduras struggles with a low-skilled 
workforce, limited preventive healthcare options, and other challenges 
to economic development, but President Castro has the attention of the 
international community and the Honduran private sector. If confirmed, 
I will work to maintain President Castro's focus on improving the 
business and investment climate and on creating conditions for private 
sector-led economic development. I welcomed the announcement that the 
United States would facilitate delivery and deployment of pediatric 
vaccines to help get the schools open after a two-year hiatus.

    Question. How do you think these initiatives will interact with the 
Biden administration's policy to counter the root causes of migration?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration stresses the importance of 
private sector-led development and promoted efforts like the Call to 
Action and Build Back Better World to help organize efforts in 
encouraging quality investment and strengthening ties between our 
partner countries and U.S. businesses. If President Castro remains 
seriously committed to long-term growth and improvement for the 
Honduran economy, I believe the Department can deploy tools to help her 
and all Hondurans. The mechanisms and tools we have developed will 
increase opportunities in Honduras for high-paying, better-quality jobs 
that will allow people to remain in their home communities. If 
confirmed, I will work with my team in Tegucigalpa and their 
counterparts in Washington to maximize our ability to support those 
policies that mirror our own efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, what priorities will you put forward for 
the Biden administration to continue the positive U.S.-Honduras 
relationship?

    Answer. I understand many of President Castro's policies align with 
U.S. priorities for Honduras, including improving citizen security, 
with a focus on combating sexual and gender-based violence; countering 
corruption and drug trafficking; and improving Honduras' respect for 
human rights. If confirmed, I will work with the interagency to seek 
responsive and creative ways to continue the positive relationship the 
United States enjoys with the Castro administration. I anticipate 
points of friction, as in any bilateral relationship, but I hope that 
we will maintain a foundation of mutual support and understanding.

    Question. Shortly after winning election, President Castro had 
aired the idea of switching Honduras' diplomatic recognition from 
Taiwan towards the People's Republic of China, a move that the Chinese 
Communist Party has eagerly sought for years. In December of last year, 
Nicaragua did this and immediately received 1 million doses of the 
PRC's Sinopharm vaccine. Honduras, similarly, stands to receive 
significant benefits from the CCP should it recognize the PRC.

   Do you believe that Honduras should switch diplomatic recognition 
        from Taiwan to the PRC?

    Answer. Taiwan has proven itself a valuable, steady, and respectful 
partner to Honduras over several decades. Despite Castro's campaign 
musing about switching diplomatic ties to the PRC, she appears to have 
reconsidered that position. The United States has stressed the value 
and importance of maintaining ties with Taiwan. Taiwan's Vice President 
met with the Castro administration around the inauguration and 
acknowledged its hope to respond to Honduras' requests for engagement 
on economic development and investment. If confirmed, I will facilitate 
positive interactions between Taiwan and Honduras.

    Question. If confirmed, will you encourage Honduras to maintain 
diplomatic ties with Taiwan?

    Answer. Yes, I will support Honduras in maintaining diplomatic ties 
with Taiwan. Honduras requested evolution in its relationship with 
Taiwan--a move from humanitarian assistance to long-term economic 
development and investment. If confirmed, I will help both sides 
explore the potential such changes offer including through 
collaboration with U.S. colleagues working at the American Institute of 
Taiwan. I will support initiatives and empower my teams to provide 
feedback on the strengths and weaknesses of our current and past 
approaches to ensure we can strengthen the overall relationship.

    Question. What more can the Biden administration do to provide 
Honduras with investment and assistance, so that it does not feel like 
it has to accept dubious loans from the PRC's Belt and Road Initiative?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has several existing 
mechanisms to facilitate investment and infrastructure improvement as 
well as innovative programs. U.S. efforts seek to organize development 
and investment to help partner countries with climate resilient 
infrastructure and long-term improvements in workforce qualifications, 
including through Build Back Better World and the Blue Dot Network. The 
U.S. International Development Finance Corporation has mobilized $60 
billion for development and investment around the world. In Central 
America, Vice President Harris launched the Call to Action to engage 
businesses in responsible economic development in Central America, and 
the public-private partnership with the Partnership for Central America 
seeks to amplify the Call to Action.

    Question. Last week, the Honduran Congress passed a law that 
granted amnesty to individuals accused of embezzlement, fraud, abuse of 
authority, terrorism, sedition and illegal possession of weapons, among 
other crimes. The law seems only to apply to government officials who 
served from 2006 to 2009, which cleanly lines up with the 
Administration of Manuel Zelaya, the former President of Honduras and 
President Castro's husband, who was ousted in 2009.

   Do you believe the amnesty law tarnishes President Castro's 
        attempts to portray herself as an anti-corruption advocate?

    Answer. I regret that the new Government elected to fight 
corruption beginning with an amnesty law. Local NGOs and civil society 
actors called the amnesty law ``an impunity pact,'' and other observers 
have raised similar concerns about its reach and objective. The turmoil 
in the Honduran congress reflects on President Castro's ability to act 
on the mandate the people gave her.

    Question. Are you worried that this amnesty law raises the question 
that President Castro's administration may attempt to re-write 
Honduras' constitution, just as former President Zelaya did before his 
ouster?

    Answer. I understand President Castro has dismissed allegations she 
would try to stand up a constituent assembly. If confirmed, I will use 
every tool available to me to promote respect for democratic processes 
and institutions.

    Question. If confirmed and in the event that Honduras re-attempts 
constitutional changes that could undermine Honduran democracy, what 
will be your response?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, and in the event Honduras attempts to 
push through constitutional changes that could undermine Honduran 
democracy, I will work with the Department and the interagency to use 
the appropriate tools to promote respect for democratic institutions 
and processes. I would call upon the diplomatic community in Honduras 
to use our combined voices and resources to urge a measured and long-
sighted approach to any significant changes proposed.

    Question. As you know, President Biden began his administration by 
announcing his ambition to address the root causes of migration in 
Central America. I believe that increased private sector investment in 
Honduras is integral to this effort. It is important for the U.S. 
Embassy in Tegucigalpa to work with the Castro administration to 
identify barriers to U.S. investment in Honduras and to promote 
solutions to improve the business environment for U.S. companies.

   Do you agree that increased investment by U.S. companies can help 
        create economic benefits and contribute to addressing the root 
        causes of migration in Honduras and the wider region?

    Answer. Yes, I agree that U.S. private sector investment can bring 
economic benefits to Honduras while also addressing some of the root 
causes of irregular migration. I believe high-quality investment brings 
not just capital but also builds Hondurans' knowledge and technology in 
nearly any sector. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
existing programs throughout the interagency that strive to reduce 
trade and commercial barriers and seek to increase economic 
opportunities through an improved investment environment in Honduras. I 
will carefully review options for near-shoring in support of U.S. 
supply chains. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with U.S. 
businesses already working in Honduras as well as with those 
considering new investments in the country while working closely with 
the Honduran Government to improve its investment climate.

    Question. If so, how can we work with the Castro administration to 
reduce barriers to investment for U.S. companies?

    Answer. I understand President Castro reached out to private sector 
leaders during the campaign and immediately after her electoral 
victory, requesting input and advice on the formation of her economic 
and financial policies. If confirmed, I will encourage my team to work 
with the Castro administration, private sector leaders in the United 
States and Honduras, and across the U.S. Government to maintain the 
positive momentum we have seen so far. I believe our broad focus on 
improving rule of law and fighting corruption will also contribute to 
reducing barriers to U.S. investment and to creating an enabling 
environment for more and varied investment.

    Question. One of the barriers to U.S. investment in Honduras is the 
issue of over-withholding of Honduran Value Added Tax and income tax. 
Just like here, the Honduran Government withholds an estimate of what 
it believes companies' and individuals' taxes will be throughout the 
year, and refunds those entities that have overpaid. Unfortunately, 
U.S. investors have experienced significant delays in receiving these 
refunds. While the previous Hernandez administration made a commitment 
to address this issue, I am concerned that the Castro administration 
will not prioritize it.

   Do you agree this creates a barrier for U.S. companies looking to 
        reinvest in Honduras?

    Answer. Yes, I believe uncertainty and unpredictability create 
barriers to U.S. investment in Honduras.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Castro 
administration to resolve refunds owed to U.S. businesses, expedite 
approved refund payments, and minimize future over-withholding of tax?

    Answer. The United States has sought to improve the investment 
climate in Honduras for U.S. investors for many years. We strive to 
increase predictability, rule of law, and international best practices 
with Honduras' Government institutions. If confirmed, I will use the 
array of mechanisms available to the Embassy to ensure Honduras 
respects its commitments, including those under CAFTA-DR. I will strive 
to show the Honduran Government that ensuring U.S. investors can obtain 
effective relief from excessive tax withholding also serves Honduras' 
interests as it will provide a clear sign of an improving investment 
climate.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Randi Charno Levine by Senator Robert Menendez

Ukraine
    Question. Transatlantic unity is vital to deterring Putin from re-
invading Ukraine. Portugal has committed to join in imposing severe 
costs on Russia if it escalates aggression against Ukraine. If 
confirmed, how will you work with the Portuguese Government to ensure a 
unified response in the event that Russian actions fell short of a 
full-scale invasion, but still constitute an attack on Ukraine's 
sovereignty?

    Answer. Portugal is contributing forces to the NATO contingent of 
troops rotating through the Baltics in Lithuania. Portugal has 
consistently supported EU sanctions against Russia and played a 
constructive role in support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial 
integrity. Foreign Minister Santos Silva has also highlighted the 
importance of speaking with one voice and expressed increasing concern 
over malign Russian influence in European politics, including hacking 
government systems, conducting espionage, and spreading disinformation. 
If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the Portuguese to continue 
holding Russia accountable for threatening actions and violations of 
international norms to deter any destabilizing activities.

European Energy Security
    Question. Portugal does not use Russian gas, but Europe still 
depends on Russian gas for 40 percent of its energy needs. Given the 
strategic importance of the Port of Sines, how would you work to 
partner with Portugal on energy security and diversification? And what 
opportunities exist for partnership in the Azores for developing clean, 
renewable energies?

    Answer. Portugal has long advocated for Europe to develop gas 
interconnections to transport natural gas and `green' hydrogen between 
the Iberian Peninsula and Central Europe to diversify gas supply 
sources and reduce energy dependence on Russia. Portugal is also a 
climate action leader, among the first to ratify the Paris Agreement 
and commit to carbon neutrality by 2050. Portugal will soon begin to 
spend its EU recovery funds, which seek to improve infrastructure and 
its green energy transition, including in the Azores. If confirmed, I 
will work to boost mutual economic growth through increased investment, 
climate and energy cooperation, and to counter non-market and coercive 
economic practices.

China
    Question. Portugal and China signed a memorandum of understanding 
on the Belt and Road Initiative in 2018, and China has been a major 
investor in Portugal in the past decade. China has historically 
attempted to use its investments to push its agenda in Europe--a 
hallmark of its debt-trap diplomacy. How would you work with the 
Portuguese Government to expose the negative impacts of Chinese 
investment, particularly in sensitive sectors like energy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with Portugal to address 
the significant challenges PRC actions pose and to counter problematic 
PRC influence. I will strive to enhance awareness of the vital national 
security significance of critical infrastructure to the Government of 
Portugal and promote trusted vendors based in countries with due 
process and respect for the rule of law. I will encourage efforts to 
strengthen the current investment screening regime in Portugal and 
offer technical assistance and the exchange of best practices. In 
addition, I will work hard to bring more American businesses to the 
table as a strong alternative to PRC investment.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there will be nothing more important 
than the health and security of those working with me. I will consider 
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the 
Mission Portugal. AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, 
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to 
strengthen the Department's communication with our workforce, provide 
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect 
against these events in the future as we continue to work closely with 
the interagency to find the cause of these AHIs.


    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Randi Charno Levine by Senator James E. Risch

Economic Relationship
    Question. Portugal's economy has suffered heavily during the COVID-
19 pandemic. As Ambassador, how would you work with the Portuguese 
Government to find ways the U.S. can aid in its domestic economic 
recovery?

    Answer. While the tourism and hospitality sectors have suffered 
during the pandemic, Portuguese GDP grew by 4.9 percent in 2021 and is 
expected to grow by another 5.5 percent in 2022. As Prime Minister 
Costa and his Government begin a new term, his first move will be to 
approve the 2022 budget and implement his party's plans to spend the EU 
recovery funds, which seek to improve Portugal's infrastructure and 
green energy transition. If confirmed, I will work hard to achieve 
mutual economic growth through increased investment, especially in 
climate and energy cooperation, and reinforce our shared prosperity. 
The United States and Portugal are strongest when we work together, and 
we will need this partnership now more than ever as the United States 
leads the global recovery from COVID-19.

    Question. As Ambassador, how will you encourage U.S. investment in 
Portugal?

    Answer. U.S. firms have a large and growing footprint in business 
service centers in Portugal, taking advantage of its pool of multi-
lingual talent, and Portuguese technology startups flourish in the 
startup ecosystem in the United States. U.S. investment can strengthen 
our bilateral relationship and create new economic opportunities for 
both our countries. If confirmed, I will strive to bring more American 
businesses to the table.

    Question. As Ambassador, how will you encourage U.S. trade with 
Portugal?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that Embassy Lisbon is fully 
engaged in recruiting a high-quality delegation to premier initiatives 
like the annual SelectUSA Investment Summit, the SelectUSA Tech 
Program, and the Select Global Women in Tech Program. Portugal 
continues to develop a global reputation as a technology and tech 
start-up hub, attracting commensurate interest from U.S. tech firms. 
Portuguese firms are also heavily invested in the United States, 
particularly in wind and solar energy development, and create thousands 
of jobs domestically. If confirmed, I will focus on increasing mutually 
beneficial bilateral investment, particularly in climate and energy 
cooperation, as Portugal goes through its own clean energy transition.

Political Relationship
    Question. Portugal's Socialist Party just won the sole majority in 
Parliament. While it has led the ruling coalition for years, it now has 
the seats to rule alone. How will you engage with the new PS Government 
as well as minority parties on issues affecting the U.S.-Portuguese 
relationship?

    Answer. As the new government begins its term, they will need to 
approve the 2022 budget and implement PS's plans to spend the EU 
recovery funds, which seek to improve Portugal's infrastructure and 
green energy transition. Portugal's long-standing foreign policy built 
on Transatlantic ties, the EU, and ties with the Lusophone world will 
remain unchanged. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
Portuguese Government to counter the significant and growing PRC 
economic influence and create new opportunities based on these shared 
interests and values.

NATO
    Question. Portugal only spends 1.54 percent of its GDP on military 
expenditures, far below the amount that it and all other NATO members 
pledged in 2014 to spend--two percent. Previous ambassadors have urged 
Portugal to meet that two percent goal, and while Portugal's military 
spending has indeed risen, it has been very slow and a rather small 
increase from an already low floor. What will you do differently from 
your predecessors to convince or encourage Portugal and its government 
of the necessity of being a stronger contributor to NATO?

    Answer. Portugal remains a key NATO Ally and plays an important 
role in NATO's core mission of collective defense, including sending 
146 Marines for three months to Lithuania under the NATO Assurance 
Measures mission and 174 soldiers to Romania for NATO's Tailored 
Forward presence. Portugal continues to voice unwavering support for 
and commitment to NATO missions and operations. Portugal submitted a 
roadmap to raise defense spending to 1.66 percent by 2024 but is 
expected to fall short of its Wales Pledge commitments. If confirmed, I 
will urge the Portuguese increase defense spending to enable it to 
modernize its military, meet force contribution commitments, and 
fulfill its NATO capability targets.

State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Lisbon?

    Answer. Although the pandemic has taken a toll on all of us, I 
understand that morale at Mission Portugal is generally good. Embassy 
Lisbon and Consulate Ponta Delgada are staffed by an experienced and 
motivated team of Americans from across the interagency and excellent 
locally employed staff. The entire team showed enormous flexibility 
during the worst of the pandemic. Portugal's high vaccination rate has 
helped mitigate against serious illness and deaths among Mission 
personnel.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Lisbon?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will reach out to members of the team at 
all levels, including local staff, contractors, and family members of 
all the U.S. Government agencies represented at the Mission to learn 
about any concerns they may have and be an empowering, inclusive 
leader.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Lisbon?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Mission's Country Team 
to develop innovative ways to achieve our goals in the recently updated 
Integrated Country Strategy. I will share our mission and vision widely 
and frequently to the entire team. I will create opportunities for 
frequent messaging and dialogue through events targeting the entire 
community, such as town hall discussions, awards and promotion 
ceremonies, community events, and other forms of active outreach.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have always believed in the importance of serving the 
community, and I have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues 
of all backgrounds in a constructive manner. I regularly engage with 
members of my team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue 
and diversity of thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an 
environment of respect as Mission Portugal carries out important work 
on behalf of the American people. I also believe in setting high 
standards and leading by example. Our employees are our most important 
asset. I am dedicated to professional development and helping employees 
grow and advance.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission to advance U.S. priorities in Portugal, including protecting 
the safety and security of Americans, expanding our economic 
relationship, and advancing shared political priorities. I expect to 
have a positive working relationship and to work together closely.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be 
to meet the entire team at Embassy Lisbon and Consulate Ponta Delgada, 
including the Deputy Chief of Mission. I will consult closely with the 
Deputy Chief of Mission on a range of issues and value the 
institutional knowledge provided. In general, I would expect the Deputy 
Chief of Mission to serve as the chief operating officer for the 
Mission, to liaise with the interagency at post and in Washington, 
manage implementation of the Administration's strategic goals, and co-
lead efforts to build a cohesive team with good morale.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who succeed the most in their roles?

    Answer. Yes. It is imperative that we use the performance 
evaluation process to give timely, honest, and constructive feedback to 
all employees to increase morale, improve job performance, and reward 
high performers.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host-government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Portugal. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Yes. Based on my knowledge of the Department and embassy 
operations overseas, U.S. diplomats have done a remarkable job to get 
outside our embassy walls and advance U.S. objectives by meeting local 
actors in diverse settings and environments. Understanding the health 
restrictions due to COVID-19 over the last two plus years, I 
wholeheartedly support Edward R. Murrow's view that the most crucial 
part of diplomacy happens in the last three feet. My background is 
people to people diplomacy. If confirmed, I will follow in the 
footsteps of the ambassadors who came before me and traveled the 
country extensively to connect with all facets of the Portuguese 
community.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. At this time, U.S. diplomats in Portugal face no 
restrictions on their movement or interactions with the local 
population. If confirmed, I will encourage them to take full advantage 
of this environment to advance our interests with all sectors of the 
Portuguese populace.
    I will also encourage staff to build and strengthen partnerships 
with outside entities including a separate Fulbright Commission, the 
media, non-governmental organizations, government ministries, alumni of 
our exchange programs, and the Luso-American Development Foundation.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Portugal?

    Answer. Public diplomacy is a vital part of our mission. The 
Fulbright program in Portugal benefits 65-70 American and Portuguese 
scholars and students every year. The Portuguese news media scene is 
dominated by four main media groups and the Government of Portugal, 
including the Lusa wire agency, which reaches beyond Portugal to other 
Lusophone countries and to Portuguese communities abroad. Portuguese 
outlets are constantly seeking commentary and clarification from the 
U.S. Embassy. Public Diplomacy Section efforts focus on competing with 
PRC economic and public diplomacy initiatives; supporting transatlantic 
economic and trade relations; promoting U.S. culture, values, 
education, tourism and products; countering Russian malign activities; 
and highlighting the U.S. commitment to the Azores.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. International state-controlled media outlets like Xinhua, 
Sputnik, and Russia Today compete against the U.S. Mission and 
independent western media outlets for influence in the Portuguese media 
space, making media monitoring and skilled engagement to push back 
against disinformation even more important. Our digital engagement 
efforts are key to engaging Portugal's current and future opinion 
leaders. While Portugal has a strong Fulbright Commission and a network 
of six American Corners, the PRC continues to build their influence by 
offering full scholarships for all levels of education, as well as 
expanding their Confucius Center network. If confirmed, I will work to 
explore new educational partnerships.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Unity of message is important in foreign policy, so when it 
comes to public messaging on policy issues, the U.S. Mission should and 
does depend on guidance from Main State. However, it is up to the in-
country team members to provide local understanding of foreign 
audiences and context, build key bilateral and multilateral 
partnerships, and effectively tailor Washington's messages for the 
local context. Embassy Lisbon's public diplomacy team does that very 
well, and if confirmed, I'll make sure that we keep up that caliber of 
work.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. Have you received a briefing on anomalous health 
incidents? If you have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to 
receiving a briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have not yet received a briefing, but I commit to 
receiving one. If confirmed, there is nothing more important than the 
health and security of those working with me at Embassy Lisbon. I will 
consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security 
of the Mission Portugal Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's 
response to AHIs, setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response 
Task Force to strengthen the Department's communication with our 
workforce and provide care for affected employees and family members.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue the good work of our 
current leadership team. I will reach out to members of the team at all 
levels, including local staff, contractors, and the family members of 
all the U.S. Government agencies represented at the Mission to learn 
about their concerns.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Lisbon personnel?

    Answer. Yes.

Human Rights and International Organizations
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Portugal was downgraded from Tier 1 to Tier 2 because of a lack 
of serious efforts to prosecute suspects and a lack of convictions of 
traffickers, among other reasons. How will you work with the Portuguese 
to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The Government of Portugal did not fully meet the minimum 
standards for the elimination of trafficking in 2021 but made 
significant efforts to do so. Multi-year patterns of decreases in 
several areas resulted in the downgrade to Tier 2. However, as a 
recognized leader on human rights issues, Portugal is well-placed to 
continue to take action to reinforce its TIP efforts. If confirmed, I 
look forward to cooperating with Portugal to combat this transnational 
crime that affects our respective national security and am committed to 
partnering with Portugal to identify areas of progress that achieve 
tangible results to advance anti-trafficking efforts.

    Question. What is your assessment of U.S. efforts to combat 
trafficking in country? Please explain in detail.

    Answer. Despite the pandemic, Portugal made gains in several areas, 
to include investigating more suspects, awarding more restitution to 
victims, and updating its national referral mechanism. The Department's 
J/TIP office organized a training delivered by the Department of 
Justice's Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit in January 2021 and 
participated in the U.S.-Portugal strategic dialogue, which also 
addressed human trafficking. As a recognized leader on human rights 
issues, Portugal is well-placed to continue to take action to reinforce 
its TIP efforts, and if confirmed, I look forward to cooperating with 
Portugal to achieve tangible results together that advance anti-
trafficking efforts.

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, do you commit to raising 
human trafficking efforts in the first 100 days of your tenure?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Portugal was described to lack a societal respect for 
religious freedom, namely in the face of rising antisemitic and anti-
Muslim rhetoric and behavior. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue?

    Answer. Portugal's commitment to religious freedom is enshrined in 
its constitution that protects the freedom of religion and worship and 
prohibits religious persecution and discrimination. Overall, relations 
among different religious communities in Portugal are very good, and 
there have been few incidents of hate crimes against any religious 
groups in the last few years. If confirmed, I will use strategic 
outreach to advance a U.S. commitment to furthering understanding among 
people of all religious traditions and support cultural and religious 
diversity in Portugal. Culture and faith are key areas on which to 
build mutual understanding through dialogue. At the same time, if 
confirmed, I will closely monitor and condemn any acts of religious 
intolerance, including those that may target Jewish or Muslim 
communities.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will incorporate these topics into the 
mission's broader efforts to promote interfaith tolerance and the 
safety of religious, racial, and ethnic minority communities in 
Portugal. I will encourage the government at the national, state, 
regional, and local levels to take steps to improve protection for 
religious minority communities, places of worship, and other culturally 
meaningful sites, incorporating experience and expertise of those 
communities. I will also direct my Country Team to support encounters 
with minority communities that promote tolerance and respect for 
religious freedom and include community projects and interfaith 
coalitions. I will also empower local voices to speak out against hate 
crimes.

    Question. What is your assessment of U.S. efforts to bolster 
religious freedom in Portugal?

    Answer. Religious freedom and tolerance have played pivotal roles 
in Portugal's history. Embassy Lisbon has maintained strong contacts 
with government and religious representatives of Catholic, Muslim, 
Jewish, and Protestant groups across various religious freedom issues. 
If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen Mission Portugal's outreach to 
these communities and expand on our shared commitment to uphold and 
protect religious freedom and diversity.

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, what is your plan to work 
with both Ambassadors-at-Large for Religious Freedom and Office to 
monitor and combat Antisemitism given the rise of antisemitic incidents 
in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and seamlessly with 
the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, the 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, and the Special Envoy 
for Holocaust Issues to continue to advocate for these priority issues. 
The Portuguese Government has been consistent in its commitment to 
Holocaust education, remembrance, and research. In May 2021, the 
Holocaust Museum of Porto opened its doors, the first on the Iberian 
Peninsula specifically dedicated to the Holocaust. The local Jewish 
community, some of whose members lost family in the Holocaust, helped 
establish the private museum. There are also plans to build a Jewish 
museum in Lisbon. If confirmed, I look forward to promoting Holocaust 
education and countering Holocaust distortion and denial, countering 
antisemitism and prejudice in all forms, and protecting religious 
freedom.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Portugal was reported as having significant human rights abuses to 
include corruption, domestic violence, child abuse, and acts of 
violence against minority groups. If confirmed, what steps will you 
take to address these instances with the host government?

    Answer. Portugal has applauded the Administration's commitment to 
equality and the defense of human rights, and strongly welcomes U.S. 
leadership in these areas. If confirmed, I would be committed to 
advancing gender equity and equality, empowering women and girls, and 
working hard to prevent and respond to all forms of violence. Exchange 
programs also enable contacts to serve as force multipliers for the 
U.S. Embassy to advance equality and defend human rights for all. I 
would also increase engagement with local advocacy groups, NGOs, and 
government officials.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue activities that support 
diversity and inclusion and human rights. I will seek to increase 
engagement with local advocacy groups, NGOs, and government officials 
to advance human rights, including those of the LGBTQI+ community, and 
showcase Post's own diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to raising human rights in 
the first 100 days of your tenure?

    Answer. Yes.

East Asia and the Indo-Pacific
    Question. What are the implications of China's investments in 
Portugal's energy industry, including its energy grid?

    Answer. PRC-backed companies have sizable stakes in key sectors in 
Portugal like energy, construction, and insurance. China State Grid and 
China Three Gorges are, respectively, the largest shareholders in 
Portuguese energy grid operator REN and global utility EDP, two key 
players in Portugal's energy transition plans. The PRC also uses 
investments in Portugal to further gain an economic foothold in 
Lusophone countries through its companies and media.

    Question. How will you engage with your Portuguese counterparts on 
this matter, if confirmed?

    Answer. The depth and breadth of bilateral ties between Portugal 
and the United States show that our countries are fundamentally aligned 
in ways that the PRC and Portugal are not. However, many Portuguese 
politicians are relatively sanguine about the PRC based on Portugal's 
500-year history of trading and investments in Macau and China. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with Portugal to address the significant 
challenges the PRC poses and strive to raise the awareness of the vital 
economic and national security significance of critical infrastructure, 
including 5G networks, to the Government of Portugal.

    Question. The University of Lisbon has a partnership focused on 
Naval Architecture and Offshore Technology with Harbin Engineering 
University (HEU). HEU is one of China's Seven Sons of National 
Defense--the key universities with deep roots in, and ties with, the 
Chinese military and defense industry. Will you commit to prioritizing 
China-Portugal technology and defense partnerships that could undermine 
U.S. interests?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing awareness with 
the Government of Portugal as it related to Portuguese-Chinese 
technology and defense partnerships that undermine U.S. interests.

    Question. How will you tackle this challenge, if confirmed?

    Answer. While encouraging academic freedom, if confirmed, I will 
urge our allies and partners to practice careful oversight on academic 
collaboration with their PRC based academic partners, and strive to 
enhance awareness to prevent research that may be exploited by rival 
militaries or for human rights abuses.

    Question. Portugal is a major hub for undersea cables, and industry 
where state-run and state-supported Chinese companies are making major 
strides vis-a-vis trusted vendors in the United States, the European 
Union, and Japan. Portugal has expressed some understanding of the need 
to keep untrusted vendors out of European cable networks. How will you 
advance U.S. interests on this issue in your engagements with Portugal, 
if confirmed?

    Answer. Portugal is actively seeking to attract more undersea 
cables to establish itself as European gateway for digital connections. 
At the same time, the PRC continues to seek ways to increase science 
and technology cooperation with various Portuguese (mainland and 
Azorean) maritime institutions. This is concerning from a security 
perspective, and if confirmed, I will work hard to push back on the 
PRC's technological threats and build resilience to Beijing's economic 
coercion.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Randi Charno Levine by Senator Marco Rubio

Golden Visas
    Question. Portugal remains one of the few countries in the European 
Union to maintain its ``golden visa'' legislation. These golden visas, 
or officially, ``investor visas,'' provide essentially residency and 
even citizenship to those with enough money to pay. Oligarchs in Russia 
and in the People's Republic of China use these programs to gain 
citizenship in Europe. If they gain citizenship in a country that 
participates in our Visa Waiver Program, that becomes a path for 
corrupt officials, responsible for human rights abuses, the ability to 
freely travel to the U.S. What is your opinion of Portugal's golden 
visa laws?

    Answer. Our Mission must continue to facilitate strong connections 
between U.S. and Portuguese companies, investors, and entrepreneurs to 
carry out legitimate trade and develop new economic opportunities. As a 
member of the Visa Waiver Program (VWP), Portugal has a close security 
partnership with the United States on immigration and border screening. 
If confirmed, I will urge careful oversight of such programs and seek 
to maintain and enhance existing information sharing and law 
enforcement cooperation with Portugal.

    Question. What is your opinion of proposals here that would make 
Portuguese nationals eligible for U.S. investor visas?

    Answer. Our two nations already enjoy extensive cultural and 
economic ties. Bilateral trade in goods between the United States and 
Portugal reached $4.6 billion in 2020. Our bilateral relationship 
continues to serve as an important building block for our larger goal 
of revitalizing the transatlantic partnership. If confirmed, I will 
work to strengthen our mutual prosperity and economic growth by 
supporting and promoting efforts that increase investment in both 
countries. If the AMIGOS Act or equivalent legislation becomes law, I 
will facilitate Treaty Trader (E-1)/Treaty Investor (E-2) visas for 
qualified Portuguese passport holders.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Portuguese 
Government to ensure that Portugal properly vets applicants to its 
golden visa program?

    Answer. Portugal's participation in the VWP allows the United 
States to verify the identity document of travelers and determine 
whether these travelers represent a threat to the security of the 
United States and its citizens. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen 
and expand existing cooperation with Portugal through robust 
information sharing and law enforcement cooperation, and jointly 
address global and regional threats and challenges. As with other VWP 
countries, the Department of Homeland Security assesses the immigration 
and border screening capabilities of foreign partners every two years, 
including the integrity of any citizenship-by-investment programs.

Afghan Refugees
    Question. Portugal has been one of the countries most receptive to 
hosting Afghan refugees. Many of these refugees are Christians, 
military translators, and others that are at acute risk of oppression 
by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Many of them are supported by 
American organizations through funding and supplies to help these 
refugees rebuild a normal life in Portugal. What is your assessment of 
the Administration's plans for the eventual future for Afghan refugees 
currently in Portugal?

    Answer. Since the relocation of our Afghan partners began in 
August, the Government of Portugal has been a trusted and indispensable 
partner in the effort to support at-risk individuals and their families 
from Afghanistan. The Portuguese continue to express a willingness to 
host these Afghan refugees, make them feel welcome, and help them 
adjust to life in Portugal. In addition, the Department is moving 
forward with refugee processing for Priority 1 and Priority 2 referred 
cases in Portugal.

    Question. Do you believe the Portuguese Government will agree to 
indefinitely host them, or do you believe that Lisbon will want to 
resettle them in the U.S. or other third countries?

    Answer. The Government of Portugal has offered asylum to the 
refugees who have entered their country and the Government has been 
clear that they intend to assist the refugees in making Portugal their 
permanent home. U.S. NGOs and private citizens are donating an 
estimated five million dollars to help fund these efforts. As I 
understand it, Embassy Portugal has received no requests from the 
Government of Portugal to resettle them in the United States.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. N. Nickolas Perry by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and 
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed, 
and I will ensure that any reported incident that falls under my Chief 
of Mission authority will receive an appropriate medical and security 
response. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to 
Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs), setting clear goals for the Health 
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected 
employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people working at U.S. Embassy Kingston. 
I commit to working with health and security officials and other 
parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate protocols 
and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans and local 
staff.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. N. Nickolas Perry by Senator James E. Risch

General
    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to placing your personally 
owned rental property in Jamaica into a trust that neither you nor any 
member of your immediate family controls so that you can ensure there 
will be no perceived or real conflict of interest from serving as the 
U.S. Ambassador to a country where you have financial gain?

    Answer. Since the announcement of the President's intent to appoint 
me, my wife and I decided to cease making our privately owned property 
available for rentals. We directed the property manager to implement 
this decision and the property is now only for private use.
    If confirmed, I commit to conduct all my public, personal, and 
private business affairs in a manner that is always in full and 
complete compliance with the highest ethical standard required for the 
office of the U.S. Ambassador.

Counter Narcotics
    Question. According to the State Department's 2021 International 
Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Jamaica is the largest Caribbean 
supplier of marijuana to the United States and a transit point for 
cocaine trafficked to the United States and other markets.

   Please describe your understanding of the areas in which the U.S. 
        and Jamaica can improve bilateral efforts to target narcotics 
        trafficking in Jamaica and the Caribbean writ large.

    Answer. I understand U.S.-Jamaican collaboration on matters of law 
enforcement and citizen security is excellent, overall. We share the 
same goals and the same commitment to combating transnational organized 
crime and protecting our citizens.
    The United States and Jamaica work collaboratively on a wide range 
of issues designed to address crime and violence affecting Jamaican 
citizens and enhance the security of the American homeland. We do this 
principally through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI). Our 
security cooperation with Jamaica under CBSI addresses shared security 
priorities including maritime law enforcement, border and port 
security, firearms trafficking, transnational crime, gangs, law 
enforcement and justice sector capacity building, and youth crime and 
violence prevention. The United States also works with the Jamaican 
Constabulary Force Narcotics Unit and the Jamaican Defense Force's 
Coast Guard to strengthen border security, conduct interdiction 
operations, dismantle networks engaged in illicit trafficking, and 
cooperate on maritime interdiction of illegal narcotics. If confirmed, 
I will work hard to see that this collaboration between our countries 
continues to increase.

    Question. If confirmed, how will your approach to countering drugs 
and crime be different from the U.S. Government's previous policies, 
which have not yielded sustained positive results?

    Answer. I understand the 26 U.S. Government agencies that make up 
the Embassy in Kingston provide capacity building assistance to aid law 
enforcement and criminal justice actors, including Jamaican courts, the 
Jamaican Constabulary Force, and the Jamaican Defense Force. The United 
States made substantial progress through the Caribbean Basin Security 
Initiative in combating narcotics trafficking and transnational crime 
and increasing citizen security. I recognize that U.S. programs need to 
continue to evolve to meet the most significant threats and challenges 
we face in Jamaica, including sustained work to combat gangs, 
corruption, financial crimes, and other emerging issues.

    Question. In 2019 Jamaica became a participant in the Chinese 
Communist Party's (CCP) Belt and Road Initiative. What specific actions 
will you take to highlight the consequences of the CCP's non-
transparent and coercive economic, financial, and lending practices in 
order to counter its negative influence in the Caribbean?

    Answer. The United States encourages our partners to follow 
international best practices for investments and trade that meet high 
standards in terms of transparency, adherence to anti-corruption 
standards, debt sustainability, labor rights, environmental best 
practices, and addressing the needs and concerns of local communities. 
We urge partners to develop investment screening mechanisms to ensure 
that untrusted vendors do not gain access to or influence over critical 
infrastructure or sensitive sectors. Untrusted vendor investment in 
critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors opens partners and the 
United States up to national security and data privacy risks.
    If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that Jamaica's leaders are 
aware of the PRC's opaque policies and financing practices that do not 
meet international standards and undermine countries' critical 
infrastructure security, the rules-based international order, fair 
global market competition, or human rights.

    Question. In 2020, Jamaica accepted over 140 Cuban doctors to 
provide medical services as part of a COVID-19 agreement. Do you agree 
that these Cuban medical missions are a form of human trafficking and 
if so, what would you do to highlight this issue with the Jamaican 
Government?

    Answer. I understand there are serious and ongoing concerns about 
allegations of forced labor in Cuba's international missions' program, 
one of the Cuban Government's largest sources of revenue. If confirmed, 
I will urge Jamaican authorities to take the necessary steps to prevent 
forced labor and seek transparency on contractual agreements between 
the Cuban Government and Cuban overseas workers, to screen those 
associated with this program for trafficking indicators, and to protect 
those victims identified. I will commit to continued high-level 
diplomatic engagement with the Jamaican Government on this issue and 
others that relate to our shared support for human rights.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Kingston?

    Answer. I understand that the stress of the pandemic, along with 
the loss of several Mission staff, had a profound impact on Mission 
Kingston. Nevertheless, the Mission staff, both American and local 
staff, have lived up to the highest standards of the Department by 
continuing to perform at the very highest level, advocating for U.S. 
interests and bilateral cooperation related to political and economic 
issues, managing development programs, and providing citizen services 
to Americans in distress. I applaud their dedication and, if confirmed, 
it will be my honor to lead such an outstanding group of public 
servants.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kingston?

    Answer. The morale, well-being, and safety of all mission employees 
will be one of my top priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed. I will 
work with Embassy leadership to ensure there are proper resources in 
place for all employees to contribute to the Mission's success. I will 
also make every effort to ensure that all employees are aware that I 
care about them, that I want to hear from them, and that it is my duty 
to try to address their concerns.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Kingston?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with my entire 
Embassy team, including all 26 agencies represented there, to ensure 
that we operate as a single team in the service of the citizens of the 
United States, our government, and the strengthening of our 
relationship with the people and Government of Jamaica. In carrying out 
our mission, I will strive to ensure that Mission Kingston has a 
diverse and inclusive workforce where all employees are respected and 
treated equitably.

Management is a Key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I would describe my management style as a combination of 
democratic management and coaching management. I admire democratic 
management since I believe good leadership is rooted in collaboration. 
I also appreciate the value of the coaching management style in which a 
leader is committed to the ongoing development of his staff and works 
to identify what motivates each employee so that the manager can 
identify their strengths and weaknesses and help them to become better 
professionals.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate a 
subordinate, in public or in private. I believe such conduct 
demonstrates a lack of control and is antithetical to creating a 
positive and productive workplace.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. An effective Embassy requires a smooth, complementary 
relationship in the Front Office between the Ambassador and the Deputy 
Chief of Mission. I recognize that a senior Foreign Service Officer 
will be of great value to the Embassy in Kingston and it will be my 
responsibility to work with them in a way that takes advantage of their 
talents and experience, from coordinating the implementation of the 
Integrated Country Strategy to ensuring harmony and synchronization of 
the 26 agencies that make up the Mission. If confirmed, I look forward 
to sitting down with the Deputy Chief of Mission and devising a 
relationship that ensures the success of our important work in Jamaica 
on behalf of the United States.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate the Deputy Chief of Mission will 
be key to three Mission priorities: the effective implementation of the 
Integrated Country Strategy by the Country Team; advocating for U.S. 
interests and enhanced bilateral cooperation; and serving as my 
principal counsel on anything relating to our staff and their welfare.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who succeed the most 
        in their roles?

    Answer. It is absolutely important to provide all employees, from 
entry-level officers to members of my senior staff, with accurate and 
constructive feedback. It is essential to their professional 
development, and I am committed to making that a hallmark of my service 
in Jamaica, if confirmed.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. I believe clear, accurate, and direct feedback is essential 
to the management of all employees., I want to ensure everyone on our 
team is pulling their weight and contributing to our success. That will 
only be done if everyone receives the feedback they require.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host-government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Jamaica.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. I understand U.S. diplomats need to get outside of the 
Embassy to meet contacts and assess local conditions, taking the 
appropriate precautions related to prevalent violent crime and the 
pandemic. As with many things, we should always strive to do better, 
and if confirmed, I will certainly encourage the Embassy Kingston staff 
to engage as much as conditions allow.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to set the pace for the rest of my 
team. I plan to get out and see as many Jamaicans as possible, to share 
U.S. views and listen to their concerns, and to showcase the great 
programs that the U.S. Government is conducting in Jamaica. As much as 
possible, if confirmed, I will encourage embassy staff to interact with 
Jamaicans from all walks of life.

Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts
    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Jamaica?

    Answer. I understand U.S. Embassy Kingston has thriving and dynamic 
public diplomacy (PD) programs and engagements involving media, 
educational, and cultural institutions. By and large, Jamaicans are 
favorable toward our messaging and are eager to participate in our PD 
programs.
    The Embassy manages a variety of U.S.-sponsored cultural and 
educational exchange programs, including the Fulbright Program, 
International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), the Young Leaders of 
the Americas Initiative (YLAI), and other ad hoc exchanges. We have 
great working relationships with government ministries and NGOs.
    The Embassy enjoys a strong working relationship with the local 
media, and it has a monthly article and radio program highlighting 
consular issues. The daily newspapers print the majority of embassy 
press releases, and the mission is able to garner interest for press 
conferences and interviews with Embassy officials.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The COVID pandemic has substantially altered our public 
diplomacy efforts. I understand the Embassy was able to pivot in order 
to engage and message digitally when the COVID-19 pandemic made in-
person events impossible. However, schools, NGOs, and civil society 
organizations in Jamaica often lack the resources and connectivity to 
participate in virtual programs with the Embassy. If confirmed, I will 
encourage staff to broaden our public engagement options and think 
creatively about how we can interact with more Jamaicans from a wide 
variety of backgrounds.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. I understand the State Department's bureaus and overseas 
missions work hand-in-hand on public diplomacy. In doing so, they 
create messaging about key policy priorities that resonate with the 
local audience and design educational and cultural programs that 
further U.S. goals of economic growth, respect for human rights, 
strengthening civil society, protecting the environment, and embracing 
diversity.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and 
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed, , 
and I will ensure that any reported incident that falls under my Chief 
of Mission authority will receive an appropriate medical and security 
response. . I understand Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's 
response to Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs), setting clear goals for 
the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected 
employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Kingston personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to speaking as openly as 
possible to mission personnel and working with health and security 
officials as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate 
protocols and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans 
and local staff.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Jamaica remained on Tier 2 due to sustained efforts to meet the 
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking, including a sizable 
conviction.

   How will you work with the Jamaican Government to address these 
        ongoing issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. I understand that the Government of Jamaica takes the 
Department's annual reporting on trafficking in persons very seriously, 
and the Holness administration is a committed partner in combatting 
these issues. The 2021 TIP Report acknowledged the Government's 
progress in applying stringent penalties to a convicted trafficker and 
ensuring restitution paid to a victim. However, the Jamaican Government 
continues to struggle with low numbers of victims identified and 
assisted, and few prosecutions and convictions. If confirmed, under my 
leadership, the U.S. Government and its implementing partners will seek 
to strengthen the Jamaican Government's capacity to combat human 
trafficking, provide victim services training, and engage in high-level 
dialogue with the Jamaican Government to keep them focused on victim 
identification and protection, prosecution of criminal actors, and 
community-based prevention.

    Question. What is your assessment of U.S. efforts to combat 
trafficking in country? Please explain in detail.

    Answer. The U.S. Government heavily invested in building the 
capacity of the Jamaican Government to combat human trafficking in 
Jamaica. Under the U.S.-Jamaica Child Protection Compact (CPC) 
Partnership, the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons 
invested nearly $6.7 million to bolster the Government of Jamaica's 
efforts to address this issue. The CPC Partnership is a jointly 
developed, multi-year plan that builds on existing efforts to prosecute 
and punish perpetrators of child trafficking; identify child 
trafficking victims and coordinate the provision of comprehensive 
protective services; and prevent child trafficking from occurring. Both 
our governments committed to working collaboratively in Jamaica over 
four years to achieve improved and sustainable policies and practices 
to meet the CPC Partnership's objectives. If confirmed, I will seek to 
continue these projects alongside our deep engagement to build the 
capacity of a broad range of local civil society organizations with the 
local knowledge and expertise to support efforts to combat human 
trafficking.

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, do you commit to raising 
human trafficking efforts in the first 100 days of your tenure?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continually improving and 
expanding our efforts to combat human trafficking in Jamaica. The 
Government of Jamaica is a strong and willing partner in these efforts, 
and we look forward to growing our partnership with them, local civil 
society organizations, and U.S.-based implementing partners to continue 
making headway on this issue. I commit to the prioritization of the 
fight against trafficking in persons during my first 100 days and 
throughout my tenure.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, the U.S. Embassy was noted as being regularly engaged 
with civil society to encourage positive discourse and action as it 
relates to religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue?

    Answer. Jamaica's constitution firmly guarantees freedom of 
religious belief, and this freedom is backed up by a robust array of 
civil society organizations that the Embassy regularly works with. If 
confirmed, I'll stand by the Jamaican peoples' right of religious 
freedom. Moreover, continued stigma against members of the Rastafarian 
community and legal discrimination against LGBTQI+ Jamaicans, supported 
by some religious groups and leaders, are issues which require 
continuing discourse and attention. If confirmed, I will ensure the 
Embassy will continue working to address them.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. I understand Embassy Kingston regularly convenes diverse 
faith groups and civil society organizations to promote positive 
discourse on the topics of religious freedom and tolerance. Religious 
freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and the Department continues 
to monitor the religious freedom situation in Jamaica. If confirmed, I 
will work the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom 
(IRF) and other stakeholders to ensure all citizens enjoy their freedom 
of religion and equal protection as stated in the constitution.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Jamaica was identified as having serious human rights issues and 
abuses, like corruption, sex and labor trafficking, and poor prison 
conditions, among others.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration prioritizes the advancement 
of human rights, democracy promotion, and the fight against corruption, 
which was on display during the December 2021 Summit for Democracy. If 
confirmed, I will continue to raise the U.S. Government's human rights 
priorities with our partners in the Government of Jamaica at the 
highest levels. Prime Minister Andrew Holness delivered remarks at the 
Summit for Democracy that committed Jamaica to advancing human rights 
in Jamaica and multilateral fora. Curbing police abuses, human rights 
violations, and corruption will be top priorities in our security and 
economic partnerships with the Jamaican Government, private sector, 
media, civil society organizations, and marginalized communities, and 
the Embassy will continue to be deeply involved at nearly every level 
of the Jamaican Government's efforts to combat human trafficking.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. A key priority for Embassy Kingston is supporting and 
building the capacity of Jamaica's many robust civil society 
organizations working to strengthen the rule of law, curb corruption, 
and provide support for human rights defenders in the country. Through 
programs such as the U.S.-Jamaica Child Protection Compact (CPC) 
Partnership, the Embassy directs substantial funding to implementing 
partners who train and support Jamaican Government agencies in 
combatting the scourges of human trafficking and related issues. If 
confirmed, I will continue to convene civil society organizations 
focused on fighting corruption to build stronger partnerships, share 
lessons learned, identify resource opportunities, better inform our 
reporting to Washington and Congress, and guide our conversations with 
partners in the Jamaican Government on these issues.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Coordinator on 
Global Anti-Corruption on corruption issues in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with the new 
Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption in our efforts to better combat 
corruption and the problems it feeds such as gang violence, drug 
trafficking, and financial scams targeting vulnerable Americans. I will 
also seek to enhance the Embassy's anti-corruption efforts by pursuing 
the full suite of U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption Pillar 5 lines 
of action that would include publicly supporting Jamaica's robust civil 
society, journalists, and anti-corruption activists and government 
anti-corruption institutions, such as the Auditor General's Department, 
the Major Organized Crime Agency, Integrity Commission, Office of the 
Director of Public Prosecutions, and Financial Investigations Division.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. N. Nickolas Perry by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Jamaica has become a target of considerable lending 
through the Chinese Communist Party's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). 
Since 2005, Jamaica has received about $2.1 billion in financing from 
Chinese sources for road construction, housing, entertainment centers, 
hospitals, schools and even government buildings. Almost $1.2 billion 
have been to critical industries, like the mining of bauxite, 
transportation and energy. Capping off this lending, Jamaica formally 
joined the Belt and Road Initiative in 2019. Although Jamaican 
officials are confident that these loans can be repaid, they have 
notably become more reluctant to receive more funding.

   Do you agree that China's Belt and Road Initiative is predatory 
        lending?

    Answer. The United States encourages our partners to follow 
international best practices for investments and trade that meet high 
standards in terms of transparency, adherence to anti-corruption 
standards, debt sustainability, labor rights, environmental best 
practices, and addressing the needs and concerns of local communities. 
The United States urges partners to develop investment screening 
mechanisms to ensure that untrusted actors do not gain access to or 
influence over critical infrastructure or sensitive sectors. Untrusted 
actor investment in critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors opens 
partners and the United States up to national security and data privacy 
risks.
    If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that Jamaica's leaders are 
aware of the PRC's opaque policies and financing practices that do not 
meet international standards, undermine countries' critical 
infrastructure security, the rules-based international order, fair 
global market competition, and human rights.

    Question. If confirmed, will you support efforts by U.S.-backed 
international financial institutions to provide enhanced investment to 
Jamaica, including by providing a 10th capital increase to the Inter-
American Development Bank?

   In addition to your home state of New York, the largest 
        concentration of Jamaican-Americans reside in my home state of 
        Florida. They maintain close ties with their relatives in 
        Jamaica, and many U.S. companies have business presence in the 
        Caribbean island. Remittances from these communities also form 
        a substantial source of Jamaican GDP.

    Answer. The Jamaican Government undertook a six-year economic 
reform program with support from the IMF prior to the COVID-19 pandemic 
which ensured it had the resources to help its citizens. The Holness 
administration made impressive gains in reducing public debt. If 
confirmed, I will urge the Holness administration to continue on a path 
that assures international financial institutions and potential 
American investors of Jamaica's fiscal stability, accountability, and 
welcoming business environment. If confirmed, I will support greater 
investments by the Inter-American Development Bank in projects that 
help Jamaica address its development needs in a responsible and 
sustainable fashion. Discussions on the IDB's resources should occur 
from the bottom up, taking into account the views of all shareholders 
and IDB Management and fulsome analyses of financial conditions, the 
use of resources and how it relates to the region's challenges, and the 
IDB's role within the larger financing and policy landscape for the 
region.
    Jamaica and the United States have long enjoyed a very close 
relationship built upon shared values, trade, cultural ties, tourism, 
and the diaspora community. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen 
those ties, especially with the diaspora community. I will also focus 
on expanding and enhancing our trade and investment relationship with 
Jamaica. If confirmed, I will work to increase the awareness of the 
opportunities that exist for U.S. businesses outside of the tourism and 
hospitality sectors.

    Question. If confirmed, what are your top priorities to support 
economic and cultural ties between Jamaica and the Jamaican-American 
community?

    Answer. If confirmed, I believe my life experience will contribute 
to a strengthening of the ties between Jamaican-Americans and their 
homeland. I will meet with Jamaican-American groups to hear their views 
on how we can encourage enhanced economic ties between them and Jamaica 
to the benefit of both countries. I will also support the Embassy's 
cultural and educational exchanges that enable Americans and Jamaicans 
to share ideas and learn from each other. Each of these areas will be 
important as we make the U.S.-Jamaican relationship even stronger.

    Question. Since the 1990s, drug violence has plagued Jamaica, which 
continues to experience high rates of crime and violence. The country 
still has the highest homicide rate in the entire Latin America and 
Caribbean region, at 45.5 per 100,000 people.

   How would you work to improve ongoing anti-drug efforts to prevent 
        drugs from coming to U.S. from Jamaica?

    Answer. I understand U.S.-Jamaican counter-narcotics collaboration 
is excellent, overall. We share the same goals and the same commitment 
to combatting transnational organized crime and protecting our 
citizens.
    The United States and Jamaica work collaboratively on a wide range 
of issues designed to address drugs and crime. We do this principally 
through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI). Jamaica is one 
of thirteen Caribbean countries that partners with the United States to 
advance three overarching, complementary goals: reduce illicit 
trafficking, improve public safety and security, and prevent youth 
crime and violence in the Caribbean. Our security cooperation with 
Jamaica under CBSI addresses shared security priorities including 
maritime law enforcement, border and port security, firearms 
trafficking, transnational crime, gangs, law enforcement and justice 
sector capacity building, and youth crime and violence prevention.
    U.S. assistance also supports the Jamaican Government's capacity to 
secure and monitor its borders and territorial seas through training 
and technical assistance to the Jamaican Defense Force.
    If confirmed, I will work hard to see that this collaboration 
between our countries continues to increase as we seek to reduce the 
flow of drugs that transit Jamaica and enter the United States.

    Question. What is your view of the current Holness Government's 
approach to combating violence and drug trafficking, specifically by 
creating local states of emergencies?

    Answer. I understand that the Holness administration is working 
hard to reduce the high level of crime, especially homicide, plaguing 
the country. Crime in Jamaica is a special concern because of the 
number of U.S. citizens who reside or visit the country. The 26 U.S. 
Government agencies that make up the Embassy in Kingston provide 
capacity building assistance to aid local criminal justice actors, 
including Jamaican courts, the Jamaican Constabulary Force, and the 
Jamaican Defense Force, and support other efforts to reduce violence. 
This includes programs under the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative to 
reduce illicit trafficking, improve public safety and security, and 
prevent youth crime and violence in the Caribbean.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we maintain our close 
relationship with Jamaican authorities and civil society groups aimed 
at reducing the level of violence and countering drug trafficking.



                               __________


 Correspondence from The Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance, Supporting Dr. 
  Deborah E. Lipstadt's Nomination to be Special Envoy to Monitor and 
                          Combat Antisemitism


[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


Correspondence from Senator James Lankford, U.S. Senator for Oklahoma, 
Supporting Dr. Deborah E. Lipstadt's Nomination to be Special Envoy to 
                    Monitor and Combat Antisemitism


[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                              ----------                              

                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        THURSDAY, MARCH 3, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:45 a.m., in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward J. 
Markey presiding.
    Present: Senators Markey [presiding], Murphy, Kaine, 
Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Romney, Young, and Cruz.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. This nominations hearing of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominees for four crucial 
positions: the Honorable Alina Romanowski to serve as 
Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq; Mr. Douglas Hickey to serve 
as Ambassador to the Republic of Finland, Mr. Steven Fagin to 
serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Yemen; and the Honorable 
Erin McKee to serve as Assistant Administrator for the United 
States Agency for International Development--USAID--for Europe 
and Eurasia.
    I would like to congratulate each of you on your 
nominations, thank you for your service, and thank your 
families who have supported you and will continue to support 
you in your service to our country.
    I understand that Senator Kaine would like to introduce Mr. 
Hickey for Ambassador to Finland.
    But let me turn first--would the ranking member of the full 
committee, Senator Risch, like to say a word?

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Very briefly, with the permission of Senator 
Kaine. I know Senator Kaine and Mr. Hickey are well acquainted.
    Mr. Hickey hails from Idaho and this is a man that is well 
suited for the position that he has been nominated for. Like a 
lot of these, when we get a really good one, he did not seek it 
out but the request came knocking and he answered, and has an 
outstanding background in the business community.
    But he also has very significant experience in the past on 
diplomatic matters. So I think you will find him really 
qualified for this job.
    And right now, this is an important position that we are 
talking about. Finland, we all know, is not a member of NATO. 
They are having second thoughts, for obvious reasons, and I 
think all the encouragement that we can give them, particularly 
now when the person--the entity that does not want them--does 
not want Finland there cannot do much about it because they are 
otherwise occupied, and we hope you will continue to encourage 
that.
    Mr. Hickey, thank you, and thank you to all of you who are 
willing to take these positions and to serve. We are in a 
unique time right now. We hope things calm down quickly. But it 
looks like we may be in for the long haul. So all of you are 
going to have your hands full.
    So with that, I am going to excuse myself, as I have some 
other things that I have to attend to. Thanks so much.
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    Senator Kaine?

                  STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, to my committee 
colleague, and to the nominees Congratulations to all of you, 
and I will have questions for each of you but I want to now 
proudly introduce my longtime friend--please do not hold that 
against him--but my longtime friend, Doug Hickey, who is here 
as the President's Ambassador--nominee to be Ambassador to 
Finland, and he is joined by his wife, Dawn, who is also a 
close friend.
    Doug is very qualified for this position for a couple of 
reasons. First, he has decades of experience--more than three 
decades of experience holding senior level positions in the 
telecom, internet, and technology industries, and he has been 
in the tech space his whole career as a founder and builder of 
numerous companies and also an investor in those companies.
    This background is particularly important for Finland 
because the technology export is that nation's key industry--is 
that nation's key export industry and they are a global leader. 
Doug's background in the tech space will make him a natural fit 
in the position.
    Doug also has, as Chairman--Ranking Member Risch mentioned, 
notable government experience because he was appointed by 
President Obama to head the U.S. involvement in the Milan World 
Expo in 2014. He has performed vital volunteer work for many 
philanthropic organizations--Catholic Relief Services, the 
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Center, his alma mater, Siena 
College.
    His life experience, business background, innovation, and 
deep intellect will be critical to this U.S.-Finland 
partnership.
    As Senator Risch mentioned, the U.S. relationship with 
Finland is a very strong one but it is more important than 
ever. Finland has often played the role with the United States 
as an interlocutor on matters dealing with Russia and sometimes 
an interpreter as to Russian intent and actions.
    Finland has the European Union's longest border with 
Russia. So as Vladimir Putin continues the barbaric, unjust, 
illegal invasion of Ukraine, Doug will work tirelessly with the 
mission there in Finland to strengthen the U.S. commitment to 
Finland's security, especially as Finland is taking some steps 
that are quite unusual for them--delivery of weaponry to 
support Ukraine's defense, consideration of accession to NATO.
    He is an excellent and highly qualified choice for this 
position and I strongly urge my committee colleagues and then I 
will strongly urge my colleagues on the floor to promptly 
support him. We need an ambassador in Finland as soon as we 
can.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    And thank you, Mr. Hickey. I think you have received about 
as good an endorsement as you could receive.
    And we also will be hearing from Alina Romanowski, who was 
nominated to be the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq. Ambassador 
Romanowski is a career member of the Senior Executive Service, 
currently serving as the U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait.
    Previously, she served as the Department of State's 
Principal Deputy Coordinator for Counterterrorism. She joined 
the Department of State to establish the Middle East 
Partnership Initiative Office and served as its first director.
    In light up her broad foreign policy experience, leadership 
abilities, and distinguished U.S. Government career, she is, 
clearly, highly qualified to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Iraq.
    Welcome, Ambassador Romanowski. U.S. leadership is critical 
in addressing the dual concerns of security and human rights in 
Iraq. Progress on both issues depends on robust engagement 
between the United States and the Iraqi Government.
    Next, I will introduce Steven Fagin, who is nominated for 
the position of U.S. Ambassador to Yemen. Mr. Fagin is a career 
member of the Senior Foreign Service, class of Minister-
Counselor. He recently served as the Deputy Chief of Mission 
and later charge d'affaires of the U.S. Embassy in Iraq.
    Prior to that, Mr. Fagin held several other positions 
focused on the Middle East, including principal officer at the 
U.S. Consulate General in Erbil, Iraq, and director of the 
Office of Iranian Affairs in the State Department's Bureau of 
Near Eastern Affairs.
    He earned a bachelor's from Williams College and he has 
demonstrated success as a leader in both Washington and abroad. 
So welcome to you, Mr. Fagin, as well.
    And, finally, I would like to introduce Erin McKee, who is 
nominated to be the Administrator for Europe and Eurasia at the 
U.S. Agency for International Development.
    Ambassador McKee is, clearly, up to the challenge ahead, 
based on her experience and her expertise. She is currently the 
U.S. Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, 
the Solomon Islands, and the Republic of Vanuatu.
    Ambassador McKee is a career member of the Senior Foreign 
Service with the rank of career minister and brings a wealth of 
foreign policy and development experience to her position.
    Prior to her work in the Pacific Island region, she worked 
on Eastern Europe at USAID and in the private sector. She is a 
graduate of the University of California. And we welcome you to 
the hearing here today.
    And so we will begin. But if you, Senator Cruz, would like 
to make an opening statement, you are recognized for that 
purpose.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. TED CRUZ,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM TEXAS

    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to today's 
panelists. Congratulations on your nominations.
    If confirmed, each of you will be dispatched to regions 
that are in deep turmoil right now and that are beset by 
multiple crises. In Europe, as everyone knows, Russia has 
launched an unprovoked war, the largest land war that the 
continent has seen since World War II.
    Our allies face incalculable harm and the existence of 
Ukraine hangs in the balance. In the Middle East, the Iranian 
regime has flooded the region with terrorism and violence, has 
seized control of entire countries, such as Lebanon, and seeks 
to build a nuclear arsenal that I believe there is an 
unacceptably high risk they would use against Israel or, 
indeed, against the American homeland.
    Many of these crises are self-inflicted. Since the earliest 
days of the Biden administration, Biden-Harris officials have 
pursued policies all but explicitly designed to weaken our 
allies and to embolden our enemies.
    In Europe, the Biden administration spent much of 2021 
undercutting our Ukrainian allies militarily, economically, and 
diplomatically.
    The President inexplicably issued waivers for Nord Stream 
2, providing Putin with an alternative route to send gas to 
Europe and exposing Ukraine to the existential conflict it is 
now facing.
    The administration at least twice withheld lethal 
assistance from our Ukrainian allies, aid they would have 
trained with and now will be using, all in an effort to grease 
relations with Russia.
    Biden/Harris officials denied President Zelensky an early 
critical meeting with President Biden in order to try to coerce 
his approval for such policies and, of course, on the eve of 
war, State Department officials were dispatched to offer broad 
concessions to Russia that would have crippled NATO, and once 
they became public that signaled weakness to both our allies 
and our adversaries.
    The State Department went so far as to pressure the 
Ukrainians to cede territory to Russia--the literal definition 
of European appeasement.
    At times like this, we need every ally we can find. But, 
unfortunately, across the globe, the Biden administration has 
alienated many of our traditional allies.
    Yesterday, this committee heard testimony about India from 
Assistant Secretary Lu. India is a critical ally across a 
number of areas and the U.S.-Indian alliance has broadened and 
deepened in recent years. But under the Biden administration it 
has gone backwards.
    And so yesterday in a United Nations General Assembly vote 
condemning Putin's aggression the Indians abstained rather than 
stand with us against Russia, and today there are reports that 
the Biden administration is contemplating imposing CAATSA 
sanctions against India, the largest democracy on Earth, a 
decision that I think would be extraordinarily foolhardy.
    India is not the only country to have voted against us and 
against condemning Russia. The United Arab Emirates also 
abstained in yesterday's vote.
    The UAE is a close ally of the United States and during the 
Trump administration was a critical player in the Abraham 
Accords that fundamentally transformed the entire Middle East 
and brought Israelis and Arabs together under American 
leadership.
    When the Biden administration took over, however, they made 
it a week one priority to tilt away from our regional allies 
and towards Iran, and they immediately dismantled terrorism 
sanctions on the Iran-controlled Houthis in Yemen.
    The Houthis, of course, did not wait a day before 
escalating their attacks and they eventually started launching 
terrorist attacks into the UAE itself.
    Critically, this week and this weekend the Biden 
administration is looking to lock in their pivot towards Iran 
at breathtaking danger to our Middle East allies and to the 
United States itself.
    There are reports from Vienna that a new agreement from 
Iran will be announced imminently. This deal is nothing short 
of catastrophic, and I fully anticipate that the Biden 
administration will attempt to circumvent congressionally 
mandated review of the deal.
    The deal will provide Iran with a functionally unlimited 
nuclear program, facilitate the development of ICBMs, dismantle 
sanctions related to terrorism and human rights, and pour 
hundreds of billions of dollars into the regime's coffer.
    A regime headed by a theocratic ayatollah who chants 
``Death to America'' and ``Death to Israel'' is on the verge of 
being massively funded by President Joe Biden.
    In these dangerous times, I look forward to hearing your 
testimonies and discussing each of these issues with you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Markey. Once again, it is my pleasure to welcome 
our nominees to today's hearing. Thank you for taking the time 
to discuss your experiences and qualifications with us.
    And now we are going to turn to your opening statements and 
I will ask each of you to keep your statements to approximately 
five minutes, knowing that your full statements will be made 
part of the record, without objection. We will start with 
Ambassador Romanowski and proceed in turn.
    First, I have a few questions that speak to the importance 
of this committee and what--and the responsibility we have to 
ensure that there is a responsiveness of all officials in the 
executive branch and that we expect--we will be seeking from 
you, and I would ask each of you to provide just a yes or no 
answer.
    Do each of you agree to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    Can each of you say yes?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Markey. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    Will each of you respond yes?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Markey. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact? Will each of you answer 
yes?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Markey. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Markey. That is fine, and we will look forward to 
your cooperation in the months and years ahead after you are 
confirmed.
    So we will begin with Ambassador Romanowski. We are now 
going to recognize you for a five-minute statement.

  STATEMENT OF HON. ALINA L. ROMANOWSKI OF ILLINOIS, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ

    Ms. Romanowski. Thank you, Senator.
    Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to submit 
my complete testimony for the record.
    Senator Markey. Without objection.
    Ms. Romanowski. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, and 
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 
today as President Biden's nominee to the U.S. Ambassador to 
the Republic of Iraq.
    I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
their confidence in me, especially as a member of the career 
civil service. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
this committee to defend and advance our nation's interest in 
Iraq.
    I am grateful to share this day with my family. My husband, 
a retired U.S. Navy submariner, and I raised two sons, one 
making their way in the financial investment world and the 
other expecting to serve our nation when he completes the U.S. 
Navy's Officer Candidate School next month.
    My parents, who came to the United States in their 20s, 
instilled in me a deep sense of service, respect, and humility, 
and their guidance remains with me in spirit.
    My more than 40 years of public service have taken me 
across the Departments of State and Defense, USAID, and the 
intelligence community in positions mostly focused on the 
Middle East.
    If confirmed, I will draw on that broad experience to 
advance U.S. national security interests in Iraq and the 
region. It is the greatest honor to be entrusted with 
strengthening our relationship with Iraq.
    From my many years of experience in the Middle East, 
especially in my current role as Ambassador to Kuwait, I know 
firsthand the importance of this critical strategic 
partnership.
    Iraq remains a foreign policy priority for the United 
States and is a cornerstone of regional stability. The United 
States is committed to deepening its enduring partnership with 
the Iraqi people.
    As Iraq learns to manage the COVID-19 pandemic and 
continues to rebuild following the territorial defeat of ISIS, 
we are focused on bolstering Iraq as a sovereign, stable, 
secure partner free from malign influence.
    We must stay engaged to ensure that Iraq can address 
internal and external threats, secure its borders, limit the 
influence of great power competitors, while respecting the 
human rights and fundamental freedoms of Iraqis.
    If confirmed, I will underscore the importance of Iraq 
charting an independent foreign policy and continuing 
cooperation with its regional neighbors to enhance its 
sovereignty, security, critical infrastructure, and economic 
development.
    The United States supports a stable, prosperous, and 
democratic Iraq that serves all its citizens, including its 
most vulnerable and marginalized communities.
    If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize U.S. assistance 
programs that encourage durable solutions for Iraq's most 
vulnerable populations.
    Since 2018 alone, the United States has provided over $500 
million in assistance to support members of these communities. 
If confirmed, I look forward to meeting with these communities 
and addressing their concerns.
    The United States continues to work with our Iraqi partners 
as they seek to strengthen their democratic institutions, 
responsive governance, and the rule of law.
    If confirmed, bolstering Iraq's independence and advancing 
citizens' rights will be a top priority in my engagements with 
Iraq's new Government.
    I will encourage Iraq's political, economic, and civil 
society leaders to focus on building a prosperous and resilient 
Iraq. I will also encourage further cultural and educational 
exchanges between our two countries.
    Economic reform is essential for Iraq to prosper. If 
confirmed, I will continue to press the Government of Iraq to 
diversify its economy, expand private sector growth, reduce 
corruption, improve transparency, and create new markets for 
U.S. exports.
    For example, I will vigorously advocate for Iraq to fulfill 
and even expand its arrangement to purchase U.S. rice and 
wheat.
    Our security partnership with Iraq is an essential 
component of our relationship and stability in the region. The 
Combined Joint Task Force Operation Inherent Resolve has 
transitioned to an advise, assist, and enable mission. It 
continues to provide the Iraqi Security Services critical 
support for the enduring defeat of ISIS and retains the 
inherent right to self-defense.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that our security partnership 
continues to support security sector reform, D-ISIS 
stabilization, counterterrorism, cooperation, and border 
security.
    We are invested in strengthening Iraqi's security 
institutions including the Peshmerga in the Iraqi Kurdistan 
region. The Iraqi Kurdistan region is considered an example of 
tolerance and peaceful coexistence.
    I am concerned, however, about the backsliding in the area 
of human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. If 
confirmed, I will work with our partners in the Iraqi Kurdistan 
region to ensure they maintain their standing as an example, 
working towards political and economic reforms, all while 
anchored within a federal Iraq.
    Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our 
Embassy in Baghdad. My highest priority will be the safety and 
security of over 25,000 Americans who live and work in Iraq.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today, and I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Romanowski follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Alina L. Romanowski

    Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, and members of the committee, 
it is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee 
to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq.
    I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence in me, especially as a member of the career civil service. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee to defend 
and advance our nation's interests in Iraq.
    I am grateful to share this day with my family. My husband, a 
retired U.S. Navy submariner, and I raised two sons--one making his way 
in the financial investment world and the other expecting to serve our 
nation when he completes the U.S. Navy's Officer Candidate School next 
month. My parents, who came to the United States in their 20s, 
instilled in me a deep sense of service, respect, and humility and 
their guidance remains with me in spirit.
    My more than 40 years of public service have taken me across the 
interagency in the Departments of State and Defense, USAID, and the 
intelligence community in positions mostly focused on the Middle East. 
If confirmed, I will draw on that broad experience to advance U.S. 
national security interests in Iraq and the region.
    It is the greatest honor to be entrusted with strengthening our 
relationship with Iraq. From my many years of experience in the Middle 
East, especially in my current role as Ambassador to Kuwait, I know 
firsthand the importance of this critical strategic partnership.
    Iraq remains a foreign policy priority for the United States and is 
a cornerstone of regional stability. The United States is committed to 
deepening its enduring partnership with the Iraqi people. As Iraq 
learns to manage the COVID-19 pandemic and continues to rebuild 
following the territorial defeat of ISIS, we are focused on bolstering 
Iraq as a sovereign, stable, secure partner, free from malign 
influence. We must stay engaged to ensure that Iraq can address 
internal and external threats, secure its borders, limit the influence 
of great power competitors, while respecting the human rights and 
fundamental freedoms of Iraqis. If confirmed, I will underscore the 
importance of Iraq charting an independent foreign policy and 
continuing cooperation with its regional neighbors to enhance its 
sovereignty, security, critical infrastructure, and economic 
development.
    The United States supports a stable, prosperous, and democratic 
Iraq that serves all its citizens, including its most vulnerable and 
marginalized communities. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize 
U.S. assistance programs that encourage durable solutions for Iraq's 
most vulnerable populations. Since 2018 alone, the United States has 
provided over $500 million in assistance to support members of these 
communities. If confirmed, I look forward to meeting with these 
communities and addressing their concerns.
    The United States continues to work with our Iraqi partners as they 
seek to strengthen their democratic institutions, responsive 
governance, and the rule of law. If confirmed, bolstering Iraq's 
independence and advancing citizen rights will be a top priority in my 
engagements with Iraq's new Government. I will encourage Iraq's 
political, economic, and civil society leaders to focus on building a 
prosperous and resilient Iraq. I will also encourage further cultural 
and education exchanges between our two countries.
    Economic reform is essential for Iraq to prosper. If confirmed, I 
will continue to press the Government of Iraq to diversify its economy, 
expand private sector growth, reduce corruption, improve transparency, 
and create new markets for U.S. exports. For example, I will vigorously 
advocate for Iraq to fulfill and even expand its arrangement to 
purchase U.S. rice and wheat.
    Our security partnership with Iraq is an essential component of our 
relationship and stability in the region. The Combined Joint Task 
Force--Operation Inherent Resolve has transitioned to an advise, 
assist, and enable mission in Iraq. It continues to provide the Iraqi 
security forces critical support for the enduring defeat of ISIS and 
retains the inherent right to self-defense. If confirmed, I will ensure 
that our security partnership continues to support security sector 
reform, D-ISIS stabilization, counterterrorism cooperation, and border 
security. We are invested in strengthening Iraqi security institutions, 
including the Peshmerga in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to strengthen 
regional stability.
    The Iraqi Kurdistan Region is considered an example of tolerance 
and peaceful coexistence. I am concerned, however, about backsliding in 
the area of human rights, in particular freedom of expression. If 
confirmed, I will work with our partners in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region 
to ensure they maintain their standing as an example, working towards 
political and economic reforms, all while anchored within federal Iraq.
    Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy in 
Baghdad. My highest priorities will be to strengthen the U.S.-Iraq 
partnership and most importantly, the safety and security of over 
25,000 Americans who live and work in Iraq.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today and I look 
forward to your questions.


    Senator Markey. Thank you, Ambassador.
    Mr. Hickey, you are recognized for five minutes.

   STATEMENT OF DOUGLAS T. HICKEY OF IDAHO, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND

    Mr. Hickey. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished 
members of the committee, thank you for the privilege of 
appearing before you today.
    I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to 
Finland and I am deeply grateful to President Biden for the 
confidence he has placed in me.
    I would like to thank my family and friends for all their 
support and love during this process. I would like to thank my 
wife, who is with me here today, Dawn, and my children, Bob, 
Kristen, Cole, Parker, and Lyra for all their love and support.
    The United States and Finland share close security, 
economic, geopolitical, and cultural ties. Like the United 
States, Finland is committed to safeguarding democracy, 
protecting fundamental human rights, combating climate change, 
promoting technological and economic advance, and ensuring 
peace and security throughout the world.
    I firmly believe we can continue to accomplish many 
American policy objectives with the support of our deep 
transatlantic cooperation with Finland.
    If confirmed, the following are the top priorities I would 
seek to advance.
    First, my top priority is always to ensure the safety and 
security of American citizens. I would work with Finnish 
officials in Embassy Helsinki to ensure Americans visiting or 
living in Finland were afforded all protections and rights to 
which they are entitled.
    I would do my utmost to protect the safety and well being 
of Embassy personnel and their families. I would also have an 
open-door policy to gather ideas on how to be the most 
effective team, how to keep our Embassy community morale high, 
and how to best serve American people at home and abroad.
    A second priority, if confirmed, will be to further deepen 
our defense coordination with defense. As a NATO enhanced 
opportunities partner, Finland has contributed much to our 
shared global defense objectives.
    The Finnish Government announced in December that it would 
purchase 64 new F-35 fighter jets, which will deepen U.S.-
Finland security and defense ties for decades to come.
    And as a fellow and like-minded member of the Arctic 
Council, Finland is an instrumental partner in shaping Arctic 
policy, a region of the world garnering increased attention for 
its economic, security, and geopolitical prospects.
    A third priority would be to advance American economic 
interest in Finland, particularly, by growing and empowering 
bilateral business ties. The United States and Finland work 
well together as two of the world's leading technology 
innovators with collaboration in all levels of the private 
sector, academia, civil society, and government.
    We should continue this work with Finland to open new 
sources of economic opportunity in areas such as green 
technologies, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and 
5G and 6G.
    The United States should build upon our shared economic 
interest and capabilities with Finland not only to contribute 
to increased job creation and economic prosperity for both 
nations, but also because our shared values and technological 
prowess will provide a stronger defense against adversaries who 
may seek to compromise intellectual property or sensitive 
infrastructure.
    Lastly, if confirmed, I would work to advance joint efforts 
by the United States and Finland to address global challenges. 
While the Finnish and American people share a love for 
democracy and freedom, there are others around the globe 
seeking to impose their authoritarian beliefs.
    Russia's premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified attack 
on Ukraine is just one example. These adversaries spread 
disinformation, disrupt peace, imprison dissenters, support 
violence, and suppress fundamental rights.
    With Finland, I believe the United States has a trusted 
partner in defending democratic values and countering tactics 
of authoritarian regimes and malicious non-state actors.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with Finland on the 
unprecedented challenges facing our world such as fighting 
climate change, safeguarding the rules-based international 
order, countering corruption, and combating COVID-19 and 
preventing future pandemics.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the U.S. 
relationship with Finland is best equipped to address these and 
the challenges that come.
    Let me conclude by saying it would be my honor to serve as 
U.S. Ambassador to Finland. Thank you for your time and 
consideration today, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Hickey follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Douglas T. Hickey

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. I 
am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Finland, and I am 
deeply grateful to President Biden for the confidence he has placed in 
me.
    I would like to thank my family and friends for their support. I 
would like to thank my wife Dawn and my children, Bob, Kristen, Cole, 
Parker, and Lyra for all their love and support.
    The United States and Finland share close security, economic, 
geopolitical, and cultural ties. Like the United States, Finland is 
committed to safeguarding democracy, protecting fundamental and human 
rights, combatting climate change, promoting technological and economic 
advancement, and ensuring peace and security throughout the world. I 
firmly believe we can continue to accomplish many American policy 
objectives with the support of our deep transatlantic cooperation with 
Finland. If confirmed, the following are the top priorities I would 
seek to advance:
    First, my top priority is always to ensure the safety and security 
of American citizens. I would work with Finnish officials and Embassy 
Helsinki to ensure Americans visiting or living in Finland were 
afforded all protections and rights to which they are entitled. I would 
do my upmost to protect the safety and well-being of Embassy personnel 
and their family members. I would also have an open-door policy to 
gather ideas on how to be the most effective team, how to keep our 
Embassy community morale high, and how to best serve the American 
people at home and abroad.
    A second priority, if confirmed, will be to further deepen our 
defense coordination with the Finns. As a NATO Enhanced Opportunities 
Partner, Finland has contributed much to our shared global defense 
objectives. The Finnish Government announced in December that it would 
purchase 64 new F-35 fighter jets, which will deepen U.S.-Finland 
security and defense ties for decades to come. And as a fellow and 
like-minded member of the Arctic Council, Finland is an instrumental 
partner in shaping Arctic policy--a region of the world garnering 
increasing attention for its economic, security, and geopolitical 
prospects.
    A third priority would be to advance American economic interests in 
Finland, particularly by growing and empowering bilateral business 
ties. The United States and Finland work well together as two of the 
world's leading technology innovators, with collaboration at all levels 
of the private sector, academia, civil society, and government. We 
should continue this work with Finland to open new sources of economic 
opportunity in areas such as green technologies, artificial 
intelligence, quantum computing, and 5 and 6G. The United States should 
build upon our shared economic interests and capabilities with Finland, 
not only to contribute to increased job creation and economic 
prosperity for both nations, but also because our shared values and 
technological prowess will provide a stronger defense against 
adversaries who may seek to compromise intellectual property or 
sensitive infrastructure.
    Lastly if confirmed, I would work to advance joint efforts by the 
United States and Finland to address global challenges. While the 
Finnish and American people share a love of democracy and freedom, 
there are others around the globe seeking to impose their authoritarian 
beliefs.
    Russia's premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified attack on 
Ukraine is one example. These adversaries spread disinformation, 
disrupt peace, imprison dissenters, support violence, and suppress 
fundamental rights. With Finland, I believe the United States has a 
trusted partner in defending democratic values and countering the 
tactics of authoritarian regimes and malicious non-state actors.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with Finland on the 
unprecedented challenges facing our world, such as fighting climate 
change, safeguarding the rules-based international order, countering 
corruption, and combating COVID-19 and preventing future pandemics. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the U.S. relationship with 
Finland is best equipped to address these and the challenges that come.
    Let me conclude by saying that it would be an honor to serve as the 
U.S. Ambassador to Finland. Thank you for your time and consideration. 
I look forward to your questions.


    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Hickey.
    And now to you, Mr. Fagin. Welcome.

STATEMENT OF STEVEN H. FAGIN OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF YEMEN

    Mr. Fagin. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to submit 
my complete testimony for the record.
    Senator Markey. Without objection.
    Mr. Fagin. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, 
distinguished members of the committee, I am thankful for the 
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of 
Yemen.
    I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
this honor and their confidence in me. If confirmed, I commit 
to working closely with members of this committee and Congress 
on the critical U.S. foreign policy and national security 
interests in Yemen.
    First, I would like to thank my family for their steadfast 
support during my 25 years in the Foreign Service, which has 
often taken me far away from them.
    My sister, Randi, and her husband, Rob, are in attendance 
today. I am also one-half of a Foreign Service tandem couple. 
The other half, Natasha Franceschi, is Deputy Chief of Mission 
in Tunisia. We have served in some challenging places together, 
including Baghdad, and Natasha is watching these proceedings 
from Tunis.
    When I was in college in the late 1980s, I participated in 
a student exchange program to the USSR under President Reagan's 
U.S.-Soviet exchange initiative. This was a life-changing 
experience that led me to pursue a career in diplomacy.
    I have spent much of my career working in and on conflict 
and post-conflict countries, and I have witnessed firsthand the 
human and physical devastation resulting from war, especially 
in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Iraq.
    The escalation of hostilities and dramatic increase in 
civilian casualties in Yemen over the last few months are 
deeply troubling, both for the long-suffering people of Yemen 
and for the entire Gulf region.
    However, continued conflict is not inevitable and peace in 
Yemen is possible. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking to 
support U.N.-led efforts to secure a durable and inclusive 
resolution to the conflict, which also addresses Yemen's dire 
economic situation.
    I know we are all profoundly concerned by increasingly 
aggressive Houthi actions in recent months, including attacks 
impacting civilians and civilian infrastructure in the UAE and 
Saudi Arabia using missile and armed drone technology provided 
by Iran.
    There are more than 130,000 Americans living in these 
countries and their safety is under threat from such attacks.
    I assure you that, if confirmed, I will have no higher 
priority than ensuring the safety and security of our citizens.
    The unlawful flow of weapons from Iran to the Houthis is 
also enabling the continued Houthi offensive in Marib, 
complicating efforts to get the parties to the negotiating 
table and extending the suffering of civilians.
    Strengthening enforcement of the targeted U.N. arms embargo 
for Yemen to cut off the flow of arms to the Houthis must be a 
priority.
    Mr. Chairman, the ongoing Houthi detention of current and 
former members of our local Yemeni staff in Sana'a is 
deplorable and an affront to the entire international 
community.
    The United States has communicated this to the Houthi 
leadership, and the U.N. Security Council has condemned these 
Houthi actions in the strongest terms, as has the U.S. 
Congress.
    If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the safety 
and well being of all current and former U.S. Government 
employees in Yemen and a return to U.S. control of our former 
Embassy compound.
    On February 23rd, the Treasury Department announced 
additional designations of members of an international network 
led by IRGC Quds Force and Houthi financier Sa'id al-Jamal 
involved in funding the Houthis' war against the Government of 
Yemen.
    The United States will continue targeted designations of 
individuals and entities that seek to perpetuate the conflict 
and humanitarian crisis in Yemen for their own gain.
    The United States continues to lead the international 
community's humanitarian response to the dire humanitarian and 
economic conditions facing the people of Yemen, and our 
partners must also do their share to fund this response.
    Ensuring partners can deliver crucial assistance without 
interference or delay, and enacting reforms to restore the 
foundations of Yemen's economy are critical.
    Our Yemen policy must continue to be fully aligned with our 
global policy priorities and principles. If confirmed, I will 
aim to strengthen coordination with the Government of Yemen and 
other partners in our shared counterterrorism fight against al-
Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and other violent extremists.
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that 
human rights are central to U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, 
I will ensure that this remains the case in Yemen. Without 
accountability and justice there cannot be a durable and 
lasting peace.
    Mr. Chairman, the challenges in Yemen today are, 
undoubtedly, complex, as you know. Thank you for the 
opportunity to testify and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Fagin follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Steven H. Fagin

    Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, distinguished members of the 
committee, I'm thankful for the opportunity to appear before you today 
as President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the 
Republic of Yemen.
    I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for this 
honor and their confidence in me. If confirmed, I commit to working 
closely with members of this committee and Congress on the critical 
U.S. foreign policy and national security interests in Yemen.
    First, I would like to thank my family for their steadfast support 
during my 25 years in the Foreign Service, which has often taken me 
away from them. My sister Randi and her husband Rob are in attendance 
today. I am one-half of a Foreign Service tandem couple. The other 
half, Natasha Franceschi, is Deputy Chief of Mission in Tunisia. We've 
served in some challenging places together, including Baghdad, and 
Natasha is watching these proceedings from Tunis.
    When I was in college in the late 1980s, I participated in a 
student exchange program to the USSR under President Reagan's U.S.-
Soviet Exchange Initiative. This was a life-changing experience that 
led me to pursue a career in diplomacy. I've spent much of my career 
working in and on conflict and post-conflict countries, and I've 
witnessed firsthand the human and physical devastation resulting from 
war, especially in Iraq and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    The escalation of hostilities and dramatic increase in civilian 
casualties in Yemen over the last few months are deeply troubling both 
for the long-suffering people of Yemen and for the entire Gulf region. 
However, continued conflict is not inevitable, and peace in Yemen is 
possible. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with U.S. 
Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking to support U.N.-led efforts to 
secure a durable and inclusive resolution to the conflict, which also 
addresses Yemen's dire economic situation.
    I know we are all profoundly concerned by increasingly aggressive 
Houthi actions in recent months, including attacks impacting civilians 
and civilian infrastructure in the UAE and Saudi Arabia using missile 
and armed drone technology provided by Iran. There are more than 
130,000 Americans living in these countries, and their safety is under 
threat from such attacks. I assure you that if confirmed, I will have 
no higher priority than ensuring the safety and security of our 
citizens.
    The unlawful flow of weapons from Iran to the Houthis is also 
enabling the continued Houthi offensive in Marib, complicating efforts 
to get the parties to the negotiating table, and extending the 
suffering of civilians. Strengthening enforcement of the targeted U.N. 
arms embargo for Yemen, to cut off the flow of arms to the Houthis, 
must be a priority.
    Mr. Chairman, the ongoing Houthi detention of current and former 
members of our local Yemeni staff in Sana'a is deplorable and an 
affront to the entire international community. The United States has 
communicated this to the Houthi leadership, and the U.N. Security 
Council has condemned these Houthi actions in the strongest terms, as 
has the U.S. Congress. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure 
the safety and well-being of all current and former U.S. Government 
employees in Yemen and a return to U.S. control of our former Embassy 
compound.
    On February 23, the Treasury Department announced additional 
designations of members of an international network, led by IRGC-Qods 
Force and Houthi financier Sa'id al-Jamal, involved in funding the 
Houthis' war against the Government of Yemen. The United States will 
continue targeted designations of individuals and entities that seek to 
perpetuate the conflict and the humanitarian crisis in Yemen for their 
own gain.
    The United States continues to lead the international community's 
response to the dire humanitarian and economic conditions facing the 
people of Yemen, and our partners must also do their share to fund this 
response. Ensuring implementing partners can deliver crucial assistance 
without interference or delay, and enacting reforms to restore the 
foundations of Yemen's economy, are critical.
    Our Yemen policy must continue to be fully aligned with our global 
foreign policy priorities and principles. If confirmed, I will aim to 
strengthen coordination with the Government of Yemen and other partners 
in our shared counter-terrorism fight against Al-Qaeda in the Arabian 
Peninsula and other violent extremists.
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that human 
rights are central to U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will ensure 
that this remains the case in Yemen. Without accountability and 
justice, there cannot be a durable and lasting peace.
    Mr. Chairman, the challenges in Yemen today are undoubtedly complex 
as you know. Thank you for the opportunity to testify today and I look 
forward to your questions.


    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Fagin.
    And now we will turn to you, Ambassador McKee.
    Welcome, and whenever you feel comfortable please begin.

STATEMENT OF HON. ERIN ELIZABETH MCKEE OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED 
 TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY 
                 FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Ms. McKee. Thank you, Chairman.
    With your permission, I would like my full testimony to be 
submitted for the record.
    Senator Markey. Without objection.
    Ms. McKee. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, members of 
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be the Assistant Administrator for 
Europe and Eurasia for the United States Agency for 
International Development.
    I would like to thank the President for his trust in me and 
I am deeply grateful for the honor to be nominated to serve in 
a position at USAID, an agency I dedicated much of my career to 
at a moment when its leadership and development expertise are 
so urgently needed in Europe and Eurasia.
    I am grateful to the members of the committee for the 
opportunity to speak with you today, and if confirmed, I pledge 
to work with you to advance our nation's interest in this 
critical region of the world.
    I would like to thank my family for their steadfast 
support, particularly my husband, Sean, and my daughter, 
Caitlin, who is here with me today. Their unconditional love 
and encouragement have been my rock throughout my public 
service career.
    From Moscow to Lima, from Baghdad to Jakarta, they have 
stood by my side and shared in the sacrifice and adventures of 
nearly 30 years in the Foreign Service. I could not have made 
this journey without them, and for that I am truly grateful.
    Since 1995, I have had the tremendous opportunity to 
represent the United States in nine overseas assignments as 
well as here in Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency for 
International Development and currently serving as U.S. 
Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu.
    It has been my privilege to serve the American people and 
advance our country's interests, promote our values and 
principles, and offer host country nations a model for hope, 
security, prosperity across a variety of diverse and complex 
contexts.
    If confirmed, I will have the distinct honor and 
responsibility to lead the USAID Bureau for Europe and Eurasia 
at a time when the stakes are as high as we have seen since 
USAID first opened its doors in the region's newly independent 
states 30 years ago.
    Although many of USAID's partners in Eastern Europe and 
Eurasia have achieved remarkable democratic and economic 
progress, the region's development trajectory is under 
increasing threat.
    The Kremlin's malign influence across the region has 
expanded and intensified in recent years, and with Russia's 
invasion of Ukraine we are facing a grave and dangerous moment.
    The People's Republic of China is also increasingly 
leveraging its economic might to capture economies, undermine 
sovereign decision-making, and weaken democratic norms.
    While the people of the region work to secure prosperity, a 
stronger voice in government, and independence from foreign 
manipulation, powerful anti-democratic elites, both domestic 
and foreign, seek to bend the region toward a future of 
authoritarian rule and pervasive corruption.
    USAID is a critical counterweight to the predatory 
partnerships peddled by authoritarian regimes. USAID's work, 
work that reflects American quality, integrity, and commitment, 
helps host country partners secure mutually beneficial 
investments, connectivity, peace, security, and development 
impact with results that will be sustained and endure, and 
critically, most critically, USAID inspires hope among people 
of the region that the democratic dividend that is good 
governance and a fair economic playing field are attainable.
    Let me also note that while the region's challenges are 
great, so too are the opportunities from democratic bright 
spots such as Moldova and Armenia to the increasingly perilous 
conditions in Belarus and the ongoing political crisis in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    The region's people continue to stand up for transparent 
accountable government, human rights, human dignity, at times 
at great risk to their own personal safety.
    Their efforts to lay the foundation for the region's 
democratic future must be protected and safeguarded. Their 
hard-fought gains to support their courageous efforts and 
encourage further progress is a top priority.
    Whether we are confronting the COVID-19 pandemic, 
corruption, economic or social inequality, climate change, 
threats to energy security, an outwardly aggressive Russia and 
increasingly assertive China, or cyber threats, the United 
States is most effective when we partner with our allies and 
our friends, and support those striving every day in their 
countries to build a democratic, prosperous, and stable future.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and our 
partners to promote peace and security, increase economic 
opportunity, and advance respect for fundamental freedom and 
human rights, building enduring partnerships with our host 
countries in the process.
    Thank you for this invitation to appear before you and I 
welcome the opportunity to answer your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. McKee follows:]


            Prepared Statement of Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, 
it is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee 
to be the Assistant Administrator for Europe and Eurasia for the United 
States Agency for International Development.
    I would like to thank the President for his trust in me, and I am 
deeply grateful for the honor of being nominated to serve in a position 
at USAID, an Agency I dedicated much of my career to, at a moment when 
its leadership and development expertise are so urgently needed in 
Europe and Eurasia. I am grateful to the members of the committee for 
the opportunity to speak with you today. If confirmed, I pledge to work 
with you to advance our nation's interests in this critical region of 
the world.
    I would like to thank my family for their steadfast support, 
particularly my husband Sean and my daughter Caitlin. Their 
unconditional love and encouragement have been my rock throughout my 
public service career--from Moscow to Lima--from Baghdad to Jakarta, 
they have stood by my side and shared in the sacrifice and adventures 
of nearly 30 years in the Foreign Service. I could have not made this 
journey without them, and for that I am truly grateful.
    Since 1995, I have had the tremendous opportunity to represent the 
United States in nine overseas assignments, as well as here in 
Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency for International Development, 
and currently as U.S. Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, 
and Vanuatu. It has been my privilege to serve the American people and 
advance our country's interests, promote our values and principles, and 
offer host-country nations a model for hope, security, and prosperity 
across a variety of diverse contexts.
    If confirmed, I will have the distinct honor and responsibility to 
lead the USAID Bureau for Europe and Eurasia at a time when the stakes 
are as high as we have seen since USAID first opened its doors in the 
region's newly independent nations thirty years ago.
    Although many of USAID's partners in Europe and Eurasia have 
achieved remarkable democratic and economic progress, the region's 
development trajectory is under increasing threat. The Kremlin's malign 
influence across the region has expanded and intensified in recent 
years, and with Russia's invasion of Ukraine, we are facing a grave and 
dangerous moment in the region.
    The People's Republic of China is also increasingly leveraging its 
economic might to capture economies, undermine sovereign decision-
making, and weaken democratic norms.
    While the people of the region work to secure prosperity, a 
stronger voice in government, and independence from foreign 
manipulation, powerful, anti-democratic elites, both domestic and 
foreign, seek to bend the region toward a future of authoritarian rule 
and pervasive corruption.
    USAID is a critical counterweight to the predatory partnerships 
peddled by authoritarian regimes. USAID's work--work that reflects 
American quality, integrity, and commitment--helps host country 
partners secure mutually beneficial investments, connectivity, peace, 
security, and development impact, with results that will be sustained 
and endure. And critically, USAID inspires hope among the people of the 
region that the democratic dividend--good governance and a fair 
economic playing field--are attainable.
    Let me also note that while the region's challenges are great, so 
too are the opportunities. From democratic bright spots, such as 
Moldova and Armenia, to the increasingly perilous conditions in Belarus 
and the on-going political crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 
region's people continue to stand up for transparent, accountable 
government, human rights, and human dignity--at times, even at great 
risk to their own personal safety. Their efforts lay the foundation for 
the region's democratic future. USAID can and must do its part to 
safeguard their hard-fought gains, support their courageous efforts, 
and encourage further progress.
    Whether we are confronting the COVID-19 pandemic, corruption, 
economic or social inequality, climate change, threats to energy 
security, an outwardly aggressive Russia, an increasingly assertive 
China, or cyber threats, the United States is most effective when we 
partner with our allies and support those striving every day in their 
countries to build a democratic, prosperous future.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and partners to 
promote peace and security, increase economic opportunity, and advance 
respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights, building enduring 
partnership with our host countries in the process.
    Thank you for this invitation to appear before you, I welcome the 
opportunity to answer your questions.


    Senator Markey. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
    And now we will turn to a round of questions from the 
Senators to our panel. The chair will recognize himself and 
begin with you, Ambassador McKee.
    We are seeing a humanitarian crisis unfold before our eyes 
in and around Ukraine. As of this morning, the U.N. High 
Commissioner for Refugees estimated that since the start of the 
Russian invasion on February 24th more than 1 million refugees 
have already fled Ukraine, with the highest numbers crossing 
into Poland and Hungary.
    To the extent that you can answer, what is USAID doing 
right now to provide humanitarian assistance to Ukrainians and 
others who are fleeing the Russian invasion and, from your 
perspective, what role should USAID be playing in the days and 
weeks and months and years to come as the humanitarian needs 
become even greater?
    Ms. McKee. Thank you, Chairman, very much for that 
question.
    It is our utmost priority, if confirmed, and I will make it 
our utmost priority to stave off the human tragedy.
    I understand that in the past few days USAID has announced 
the stand up of a disaster assistance response team, or DART 
team, to oversee our humanitarian response in close partnership 
with the State Department's PRM Bureau, which will lead the 
refugee response in Poland and other neighboring countries.
    Administrator Power visited the Poland-Ukraine border over 
the weekend to see firsthand the growing humanitarian needs 
caused by the invasion and to signal USAID's prioritization of 
close coordination with our European partners.
    I also understand that from the earliest days our Bureau of 
Humanitarian Response in USAID signaled our concerns about the 
growing threat from Russia to the European Union and to echo 
their counterpart in the EU, and I understand that in 
anticipation of a worst case scenario they introduced maximum 
flexibility in its response mechanisms to be able to scale up 
and deliver the American assistance--foreign assistance through 
our U.N. partners and allies where it is needed most.
    On February 27th, the United States announced nearly $54 
million in additional humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, 
including $28 million for USAID to support critically needed 
health care, safe drinking water, sanitation, hygiene, 
supplies, and protection for vulnerable children.
    So we are prioritizing, as I understand, the safety and 
security not only of the refugees in the crisis that we are 
facing but of our staff and citizens within the Ukrainian 
borders and implementing partners who remain bravely protecting 
and safeguarding U.S. investments where they can.
    If confirmed, everything that we can do to stave off this 
human tragedy, deliver humanitarian assistance, deliver 
response immediately and build the foundation for recovery in 
the medium and long term should the crisis, hopefully, wind 
down will be my top priority, if confirmed.
    Senator Markey. Thank you. And, as you know, the Biden 
administration increased its request for assistance to Europe 
by $10.8 million for fiscal year 2022 for activities including 
supporting the rule of law and democracy in Central Europe, 
combating antisemitism, and strengthening energy security and 
diversification.
    How is USAID programming furthering those goals and are 
there other types of programs that you would prioritize in the 
region?
    Ms. McKee. Thank you, Senator. That is an important 
question as well and I think, today, it is more acute and 
critical than ever to stop the democratic backsliding and 
provide market-based solutions for energy diversification to 
stop the dependence on Gazprom and the Kremlin, and to identify 
ways in which we can support the countries of Eastern Europe 
and Eurasia to continue their Euro-Atlantic integration on an 
accelerated path, and that means shoring up both democratic 
institutions as well as civil society to give people a voice 
and an opportunity to be able to strengthen good governance as 
well as the free and independent media and other programs that 
I know exist that need to be amplified now more than ever.
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Ambassador.
    Let me turn now and recognize Senator Cruz for a round of 
questions.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Fagin, let us start with you. When you and I sat down 
and met, you emphasized the U.N.-led political process.
    This week, the U.N. Security Council approved a resolution 
which designates the Houthi militia as a terrorist 
organization, making it subject to sanctions, along with 
renewing asset freezes and travel bans and extending the arms 
embargo.
    This is a significant development, to say the least. What 
signal does this send when the United Nations Security Council 
is acting upon a stronger and more unified message against 
terrorism while one of Biden's first moves in office was to 
remove the Houthis as a designated terrorist group?
    Mr. Fagin. Senator, thank you for the question, and as I 
noted in my opening remarks, I share your concerns about the 
Houthis' deplorable actions, their terrorist attacks, using 
ballistic missile and drone technology against the UAE and 
Saudi Arabia.
    As the President has said, the issue of the possible 
designation of the Houthis as an FTO is under review by the 
Administration. My understanding is that that review is 
considering the anticipated impact of such a designation on the 
behavior of the Houthis as well as the anticipated impact on 
the humanitarian situation.
    Senator Cruz. Mr. Fagin, I can say we can assess the impact 
so far that it has been disastrous. The Biden administration 
ostentatiously made it a week one priority to undo terrorism 
sanctions on the Iran-controlled Houthis.
    On January 25th, just five days into the Administration, 
they approved all transactions involving the Houthis for a 
month. On January 27th, in his first appearance in the press 
room, Secretary Blinken said he was, quote, ``particularly 
focused'' on the question of undoing the terrorism 
designations.
    On February 5th, the State Department announced they would 
be delisting those sanctions, and we know what happened next. 
That very weekend the Houthis launched missiles at civilians in 
the city of Marib, signaling the beginning of an offensive that 
would become a bloodbath, and they launched armed drones into 
Saudi Arabia.
    After a year of such relentless terrorism, the Biden 
administration reluctantly announced that it was imposing some 
terrorism sanctions on the Houthis but not yet reversing their 
decision.
    Let me ask you a question I asked you in my office. Do you 
believe the Houthis are terrorists?
    Mr. Fagin. Senator, as I noted, the Biden administration 
has condemned the Houthis' terrorist attacks on Saudi Arabia 
and the UAE using ballistic missiles and drones.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. Let me try that question again. Do you 
believe the Houthis are terrorists?
    Mr. Fagin. Senator, as I said, the Biden administration has 
condemned the Houthis' terrorist attacks, and as I said as 
well----
    Senator Cruz. I have to say you said that in my office 
also. You said they commit terrorist attacks but you were 
unwilling to say they are terrorists. Explain to me how exactly 
that works, like, how people who commit terrorist attacks are 
not terrorists.
    Mr. Fagin. Senator, let me just say, again, that the issue 
of an FTO designation is under review by the Administration.
    Senator Cruz. How many terrorist attacks do they have to 
commit before you will admit they are terrorists?
    Mr. Fagin. Senator, the Administration has condemned the 
Houthis for their terrorist attacks on Saudi Arabia and the 
UAE.
    Senator Cruz. Except the Administration is unwilling to 
acknowledge the obvious, that they are terrorists. Is one 
terrorist attack enough? Is 10? Is a hundred terrorist attacks?
    I just want to know how many civilians do the Houthis need 
to murder before the Biden administration will acknowledge the 
obvious, which is that they are terrorists?
    Mr. Fagin. Yeah. Senator, I deeply share your concerns 
about the Houthis. The Houthis have committed some deplorable 
acts, not only these attacks on the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which 
threaten our own citizens there--we have 130,000 citizens or 
more than that residing in the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
    The Houthis currently have in detention 13 current and 
former members of our staff.
    Senator Cruz. All right. Let me ask one final question both 
to you, Mr. Fagin, and to you, Ms. Romanowski.
    In my opening remarks, I discussed my profound concerns 
with this administration's foolhardy Iran deal. The basis of 
that deal is that Iran, the ayatollah, and the mullahs will be 
flooded with hundreds of billions of dollars in immediate 
resources from sanctions relief.
    Based on both of your assessments of Yemen and Iraq, 
respectively, and as a matter of your professional expertise in 
the region, do you believe that if the Iranian regime receives 
hundreds of billions of dollars that that money will go to 
finance terrorism in Yemen and in Iraq?
    Mr. Fagin, you can start.
    Mr. Fagin. Senator Cruz, thank you for the question.
    Again, I share your concerns about the malign activities of 
the Iranian regime. But that is a speculative question. There 
is not a deal in place.
    Senator Cruz. I am asking your professional judgment and 
this judgment goes to your competence in terms of whether you 
should be confirmed to this post.
    Mr. Fagin. Yeah. If I could----
    Senator Cruz. Based on the behavior of Iran, do you believe 
if they get hundreds of billions of dollars they will use that 
to fund terrorism, and I would like a yes or no, based on your 
professional judgment.
    Mr. Fagin. Again, Senator, it is, unfortunately, a 
speculative question because there is not a deal.
    Senator Cruz. I am asking for your judgment.
    Mr. Fagin. But I can, certainly, say that the Iranians will 
not use funds for the betterment of their people.
    Senator Cruz. Ms. Romanowski?
    Ms. Romanowski. Senator, thank you for the question.
    I also share your concerns with Iran's malign activity and 
role in the region. Iran remains a primary enduring threat to 
both Iraq and the region.
    It has increasingly sophisticated military capability so 
supports broad proxy networks and it has demonstrated that it 
periodically is willing to use force against U.S. allies.
    The Biden/Harris administration has determined that getting 
back into the JCPOA is the best----
    Senator Cruz. Ms. Romanowski, you are reading a statement. 
I just am asking--will you answer the question? Do you believe, 
based on your professional judgment, they will use hundreds of 
billions of dollars to finance terrorism, yes or no?
    Ms. Romanowski [continuing]. First of all, I am not privy 
to any of the negotiations that are going on. But it is very 
clear in the Iranian history that they have used their 
resources and their funding that they can get to finance their 
proxy networks and to continue to spread their malign 
activities across the region.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you.
    Senator Markey. The Senator's time has expired.
    The Senator from Connecticut?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The theory here goes that if we stay out of a nuclear 
agreement with Iran, if we continue to apply sanctions on Iran, 
then that will decrease their support for terrorist groups in 
the region.
    There is no evidence to suggest that is the case. In fact, 
if you look at the period of time since we withdrew from the 
agreement all we have seen is an increased level of Iranian 
involvement in Yemen, an increased amount of integration 
between Iran and the Houthi forces there.
    What we have seen is that support for Iranian proxy groups 
in Iraq has increased. Those groups started firing at U.S. 
troops after we withdrew from the agreement.
    So this notion that if the United States continues to apply 
maximum pressure that that is somehow going to convince the 
Iranians to stop funding groups in the region just does not 
bear out in reality.
    And as to this question of the designation of the Houthis 
as an FTO, we have to deal in the world of reality. Separate 
and aside from what you think that term means, the practical 
impact of designating the Houthis as an FTO is famine. Is 
famine. And that is not me making that claim. That is the U.N. 
That is the World Food Programme.
    The World Food Programme says very clearly if you designate 
the Houthis as an FTO we cannot operate inside Yemen.
    They go further. Commercial food operators will not be able 
to operate inside Yemen.
    Now, maybe that is a flaw of our statutes, that the 
designation of an entity as a foreign terrorist organization 
has such extreme consequences for the people of that country. 
But that is the reality.
    And so we have to think seriously about whether we want to 
subject millions of Yemenis to starvation as a consequence of 
that designation and whether that is better or worse for the 
people that we are trying to protect.
    And I guess my only ask of you, Mr. Fagin, is that you 
consult along with the Administration with those operators on 
the ground who are going to be forced to pull out and submit 
the Yemeni people to famine and starvation if we go forward 
with this designation, given the fact that there are so many 
other ways that we can impose sanctions on Houthi leaders, as 
the Biden administration already has.
    Let me ask you this question, Mr. Fagin.
    My sense is that the Saudi-led coalition has not changed 
their perspective on the path to peace. Escalation. Escalation. 
Escalation.
    We have to get into a deescalatory cycle in Yemen in order 
to get to the table. We have been pressing the Saudis for the 
last year to open up the airport to provide humanitarian 
pathways for relief agencies to restart the Yemeni economy.
    But at the foundation, we have got to be able to convince 
both sides--the Houthis and the Saudis--that more escalation in 
Sa'dah province, in Marib, is just going to lead to more of the 
same. Am I correct in that assumption?
    Mr. Fagin. Senator, thank you for the question, and I share 
your concerns about the humanitarian situation and about 
escalation.
    As you know, in February of 2021 the Administration ended 
our support for offensive military operations in Yemen. That 
included the suspension of certain sales of munitions to Saudi 
Arabia.
    The administration has been pressing Saudi Arabia, the UAE, 
and all parties to deescalate.
    Now, on a positive front, the Saudis, the UAE, the 
Government of Yemen, they support this U.N.-led process. In 
fact, the Administration has been successful in marshaling an 
international consensus in favor of this process, including at 
the Security Council.
    So we are behind this process and we can bring these 
countries along.
    Senator Murphy. I think we are going to have to be tougher 
on our allies and partners in the region. We have got to be 
equally tough on the Houthis. But we have got to deliver, I 
think, a stronger message to our allies who continue to bring 
the fight to Yemen, notwithstanding the fact that it does not 
seem to be accruing to the benefit of their interests.
    Mr. Chairman, I will submit a question to the record for 
Ms. McKee. I want to make sure that USAID's activities in 
funding anti-propaganda and anti-misinformation work in Europe 
is integrated with the work of the Global Engagement Center.
    I hope that we are going to pass a supplemental 
appropriations bill for Ukraine that will include a dramatic 
increase in the Global Engagement Center's funding. That means 
we will be able to fight Russian propaganda about their efforts 
in Ukraine.
    USAID does a lot of this work as well, and sometimes I 
worry that the two are not always working in close 
coordination. And so I will submit a question for the record on 
that subject.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Markey. The Senator from Virginia?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to 
all the nominees. It is a good panel--three career Foreign 
Service, one political nominee. I think that mixture that we 
have in our ambassadors and Foreign Service professionals 
abroad of career and political nominees is a good mixture and 
you really represent the best of this tradition.
    Mr. Fagin, I just particularly want to just comment about 
you. Your spouse is--you are part of a two State Department 
family and your spouse is the DCM in Tunisia, and that--it is 
hard for families to serve abroad and it is especially hard for 
them to serve abroad in split locations.
    I remember the first time I was visiting Egypt as a member 
of the committee and one of the Foreign Service professionals 
there had to leave to go do a Skype date with her husband about 
six time zones apart, and I said, that is a long way. She said, 
this is not the farthest apart that we have been; we have been 
farther apart than that.
    So I just want to acknowledge the service of your family 
and so many in the Foreign Service world.
    Mr. Hickey, I want to ask you a question about the 
discussions in Finland about NATO. Really interesting. In 2017, 
the support of the Finnish population for NATO accession was 19 
percent.
    Recently, a poll had it at 53 percent for reasons that are 
pretty obvious. And the polling also suggested that support for 
joining NATO would be 66 percent if Sweden also were to join. 
Finland and Sweden have traditionally had a lot of defense 
cooperation.
    However, Finnish political parties are still fairly 
opposed, at least kind of in their stated position, to NATO 
accession. An important role of a U.S. Ambassador is to promote 
U.S. interests but not get involved in domestic politics.
    The question of whether Finland were to join NATO is very 
much a domestic political issue but it also, certainly, touches 
upon values and principles really important to the United 
States.
    So should you be confirmed and be in this position and able 
to offer information and answer questions about NATO, how would 
you strike that balance between, again, offering advice and 
answering questions and not overly engaging in this issue as a 
matter of domestic Finnish politics?
    Mr. Hickey. Thank you. Thank you, Senator, for that 
question.
    It is, clearly, timely, what has happened. I have been 
tracking the polling information as you have as well in the 
public domain. It is pretty striking what has happened and how 
quickly it has happened.
    The view of Finnish people has changed pretty dramatically, 
relative to NATO, to the positive, and the reason, as you said, 
is really obvious based upon what is happening with Russia and 
Ukraine.
    Finland shares the largest border in Europe with Russia--
800 miles--and has had a nuanced relationship with Russia for 
many, many years. You talked about it earlier of them not only 
as being an interlocutor but as an interpreter for many others, 
which is a huge value to us, quite frankly, I think.
    I think what we can do and I would do, if confirmed, is to 
make sure parties at all levels of civil society in Finland 
understand the benefits of NATO. But we have to be thoughtful 
that it is a sovereign decision that they are going to make.
    So I think our role is, really, more information and 
education, and the Finnish people and the Finnish Government 
are clear eyed, I think, on how they approach the Russians.
    So I think our best role is more information and education 
and support if they decide to make such a move.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Hickey, for that, and I want 
to thank my colleagues, especially Chairman Menendez and 
Ranking Member Risch.
    I have a bill that I have had--a bipartisan bill--pending 
before the committee for some time that would clarify that the 
United States could never withdraw from NATO simply by a 
presidential action but that it would take a vote of either the 
Senate or an act of Congress--the Senate ratified the NATO 
treaty.
    That bill has been cleared for presence on our next 
business meeting on the 23rd of March. It is bipartisan. I look 
forward to taking it up.
    Ambassador Romanowski, I want to ask you a question 
quickly. I also have a piece of legislation that is bipartisan 
that is through the committee and on the floor now to repeal 
the Iraq War authorizations from 1991 and 2002.
    I am not going to ask you about that. Your testimony very 
plainly points out the many areas where we are working in 
tandem as partners with Iraq, and I believe the repeal of a war 
authorization against the Government of this partner country 
would be wise.
    I want to ask you just one question, though, about Iraq 
right now. Often, as I visited, the state of relations between 
the Kurds and the Iraqi central Government is sort of up and 
down and controversial, and sometimes it is more mellow.
    What is your kind of current understanding of dialogue 
between Erbil and the Kurdish region of Iraq and the central 
Government?
    Ms. Romanowski. Thank you for that question, Senator.
    I share your view that there is often difference of view 
between the Iraqi Kurdistan regional Government and also the 
Government in Iraq.
    I do think a lot of it depends on the issues. There was 
recently a ruling regarding their oil sharing. I will say that 
if I am confirmed one of the things and one of the priorities 
will be to ensure that we can facilitate and we can also 
represent the interests of both parties, should they ask us.
    It is--we want to see them as good partners. We want to see 
them working out their differences and we want to also be there 
to promote a good relationship between those two governments. 
It is critical for Iraq's stability and its prosperity.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Markey. The chair recognizes the Senator from 
Maryland.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
    Ambassador Romanowski, let me follow up on where Senator 
Kaine left off.
    Because we have seen a fair amount of political instability 
created from the lack of formation of a government. How do you 
assess the current situation and what is the United States 
doing now to encourage the formation of a government?
    Ms. Romanowski. First of all, as a result of the elections, 
I think we are optimistic that the elections actually created 
some welcome surprises. For example, you have 30 independent 
candidates who were elected.
    It is stalled right now over the interests between certain 
parties, and I know that we are working hard to, again, try to 
bring the parties to view the interests of a strong sovereign 
Iraq to be what is at stake and what is in their interest in 
forming their government as they go forward.
    If I am confirmed, keeping the--working with the new 
government and ensuring that they can work for their people and 
bring their interest of Iraq to working together, as they have 
different views, is going to be very important and a critical 
component of what I will be doing on a daily basis if any 
evidence of what my--of what Ambassador Tueller is doing now.
    Senator Van Hollen. As you indicated in response to Senator 
Kaine's question, you have the recent decision by the Iraqi 
federal supreme court regarding Kurdistan's oil laws deeming 
them to be unconstitutional.
    Would you agree that it would be in everyone's interests to 
have implementation of that ruling stayed so that we can 
proceed with negotiations on that point and as we work to try 
to--they work to try to form a government?
    Ms. Romanowski. My understanding is that they are talking 
about what exactly--the implementation of that law. But until 
they have worked out those, my understanding is that things 
will be going on as they have been before. But that is correct.
    Senator Van Hollen. I think the KRG has indicated that they 
are going to continue to proceed. Do you see the timing of that 
supreme court ruling being part of the efforts to pressure the 
Kurds and others with regard to the formation of a government?
    Ms. Romanowski. I think the Iraqi supreme court based their 
decision, from what I understand, on the technicalities of the 
issue, and I think that is where they came out on that one.
    Senator Van Hollen. Okay. So you do not see the timing 
after all these years has being in any way curious or connected 
to the ongoing effort to form a government?
    Ms. Romanowski. It does bring--it does make me pause about 
that. There are a lot of decisions that come about in that 
region for the many years I have been working on and we can 
read a lot into it and--but yeah.
    Senator Van Hollen. I just--obviously, we have got to make 
sure that we do what we can to support the efforts to form a 
government.
    What is your assessment of ISIS' strength right now in Iraq 
and whether or not in this period of time where there is some 
vacuum in the formation of government they are attempting to 
exploit the situation?
    Ms. Romanowski. At this point, we are always very concerned 
about the resurgence of ISIS. The fact that we have 
transitioned to an advise, assist, and enable mission that 
allows us to work--continue to work with the Iraqi Security 
Forces on their fight against ISIS is--it convinces me and 
leads me very strongly to believe that while they are forming a 
government they will remain--the Iraqi Security Services will 
remain vigilant on ISIS.
    Senator Van Hollen. Right. Again, I think one of the 
challenges we got is some of the divisions within the country 
among different groups, and not just the Shi'a militia, which, 
obviously, are a malign influence, but even among other 
parties. We really need to make sure that we bring people 
together quickly.
    Just in closing here, Ambassador McKee, congratulations on 
your nomination. I know you talked a little bit about our 
ongoing assistance to Ukraine to support the efforts in 
Ukraine.
    As you know, the President has just proposed a supplemental 
that includes $5 billion for different forms of humanitarian 
economic assistance.
    Could you talk a little bit about how you envision that 
being implemented?
    Ms. McKee. Thank you, Senator.
    I am not privy to the sort of contours or the intent behind 
the bill. But I do know that the wise way forward would be to 
build on the investments that we have made to date that we are 
currently struggling to safeguard, given the kinetic activity 
in the country and our concern for the safety and security of 
our staff and our implementing partners.
    Looking ahead, obviously, the most important thing will be 
to support the Ukrainian people and their aspirations to 
continue to build a democracy, to continue to move forward on 
Euro-Atlantic integration, to continue to diversify their 
economy, their energy resources, and lean westward, and that 
would be, if confirmed, my top priority.
    Our assistance resources can go far building on the 
investments we have made to date in response to both the needs 
on the ground as well as what we know are going to be critical 
in the days ahead.
    Senator Van Hollen. I hope we will move quickly to pass 
that supplemental request. Thank you.
    Senator Markey. I thank the Senator, and I would like to 
thank each of our nominees for being here today and for 
answering the questions so attentively, and I am certain that 
each of them will be an asset to the United States in their new 
positions and I look forward to hearing about the good and 
important work that you will be doing.
    Senators will have until the close of business tomorrow to 
revise and extend their remarks and submit any questions for 
the record.
    With that, and the thanks of the committee and in the hope 
that we can get all of you in your positions very quickly, this 
hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:55 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How can the U.S. Embassy help promote and support Iraq's 
Government formation?

    Answer. The Iraqi people held free and fair elections that were the 
most technically credible in the country's history. I understand that 
at present, the Department is communicating at the highest levels with 
Iraqi leaders to put their differences aside to allow government 
formation to occur. If confirmed, I will urge Iraq's leaders to 
expediently form a new government that respects Iraq's sovereignty and 
serves the needs of the Iraqi people.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to urge Iraqi 
parties in the Council of Representative, including Kurdish parties, to 
find a path towards forming a government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work our Embassy in 
Baghdad and our Consulate in Erbil is doing to encourage party leaders 
to expediently form a government that serves the needs of their 
constituents. In those engagements, I will encourage the parties to 
find common ground and urge them to consider the interests of Iraq 
first. I will also urge the Kurdish parties to work together during and 
after government formation in order to serve the best interests of the 
residents of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region and for the sake of Iraq's 
stability.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that 
Embassy Baghdad has the staffing and outreach needed to effectively 
engage with Iraqi Government officials, as well as Iraqi civil and 
cultural society?

    Answer. The safety and security of our personnel is the top 
priority and engaging with our Iraqi counterparts is essential to doing 
our jobs effectively. COVID-19 and the security situation have impacted 
staffing levels and our ability to engage. Staffing levels are 
constantly reviewed to ensure the appropriate levels given the security 
situation. If confirmed, I will regularly review staffing levels and 
the security situation to ensure that we have sufficient staff to meet 
our national security interests.

    Question. What would you need to see on the ground as far as 
security to increase staffing levels at Embassy Baghdad and to consider 
reopening our Consulate in Basra?

    Answer. The safety and security of our personnel is the top 
priority. If confirmed, I will regularly review staffing levels with 
the country team to ensure that we have sufficient staffing to meet our 
national security interests. In that connection, I would need to meet 
with the country team to determine whether the security situation in 
southern Iraq has sufficiently improved to resume operations at 
Consulate General Basrah.

    Question. As you know, the Embassy is still recovering from a 
devastating attack in 2019. Between a complete shutdown of consular 
capacity and ongoing security concerns, the Embassy is limited in its 
ability to reach Iraqi citizens. How do you plan to prioritize 
restoring consular capacity and other public diplomacy initiatives at 
Embassy Baghdad?

    Answer. Our Embassy in Baghdad has already made great progress in 
restoring our public diplomacy initiatives as COVID-19 restrictions 
have begun to ease. Opportunities exist for greater engagement, and if 
confirmed I look forward to looking at ways we can continue to do that. 
I will prioritize the reconstruction of the infrastructure destroyed in 
the 2019 attack, and work to revive the appropriate protocols for the 
safety of our consular applicants and employees. I will also support 
expediting a safe construction plan that will enable the Consular 
Section to once again process visas for U.S. Government exchange 
visitors and students.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, currently as Ambassador to Kuwait I take these 
incidents seriously. If confirmed, I will continue to take these 
incidents seriously, investigate them thoroughly, and will ensure that 
our staff promptly get the medical assistance they need.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that our staff 
promptly get the medical assistance they need, and I commit to 
reporting these incidents through the proper channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will meet with medical staff and the 
RSO to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. How do you plan to continue to further U.S. interests in 
Iraq?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Iraq's leaders to expediently 
form a new government that bolsters Iraq's sovereignty and serves the 
needs of the Iraqi people, which is essential to the stability of Iraq 
and the whole region. I will work with the Iraqi Government and people 
to strengthen our strategic partnership and advance key issues of 
mutual concern. If confirmed, I will also want to ensure the continued 
development of a democratic, inclusive, and rights-respecting 
governance system that serves its people and is accountable to all 
Iraqis. This is also essential for Iraq's economic development and 
capacity to counter internal and external threats.

    Question. What are your priority lines of effort linked to U.S. 
national security interests?

    Answer. Iraq remains a foreign policy priority for the United 
States and a cornerstone of our national security interests. If 
confirmed, I would focus on bolstering Iraq as a sovereign, stable, 
secure partner, free from destabilizing influences. I would continue 
U.S. Embassy Baghdad's and Consulate General Erbil's efforts to ensure 
that Iraq can address internal and external threats, secure its 
borders, and limit external destabilizing influence, while respecting 
the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Iraqis, to include 
members of vulnerable, marginalized, and disenfranchised populations, 
such as IDPs. If confirmed, I would work with the Department of Defense 
on programs to advise, assist, and enable Iraqi security forces to 
prevent ISIS or other actors from threatening the United States, Iraq, 
and the region. If confirmed, I would underscore the importance of Iraq 
charting an independent foreign policy and continuing cooperation with 
its responsible neighbors to enhance its sovereignty, security, 
critical infrastructure, and economic development, while prioritizing 
the safety and security of all U.S. personnel and property. If 
confirmed, I will also support efforts to help Iraq reduce its 
dependence on Iranian electricity and gas imports and expand its 
economic cooperation with its Gulf neighbors.

    Question. What role will countering Iranian influence play in this 
strategy?

    Answer. Countering Iran's influence in the region is critical to 
U.S. national security interests. If confirmed, I would work to counter 
Iranian destabilizing influence in Iraq by promoting democratic 
processes and institutions. I would continue Embassy Baghdad and 
Consulate General Erbil's efforts to bolster Iraq's sovereignty and 
security through supporting the Government of Iraq's ability to create 
the operational and institutional capacity to counter existential 
threats and effectively secure its borders.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you seek to address Iranian 
support for militias in Iraq?

    Answer. Iran remains an enduring threat to Iraq as well as the 
region due to its increasingly sophisticated military capabilities, 
broad network of proxies and partners, and willingness to use force 
against the United States, our allies, and partners. Iran-aligned 
militia groups destabilize Iraqi politics, as we have seen most 
recently with their attacks and threats against Iraqi officials and 
politicians during the Government formation process. If confirmed, I 
would work with the Government of Iraq to disentangle itself from Iran 
in areas such as energy, security, entrepreneurship, agriculture, human 
rights, and anti-corruption to strengthen Iraq's sovereignty, and echo 
the Iraqi people's calls for a government that represents them and 
their interests.

    Question. Are there specific steps the U.S. can take to curb their 
influence in the country and limit their ability to act with impunity? 
If so, what are they?

    Answer. Encouraging party leaders to expediently form a government 
that serves the needs of their constituents is the best path to curb 
Iran-aligned militias from influencing the Government of Iraq. In those 
engagements, if confirmed, I would encourage the parties to find common 
ground and urge them to always consider the interests of Iraq first. 
Following government formation, working with the GOI to advance 
governance institutions, to include improving accountability and 
transparency, will be instrumental in minimizing Iran-aligned militias 
influence.
    I would also continue Embassy Baghdad and Consulate General Erbil's 
coordination with others in the State Department and other agencies to 
identify and share with social media companies information regarding 
Iranian and other sources of disinformation, exhortations to violence, 
and hate speech that may violate their terms of service agreements.

    Question. What role can, and should, the U.S. play in advancing 
Iraqi-led efforts to form a unified and inclusive government that can 
address the genuine needs of its people?

    Answer. I understand that at present, the Department is 
communicating at the highest levels with Iraqi leaders to put their 
differences aside to allow government formation to occur. If confirmed, 
I would continue our encouragement of party leaders to expediently form 
a new government that respects Iraq's sovereignty and serves the needs 
of the Iraqi people. In those engagements, I would encourage the 
parties to find common ground and urge them to consider the interests 
of Iraq first. I would also urge the Kurdish parties to work together 
during and after government formation in order to serve the best 
interests of the residents of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, and for the 
sake of Iraq's stability.

    Question. What role will institutional reform and anti-corruption 
efforts play in this strategy?

    Answer. First, it is vital that Iraq form a government that will 
work toward meaningful reform in the service of the Iraqi people. Once 
a new government forms, if confirmed, I will continue Embassy Baghdad's 
efforts to encourage and support reforms to counter corruption, improve 
the investment climate, and improve the rule of law. The U.S. and Iraqi 
Governments concurred on the need for such reforms during the strategic 
dialogue meetings over the past two years. Such reforms would benefit 
Iraq's stability and prosperity, the well-being of the Iraqi people, 
and the U.S.-Iraq strategic partnership.

    Question. To what extent do you feel this political impasse creates 
a political security vacuum that makes Iraq vulnerable to outside 
interference?

    Answer. This political impasse has created opportunities for 
outside influence, particularly from Iran. This is one reason why, if 
confirmed, I would continue Embassy Baghdad's and Consulate General 
Erbil's encouragement of party leaders to put Iraq's interests first 
and form a government as quickly as possible.

    Question. How might the U.S. advance the economic reforms Iraq so 
desperately needs? Where does transparency and anti-corruption factor 
in your list of priorities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to continue to use bilateral 
fora, such as Strategic Dialogues and trade and investment discussions, 
tying specific assistance to needed economic reforms. The Embassy in 
Baghdad is currently engaged in advocacy supporting roughly $4.9 
billion in U.S. business, primarily in the energy sector. Soliciting 
input from business organizations like the U.S.-Iraq Business Council 
would expand this base and highlight roadblocks encountered by U.S. 
businesses. Finally, the more than 800,000 young Iraqis who enter the 
workforce annually represent an opportunity for the United States to 
use its soft power to expand Iraq's entrepreneurship base, create jobs, 
and diversify Iraq's economy.
    Transparency and anti-corruption factor high on the 
Administration's list of priorities. Foreign direct investment directly 
correlates to perceived security and lack of corruption. Improving the 
business climate and efficiency of the government bureaucracy would 
encourage U.S. companies to expand investment, and if confirmed, I 
would work toward this goal.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to go about addressing the 
growing influence of Russia and China in Iraq? What threat do you 
believe they pose to U.S. national security interests there?

    Answer. Insulating Iraq from the malign influence of Russia and 
People's Republic of China (PRC) is key to our national security 
interests in the region. As Ambassador to Kuwait, I am concerned about 
the efforts by the PRC and Russia to strengthen their influence in the 
region at the expense of the United States strategic partnerships in 
the Gulf. If confirmed, one of my primary concerns would be that Russia 
could seek to expand or strengthen its military ties with Iraq. If 
confirmed, I would work to ensure Iraq is aware of the consequences of 
pursuing military ties with Russia. I would also press Iraqi leaders to 
stand with the vast majority of the international community, including 
most Arab countries, in condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine. If 
confirmed, I would advance our conversation with Iraq on further steps 
we can take to ensure a stable global supply of energy, no matter what 
Putin does.
    The PRC's main focus in Iraq is the energy sector, but it is also a 
significant player in Iraq's information and communication technology 
market as well. As oil revenues rise and Iraq moves forward with more 
commercial projects, U.S.-PRC economic competition is likely to 
increase. It is vital we continue to emphasize to the Government of 
Iraq the value of our continued partnership and the risks associated 
with the PRC's information collecting capacity and other problematic 
PRC activities.
    If confirmed, I would also continue Embassy Baghdad and Consulate 
General Erbil's coordination with the State Department and other 
agencies to identify and share with social media companies Russian and 
PRC sources of disinformation, exhortations to violence, and hate 
speech that may violate their terms of service agreements.

    Question. In your opinion, what steps can the U.S. take to improve 
our diplomats' ability to get outside the Embassy compound? How do you 
intend to improve the ability of U.S. diplomats to better access all 
local populations?

    Answer. The safety and security of our personnel is my highest 
priority; however engaging with our Iraqi counterparts is essential to 
doing our jobs effectively. If confirmed, I would regularly review 
staffing levels and the security situation to ensure that we have 
sufficient staff to meet our national security interests.
    Our Embassy in Baghdad has already made great progress in restoring 
our public diplomacy initiatives. Opportunities exist for greater 
engagement with Iraqis, and if confirmed I would assess our staffing 
levels to determine if they should be adjusted to expand our 
engagement. I would prioritize the reconstruction of the infrastructure 
destroyed in the 2019 attack. I would also support enabling the 
Consular Section to once again process visas for U.S. Government 
exchange visitors and students.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Baghdad?

    Answer. I understand that Mission Iraq conducted a survey last fall 
to gauge post morale and well-being, as well as to solicit general 
views on post operations. The survey included questions on leadership, 
job satisfaction, and Embassy operations, as well as measures of 
diversity and inclusion, and the results helped identify ways that 
quality of life can be improved.
    COVID restrictions and disruptions have undoubtedly impacted 
Mission Iraq over the past two years. However, with 99 percent of 
Mission employees vaccinated, the Mission has been able to relax 
masking and social distancing requirements, allowing the return for the 
most part to pre-COVID operations. If confirmed, I look forward to 
engaging with the Embassy staff and using the results of the recent 
survey as a guide for improving morale.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Baghdad?

    Answer. Mission Iraq is a challenging but rewarding place to work. 
If confirmed, I would ensure that employees have clear goals and 
understand their role in advancing our national interests. I would 
foster an equitable environment in which input is solicited and 
considered and in which decisions are made in a transparent manner. Now 
that the COVID situation has improved, I would also promote 
opportunities outside of the office setting to rebuild and strengthen 
the Mission's sense of community and our mission in Iraq and the 
region.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Baghdad?

    Answer. Mission Iraq consists of a diverse community of direct-hire 
employees, contractors, and local staff across multiple U.S. agencies 
spread between multiple locations. In such a large community, it can be 
challenging to maintain a sense of cohesion, yet all work together to 
support vital U.S. national security priorities in Iraq. If confirmed, 
I would make every effort to clearly communicate our mission and be 
accessible at all of our locations, including through town hall 
meetings, written communications, and staff meetings. My experience at 
four different national security agencies gives me a unique perspective 
that will help me to create and maintain a unified vision among a 
diverse community.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. In all of my prior positions, I have been fortunate to work 
with a smart, dedicated team of professionals. My management style is 
to support a diverse, inclusive, and collaborative decision making 
process in which all people feel included and empowered. I take great 
pride in mentoring both Civil and Foreign Service as well as military 
colleagues and look for ways to help them succeed and further their 
careers. If confirmed, I would seek to provide a clear, strategic 
vision to advance the President's agenda and look to my Embassy 
colleagues to provide innovative ideas and will value their input.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, bullying or berating colleagues is never acceptable.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission position is an essential part 
of an Embassy team. If confirmed, I plan to have a close, collaborative 
relationship with my DCM and would rely on his or her frank and honest 
counsel on all Mission matters. A positive working relationship between 
the Chief of Mission and the Deputy Chief of Mission is essential to 
good morale at an Embassy.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. As the Chief of Mission, I would expect that my Deputy 
Chief of Mission would take a lead role on the implementation of all 
security, management, and operational matters, including the 
professional development of first and second tour officers. However, 
since I cannot be in the country at all times, if confirmed I would 
also expect my DCM to have developed strong relationships with Iraqi 
policymakers and be able to step into my shoes when needed. The DCM 
must also be able to deliver honest and frank assessments to me at all 
times and not be reticent to provide bad news.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that it is my responsibility as a manager 
and leader to provide accurate, constructive, and timely feedback to 
employees. I would also expect my team to provide honest feedback to 
me. If confirmed, I will use all available management tools, including 
awards and letters of appreciation, to reward and recognize those who 
are most successful in their roles.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would expect all of the supervisors at 
Mission Iraq to adhere to Department leadership principles to provide 
clear, accurate, and direct feedback to employees. If confirmed, I 
would also use all available management tools, including awards and 
letters of appreciation, to recognize and reward high achievers.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges does U.S. face in Iraq? 
How do you plan on addressing these?

    Answer. Public diplomacy challenges in Iraq include 1) countering 
pernicious Iranian and violent extremist influence that undermine Iraqi 
sovereignty, 2) promoting economic prosperity, 3) supporting free and 
fair elections, 4) increasing transparency and good governance, 5) 
providing humanitarian and stabilization assistance, and 6) encouraging 
respect for religious, ethnic, and minority communities. If confirmed, 
I would continue current efforts to highlight shared priorities: U.S. 
support for Iraqis as they stand against corruption and demand 
accountability from their elected officials; specific examples of U.S. 
Government assistance, including to religious and ethnic minorities; 
U.S. pandemic assistance; U.S. support for economic reforms; and 
sustained and aggressive counter messaging against malign Iranian 
messaging and activity. If confirmed, I would continue our Embassy's 
close work with U.S. military elements in support of national security 
priorities, including the enduring defeat of ISIS. I would also make it 
a priority to continue the Embassy and Consulate General's cultural 
engagements, educational exchange programs, and public outreach 
programs with Iraqis.

    Question. What steps can the U.S. take to address the proliferation 
of propaganda promoted by adversaries and strategic competitors in the 
Middle East?

    Answer. Our cultural, educational, and media engagements with 
Iraqis are a cornerstone of communicating America's desire to build 
durable connections and promote mutual understanding between the 
citizens of both nations. These engagements have and can continue to 
play a powerful role in countering disinformation about the United 
States, its policies, and its people.
    If confirmed, I would seek to expand these engagements and continue 
Embassy Baghdad and Consulate General Erbil's coordination with other 
offices in the State Department and other agencies to work with social 
media companies to identify and share with social media companies 
Russian and PRC sources of disinformation, exhortations to violence and 
hate speech that may violates their terms of service agreements.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. In keeping with the spirit of the Smith-Mundt Act, the 
public diplomacy activities at our Embassy in Baghdad are focused on 
influencing the opinions and attitudes of Iraqi audiences. Though the 
State Department provides policy guidance and resources that shape and 
support the Embassy's efforts, the ultimate decision regarding tone and 
content of our messaging resides with our experts in the field.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. If 
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. The Department has no higher priority than the health and 
safety of our employees. If confirmed, I would take these incidents 
seriously, investigate them thoroughly, and ensure that our staff 
promptly get the medical assistance they need.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Iraq personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would provide as much information as I 
can to Mission Iraq personnel regarding health incidents and other 
security matters. I would promote effective and comprehensive 
communication throughout Mission Iraq, actively solicit community 
feedback, and work to address employee concerns.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes, I have received these briefings in my current position 
as U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to ensuring that our staff 
promptly get the medical assistance they need and that any anomalous 
health incidents are recorded in detail and reported through the proper 
channels.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure our employees know there is 
nothing the Department and I take more seriously than their well-being. 
I will treat every reported case seriously and communicate the 
Department's work in caring for and supporting those affected and in 
determining the causes of the incidents. Our employees around the world 
are committed to serving the American people and promoting our national 
interests with integrity and professionalism, and they deserve nothing 
less than the best we can offer.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Iraq remained on Tier 2 for scaling their anti-trafficking 
efforts in key areas but failing to accurately screen victims, provide 
proper protection and prosecution efforts. Iraq also did not prosecute 
or convict any traffickers during the reporting period. How will you 
work with relevant stakeholders in the Iraqi Government and civil 
society to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional 
Government have increased their efforts to improve anti-trafficking 
capacity over the last few years, but there is still much to be done. 
If confirmed, I would engage and encourage the relevant stakeholders in 
the Iraqi Government and KRG in these efforts, including identifying 
and screening vulnerable populations for trafficking indicators and 
supporting the creation of a systematic identification and referral 
mechanism. Civil society engagement on trafficking is key in Iraq, and 
I would coordinate closely with relevant organizations in-country to 
strengthen ongoing initiatives. In addition to protection concerns, if 
confirmed, I would urge the Government to make progress in line with 
the other recommendations outlined in the 2021 TIP Report.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to accurately portraying any 
situational updates regarding human trafficking in Iraq in the annual 
Trafficking in Persons report?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Iraq was identified as lacking governmental and 
societal respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the 
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Protection for members of vulnerable ethnic and religious 
communities is a priority for the Department. The administration 
supports a stable, prosperous, and democratic Iraq that serves all its 
citizens, including members of its most vulnerable and marginalized 
communities. If confirmed, I would continue to prioritize U.S. 
assistance programs that encourage durable solutions for members of 
Iraq's most vulnerable populations, and focus on promoting a 
democratic, inclusive, and rights-respecting governance system. I look 
forward to coordinating with the Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain on this strategy and meeting with 
these communities and addressing their concerns.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, Iraq 
was identified as having significant human rights issues including 
unlawful or arbitrary killings, including extrajudicial killings; 
forced disappearances; torture and cases of cruel, inhuman, and 
degrading treatment or punishment; harsh and life-threatening prison 
and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; 
arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy; serious restrictions 
on free expression, the press, and the internet, including violence 
against journalists, and much more.

   If confirmed, how will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
        society organizations to improve the human rights situation on 
        the ground?

    Answer. Inclusion of civil society voices and perspectives is 
central to open and accountable governance. If confirmed, ensuring that 
Embassy staff work closely with civil society to further strengthen 
civil society and democratic institutions would be a priority for me, 
just as I have done as Ambassador to Kuwait. Furthermore, I would urge 
the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to ensure 
the protection of fundamental freedoms, including freedom of 
expression, and to more strongly protect civil society from harassment.

    Question. What options are available to the U.S. mission to bolster 
human rights?

    Answer. I understand that U.S. officials in Washington, Baghdad, 
and Erbil continue to raise our human rights concerns with all levels 
of the Iraqi Government, which I would continue, if confirmed. That 
would include urging the protection of peaceful protesters, activists, 
women in public life, and journalists, and pursuing judicial 
accountability for violent crimes against those individuals. If 
confirmed, I would also consider all options available, such as the 
Global Magnitsky Act and other designation authorities, to promote 
accountability for those who personally profited through corrupt acts 
or play a role in attacking peaceful protesters, resulting in the 
deaths of Iraqis.
    Promoting accountability to voters and transparency in elections is 
also important. In support of the recent Iraqi elections, the United 
States provided $9.7 million to UNAMI for technical electoral-
assistance work, and another $5.2 million to support UNAMI's election 
monitoring team. If confirmed, I would continue efforts to encourage 
Iraqi leaders to form a government without further delay.
    Continued humanitarian assistance, such as the additional $155 
million announced by the U.S. Government in July 2021, provides 
shelter, healthcare, food, water, and hygiene services across Iraq and 
helps displaced Iraqis obtain civil documentation, legal services, and 
increased access to education and job opportunities. Our programming 
addresses critical human rights needs through a variety of 
interventions, including securing, exhuming, and processing mass 
graves, and providing psychosocial and legal aid services to support 
the rehabilitation of survivors of sexual and gender-based violence, 
and other groups in vulnerable circumstances.
    If confirmed, I would consider all of these options to continue 
support for our human rights goals and other national security 
interests.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunication Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you 
commit to demarching the Iraqi Government and any other counterparts 
necessary to communicate U.S. support of Doreen?

    Answer. Ms. Doreen Bogdan-Martin is by far the best qualified 
candidate for Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication 
Union (ITU). The Department places a high priority on this election and 
we regularly advocate on behalf of Ms. Bogdan-Martin. If confirmed, I 
would enthusiastically support her candidacy and encourage Iraq to vote 
for her as the next ITU Secretary-General.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Do you agree with the Biden administration's support for 
repealing the 2002 and 1991 AUMF?

    Answer. Yes. As the Administration has stated, there are no current 
military operations that rely on the 1991 AUMF and the United States 
has no ongoing military activities that rely solely on the 2002 AUMF as 
a domestic legal basis, and that repeal of the 2002 AUMF would likely 
have minimal impact on current counterterrorism operations.

    Question. Practically speaking, what do you believe would be the 
effect of repeal on both our diplomatic relationship and our regional 
policies?

    Answer. There are no current military operations that rely on the 
1991 AUMF and the United States has no ongoing military activities that 
rely solely on the 2002 AUMF as a domestic legal basis, and repeal of 
the 2002 AUMF would likely have minimal impact on current 
counterterrorism operations. A repeal would show the U.S. commitment to 
continuing a strong relationship with our Iraqi and regional partners.

    Question. What is your assessment of Iran's current influence in 
Iraq?

    Answer. Iran remains the primary and enduring threat to Iraq as 
well as the region due to its increasingly sophisticated military 
capabilities, broad proxy network, and willingness to use force against 
the United States, our allies, and partner forces. Iran-backed militia 
groups destabilize Iraqi politics, as we have seen most recently with 
their attacks and threats against Iraqi officials and politicians 
during the Government formation process. Iran benefits from the 
patronage based political system and seeks to undermine efforts for 
meaningful reform. As protests since October 2019 and the election 
results show, the Iraqi people are increasingly concerned by Iran's 
destabilizing influence and want a government responsive to their 
needs.

    Question. Given that the current divide in forming a government is 
driven by disagreements between the major Shia parties, will an outcome 
there serve as a bellwether for how the political class and voters 
perceive Iran?

    Answer. Iran-backed groups performed poorly in the October 10 
elections and lost a significant number of seats. However, delays in 
government formation could create a potential opening for Iran to 
increase its influence in the internal affairs of Iraq. The United 
States continues to urge political leaders to compromise on a way 
forward and expedite government formation. The United States seeks a 
government that bolsters Iraq's sovereignty, addresses the needs of all 
Iraqi people including security, and prioritizes economic and political 
reforms.

    Question. From a Chief of Mission perspective, how will you 
approach ensuring the security of your diplomats from Iranian 
aggression while ensuring they are still out and doing the business of 
diplomacy?

    Answer. If confirmed, my highest priority will be the safety and 
security of all U.S. Government personnel in Iraq. If confirmed, I will 
ensure the mission continuously assesses the security, threats, and 
health environment in Iraq to maintain the safety of all personnel 
under Chief of Mission security responsibility. As the mission recovers 
from COVID, increasing face-to-face diplomacy with in-person meetings 
is an essential part of the strategy to maintain and strengthen our 
bilateral relationship with the Government of Iraq and the Iraqi people 
while keeping our people safe. Balancing security and engagement will 
be my highest priority.

    Question. Given the ongoing threat from ISIS and Iranian forces, 
and in light of last month's strike against the ISIS leader, how do you 
assess the role U.S. military forces will continue to play in Iraq and 
in the wider region?

    Answer. U.S. forces remain in Iraq to advise, assist, and enable 
the Iraqi Security Forces, including the Kurdish Peshmerga, in the 
continuing fight against ISIS and the development of a capable, self-
reliant, and accountable security force, supported by the Government of 
Iraq. I believe U.S. military forces will remain an important 
counterterrorism and security partner to Iraq and the region, I must 
defer to the Department of Defense for further specifics.

    Question. Will Iraq remain a base for U.S. counterterrorism and 
intelligence missions?

    Answer. U.S. military forces in Iraq have transitioned to an 
advise, assist, and enable mission to support the Iraqi Security 
Forces, which includes intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance 
support. The Department of State continues to provide counterterrorism 
assistance to Iraq to prevent violent actors, including ISIS, from 
destabilizing and terrorizing its population and the region, to respond 
to and interdict terrorism threats, and to assist the Government of 
Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to better detect and prevent 
the flow of known or suspected terrorists and facilitators, illicit 
materials, and weapons. The Department can provide additional 
information in a classified setting.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. The Biden administration's new nuclear agreement with 
Iran will provide Iran with sanctions relief worth hundreds of billions 
of dollars, including through the immediate release of assets and the 
lifting of sanctions on economic activities. Do you believe that Iran 
will use resources that flow from a new agreement to finance Iran-
supported forces in Iraq?

    Answer. Iran has demonstrated it is a threat to regional security 
and stability, particularly within Iraq. However, the maximum pressure 
campaign had virtually no impact on Iran's nefarious behavior, and Iran 
rapidly expanded its nuclear program after the previous administration 
left the JCPOA. A mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA is 
the best available option to constrain anew Iran's nuclear program, 
because an Iran with a nuclear weapon would present a far greater 
threat. The JCPOA would also provide a platform to address Iran's other 
actions, including their support of destabilizing forces in Iraq. The 
United States will continue to use its full range of tools, including 
sanctions that would persist even during any mutual return to full 
implementation of the JCPOA, to counter Iran's destabilizing activities 
in Iraq and its support for terrorism, without regard to how Iran 
resources those illegitimate efforts.

    Question. The Biden administration's new nuclear agreement with 
Iran will provide Iran with sanctions relief worth hundreds of billions 
of dollars, including through the immediate release of assets and the 
lifting of sanctions on economic activities. Do you believe that Iran 
will use resources that flow from a new agreement to finance terrorist 
groups, either in Iraq or in other countries?

    Answer. President Biden has been clear that the United States is 
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. Iran's 
actions pose fundamental problems across a series of issues--including 
its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its 
destabilizing actions throughout the region, including in Iraq, and its 
abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and 
foreign nationals as political tools. Because an Iran with a nuclear 
weapon would make all these threats far worse, the President's strategy 
is to pursue a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA to 
restrict Iran's nuclear program and provide a stronger platform to 
address its destabilizing conduct across the region, including in Iraq. 
The Biden-Harris administration is committed to use the full range of 
tools at its disposal to counter Iran's destabilizing activities, limit 
Iran's ability to finance all groups that work to destabilize the 
region or the world, and intercept weapons flows to these groups. 
However, Iran's past behavior has proven that their decisions to fund 
proxy groups throughout the region, including in Iraq, will likely not 
change.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Robert Menendez

Finland's Sovereignty
    Question.  Like all countries, Finland's right to choose its own 
alliances and associations is a sovereign one. As discussions about 
potential Finnish NATO membership increase as a result of Russia's 
illegal invasion of Ukraine, the Russian Foreign Ministry has said that 
Finland's accession to NATO would have ``serious military and political 
repercussions.''

   What role do you see for the United States in helping to protect 
        Finnish sovereignty to make its own decisions?

    Answer. Finland's leadership has consistently reaffirmed that it is 
Finland's sovereign decision whether or not to join NATO, rejecting any 
attempt by Russia to restrict NATO's Open-Door policy. If confirmed as 
U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I commit to consistently reaffirm the 
message to our Finnish partners that NATO's door is open, if they 
choose to pursue NATO membership.

Nordic Security
    Question. Russia's invasion of Ukraine came after months of 
increased military activity in its Murmansk region and Kaliningrad 
enclave.

   How do you assess existing U.S.-Finnish security cooperation, and 
        where do you see opportunities to deepen cooperation to promote 
        security in the Nordic and Baltic states?

    Answer. The United States and Finland cooperate on regional and 
global security, free trade, emerging technology, countering hybrid 
threats, and counterterrorism. Finland shares our goal of strengthening 
the transatlantic relationship to address the full range of threats and 
challenges. Finland's 800-mile-long border with Russia--the longest in 
the EU--means it is a key partner in ensuring Europe's security. 
Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure the transatlantic security 
partnership continues to deepen. Common logistics and interoperability 
will create future opportunities for further security cooperation for 
decades to come. If confirmed, I will work to continue to deepen 
cooperation to promote security in the Nordic and Baltic states.

Malign Chinese Influence
    Question. Finland's 2020 telecoms law allows for the country to ban 
equipment within the 5G network's key assets due to national security 
concerns, but does not name any particular company. Some interpreted 
this as a refusal to point a finger at Chinese companies.

   How do you assess Finland's relationship with China? Is Finland a 
        potential partner in strategic competition with China?

    Answer. While Finnish officials are willing to publicly criticize 
the PRC's human rights record, they also stress the importance of 
maintaining effective dialogue. Although Finland does not ban specific 
vendors from its 5G network, changes to its telecommunications law in 
December 2020 make it difficult for untrusted vendors to operate in the 
network. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Finnish 
officials, the business community, and civil society on this important 
issue, as well as working to increase U.S. trade with Finland as a 
counterbalance to the PRC's growing influence in Europe.
Climate
    Question. Temperatures in the Arctic are rising three times faster 
than the global average. Climate change in the Arctic both harms local 
ecosystems and impacts the global climate system.

   How will you work with Finland within the framework of the Arctic 
        Council to address climate change?

    Answer. Finland, like the United States, is an Arctic nation, and 
our main forum for cooperation on Arctic issues is the Arctic Council. 
Both the United States and Finland work together within the Arctic 
Council to enhance sustainable development, environmental protection, 
and the well-being and security of the people living in the region. 
Finland has set among the most ambitious goals in Europe of achieving 
carbon neutrality by 2035. It plans to phase out coal by May 2029 and 
increase the share of renewables in energy consumption to more than 50 
percent during the 2020s to help achieve this goal. If confirmed, I 
will work with U.S. and Finnish Government officials and scientific 
experts to support Finland's ambitious climate goals.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people working with me. The interagency 
community continues its examination of a range of hypotheses. Secretary 
Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to anomalous health 
incidents, setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task 
Force to strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce 
and providing care for affected employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that employees 
who report a possible anomalous health incident receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people who will work with me. I commit 
to working with health and security officials and other parties as 
recommended.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator James E. Risch

State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
    Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Helsinki?

    Answer. Mission Helsinki has faced challenges posed by COVID-19, 
and I am thankful for the staff's continued service. If confirmed, the 
health and safety of the personnel and family members of Mission 
Helsinki will be my first priority, and I look forward to working with 
the talented team of locally employed staff, U.S. Direct Hires, and 
their families, and ensuring that everyone on my team understands they 
are valued and has my support.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Helsinki?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated 
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure, 
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all 
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Finnish relationship and the 
interests of the United States and the American people.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified Mission and vision 
at Mission Helsinki?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and 
continuous communication throughout the Mission. We are all one team 
working together to advance the U.S.-Finnish relationship and the 
interests of the American people, so I will ensure this collaborative 
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, U.S. Embassy 
Helsinki is committed to a diverse and inclusive workforce. Diversity 
makes our Mission strong by bringing different perspectives and 
enhancing creativity and if confirmed, I look forward to working with 
the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.


    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe in the importance of serving the community, and I 
have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues of all backgrounds 
in a constructive manner. I regularly engage with members of my team 
and always seek to create a space for open dialogue and diversity of 
thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an environment of 
respect as Mission Finland carries out important work on behalf of the 
American people. I also believe in setting high standards and leading 
by example. Our employees are our most important asset. I am dedicated 
to professional development and helping employees grow and advance.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive 
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). If confirmed, I 
will work closely with the DCM to advance U.S. priorities in Finland, 
including protecting the safety and security of Americans, expanding 
our economic relationship, and advancing shared priorities.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief 
of Mission on a range of issues and I will value the institutional 
knowledge provided. If confirmed, I will entrust the DCM with 
responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the Mission, and the 
DCM should keep abreast of policy issues to be able to serve as Charge 
d'Affaires in my absence.


    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to use the performance 
evaluation process to provide employees with timely, honest, accurate, 
and constructive feedback on their performance.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and 
reward high achievers.


    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Finland.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Based on my knowledge of the Department and Embassy 
operations overseas, U.S. diplomats have done a remarkable job to get 
outside our Embassy walls and advance U.S. objectives by meeting local 
actors in diverse settings and environments. The COVID-19 pandemic has 
been a challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-
face with host country nationals, but as conditions improve, I 
understand that U.S. diplomats have resumed in-person engagements and 
programs again. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats 
get outside of the Embassy to meet with local citizens, including host 
government officials and non-governmental organizations.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to exchange ideas with people from all 
parts of the country to hear their views and promote our shared goals. 
I will use both social and traditional media to reach people across 
Finland. Diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility are also an 
important part of public diplomacy outreach to ensure efforts reflect 
the diversity of U.S. society and societies abroad and encourage the 
involvement of people from traditionally underrepresented audiences. If 
confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to continue leveraging 
engagements with the media, cultural and educational exchange 
organizations, and individual interactions to expand the people-to-
people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral 
relationship.


    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Finland?

    Answer. The United States has strong academic, cultural, and 
professional exchanges with the people of Finland. If confirmed, I will 
work with the Embassy team to continue leveraging relationships with 
the media, cultural and educational exchange organizations, and 
individuals to expand the people-to-people bonds that are the 
foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for U.S. 
diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-face with host country 
nationals. As conditions improve, U.S. diplomats have started in-person 
engagements and programs again. If confirmed, I look forward to 
utilizing both traditional and social media to engage with the Finnish 
public, in addition to in-person programs.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral 
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American 
people. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance 
security cooperation, expand economic and trade relations, strengthen 
collaboration on Arctic and climate issues, and deepen people-to-people 
ties. I will work to counter adverse influence and mis- and 
disinformation through engagements with traditional media, 
communication via social media, institutional outreach and personal 
interactions, and through a variety of public diplomacy programming. 
Working with the public diplomacy team, we will tailor our messaging in 
a way that is most appropriate for the Finnish public.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Helsinki personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to sharing what information I 
can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with Mission 
Helsinki personnel.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received a briefing at the unclassified level on the 
anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel 
around the world. If confirmed, I commit to seeking full briefings at 
the appropriate classification levels before my departure to post and 
learning how I can best protect all Embassy personnel and respond to 
reports of any future potential incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other Embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. Missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the personnel and 
family members of Embassy Helsinki, and American citizens in Finland, 
will always be my first priority. Should an individual report a 
potential anomalous health incident, I commit to ensuring the incident 
is reported through the appropriate channels and sharing what 
information I can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of Embassy personnel, 
their families, and American citizens in Finland will always be my 
first priority. This is an issue I take very seriously and is a top 
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If confirmed, I will 
take every measure to keep our staff safe and secure and would take any 
report of a potential anomalous health incident very seriously. I will 
ensure those affected receive appropriate and prompt medical attention, 
and that incidents are investigated fully and reported through the 
appropriate channels. I will share what information I can within the 
bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and the mission 
community.

Europe and Eurasia
    Question. For decades, Finland has been a key negotiator between 
Russian interests and NATO interests.

   If confirmed, how would you make use of this diplomatic connection?

    Answer. Finland has been outspoken against Russia's destabilizing 
actions, supports sanctions on Russia, and has issued timely statements 
condemning Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. The 
United States works closely with Finland to monitor and push back 
against Russia's malign activities. If confirmed, I would continue to 
engage with the Finnish Government to ensure a unified and proactive 
approach to address Russian threats.

    Question. As Putin's Government grows more aggressive toward 
Europe, will Finland lose its status as a mediator between NATO and 
Russia? If so, how will that affect NATO-Russia relations?

    Answer. Finland maintains a pragmatic but firm relationship with 
Russia. Finland is a like-minded partner concerning Russia's unprovoked 
and unjustified war against Ukraine, and Finland supports a 
multilateral and diplomatic solution. President Niinisto, Prime 
Minister Marin, and Foreign Minister Haavisto have publicly condemned 
Russia's war against Ukraine as a grave breach of international law and 
an attack on the European security order.

    Question. If Putin agrees to negotiate with the Ukrainian 
Government, would you advocate for this conference to take place on 
neutral territory under neutral supervision, such as in Finland? If 
yes, how?

    Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, I would note that 
Finland is a like-minded partner concerning Russia's unprovoked and 
unjustified war against Ukraine, and Finland supports a multilateral 
and diplomatic solution. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with 
Finland to support our shared security goals.

    Question. On February 26, 2022, Finnish Ambassador Mikko Hautala 
said Finland does not feel threatened by Russian warnings of a 
potential military response if they decide to join NATO.

   Do you think that Finland should be worried about the Russian 
        military?

    Answer. While I cannot speak for Finland, the country's independent 
defense capabilities safeguard over 800 miles of Europe's Russian 
border, enhancing the security of U.S. Allies and partners in the 
region. Finland maintains a pragmatic but firm relationship with 
Russia. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and actively 
participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and operations. 
Furthermore, Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure the transatlantic 
security partnership continues to deepen.

    Question. What will you do as Ambassador to prevent concerns of 
Russian aggression from rising?

    Answer. Finland is a like-minded partner concerning Russia's 
unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine, and Finland supports a 
multilateral and diplomatic solution. President Niinisto, Prime 
Minister Marin, and Foreign Minister Haavisto have publicly condemned 
Russia's war against Ukraine as a grave breach of international law and 
an attack on the European security order. If confirmed, I will work to 
ensure U.S. and Finnish policies toward Russia remain closely 
coordinated.

    Question. If Finnish sentiment does change, how will you use your 
role to assure Finland of U.S. support?

    Answer. Finland is a valued partner and close friend, and the U.S.-
Finland relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The United States and 
Finland cooperate on regional and global security, free trade, emerging 
technology, countering hybrid threats, and counterterrorism. If 
confirmed, I will work to continue to strengthen our cooperation with 
Finland and assure Finland of U.S. support on regional and global 
challenges.

    Question. In the unlikely event of a Russian attack on Finnish 
territory, is their military sufficient to repel Russia's?

    Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, Finland's 
independent defense capabilities safeguard over 800 miles of Europe's 
Russian border, enhancing the security of U.S. Allies and partners in 
the region. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and 
actively participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and 
operations. Furthermore, Finland's purchase of 64 F-35As and associated 
missiles and munitions will provide Finland with a credible defense 
capability to deter aggression in the region and ensure 
interoperability with U.S. forces.

    Question. Would you support U.S. security assistance to the Finnish 
Government in case of invasion?

    Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I will 
commit to continue to strengthen our cooperation with Finland on 
regional, security, and global challenges. Finland shares our goal of 
strengthening the transatlantic relationship to address the full range 
of threats facing the transatlantic community.

    Question. In 2019, Finland's top import was crude petroleum, mostly 
from Russia. Its top 2019 export was refined petroleum, exporting 
mostly to Europe and the U.S.

   Given Finland's key role in the oil industry, how would the Finnish 
        economy be affected by sanctions against Russia's oil and gas 
        sector?

    Answer. Finland is well ahead of most of the world in transitioning 
its economy to a sustainable and carbon-neutral energy footing, and as 
such is better prepared for possible disruptions of gas and oil 
supplies. While Finland imports all its natural gas from Russia, gas 
only accounts for five percent of Finland's energy consumption.

    Question. Do you think that Finland would support those sanctions?

    Answer. Finland has been outspoken against Russia's destabilizing 
actions, has been supportive of past sanctions on Russia, and has 
issued timely statements condemning Russia's unprovoked and unjustified 
war against Ukraine. Finnish officials and the public support the 
continuation of sanctions against Russia until the full restoration of 
Ukrainian territorial integrity within its sovereign, internationally 
recognized borders.

    Question. On February 28, 2022, Finland decided to supply the 
Ukrainian Government with military gear, including firearms and 
ammunition.

   Do you support this decision? Why or why not?

    Answer. Yes. We are seeing historic levels of international support 
for Ukraine and welcome the unprecedented security cooperation and 
assistance including lethal defensive aid. The United States has 
engaged Allies and partners to support Ukraine in the face of Russia's 
unprovoked war. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing this 
engagement.

    Question. Russia's invasion of Ukraine could cause a long-term 
Ukrainian diaspora.

   Do you think that Finland would consider accommodating Ukraine's 
        displaced citizens?

    Answer. Recent media reports suggest Finnish citizens are welcoming 
and hosting Ukrainian refugees.

    Question. Would you encourage the Finnish Government to do so?

    Answer. The United States has encouraged countries in the region to 
adhere to their refugee obligations. Russia's war against Ukraine has 
created a rapidly growing humanitarian crisis, with more than one 
million refugees, predominantly women and children, having already fled 
the country.

    Question. On Monday, February 28, 2022, Ukrainian president 
Zelenskyy submitted a petition for Ukraine to join the EU.

   Do you think that Finland will support this petition?

    Answer. This is a question for Finland to determine.

    Question. Would you encourage the Finnish Government to do so?

    Answer. The transatlantic community remains the bedrock of U.S. 
foreign policy. It is the foundation of our shared security, our shared 
prosperity, and our shared values. If confirmed, I would work with 
Finland to support Ukraine's integration into European and Euro-
Atlantic institutions, while leaving the specifics of the EU accession 
process to Finland and other EU member states.

NATO
    Question. Finland has historically remained neutral in European 
security matters with regard to Russia; however, since Russia's 
reinvasion of Ukraine, Finland has taken action to send military 
assistance to the Ukrainian military, and popular support for joining 
NATO has surpassed 50 percent for the first time.

   What do you believe are the advantages and disadvantages of Finland 
        joining NATO, both for Finland, the United States, as well as 
        the NATO alliance itself?

    Answer. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and 
actively participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and 
operations. Finland shares our goal of strengthening the transatlantic 
relationship to address the full range of threats facing the 
transatlantic community. Both the United States and Finland's 
leadership have consistently reaffirmed that it is Finland's sovereign 
decision whether or not to apply to join NATO, rejecting any attempt by 
Russia to restrict NATO's Open-Door policy. If confirmed as U.S. 
Ambassador to Finland, I commit to consistently reaffirm the message to 
our Finnish partners that NATO's door is open, if they choose to pursue 
NATO membership.

    Question. As Ambassador, how would you approach the matter of 
Finland joining NATO?

    Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I commit to 
consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners that NATO's 
door is open, if they choose to pursue NATO membership.

    Question. What ways can we work with Finland to advance our mutual 
national security interests in Europe outside of NATO?

    Answer. The United States and Finland cooperate on regional and 
global security, free trade, emerging technology, countering hybrid 
threats, and counterterrorism. Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure 
the transatlantic security partnership continues to deepen. Common 
logistics and interoperability will create future opportunities for 
further security cooperation between Finland and the United States for 
decades to come. Finland is a leader in critical and emerging 
technologies ranging from 5G and 6G to quantum computing. These 
industries represent billions of dollars in trade, investment, and 
cooperation aligned with American companies and interests. If 
confirmed, I will work to continue to strengthen our cooperation with 
Finland.

    Question. Finland is a leader in the implementation of nuclear 
power and disposal of radioactive waste.

   Do you support the increased use of nuclear power in general?

    Answer. There is broad public support in Finland to expand nuclear 
energy production. If confirmed, I would look to support this area as 
an opportunity to promote American technologies and nuclear energy 
solutions that accelerate the clean energy transition and facilitate an 
affordable pathway to net-zero.

    Question. If sanctions are put on Russia's nuclear industry, which 
supplies unique equipment and material for nuclear plants around the 
world, including Finland, how will you work with the Government to 
ensure they can find alternatives while adhering to sanctions?

    Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I 
would work with the Finnish Government on viable, clean, low-carbon 
alternatives to Russian nuclear energy. Finland has been proactive in 
this area; Finnish leadership have publicly stated their intention to 
reduce energy dependence on Russia and the Government has halted 
Fennovoima's nuclear power project. If confirmed, I would seek 
opportunities for American industry, which has been a decades-long 
global leader in civil nuclear technologies and is developing some of 
the most advanced new technologies.

    Question. In the event of a mainland European energy shortage due 
to reduced supply from Russia, how would you encourage the Finnish 
Government to assist in preserving and augmenting European energy 
security?

    Answer. In 2019, a EUR 250 million subsea natural gas pipeline--
called the Balticconnector--was completed between Finland and Estonia. 
This pipeline links Finland's gas grid with the Baltics and can be 
supplied via existing LNG terminals in Finland and the Baltics.

    Question. In the coming decades, how do you foresee clean energy 
agreements affecting Finland's large oil and automotive industries?

    Answer. Finland is a green energy leader in Europe and is on track 
to meet its ambitious 2035 carbon-neutral target. In general, there is 
broad public and political support for green energy reforms, and 
Finnish industries have already begun transitioning to sustainable and 
clean energy.

    Question. Do you think they will be able to meet global climate 
benchmarks?

    Answer. Finland has set among the most ambitious climate goals in 
Europe, including achieving carbon neutrality by 2035, planning to 
phase out coal by May 2029, and planning to increase the share of 
renewables in energy consumption to more than 50 percent during the 
2020s to help achieve this goal. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with Finland to advance our shared climate goals.

    Question. Finland has shown limited interest in accommodating 
asylum-seekers from Afghanistan and other countries. In November 2021, 
the Finnish Government raised its 2022 refugee quota from 1050 to 1500, 
which is still less than three people for every ten thousand Finnish 
residents.

   If confirmed, would you encourage the Finnish Government to raise 
        that quota?

    Answer. Finland has been a strong leader in its Afghanistan 
response, working closely with the United States and Allies to support 
evacuation and resettlement. In 2021, Finland quadrupled its 
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan to 12.5 million euros. Finland 
continues to place human rights as a cornerstone of its foreign policy, 
and the United States can work with Finland to continue to ensure the 
rights and protection of refugees both within Finland and within a 
broader international system. If confirmed, I will work with and 
encourage Finland to raise the refugee quota further, while also 
recognizing its past leadership.

    Question. How do you anticipate Finland and other EU countries will 
respond to the recent influx of refugees from Central Asia and the 
Middle East?

    Answer. In 2015, Finland saw an unprecedented 32,447 individuals 
file for asylum protection, and the immigration system responded 
quickly to expand capacity and services. By 2020, Finland received only 
about 3,000 asylum applications. Finnish Immigration Service was able 
to shrink service capacity to correspond to the number of asylum 
seekers while maintaining flexibility for future surges.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Finnish 
Government to provide long-term resettlement to the thousands of 
asylum-seekers currently living in Finland?

    Answer. Finland provides services and housing to quota refugees 
directly through local municipalities. According to the Finnish Red 
Cross, municipal services have been able to secure housing for all 
arriving quota refugees and often secure almost 1,000 additional places 
ahead of the process for the following year. The Finnish Immigration 
Service provides housing, social and healthcare services, 
interpretation services, and legal aid to asylum-seekers at regional 
reception centers. If confirmed, I will encourage the Finnish 
Government to provide long-term resettlement to the thousands of 
asylum-seekers currently living in Finland.

Indo-Pacific
    Question. Although Finland had a positive relationship with the 
Chinese Government through 2017, recent reports by Finnish civil and 
defense ministries suggest a much more adversarial stance toward China, 
and they encourage solidarity with the rest of the EU on this issue.

   If confirmed, how will you support Finland in countering malign CCP 
        encroachments into Europe's political institutions, especially 
        the EU?

    Answer. While Finnish officials are willing to publicly criticize 
the PRC's human rights record, the Finns stress the importance of 
maintaining effective dialogue with the PRC. Finland has also been open 
in its criticism of the PRC's repression of the Uighurs in Xinjiang, 
supporting the EU's March 2021 sanctions targeting PRC officials 
implicated in human rights abuses in Xinjiang. Three Finnish officials 
were affected by the PRC's retaliatory sanctions. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the Finnish Government and multilateral 
institutions to support Finland in countering malign CCP encroachments 
into Europe's political institutions.

    Question. Do you see Finland as a valuable potential ally in 
blocking similar encroachments into the U.N. and other global 
institutions?

    Answer. Finland is a like-minded partner. After the implementation 
of the Hong Kong security law in July 2020, Finland suspended its 
extradition treaty with Hong Kong, prompting criticism from PRC state-
controlled media and the PRC's Embassy in Finland. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with Finnish officials, including those working in 
U.N. institutions, the business community, and civil society on this 
important issue, as well as working to increase U.S. trade with Finland 
as a counterbalance to China's growing influence in Europe.

Trade and Technology
    Question. One of China's goals is to have Chinese manufacturers 
produce new 5G communications systems around the world, which poses a 
security risk to the U.S. and our allies. The Finnish 
telecommunications company, Nokia, could offer 5G infrastructure that 
aligns with our security interests as an alternative to Chinese 
companies.

   As Ambassador, how would you work with the Finnish Government to 
        promote private sector engagement in telecommunications?

    Answer. Finland is a global leader in telecommunication technology 
and is home to one of the three trusted providers of "full stack" 5G 
equipment worldwide. Finland is known as the "the world's 
telecommunications test laboratory" and is used for experimental 
launches of new products and services before going global. Finland 
offers a great opportunity for American companies to develop and test 
new applications of 5G networks, and if confirmed I look forward to 
supporting this opportunity.

    Question. What ways could the U.S. Government promote technology 
partnerships with Finland in order to create secure and marketable 5G 
infrastructure solutions that can compete with Chinese alternatives?

    Answer. Although Finland will not ban specific vendors from its 5G 
network, changes to its telecommunications law in December 2020 make it 
difficult for untrusted vendors to operate in the network. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with Finnish officials, the 
business community, and civil society on this important issue, as well 
as working to increase U.S. trade with Finland as a counterbalance to 
the PRC's growing influence in Europe.

    Question. How would you work with the Finnish Government to protect 
intellectual property with regard to high technology?

    Answer. Finland is a source of emerging technology and, as such, 
there is an opportunity to promote IPR enforcement worldwide. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with Finland on adopting controls 
and standards for new technologies such as quantum and artificial 
intelligence, which protect our common democratic values, respect for 
human rights, and preserve our other fundamental freedoms.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Finland was identified as Tier 1 but courts in country had 
failed to prosecute as many traffickers in past reporting periods and 
victims continued to be penalized.

   What is your assessment of this issue?

    Answer. Finland was ranked as Tier 1 in the 2021 TIP report. 
According to the report, Finland fully meets the minimum standards for 
the elimination of trafficking. The Government continued to demonstrate 
serious and sustained efforts during the reporting period while 
considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, if any, on its anti-
trafficking capacity.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the office of the 
Ambassador-at-Large to combat and monitor trafficking in persons to 
improve anti-trafficking efforts in Finland?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with the Office to Monitor and 
Combat Trafficking in Persons and Finnish authorities to encourage 
cooperation to make progress in combating trafficking in persons to 
include fully prosecuting traffickers and protecting victims. If 
confirmed, I will continue our engagement with the Finnish Government 
on this important issue with the goal of ensuring Finland remains as a 
Tier 1 status country.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Finland was reported to have had serious incidents 
motivated by antisemitic or antimuslim behavior and rhetoric. What is 
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you 
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. Finnish law guarantees freedom of religion and prohibits 
discrimination on the grounds of religion. If confirmed, I will support 
efforts of Jewish, Muslim, and all faith communities to collectively 
advocate on issues that threaten to restrict religious practice. This 
includes opposing laws that would negatively infringe on religious 
practices, such as the recently proposed animal welfare law that would 
ban or limit kosher and halal slaughter. If confirmed, I will advocate 
for religious freedom for members of all religious groups, and work 
with the Ambassador-at-Large, the Finnish Government, and NGO partners 
to promote religious freedom.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Finland had no reports of serious human rights abuses or concerns. 
However, there is always room for improvement. If confirmed, how can 
you engage with civil society to bolster human rights on the ground and 
at the U.S. Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society to advance 
shared values, including respect for human rights. Finland is a strong 
advocate for addressing global issues in multilateral fora, including 
through their new seat on the Human Rights Council. If confirmed, I 
will work to leverage our strong relationship and shared values and 
utilize public diplomacy tools to promote the international rules-based 
order and bolster human rights.

The United Nations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who would 
be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU, if elected. She 
is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you 
commit to demarching the Finnish Government and any other counterparts 
necessary to communicate U.S. support of Doreen?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Finnish 
Government and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. 
support of Doreen Bogdan-Martin.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. Since the unprovoked Russian attack on Ukraine, Finland 
is evaluating its security posture particularly given its long border 
with Russia.

   How should the U.S. build on existing security cooperation with 
        Finland to strengthen our ties and deter further aggression?

    Answer. Finland is a valued partner, and the U.S.-Finland 
relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The United States and Finland 
cooperate on regional and global security, free trade, emerging 
technology, countering hybrid threats, and counterterrorism. Finland's 
800-mile-long border with Russia means it is a key partner in ensuring 
Europe's security. Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure the 
transatlantic security partnership continues to deepen. Common 
logistics and interoperability will create future opportunities for 
further security cooperation between Finland and the United States for 
decades to come. If confirmed, I will work to continue to build on 
existing security cooperation with Finland to strengthen our ties and 
deter further aggression.

    Question. I am concerned by growing Russian and Chinese efforts to 
project power in the Arctic region, as Russia has exponentially 
increased its military presence above the Arctic Circle and China now 
tries to claim that is a ``near-Arctic'' state.

   How does Finland view Russian and Chinese activities in the Arctic? 
        In what ways are Finland and the United States seeking to work 
        together on challenges in the Arctic region?

    Answer. Finland, like the United States, is an Arctic nation, and 
our main forum for cooperation on Arctic issues is the Arctic Council. 
Finland is keenly aware of Russia's unprecedented military and 
commercial investments in the Arctic and does not agree with the PRC's 
claim that it is a ``near-Arctic'' state. Both the United States and 
Finland work together within the Arctic Council to enhance sustainable 
development, environmental protection, and the well-being and security 
of the people living in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to 
continuing our close engagement on Arctic issues, including pursuing 
new opportunities for scientific collaboration and on our shared 
strategic and commercial interests.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Mitt Romney

    Question. Finland has been an outstanding security partner of the 
United States, NATO, as well as Ukraine, particularly in light of their 
pledge to send military aid to the Ukrainians. Putin may have 
calculated that his dishonorable, illegal invasion of Ukraine would 
divide NATO from its partners and close NATO's doors to new members, 
but his malicious war has only drawn us closer together. I applaud this 
administration's steadfast commitment to keeping NATO membership open 
to those states that want to join.

   Will you commit, if confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, to 
        consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners that 
        NATO's door is open, if they choose to purse NATO membership?

    Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I commit to 
consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners that NATO's 
door is open, if they choose to pursue NATO membership.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Todd Young

    Question. How do you view the impact of Russia's war on Ukraine on 
the security status of Finland?

    Answer. Russia's unprovoked, premeditated, and unjustified invasion 
of Ukraine has significant security ramifications for all of Europe, 
for the transatlantic community, and globally. Finland's 800-mile-long 
border with Russia--the longest in the EU--means Finland is a key 
partner in ensuring Europe's security. Finland is a like-minded partner 
concerning Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine, and 
Finland supports a multilateral and diplomatic solution. President 
Niinisto, Prime Minister Marin, and Foreign Minister Haavisto have 
publicly condemned Russia's war against Ukraine as a grave breach of 
international law and an attack on the European security order. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. and Finnish policies toward 
Russia remain closely coordinated.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work with Finland in 
coordinating on European security and, potentially, exploring their 
membership into NATO?

    Answer. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and 
actively participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and 
operations. Finland's leadership has consistently reaffirmed that it is 
Finland's sovereign decision whether or not to join NATO, rejecting any 
attempt by Russia to restrict NATO's Open-Door policy. This sentiment 
was expressed in both New Year's 2022 speeches by President Niinisto 
and Prime Minister Marin. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I 
commit to consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners 
that NATO's door is open, if they choose to pursue NATO membership.

    Question. Relatedly, how would you work with Finland's Scandinavian 
neighbors, such as Sweden, to ensure they move together where 
appropriate?

    Answer. Finland has demonstrated clear solidarity with its EU 
partners, Nordic neighbors, and the United States on policy regarding 
Russia, including on sanctions. Finland and Sweden are both NATO 
Enhanced Opportunities Partners and actively participate in NATO 
political dialogue, exercises, and operations. If confirmed, I will 
work closely with U.S. Ambassadors in the Nordic region and Europe to 
advance U.S. policy and support European security.

    Question. What is your assessment of the strategic value of 
cooperation with Finland on security and regional stability?

    Answer. Finland is a valued partner and close friend, and the U.S.-
Finland relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The United States and 
Finland cooperate on regional and global security, free trade, emerging 
technology, countering hybrid threats, and counterterrorism. Finland 
shares our goal of strengthening the transatlantic relationship to 
address the full range of threats facing the transatlantic community. 
As a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner, Finland's purchase of F-35As 
will ensure the transatlantic security partnership continues to deepen. 
Common logistics and interoperability will create future opportunities 
for further security cooperation between Finland and the United States 
for decades to come. Commercially, Finland's purchase of the F-35As 
means billions of dollars injected into the American economy, the 
creation of American jobs, and the opportunity to extend for at least 
another 30 years our bilateral cooperation in the aviation industry. 
Finland is a leader in critical and emerging technologies ranging from 
5G and 6G to quantum computing. These industries represent billions of 
dollars in trade, investment, and cooperation aligned with American 
companies and interests. Our cooperation with Finland helps advance 
American technology leadership with our Allies and partners to protect 
our shared security interests, economic prosperity, and democratic 
values. If confirmed, I will work to continue to strengthen our 
cooperation with Finland on regional and global challenges.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How do you plan on working with the Riyadh-based Yemen 
Affairs Unit to best address ``on the ground'' issues, including the 
monitoring of U.S. assistance in Yemen?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will be in the region full-time, serving as 
the Chief of Mission for Yemen and leading the Yemen Affairs Unit 
located at our Embassy in Riyadh, which oversees the totality of our 
interests and efforts in Yemen. These include critical humanitarian and 
development work, economic reform efforts, counterterrorism and 
security cooperation, engaging with Yemeni and regional officials as 
well as Yemeni civil society, and above all else, working to ensure the 
safety and security of American citizens. As Chief of Mission, it would 
be my responsibility to oversee the implementation and review of third-
party monitoring of all programming with U.S. assistance alongside my 
Washington counterparts, and I look forward to working with Congress on 
these and many other important issues affecting U.S. interests and 
security.

    Question. How will you work with Special Envoy Lenderking to create 
a space that encourages the warring parties in Yemen to come to the 
table and have a constructive dialogue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with 
Special Envoy Lenderking to support inclusive U.N.-led efforts to reach 
a durable resolution to the conflict in Yemen. The only way to reach 
such a resolution is through a negotiated political agreement. There is 
no military solution. U.N.-led efforts must also address the underlying 
economic and humanitarian crises and lead to accountability for human 
rights abuses and violations. This is a complex set of problems, but 
not insurmountable; we must continue to work at it tenaciously and with 
our partners.

    Question. What are your plans to ensure the safety of the U.S. 
compound in Sana'a?

    Answer. The Houthis' outrageous actions against our Yemeni local 
staff and former Embassy compound in Sana'a are both deplorable and 
unjustifiable and are an affront to the entire international community, 
only further aggravating the conflict in Yemen. If confirmed, I will 
lead efforts to ensure the Houthis release unharmed all current and 
former U.S. local employees who remain held, end their harassment of 
our staff and restrictions on their movement, vacate our former Embassy 
compound, and return all seized U.S. Government property. If confirmed, 
I would continue our work with our partners in the region to make sure 
the Houthis hear loud and clear that these egregious actions seriously 
jeopardize the prospects for the Houthis to ever be a part of a 
legitimate and internationally recognized Government of Yemen.

    Question. The U.S. currently has more than 200 locally employed 
staff in Yemen. How do you plan on ensuring the continued safety of 
these individuals?

    Answer. The United States is fully committed to ensuring the safety 
of the 170 locally employed staff who work for the U.S. Government in 
Yemen. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, the safety and security of the 
U.S. Government employees in Yemen and in the Yemen Affairs Unit in 
Riyadh would be paramount. I will pursue every path available to secure 
the release of the detained locally employed staff, including 
engagement with Houthi leaders, international organizations, other 
Yemenis, and regional leaders. I would lead efforts to ensure the 
Houthis cease any further detentions or harassment of our employees and 
work with regional partners to condemn such acts.

    Question. What efforts can be taken to encourage the release of Mr. 
Marhabi? How do you plan on engaging with the Houthis and other 
regional partners on this matter?

    Answer. The fact that the Houthis continue to detain Levi Marhabi 
is deplorable. Over the past two years, the international community, 
humanitarian groups, and leading NGOs have called for his immediate and 
unconditional release. Senior U.S. officials have echoed those calls, 
including within the U.N. Security Council. If confirmed, I will engage 
Yemeni and regional officials to make clear U.S. expectations regarding 
the equal treatment and protection of members of religious minority 
groups.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and 
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. Any threat to the safety and security of personnel 
must be addressed quickly and thoroughly. As Chief of Mission, I would 
be responsible for ensuring that U.S. Government employees in Yemen and 
in the Yemen Affairs Unit in Riyadh are able to perform their duties 
safely.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. The Department's most serious commitment is to its 
people, and it will not relent in ensuring that any personnel who fall 
ill while in service to their country will get the help that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would have a responsibility to all 
those who fall under my care and security responsibility as Chief of 
Mission.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Divisions in the Saudi-led coalition helped drive Houthi 
military advances in recent years. What steps can the U.S. take to 
foster greater cohesion in the Saudi-led coalition?

    Answer. Enhancing unity among the anti-Houthi bloc is essential to 
reaching a negotiated solution that ends the war. The United States is 
working closely with its partners in the region to minimize divisions 
in the bloc and, if confirmed, I would meet regularly with these key 
stakeholders to remind them of our shared interest in ending this 
conflict.

    Question. What more do you feel the U.S. can do outside of the 
U.N.-led political process to inject greater stability in Yemen?

    Answer. The United States has contributed nearly $4.5 billion in 
humanitarian assistance to Yemen since the start of the war. This 
support not only saves lives, but it also prevents further 
deterioration of social and economic conditions that would make it even 
harder to resolve the conflict. If confirmed, I would continue our 
strong humanitarian efforts, and I would also work with key partners 
and international financial institutions to support efforts to 
stabilize both Yemen's economy and its governing institutions, as well 
as to address the underlying economic drivers of conflict. U.S. support 
has helped build the capacity of key Yemeni Government economic 
institutions and bolstered job-creating enterprises that improve 
conditions for Yemeni families. Our programming has Yemenis--
particularly youth and women--develop skills that increase their 
employability.

    Question. Do you feel there is merit in recalibrating U.S. 
assistance to focus more on local governance and institution building?

    Answer. Our foreign assistance in Yemen is intended to address a 
wide range of sectors that support U.S. interests in ending the 
conflict and improving Yemeni lives. Our economic and community-level 
support are key components outside of humanitarian assistance that seek 
to advance critical reforms and build on those openings should there be 
a political settlement.

    Question. What means can the United States employ to get the 
Houthis to engage in peace talks in good faith and reduce interference 
in aid operations?

    Answer. The United States strongly supports U.N. Special Envoy 
Grundberg and is leading international efforts to demonstrate to the 
Houthis that the only sustainable path forward is through dialogue. We 
continually encourage others with relationships with the Houthis to 
press them to give up on a military solution to the conflict and come 
to the negotiating table. And we will not hesitate to use the tools at 
our disposal, including sanctions, to pressure the Houthis to cease 
their military offensives and engage sincerely with U.N.-facilitated 
political talks to resolve the conflict.

    Question. What role can the U.S. play to encourage peace between 
the Houthis and the Yemeni Government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with U.S. 
Special Envoy Tim Lenderking to support U.N.-facilitated efforts to 
reach an inclusive, durable resolution to the conflict in Yemen. The 
only way to reach such a resolution is through a negotiated inclusive 
political agreement. There is no military solution. If confirmed, I 
would support the Administration's efforts to advance an inclusive, 
U.N.-facilitated political process that also addresses the underlying 
economic and humanitarian crises and leads to accountability for human 
rights abuses and violations. This is a complex set of problems, but 
not insurmountable; we must continue to work tenaciously with our 
partners to reach this negotiated political agreement.

    Question. What steps can the U.S. take to bring greater pressure on 
the Houthis? Are there opportunities to foster greater collaboration 
with our regional partners in this space, Oman, Kuwait?

    Answer. The Houthis' increasingly provocative and dangerous 
behavior warrants a strong international response, and I agree we must 
continue to work in concert with our partners to send clear messages to 
the Houthis to de-escalate and sit down at the negotiating table. If 
confirmed, I would support efforts to use various tools at our 
disposal, including sanctions, to pressure the Houthis to cease their 
military offensives and engage in good faith with U.N.-facilitated 
political talks.

    Question. Please provide your perspective on the Riyadh Agreement 
and its legitimacy as a realistic pathway towards peace.

    Answer. Strengthening the anti-Houthi bloc is essential to reaching 
a durable resolution to the conflict. The United States is working with 
the parties to the Riyadh Agreement to improve coordination between the 
Yemeni Government and the Southern Transitional Council, and if 
confirmed, I would strongly support those efforts. The Yemeni Prime 
Minister and most of the Yemeni cabinet have returned to Aden, which 
was a positive step to ease political tensions and improve governance.

    Question. What more can the U.S. to do support Saudi efforts to 
advance implementation? Can greater pressure be brought upon the UAE?

    Answer. The United States coordinates closely with Saudi Arabia and 
the UAE on efforts to strengthen the anti-Houthi bloc. If confirmed, I 
would strongly support those efforts. There have been some notable 
successes resolving differences among parties to the Riyadh Agreement, 
including the Prime Minister and most of the Yemeni cabinet returning 
to Aden to perform their official duties.

    Question. In your mind, what is the benefit of limiting U.N. talks 
to the Houthis and the Saudis?

    Answer. The United States supports the U.N.'s plans to ensure 
political talks are inclusive so that the full range of Yemeni voices 
can be heard, including women and civil society leaders, and members of 
other marginalized demographics. I was encouraged by reports of the 
U.N. Special Envoy's political consultations, as well as the GCC's 
effort to convene a broad representation Yemenis for an upcoming 
dialogue. Seven years of war have changed the situation in Yemen, and 
political talks must reflect that new reality if they are to secure a 
durable political agreement.

    Question. Should the southern groups also play a role?

    Answer. The United States believes inclusive talks involving voices 
across the political spectrum that include women, civil society 
leaders, and members of other marginalized demographics are essential 
to securing a durable political agreement. Political groups from 
throughout Yemen, including southern Yemen, should play an active role 
in U.N.-facilitated political talks.

    Question. What is your position on the UAE's support for proxy 
forces like the Giants Brigade?

    Answer. The Saudi-led Coalition's defense of Marib against a 
sustained Houthi onslaught has helped prevent a significant 
deterioration of already-tenuous conditions in the governorate. Over a 
million internally displaced people have sought refuge in Marib. The 
Houthis' continued military efforts to seize the city--despite there 
being no military solution to the conflict--further underscores the 
importance of all parties de-escalating militarily and engaging in 
good-faith efforts to negotiate a political resolution under the U.N.'s 
leadership. The U.S. Government, at all levels, routinely calls on all 
parties to adhere to international humanitarian law, respect human 
rights, and engage in good-faith efforts to prevent civilian casualties 
and greater human suffering.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of proxy forces' role in 
CT, and their effectiveness relative to other forces on the ground.

    Answer. The United States continues to prioritize counterterrorism 
efforts by working closely with the Yemeni Government and regional 
partners to counter threats from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula 
(AQAP) and ISIS-Yemen, both of which are U.S.-designated terrorist 
groups. Counterterrorism operations, battlefield losses to the Houthis, 
and internal divisions have degraded AQAP capabilities in Yemen. The 
group, however, remains a significant threat to the region and to the 
national security of the United States. If confirmed as Chief of 
Mission, I would continue to work closely with the Yemeni Government 
and regional partner forces to degrade those terrorist threats.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to ensure U.S. equities 
will be taken into account in a final settlement if the United States 
continues to reduce, restrict, or otherwise sever support to the Saudi-
led coalition (SLC)?

    Answer. The Houthis' continued attacks against Saudi Arabia and the 
United Arab Emirates are unacceptable and threaten nearly 130,000 
Americans living in the two countries. U.S. support for Saudi and 
Emirati defenses against Houthi attacks remains strong. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and both 
countries to de-escalate the fighting and turn towards inclusive U.N.-
facilitated political talks. All parties except the Houthis recognize 
there is no durable military solution to this conflict.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to address the Houthi's 
systematic and widespread human rights abuses which pose a very real 
threat to regional stability?

    Answer. The best way to help ensure that the human rights of all 
Yemenis are respected is to seek a comprehensive and inclusive peace 
settlement that includes the meaningful participation of women, civil 
society, and members of marginalized groups, which includes their calls 
for justice, accountability, and redress for human rights abuses and 
violations. The United States will continue to demand that all parties 
to the conflict, particularly the Houthis, end human rights abuses, 
including those involving the recruitment and use of child soldiers; 
killings; abductions, including on the basis of religion; gender-based 
violence; torture and other abuses; and interference with the exercise 
of freedom of expression, including for members of the press. We have 
supported language condemning the unlawful recruitment or use of child 
soldiers and other abuses in several recent Security Council statements 
on Yemen.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you direct your Embassy to work 
with civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation 
on the ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work alongside U.S. Special Envoy Tim 
Lenderking in engaging with a wide range of Yemeni groups, including 
women and civil society leaders, and members of other marginalized 
demographics, to promote a more inclusive peace process and to amplify 
their calls for peace, justice, and accountability. The administration 
uses foreign assistance to support some of these groups where possible, 
including by supporting a diverse independent media and groups working 
to document human rights abuses. We hope to continue this critical 
work.

    Question. What options are available to the U.S. mission to bolster 
human rights?

    Answer. Justice and accountability for human rights abuses and 
violations are key to a durable resolution to the conflict. In support 
of this imperative, the Department supports efforts to document 
evidence of abuses committed by all parties to the conflict and 
emphasizes the importance of using such documentation in current and 
future legal, reconciliation, and transitional justice processes. The 
continued and worsening harassment of independent journalists and human 
rights advocates throughout the country poses a significant obstacle to 
a durable peace. The State Department remains committed to supporting 
Yemeni journalists and advocating for their protection, and it 
consistently raises human rights violations and abuses in Yemen in 
public messaging and multilateral forums.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to go about reducing 
Iranian influence in Yemen?

    Answer. I share your concern about Iran's influence in Yemen. 
Ending the conflict is the best way to diminish the Iranian role in the 
country. The United States disrupts Iran's destabilizing provision of 
weapons and military expertise to the Houthis and has sanctioned 
individuals, entities, and vessels related to international networks 
used to facilitate the provision of millions of dollars' worth of funds 
to the Houthis in cooperation with IRGC-Quds Force senior officials. 
Those who seek to profit from the suffering of the Yemeni people must 
be stopped.

    Question. Are there steps that can be taken to improve interdiction 
efforts?

    Answer. Iran provides increasingly sophisticated weapons, strategic 
advice, logistical support, and funds to the Houthis, which the group 
has used to launch attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE, including 
terrorist attacks threatening civilians and commercial sites. The 
United States continues to disrupt this Iranian support through 
increased maritime interdictions, export controls on U.S. origin items, 
and targeted sanctions of individuals, entities, and vessels involved 
in transferring these items to the Houthis.

    Question. To what extent do you feel there is room for greater 
Israeli involvement in this space?

    Answer. We welcome all efforts to urge the parties toward peace in 
Yemen. We believe the Houthis are sensitive to international opinion, 
and we welcome the expansion of a broad international consensus on the 
need to end this conflict.

    Question. How has Iran's support to the Houthis changed in recent 
years?

    Answer. Iran continues to exacerbate the conflict through its 
material and technical support to the Houthis. The Houthis are 
responsive to a degree to Iranian direction and policy. Iran continues 
to affect the conflict resulting in ever greater regional instability 
and miscalculation by all parties.

    Question. What impact has it had on the advancement of Houthi 
military capabilities?

    Answer. The unlawful flow of weapons from Iran to the Houthis in 
Yemen is enabling the brutal Houthi offensives in Yemen, increasing the 
suffering of civilians.

    Question. What more can the U.S. do to address the threat Iranian 
support to the Houthis poses?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to countering 
the military threat from Iran. The U.S. Navy seized dozens of anti-tank 
guided missiles, thousands of assault rifles, and hundreds of machine 
guns and rocket-propelled grenade launchers from stateless dhows in the 
Arabian Sea in February, May, and December of last year. The U.S. will 
continue to disrupt these activities where possible and use sanctions 
as appropriate against those who exacerbate the conflict.

    Question. How might the signing of a time-limited nuclear deal with 
Iran that fails to curb its support to proxies impact dynamics in 
Yemen?

    Answer. The President has been clear that the Administration is 
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and has 
stressed that diplomacy, in coordination with our allies and regional 
partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. There are fundamental 
problems with Iran's behavior across a series of issues, including its 
support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its destabilizing 
actions throughout the region, and its abhorrent practice of using 
wrongfully detained U.S. nationals and others as political tools. 
Because an Iran with a nuclear weapon would make all these threats 
worse, the President's strategy is to pursue a mutual return to full 
implementation of the JCPOA to restrict Iran's nuclear program and 
provide a stronger platform from which to address its destabilizing 
conduct. The Biden administration is committed to using all the tools 
at its disposal to counter Iran's destabilizing activities, to include 
limiting its ability to finance groups outside of Iran, and 
intercepting weapons flows to these groups.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to advance efforts to 
secure the release of U.S. local staff still being held by the Houthis?

    Answer. The detentions of our locally employed staff are egregious 
and unacceptable. The Department of State is committed to ensuring the 
safety of these colleagues. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, their 
safety and security would be paramount for me. I would pursue every 
path available to secure their release, including engagement with 
Houthi leaders, international organizations, other Yemenis, and 
regional leaders. I would lead efforts to ensure the Houthis cease any 
further detentions or harassment of our current or former employees and 
work with the international community to condemn such acts until they 
stop.

    Question. What options are being considered to shore up the 
security of current and former local staff in light of the continued 
threat posed by the Houthis?

    Answer. The Houthis' unacceptable actions against our local staff 
and former Embassy compound in Sana'a are both deplorable and 
unjustifiable, and are an affront to the entire international 
community, only further aggravating the conflict. If confirmed, I would 
lead efforts to ensure the Houthis immediately release unharmed all 
current and former U.S. local employees who remain held, end their 
harassment of our staff and restrictions on their movement, vacate our 
former Embassy compound, and return any seized U.S. Government 
property. We must continue to work closely with our partners in the 
region to make sure the Houthis hear loud and clear that these 
egregious actions seriously jeopardize the prospects for the Houthis to 
ever be a part of a legitimate and internationally recognized 
Government of Yemen.

    Question. There is growing concern over the continued downturn in 
the economy, particularly in the South. For some time, it's been clear 
that another injection will be needed to stabilize the currency but 
this will require progress on advancing fiscal reforms. If confirmed, 
how do you plan to press the internationally recognized government to 
improve transparency and implement the reforms necessary to set the 
condition for greater economic stability?

    Answer. Economic grievances are a key driver of the conflict and 
must be addressed if we are to ensure its durable resolution. One 
element of that effort is improving macroeconomic stability, including 
in areas controlled by the Yemeni Government, and that requires steps 
to improve transparency. If confirmed, I would work with our regional 
and international partners, including experts at international 
financial institutions and in the private sector, to support reforms 
that bolster the Yemeni economy and ensure resources are used to 
benefit the Yemeni people.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Yemen remained a ``special case'' for the sixth year in a row. 
Knowing that accurate information on human trafficking in country 
remains difficult, how will you work with relevant stakeholders to 
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador? If confirmed, 
do you commit to accurately portraying any situational updates 
regarding human trafficking in Yemen in the annual Trafficking in 
Persons report?

    Answer. Despite the conflict in Yemen, migrants continue to travel 
there, primarily from east Africa, often in search of economic 
opportunities in neighboring Gulf countries. Some of these migrants 
could be subjected to trafficking. The conflict and lack of effective 
government institutions have created serious challenges to monitoring 
and investigating cases, prosecuting perpetrators, and protecting 
victims. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Embassy team, 
other donor countries, NGOs, civil society, and international 
organizations to address trafficking in Yemen, including the treatment 
of migrant workers. I firmly commit to ensuring that we portray the 
trafficking situation in Yemen accurately.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Yemen was identified as lacking governmental and 
societal respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the 
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. The U.S. Government continues to promote religious freedom 
in Yemen, engage with religious communities in the Yemeni diaspora, and 
closely monitor the conditions of religious minority detainees in Yemen 
and to press for their release. If confirmed, I would engage Yemeni and 
regional officials to make clear U.S. expectations regarding the equal 
treatment and protection of members of religious minority groups.

    Question. To what extent to you see the Houthis as a threat to 
Israel?

    Answer. The Houthis are a threat to regional stability throughout 
the Middle East. We know that Israel has expressed concerns publicly 
that Houthi missiles could target Israel, and we take those concerns 
seriously.

    Question. What more can the U.S. do to address their antisemitism, 
specifically we should be pressing the U.N. to condition educational 
assistance on neutral, un-bias curriculum and educational assistance?

    Answer. Houthi antisemitic slogans and efforts to incite violence 
and hate are deplorable and must continue to be condemned. If 
confirmed, I would stress to all educational programming partners our 
expectations about the need to provide inclusive messages in 
educational materials as well as ensure improved oversight and quality 
control of those materials.

    Question. In your opinion, what steps can the U.S. take to improve 
our diplomats' ability to get outside the Embassy compound? How do you 
intend to improve the ability of U.S. diplomats to better access all 
local populations?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy compound in Sana'a has been closed since 
2015, and U.S. diplomats work out of the Yemen Affairs Unit in Riyadh. 
However, the safety of all U.S. Government personnel is paramount, and 
the Department of State takes all necessary precautions in connection 
with any travel into Yemen. We take security seriously while also 
ensuring diplomats have the access to local populations necessary to 
conduct diplomacy. Embassy teams have traveled to Yemen twice in the 
last five months.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the Yemen 
Affairs Unit (YAU)?

    Answer. I understand that YAU personnel are deeply committed to and 
motivated by their work on challenging but important issues. If 
confirmed, ensuring the morale and well-being of YAU staff would be 
among my top priorities.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at the YAU?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my first steps would be to assess the 
needs of YAU staff. The pandemic has presented challenges to all of our 
posts, and as we emerge from COVID-19, if confirmed, I look forward to 
working with the staff at the YAU to ensure they have all the resources 
necessary to meet the unique responsibilities of their jobs.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at the YAU?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure that all members of our 
mission are fully versed in President Biden's strategic objectives for 
Yemen. Creating a unified mission and vision requires open 
communication and a common understanding of our strategic objectives, 
including to ensure that it remains consistent with our regional, 
global and U.S. national security objectives.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe in providing strategic guidance and direction and 
empowering the members of my team, while creating an environment where 
they can provide leadership with ideas and feedback to help drive 
policy and management decisions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. A constructive, open, trusting working relationship between 
an Ambassador and Deputy Chief of Mission is absolutely essential for 
the successful functioning of any Mission. If confirmed, I look forward 
to establishing such a relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission, 
and in particular ensuring that my Deputy Chief of Mission feels 
empowered to provide frank assessments on all policy and management 
issues and on my own performance and actions.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to 
be the mission's ``chief operating officer,'' responsible for the day-
to-day management of all aspects of the mission, while also ensuring 
that the Deputy Chief of Mission is my alter-ego on policy matters, 
fully capable of covering for me as required.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. I believe it is absolutely essential to regularly provide 
personnel with constructive and accurate feedback on their performance.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. I support direct feedback and if confirmed, would encourage 
all personnel to provide clear, accurate and direct feedback. I also 
regularly encourage recognizing high achievers with State Department 
awards, including department-wide awards.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges does the U.S. face in 
Yemen? How do you plan to address these?

    Answer. Increasing anti-American sentiment in Houthi-controlled 
media is a real challenge. I understand that our public diplomacy 
efforts seek to highlight the damage the war has done to Yemen while 
underscoring positive U.S. contributions. Conducting diplomatic 
operations from outside of Yemen complicates our ability to undertake 
typical public diplomacy programming. I understand the YAU has 
developed a robust array of virtual programs, supplemented with in-
person programming implemented by partners. If confirmed, I would 
continue to expand these efforts.

    Question. What steps can the U.S. take to address the proliferation 
of propaganda promoted by adversaries and strategic competitors in the 
Middle East?

    Answer. The State Department coordinates with the interagency to 
address foreign disinformation and propaganda across the region. 
Constant media engagements and messaging collaboration with partners 
and allies are key to countering foreign state-sponsored disinformation 
and propaganda in the Middle East and North Africa information space. 
Embassies are also amplifying and deploying Department produced 
counter-disinformation material. We also empower local voices to 
identify, expose, and refute disinformation and propaganda by 
generating their own original, high-quality, and fact-based research 
and messaging.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Our Washington and Mission-based press and public diplomacy 
teams collaborate on a daily basis to ensure domestic and messaging to 
foreign audiences is carefully coordinated. Washington-based 
communicators share guidance with colleagues in the field and both 
collaborate to ensure messaging is accurately tailored to local 
contexts.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously? [for context: anomalous health incidents]

    Answer. Yes. Any threat to the safety and security of personnel 
must be addressed quickly and thoroughly. As Chief of Mission, it would 
be my responsibility to ensure U.S. Government employees under my 
security responsibility are able to perform their duties safely.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to YAU personnel?

    Answer. Yes., if confirmed I believe that open communication is 
essential. As Chief of Mission, I would encourage transparency and open 
communication, especially as it relates to the health and safety of 
everyone at the YAU.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have not yet received a briefing, but commit to one 
before my departure if confirmed.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. The Department's most serious commitment is to its people, 
and it will not relent in ensuring that any personnel who fall ill 
while in service to their country will get the help that they need. As 
required by the National Defense Authorization Act, we will follow the 
established procedures for collecting and disseminating information and 
ensure that information regarding such incidents is efficiently shared 
across relevant federal agencies in a manner that provides appropriate 
protections for classified, sensitive, and personal information.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. As Chief of Mission, if confirmed it would be my 
responsibility to ensure U.S. personnel are fully informed and able to 
perform their jobs safely.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator Todd Young

    Question. From your perspective, is a diplomatic solution to the 
Yemen conflict feasible?

    Answer. The only way to reach a durable resolution to the conflict 
in Yemen is through a negotiated political agreement. There is no 
military solution. If confirmed, I would support the Administration's 
efforts to advance an inclusive, U.N.-led political process that also 
addresses the underlying economic and humanitarian crises and leads to 
accountability for human rights abuses and violations. To that end, 
U.S. diplomatic efforts have helped build unprecedented international 
consensus on the need for an immediate, comprehensive ceasefire and 
political resolution. This is a complex set of problems, but not 
insurmountable; we must continue to work at it tenaciously and with our 
partners.

    Question. Do you believe UNSCR 2216 properly reflects the current 
context in Yemen? Will the new administration seek to modify this 
UNSCR?

    Answer. The administration is committed to exploring all possible 
options, taking into consideration the timing, sequencing, and 
ramifications of any new resolution. We continue to work with partners 
in the region, U.N. Security Council members, and U.N. Special Envoy 
Grundberg to advance the peace process. We continually evaluate whether 
the framework for Yemen's political transition outlined in UNSCR 2216 
(2015) provides the best basis for peace efforts. We strongly support 
the targeted arms embargo and sanctions designations of UNSCR 2216 
(2015) as key elements of the U.N. Yemen sanctions regime.

    Question. How would you seek to engage with the U.N. Special Envoy, 
Hans Grundberg, and what role do you believe the United Nations can 
play in Yemen from a political perspective, leaving aside its important 
humanitarian work?

    Answer. The United States strongly supports U.N. Special Envoy for 
Yemen Hans Grundberg and remains committed to supporting a U.N.-led 
peace process to achieve an inclusive, durable resolution to the 
conflict. The administration's efforts complement those of the U.N. 
Special Envoy's. I understand U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim 
Lenderking works in lockstep with the U.N. Special Envoy, and if 
confirmed, I would work with them to urge all parties to engage with 
the U.N., with each other, and with civil society, without pre-
conditions towards achieving an immediate, comprehensive ceasefire and 
political resolution of the conflict.

    Question. How do you envision working alongside Special Envoy for 
Yemen Tim Lenderking?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with 
Special Envoy Lenderking to reach an inclusive, durable resolution to 
the conflict in Yemen. Our responsibilities will not be the same, 
however. If confirmed, I will be in the region full-time, serving as 
the Chief of Mission for Yemen and leading the Yemen Affairs Unit 
located at our Embassy in Riyadh, which oversees the totality of our 
interests and efforts in Yemen. These include critical humanitarian and 
development work, economic reform efforts, counterterrorism and 
security cooperation, engaging with Yemeni and regional officials as 
well as Yemeni civil society, and above all else, working to ensure the 
safety and security of American citizens. SE Lenderking has been tasked 
by the President with a dual mandate: to push for a diplomatic 
resolution to the conflict and to mitigate humanitarian suffering in 
Yemen.

    Question. What would be the impact on diplomatic efforts if the 
Houthis are re-designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the 
Administration?

    Answer. Recent Houthi behavior and increasingly destabilizing 
actions certainly warrant consideration of a range of responses and the 
President has been clear that a number of options are being explored. 
Working in concert with our international partners, we need to send 
clear messages to the Houthis to deescalate the situation and sit down 
at the negotiating table. Our diplomatic efforts will continue to focus 
on the Administration's commitment to an inclusive, durable resolution 
to the conflict, which requires engaging with all parties in Yemen, 
including the Houthis. However, we must not forget the very real 
humanitarian consequences that a designation can entail.

    Question. Do you believe the U.S. and our allies and partners 
should do all we can to interdict weapons from Iran fueling the war and 
humanitarian crisis in Yemen?

    Answer. Yes. The Department will not relent in applying pressure on 
those who perpetuate the conflict and the humanitarian crisis and 
exacerbate the suffering of the Yemeni people. This includes 
individuals linked to Iran's destabilizing transfer of weapons, 
strategic advice, and logistical support to the Houthis. The United 
States continues to disrupt these activities and has sanctioned 
individuals, entities, and vessels related to international networks 
used to facilitate the provision of millions of dollars' worth of funds 
to the Houthis in cooperation with IRGC-Quds Force senior officials.

    Question. How do you assess the effectiveness of U.N.-led efforts 
to address the large-scale humanitarian needs throughout Yemen?

    Answer. The U.N. is our largest operational partner in Yemen due to 
its reliability and history operating there. We support U.N.-led 
efforts across all sectors to reach those who need assistance most. 
However, U.N.-led humanitarian efforts need more support from 
international donors, as humanitarian needs worldwide are at an all-
time high. We must continue to urge all donor countries to do 
everything they can to support the U.N. Humanitarian Response Plan so 
that this work can continue.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to protect U.S. 
interests in Yemen from a distance, including U.S.-sourced aid, aid 
workers, and other humanitarian actors?

    Answer. If confirmed, protecting U.S. interests would be one of my 
top priorities. Strong, sustained advocacy with all stakeholders in 
Yemen has helped to ensure that our implementing partners are able to 
safely reach the most vulnerable, including the many Yemenis displaced 
as a result of the conflict. If confirmed, I would continue leading 
such advocacy. We are the single largest donor of humanitarian 
assistance to Yemen, a position we are able to continue as a result of 
years of trust and relationship-building with partners and local 
authorities. I would lead my Country Team in consultation with 
Washington to ensure that this extremely valuable work continues 
unimpeded, making the best use of the taxpayer's dollar. We must also 
continue working closely with key partners and international financial 
institutions to support efforts to stabilize Yemen's economy and 
address the underlying economic drivers of conflict to achieve a more 
durable peace.

    Question. From your perspective, what do you believe is the purpose 
of the Houthi's latest escalatory attacks on the UAE?

    Answer. Recent Houthi actions, including attacks on the UAE, are 
just the latest in a series of reprehensible attacks targeting Yemen's 
neighbors. There is no justification for these actions, and we must 
continue working with partners to condemn them and make clear to the 
Houthis such acts will not be tolerated. The UAE is home to over 60,000 
U.S. citizens, and these threats to regional security are extremely 
concerning. Houthi actions against our current and former Yemeni local 
staff and our former Embassy compound in Sana'a are equally troubling. 
All this in combination with the Houthis' military offensives indicates 
they continue to pursue a military end to the conflict.

    Question. Are their strikes against the Saudis and Emirates an 
attempt to coerce these governments into accepting a political 
settlement that divides Yemen?

    Answer. Houthi attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE are an 
unacceptable threat to regional security, including to the over 130,000 
Americans who live in those countries. The administration's efforts 
towards a political settlement to the conflict are in support of a 
united Yemen. In contrast, the Houthis continue to pursue a military 
end to the conflict, in blatant disregard of the suffering such 
fighting causes for millions of Yemenis. The United States is working 
with our partners to pressure the Houthis to stop such attacks and 
engage seriously in U.N.-led political talks to end this war and hold 
them accountable for human rights abuses.

    Question. For their part, what are the Saudis and Emirates hoping 
to achieve in Yemen now? Do they believe they can beat the Houthis? 
What would such a victory look like?

    Answer. The only durable solution to the conflict that will ensure 
peace and security in the region is a negotiated, inclusive political 
settlement among the Yemenis themselves that includes justice and 
accountability for human rights abuses and violations. The United 
States is working very closely with Saudi Arabia and the UAE to support 
U.N.-led peace efforts to achieve such a political settlement.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator John Barrasso

    Question. What terrorist organizations are currently in Yemen?

    Answer. The United States continues to prioritize counterterrorism 
efforts by working closely with the Yemeni Government and regional 
partners to counter threats from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula 
(AQAP) and ISIS-Yemen, both U.S.-designated terror groups. We also 
continue to take efforts against the activities in Yemen of other U.S.-
designated terrorist groups such as Hizballah and the Islamic 
Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF). These groups continue 
to exploit the political and security vacuum created by the ongoing 
conflict and threaten regional security.

    Question. What is the current threat posed by AQAP and the Islamic 
State in Yemen?

    Answer. Counterterrorism operations, battlefield losses to the 
Houthis, and internal divisions have degraded AQAP capabilities in 
Yemen. The group, however, remains a significant threat to the region 
and to the national security of the United States. A small ISIS 
presence also exists in Yemen. We continue to actively monitor threats 
emanating from Yemen and have resources and capabilities in the region 
to address them. As Chief of Mission, I would continue to work closely 
with the Yemeni Government and regional partner forces to degrade those 
terrorist threats.

    Question. How many Houthi leaders are currently sanctioned by the 
United States? Which additional Houthi leaders should be reviewed for 
sanctionable activities?

    Answer. Twelve official Houthi political and military leaders are 
currently designated by the United States under a variety of sanctions 
authorities. In addition, the United States has sanctioned dozens of 
prominent Houthi financiers and facilitators, including the February 
23, 2022 designations of members of an international financial network, 
led by Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force and Houthi 
financier Sa'id al-Jamal, that funds the Houthis' war against the 
Government of Yemen. Last year, four Houthis were also designated under 
the U.N.'s Yemen sanctions regime.

    Question. Do you support the re-listing of the Houthis as a Foreign 
Terrorist Organization?

    Answer. Recent unacceptable Houthi behavior and increasingly 
destabilizing actions certainly warrant consideration of a range of 
responses, and the President has been clear that a number of options 
are being considered. Working in concert with our international 
partners, we need to send clear messages to the Houthis to deescalate 
the situation and sit down at the negotiating table. Our diplomatic 
efforts will continue to focus on the Administration's commitment to an 
inclusive, durable resolution to the conflict, which requires engaging 
with all parties in Yemen, including the Houthis. We will continue to 
take into account the humanitarian consequences of any of our 
designation decisions.

    Question. What is the status of the U.S. Embassy compound in Yemen 
and what property was seized?

    Answer. The Houthis' egregious actions against our Yemeni local 
staff and former Embassy compound in Sana'a are both deplorable and 
unjustifiable and are an affront to the entire international community, 
only further aggravating the conflict in Yemen. Unfortunately, the 
Houthis still maintain a presence inside the compound in Sana'a. We do 
not yet know the extent of what was taken; however, the standard 
procedure when we evacuate from an Embassy is to destroy or remove all 
classified material and disable or remove all classified systems. My 
understanding is that the Embassy staff followed these procedures 
before evacuating and sealing the former Embassy compound in Sana'a in 
2015.

    Question. How many Yemeni citizens, who previously worked for the 
U.S. Embassy in Yemen, are currently being detained by the Houthis?

    Answer. To my knowledge, there are eight current U.S. Embassy 
Locally Employed Staff and five former staff who are still detained, 
two of whom currently work for the U.N.

    Question. What efforts has the United States taken to secure the 
release of those individuals? [for context: detained LE Staff]

    Answer. Special Envoy Lenderking and Charge d'Affaires Westley 
continue to work tirelessly to secure the release of detained current 
and former Locally Employed staff. At senior levels the Administration 
raises this issue at every juncture within the U.N. Security Council 
and other multilateral fora to garner consensus in public condemnation 
of these actions. The administration appreciated the strong bipartisan 
Congressional statement in November condemning these Houthi actions 
against our Yemeni employees and Congress's ongoing support in securing 
their safety.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your strategy to address this 
issue? [for context: LES detainment]

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead efforts to ensure the Houthis 
release unharmed all current and former U.S. employees who remain held, 
end the harassment of our staff and restrictions on their movement, 
vacate our former Embassy compound, and return all seized U.S. 
Government property. We must continue to work closely with our partners 
in the region to make sure the Houthis hear loudly and clearly that 
these egregious actions seriously jeopardize the prospects for the 
Houthis to ever be a part of a legitimate and internationally 
recognized Government of Yemen.

    Question. What is the current relationship between Iran and Yemen?

    Answer. Iran's transfer of weapons, strategic advice, and 
logistical support have enabled the Houthis to attack ships in the Bab 
al-Mandab Strait and use both long-range missiles and drones to 
threaten civilian targets inside Saudi Arabia and the UAE, including 
the more than 130,000 Americans who live in the two countries. Iranian 
support to the Houthis significantly increases the Houthis' ability to 
threaten regional peace and security and emboldens Houthi hardliners 
who continue to push for a military end to the conflict and avoid 
serious engagement in political talks.

    Question. What military assistance does Iran provide to the 
Houthis?

    Answer. Iran provides increasingly sophisticated weapons, strategic 
advice, logistical support, and funds to the Houthis, which the group 
has used to launch attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE, including 
terrorist attacks threatening civilians and commercial sites. The 
United States continues to disrupt this Iranian support through 
maritime interdictions, export controls on U.S. origin items, and 
targeted sanctions of individuals, entities, and vessels involved in 
transferring these items to the Houthis.

    Question. How much funding is provided to the Houthis from Iran?

    Answer. Iran has provided tens of millions of dollars to the 
Houthis. The United States continues to identify and disrupt these 
efforts; over the past year, for example, the United States has 
sanctioned key elements of an international financial network led by 
IRGC-QF and Houthi financier Said al-Jamal that was responsible for 
transferring tens of millions of dollars to the Houthis.

    Question. How could the Houthi rebels benefit from the removal of 
sanctions on Iran?

    Answer. The President has been clear that the United States is 
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and to 
countering the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior. Because an 
Iran with a nuclear weapon would make all these threats worse, the 
President's strategy is to pursue a mutual return to full compliance 
with the JCPOA to restrict Iran's nuclear program and provide a 
stronger platform to address its destabilizing conduct. The U.S. 
Government maintains a range of tools to combat terrorist financing, 
and we will continue to use these to counter Iran's destabilizing 
activities and support for terrorism. Additionally, our tools for 
countering Iranian behavior are not limited to sanctions. Working with 
our allies and partners in the region to counter and disrupt Iranian 
threats, as well as using tools such as interdictions and export 
controls, has been effective in countering this behavior, and we will 
continue to expand our efforts in this area.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. Do you assess that Iran will use resources that flow from 
a new agreement to finance Iran-supported forces in Yemen?

    Answer. While Iran's use of its resources, from whatever source, to 
support destabilizing activities in the region remains a matter of 
serious concern, the greatest threat to peace efforts remains the 
Houthis' intransigence, focus on a military victory, and willingness to 
launch long range missiles and UAVs threatening civilian targets in 
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The Department will not 
relent in applying pressure on those who perpetuate the conflict, risk 
civilian lives, worsen the humanitarian crisis, and seek to profit from 
the suffering of the Yemeni people. This includes individuals linked to 
Iran's destabilizing provision of weapons, funds, and military 
expertise to the Houthis. These groups continue to exploit the 
political and security vacuum created by the ongoing conflict and 
threaten regional security. The United States coordinates closely with 
our Gulf partners to amplify our efforts, and we will continue to act 
to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing activities regardless 
of the outcome of talks in Vienna.

    Question. Do you assess that Iran will use resources that flow from 
a new agreement to finance terrorist groups, either in Yemen or in 
other countries?

    Answer. The administration is committed to ensuring Iran never 
acquires a nuclear weapon, without regard to the source of Iran's 
resources, and has stressed that diplomacy, in coordination with our 
allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. 
The administration remains deeply concerned about Iran's actions across 
a series of issues--including its support for terrorism, its ballistic 
missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and 
its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and 
foreign nationals as political tools. Because an Iran with a nuclear 
weapon would make all these threats worse, the President's strategy is 
to pursue a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA to 
restrict Iran's nuclear program and provide a stronger platform to 
address its destabilizing conduct. The administration is committed to 
use all the tools at its disposal to counter Iran's destabilizing 
activities, to include limiting its ability to finance all groups that 
work to destabilize the region or the world, and intercepting weapons 
flows to these groups.

    Question. Do you assess the Houthis are terrorists?

    Answer. I understand the Department has revoked the Foreign 
Terrorist Organization and Specially Designated Global Terrorist 
designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, due 
to concerns over their potential effects on Yemen's fragile 
humanitarian and economic situation. This included concerns voiced by 
the U.N., humanitarian groups, and Members of Congress. The United 
States has continued, however, through domestic authorities and U.N. 
sanctions, to act against those who perpetuate the conflict and the 
humanitarian crisis in Yemen, and commit abuses against civilians, and 
seek to destabilize the situation for their own gain. This includes 
Houthi terrorist attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which we and 
the U.N. have condemned on multiple occasions.

    Question. Do you assess that our regional allies consider the 
Houthis terrorists?

    Answer. The Houthis' deplorable attacks in Yemen and against 
Yemen's neighbors warrant consideration of a range of responses, and 
the President has been clear that a number of options are being 
considered. Working in concert with our international partners, 
including regional allies, we need to send clear messages to the 
Houthis to deescalate the situation and sit down at the negotiating 
table. Our diplomatic efforts will continue to focus on the 
Administration's commitment to an inclusive, durable resolution to the 
conflict and support of our regional allies.

    Question. Do you assess that our regional allies want us to 
reimpose the designations?

    Answer. The only durable solution to the conflict that will ensure 
peace and security in the region is a negotiated, inclusive political 
settlement among the Yemenis themselves that includes justice and 
accountability for human rights abuses and violations. The United 
States is working very closely with Saudi Arabia and the UAE to support 
U.N.-led peace efforts to achieve such a political settlement. The 
United States is also working closely with our partners and regional 
allies to promote accountability for the Houthis' deplorable behavior.

    Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis 
in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

    Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain 
intransigent and focused on their military offensive against Marib, and 
on attacks threatening civilian targets outside Yemen in the United 
Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. The Marib offensive is the single 
biggest threat to peace efforts and is exacerbating an already-dire 
humanitarian crisis, placing at risk the approximately one million 
internally displaced persons who found refuge in Marib after escaping 
fighting in other parts of the country. The Houthis also exacerbate the 
humanitarian consequences of the fuel situation at Hudaydah port by 
stockpiling fuel and manipulating fuel prices, driving up the cost of 
fuel far beyond the reach of most Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis 
continue to interfere in the delivery of humanitarian aid.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

    Answer. I understand that the Biden administration revoked the 
terrorism designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the 
Houthis, in recognition of the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen. 
The administration listened to concerns voiced by the United Nations, 
humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others, 
regarding potential impacts the designations could have had on Yemenis' 
access to basic commodities. I understand that the short time that 
passed between the designations and the revocations limited the impact 
the designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and 
commercial imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian 
assistance items are now moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

    Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and the 
revocations limited the impact that designations could have had on 
humanitarian assistance and commercial imports in Marib. Humanitarian 
assistance has been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation 
of hostilities has caused additional needs and secondary displacement. 
The lifting of sanctions has helped ensure uninterrupted commercial 
food supplies and the safe delivery of life-saving food, emergency 
shelter, water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as 
essential non-food items, such as blankets and water containers.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Robert Menendez

Displacement in Ukraine
    Question. Ukraine's people are facing an ever-worsening 
humanitarian crisis that has sent more than 1 million refugees into 
neighboring countries. Most USAID mission countries have expressed 
interest to help in hosting families and sending help.

   How will you work to coordinate these multilateral efforts? Are 
        there ways to leverage this moment of openness to refugees in 
        order to secure more effective and humane refugee policies in 
        countries where USAID has missions?

    Answer. Countries neighboring Ukraine have demonstrated enormous 
generosity in their response to the refugee crisis stemming from 
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. I understand 
that USAID has been working closely with the U.N., NGO partners and 
European counterparts to monitor humanitarian needs in Ukraine and 
neighboring countries, while coordinating our response efforts. 
Administrator Samantha Power visited Poland and Brussels in the first 
week of the crisis and I am aware that she has continued to closely 
coordinate with officials from Ukraine, the EU, partners in the region, 
and international organizations on the humanitarian response. If 
confirmed, I will seek to build on this effort by working closely with 
USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance and the State Department 
Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration to fully leverage all 
available resources from neighboring countries and allies to meet the 
needs of conflict-affected Ukrainians, internally displaced 
populations, and refugees.

Vulnerable Groups in Ukraine
    Question. The Russian Federation has a history of targeting 
vulnerable populations, including Jehovah's Witnesses, Tatars, and 
dissident groups. I am concerned that they will do the same in Ukraine 
if their invasion is successful, and that many from these groups will 
be forced to join those who have already fled the country.

   How would you approach designing and managing programming to 
        support groups historically persecuted by the Russian 
        Federation, both who remain in Ukraine and who have fled to 
        countries like Poland, Moldova, Romania, Hungary, and Slovakia?

    Answer. I share your concern that marginalized groups face 
increased risk of persecution by the Russian Federation. There are 
already signs of human rights violations by Russian forces and it will 
be critical to monitor and document these abuses. I understand that 
USAID supports organizations in Ukraine that work with vulnerable 
populations, including members of the LGBTQI+ community, persons with 
disabilities, religious and ethnic minorities. I am also aware that 
USAID programs have been helping to provide assistance to these 
vulnerable groups, and facilitating the ability for many to safely exit 
Ukraine. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing efforts to protect 
vulnerable groups both within Ukraine and those who have fled to 
neighboring countries.

Anti-Corruption Efforts
    Question. Administrator Power has highlighted anti-corruption 
efforts as a top priority for USAID. During her trip to Bosnia and 
Herzegovina in January, Administrator Power highlighted that, despite 
progress towards Euro-Atlantic integration in the Western Balkans, 
corruption remains rampant in the region.

   How would you work to further Administrator Power's objective to 
        combat corruption in conjunction with efforts to promote Euro-
        Atlantic integration?

    Answer. Endemic corruption is one of the most intractable 
challenges in the Western Balkans and across the wider region. 
Corruption serves as a point of entry for foreign malign influence, 
corrodes the development gains countries in the region have made in the 
past three decades, and hinders further progress towards Euro-Atlantic 
integration. I understand that USAID is supporting the Biden-Harris 
administration's Anti-Corruption Strategy in the region through several 
lines of effort by piloting innovative approaches. I understand one of 
these innovative approaches is the Reporters' Liability Fund, which 
provides defense coverage and legal resources to journalists threatened 
with vexatious lawsuits. If confirmed, I pledge to make combating 
corruption in the Western Balkans and further progress on Euro-Atlantic 
integration a top priority of mine and commit to providing you with 
regular updates on our progress towards that goal.

Armenia
    Question. Armenians continue to grapple with the human costs of the 
2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War on a daily basis. USAID assistance to Armenia 
should continue and expand support for the humanitarian needs of the 
90,000 displaced people uprooted by the war in Nagorno Karabakh.

   As worldwide humanitarian demands skyrocket, how will you 
        prioritize helping those displaced by the Nagorno Karabakh War?

    Answer. I understand that USAID provided $2.5 million in 
humanitarian assistance in response to the conflict, which included 
cash assistance to displaced persons, and in-kind assistance to host-
family households. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID's 
Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance who are closely following the needs 
of the displaced. I will also seek opportunities, if confirmed, to help 
build constructive cross-border interaction and cooperation as the 
basis for peace and stability across the South Caucasus.

Democratic Backsliding
    Question. As Ukrainian people bravely fight Vladimir Putin's 
illegal invasion they inspire support from a growing wave of democratic 
voices across Europe. This growing wave undoubtedly worries 
authoritarians and illiberal voices as they scramble to find ways to 
solidify their established power structures. We see this happening with 
Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Alexander Vucic in Serbia. 
We also see positive signals with people in all non-EU countries 
encouraging their governments to take clear sides in a push to join the 
European family.

   How do you plan to adjust USAID's strategies in this historic 
        moment to solidify democratic gains throughout the Balkans and 
        Eastern Europe as the world rejects the kleptocratic 
        authoritarianism of Vladimir Putin?

    Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated invasion of Ukraine 
presents a grave threat to democracy, freedom, and development progress 
across Europe and Eurasia. I believe that USAID's efforts to help build 
more prosperous and more democratic countries in the region are more 
vital than ever. I have seen firsthand during my career in the foreign 
service that the agency has a robust range of tools to promote 
democracy and governance and solidify democratic gains. If confirmed, I 
intend to focus on strengthening the institutions and processes in 
sectors that are foundational to democratic resilience, including a 
vibrant civil society, strong independent media, rule of law, free and 
fair elections, and transparent and accountable governance. There are 
some very positive foundations upon which to do so in Europe and 
Eurasia and I look forward to bolstering these efforts, if confirmed.

    Question. What concrete steps can USAID take to cut the corrupt 
support web of Vladimir Putin by working with its missions in Europe?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that USAID further 
leverages its resources to target the Kremlin's corrupt networks. For 
example, USAID programs can work to further promote financial 
transparency to limit Moscow's ability to funnel money through the 
region and support investigative journalism to expose and disrupt the 
Kremlin's illicit financial operations. I will also work closely, if 
confirmed, with USAID's Anti-Corruption Task Force and our interagency 
partners to identify new opportunities to expand our capabilities and 
impact in this area.

Energy Security
    Question. Global support for sanctioning Russian oil and gas has 
never been stronger, as Russia continues to escalate its aggression 
towards Ukraine and threatens to cut off supplies to Europe. Given that 
almost 40 percent of total European gas consumption comes from Russian 
imports, this conflict has severe implications for European energy 
security.

   How will you work within the Bureau to promote European Energy 
        Security by supporting projects like the Eastern Europe Natural 
        Gas Development Partnership? What other projects would you 
        prioritize?

    Answer. As we watch the Kremlin utilize its energy leverage to 
manipulate our European allies and partners, we must do more to attract 
further investment and diversify supply. I understand that USAID is 
assisting countries in developing market rules and energy policy 
frameworks aligned with European standards. My understanding is that 
through the Eastern Europe Natural Gas Partnership, USAID collaborated 
with the United States Energy Association and regional natural gas 
transmission system operators to develop Eastern Europe's first 
regional pipeline planning model. I also understand that USAID partner 
countries are using the regional model to forecast the financial 
viability and technical requirements of their infrastructure projects 
focused on diversifying energy supply. If confirmed, I commit to 
continuing this important work to help bring greater energy security to 
Europe and Eurasia.

    Question. In your efforts to address European energy security, how 
will you balance increased demand for energy and the dire need to 
decarbonize?

    Answer. In my view, the Biden-Harris administration's climate 
change goals and USAID's efforts to advance the region's energy 
security are closely connected. Energy diversification and market 
integration, including the incorporation of more renewable energy 
sources, are critical to both the clean energy transition and advancing 
the region's energy security. I understand that USAID is working to 
diversify sources of energy supply in the region. In countries that 
predominantly have gas as their energy source and who are largely 
dependent on Gazprom, I understand that USAID helps partners open the 
market to alternative suppliers to limit Gazprom and the Kremlin's out-
sized influence. At the same time, I understand USAID is working to 
expand the share of renewables in the energy generation profile across 
the region to reduce dependence on high-emitting coal-fired power 
plants. If confirmed, I commit to assisting our partners in the Europe 
and Eurasia region with advancing the clean energy transition, 
combating climate change, and improving energy security.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator James E. Risch

Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero 
tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the U.S. foreign 
assistance programs under your purview?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to upholding a zero tolerance policy for 
waste, fraud, and abuse in the U.S. foreign assistance programs under 
my purview, if confirmed.

    Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance 
policy for USAID staff and implementing partners under your management 
responsibility who engage in the sexual exploitation and abuse of the 
communities and individuals they are meant to serve?

    Answer. Yes, I pledge to uphold a zero tolerance policy for sexual 
harrassment and sexual exploitation for all USAID staff and 
implementing partners under my management responsibility, if confirmed.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and 
complete compliance with all U.S. law prohibiting the use of U.S. 
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family 
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against 
the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to providing timely, 
accurate, and complete responses to questions and requests raised by 
the members and staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 
including its minority members?

    Answer. Yes.

Material Support
    Question. The United States has strict laws prohibiting the 
provision of material support to designated foreign terrorist groups.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that all USAID staff and 
        implementing partners under your management responsibility 
        strictly adhere to all relevant material support laws, 
        regulations, policy directives, and vetting requirements?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, what measures will you seek to put in place 
to ensure not only that all contracts and agreements contain the 
required material support clauses, but also that adherence is closely 
monitored and transparently reported to Congress?

    Answer. I understand that compliance with federal contracting 
requirements is a priority of USAID, and if confirmed, I will work 
closely with staff and my counterparts in the USAID Management Bureau's 
Office of Acquisitions and Assistance to ensure that our acquisitions 
and assistance is conducted in full compliance with all applicable laws 
and regulations, and that monitoring and reporting are conducted in an 
efficient, timely, and transparent manner.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the 
Department of Justice, the Department of Treasury, and the Department 
of State to eliminate ambiguity and ensure that USAID's implementing 
partners, including USAID's humanitarian assistance partners, have 
clear guidance on what constitutes material support, how to identify 
intentional and incidental breaches, and how to respond?

    Answer. Yes.

Country and Regional Programs
    Question. At just over $635 million in FY2020 (actual), the non-
security U.S. foreign assistance budget for Europe and Eurasia has been 
comparatively small.

   If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance priorities 
        for Europe and Eurasia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will have the great privilege and 
responsibility of leading the USAID Bureau for Europe and Eurasia 
during a time when the stakes are extremely high. Responding to the 
crisis caused by Russia's unprovoked and premeditated invasion of 
Ukraine, including the reverberations felt among neighboring countries, 
would be my top foreign assistance priority. If confirmed, I would also 
seek ways to sharpen USAID's focus on countering efforts to undermine 
democratic institutions and the rule of law, stymying the manipulation 
of information, reducing energy vulnerabilities and dependencies, and 
expanding economic opportunities.

    Question. What options does USAID have to provide humanitarian 
assistance and support democratic voices in Ukraine following Russia's 
unprovoked and illegal invasion?

    Answer. USAID has employed a Disaster Assistance Response Team 
based in Poland that is working closely with our European allies and 
partners to meet critical needs caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine. 
I'm also aware that USAID is providing food, safe drinking water, 
shelter, emergency health care, and much-needed household supplies to 
communities and displaced people in need where security conditions 
allow. I am committed to addressing the immediate humanitarian needs of 
the Ukrainian people and, if confirmed, will work in close coordination 
with my colleagues at USAID, the interagency, our European allies and 
partners, and with Congress, to respond to the devastating effects of 
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified attack on Ukraine.
    I'm also aware that USAID continues to support democratic voices in 
Ukraine including through Ukraine's Center for Strategic 
Communications, which analyzes Russian disinformation narratives and 
rapidly produces content to counter them. These types of efforts are 
critical for countering Russia's efforts to silence or undermine 
Ukraine's democratic voices. If confirmed, I will continue to 
prioritize programs that lift up democratic voices inside and outside 
Ukraine and to safeguard the democratic gains the Ukrainian people have 
worked so hard to achieve.

    Question. If confirmed, will you work closely with USAID's Bureau 
for Humanitarian Assistance to ensure a seamless transition from 
emergency response to early recovery in Ukraine, as conditions allow?

    Answer. Throughout my career in the foreign service, I have seen 
firsthand USAID's ability to have a meaningful impact in conflict 
settings and support recovery efforts post-conflict. If confirmed, I 
look forward to overseeing such efforts in Ukraine, working closely 
with colleagues in the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance, and to a 
continued dialogue with you on this issue.

    Question. Where do the Balkans fit into your priorities for 
assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, USAID assistance to the Balkans would be a 
top priority. While countries in the Balkans, with USAID's support, 
have made considerable progress on their stated goal of Euro-Atlantic 
integration, these gains must be solidified and maintained. Foreign 
malign actors, particularly the Kremlin and the People's Republic of 
China, are actively working to undermine democratic and development 
progress in the Balkans. In my view, USAID assistance must be 
responsive to the threats posed by foreign malign actors, strengthen 
the institutions and processes in sectors that are foundational to 
democratic resilience, and expand economic opportunities.

    Question. What concrete actions will you take as Assistant 
Administrator to push partner countries in Europe and Eurasia to reform 
their systems and crackdown on corruption?

    Answer. I share your concern that USAID partner countries in Europe 
and Eurasia need to take additional measures to fight corruption and 
pass key reforms in order to promote prosperity, democracy, and Euro-
Atlantic integration. The corrosive impact of corruption undermines 
national security and the rule of law, stunts development and equitable 
economic growth, and saps our partner governments of legitimacy, 
eroding faith in democracy itself. I understand that USAID is 
supporting the Biden-Harris administration's Anti-Corruption Strategy 
in the region through several lines of effort by piloting innovative 
approaches. I understand that one such effort is the Reporters' 
Liability Fund, which provides defense coverage and legal resources to 
journalists threatened with vexatious lawsuits. If confirmed, I will 
work with USAID to ensure the success of these programs and the 
sustainability of their outcomes, support the voices of anti-corruption 
activists and reforms by committed leaders, within and across the 
region.

                           europe and eurasia
General
    Question. Understanding that you are not yet at USAID and have not 
yet been fully read-in, what is your understanding and assessment of 
USAID's current priorities across the Europe and Eurasia region?

    Answer. I understand that USAID's immediate priority for the region 
is responding to the crisis caused by Russia's unprovoked and 
unjustified invasion of Ukraine, including the reverberations felt 
among neighboring countries. I am also aware that USAID has a 
Countering Malign Kremlin Influence Development Framework which is a 
tool that helps orient and target resources toward the challenge of 
foreign malign influence. Additionally, I understand that USAID is 
taking on a range of other challenges and opportunities in the region, 
including countering democratic backsliding and rising 
authoritarianism, expanding economic opportunities, forging stronger 
trade linkages to Western countries, building energy security, 
countering disinformation, addressing the COVID-19 pandemic and its 
aftermath, and fighting endemic corruption.

    Question. At what point do you believe that USAID offices should be 
closed in countries that have made marked progress in their political 
and economic development?

    Answer. I understand that USAID has for some time diligently 
considered the question of when to phase out work in countries that 
have made sufficient development progress. I have also been briefed 
that the Bureau for Europe and Eurasia has an analytical unit for 
Monitoring Country Progress, which leverages a wide range of data and 
surveys to assess levels of development progress. If confirmed, I will 
look to utilize and continue to improve these analytical tools to make 
an empirically-based determination on the level of progress a 
particular country has made and whether such progress warrants 
consideration of a change to USAID's posture. If confirmed, I commit to 
consulting with Congress prior to undertaking any major programmatic or 
footprint changes in the region, if confirmed.

    Question. Are there any thresholds that should be passed, or should 
such a decision be made as circumstances change?

    Answer. It is my understanding that USAID, in coordination with the 
Department of State and the interagency, conducts ongoing assessments 
of regional and Agency priorities based on changing circumstances on 
the ground, and conducts regular evaluations of programs and 
development strategies. As a best practice, USAID should always be 
poised to flexibly respond to changing circumstances, opportunities, 
and constraints, to ensure we effectively utilize taxpayer dollars. I 
also believe that consistent consultation with Congress and all key 
stakeholders is critical to making sound, informed decisions regarding 
USAID's posture and footprint in the region. If confirmed, I look 
forward to engaging with you and your staff on these matters.

    Question. To be more specific, what do you think are the best means 
of lessening a given country's reliance on USAID, and when such 
mechanism should be used?

    Answer. I believe that the best means of reducing a country's 
reliance on USAID assistance is to ensure that our partner countries 
pursue and implement reforms that align with the principles of open, 
democratic, and responsive governance, and market-based and transparent 
economic development. I'm aware that USAID works tirelessly to ensure 
that programs promote these development principles and I look forward 
to supporting these efforts, if confirmed.

Ukraine
    Question. The humanitarian situation in areas attacked and occupied 
by Russian forces, as well as in areas faced with an influx of refugees 
and IDPs, continues to deteriorate. This crisis requires a massive 
immediate response and will necessitate a long term strategy as 
hostilities continue and even after they stop.

   If confirmed, what will be the first actions you take to respond to 
        the humanitarian crisis facing the Ukrainian people?

    Answer. I understand that USAID has a Disaster Assistance Response 
Team based in Poland that is working closely with our European allies 
and partners to meet critical needs caused by Russia's invasion of 
Ukraine. I'm also aware that USAID is providing food, safe drinking 
water, shelter, emergency health care, and much-needed household 
supplies to communities and displaced people in need where security 
conditions allow. If confirmed, I am committed to addressing the 
immediate humanitarian needs of the Ukrainian people and will work in 
close coordination with my colleagues at USAID, in the interagency, our 
European allies and partners, and with Congress, to bolster the U.S. 
Government's response to the devastating effects of Russia's unprovoked 
and unjustified attack on Ukraine.

    Question. How will you support and facilitate the response to the 
growing refugee situation in Poland, Slovakia, Romania, Hungary, and 
Moldova, as well as in other countries to which refugees may travel?

    Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on Ukraine has 
already forced more than 1.3 million refugees to leave Ukraine. In 
addition, current estimates indicate that well over 160,0000 Ukranians 
have been displaced internally due to the violence propagated by the 
Kremlin. I understand that USAID, along with the State Department's 
Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) are leading the 
humanitarian response on the ground and working closely with partners 
across the U.S. Government and our allies to address this crisis. I 
further understand that USAID is leading humanitarian assistance 
efforts for internally displaced persons in Ukraine while also 
providing food to refugees. State PRM is the lead agency for non-food 
assistance to refugees. According to projections, the numbers of 
refugees and IDPs is likely to increase dramatically. If confirmed, I 
pledge to work closely with colleagues at USAID, State, and the 
interagency to ensure we are effectively coordinating our assistance 
efforts. If confirmed, I pledge to consult early and often with 
Congress, which has a crucial role to play in the success of the United 
States' response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

    Question. Should Russia's war against Ukraine drag on for months or 
years, what actions do you believe USAID should take to assist the 
Ukrainian people in need? What do you anticipate will emerge as long-
term needs?

    Question. While we do not yet know how long this conflict will 
endure or the extent of its impact, I believe that USAID--along with 
our allies--must remain committed to the people of Ukraine both by 
providing for their immediate humanitarian needs and supporting their 
longer term aspirations for peace, prosperity, and democracy. USAID has 
already demonstrated its ability to quickly pivot existing programs to 
meet evolving needs on the ground. For example, I understand that 
through long-established partnerships with regional and local 
governments, USAID has supported civil preparedness efforts by helping 
local authorities respond to mass population movements, communicate 
with its citizens, and repair small infrastructure. I am also aware 
that USAID continues to review all of its programming to identify how 
to safeguard our investments and sustain these programs where possible, 
and most importantly, how to protect the safety of its staff and 
partners. Throughout my career in the foreign service, I have seen 
firsthand USAID's ability to have a meaningful impact in conflict 
settings and support recovery efforts post-conflict. If confirmed, I 
look forward to overseeing such efforts in Ukraine and to a continued 
dialogue with you on this issue.

    Question. Should Russia's war against Ukraine drag on for months or 
years, what actions do you believe USAID should not involve itself in?

    Answer. I believe USAID should remain focused on its humanitarian 
and development mandate of supporting the aspirations of the people of 
Ukraine for a democratic, prosperous, healthy, peaceful, and 
independent future. If confirmed, I look forward to joining in these 
efforts to working closely with our European allies and partners, 
interagency colleagues, and Congress, all of whom have a critical role 
to play in responding to Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on 
Ukraine.

Western Balkans
    Question. The Western Balkans still face many of the ethnic 
divisions and political challenges as a result of the wars and crimes 
against humanity during the breakup of Yugoslavia.

   If confirmed, what actions will you take to advance efforts toward 
        reconciliation, stability, political and ethnic relations, and 
        anti-corruption?

    Answer. I understand that USAID's assistance in the Balkans is 
addressing the intractable and intersecting problems which prevent the 
countries of the region from progressing towards greater Euro-Atlantic 
integration, including foreign malign influence, endemic corruption, 
youth brain drain, and the devastating impact of the pandemic on the 
economy. I understand that USAID's reconciliation programming across 
the Western Balkans includes people-to-people activities that bring 
together ethnic communities to foster organic communication and promote 
multi-ethnic social exchanges. If confirmed, I look forward to 
supporting these efforts, which are essential to building stability, 
peace, prosperity, and democracy to the region.

    Question. The State Department has a number of experienced 
diplomats implementing a strategy for stability and reform in the 
Western Balkans. How do you plan to coordinate your efforts with your 
regional counterparts at the State Department?

    Answer. I understand that USAID coordinates all of the agency's 
activities to complement the State Department's important diplomatic 
work, including USAID's ongoing support for the EU-facilitated dialogue 
between Serbia and Kosovo. If confirmed, I commit to continuing our 
close collaboration with the State Department on USAID's assistance 
efforts in the region.

USAID Missions in crisis zones
    Question. We have had concerns about the risks that USAID teams 
have faced in countries like Belarus and Ukraine. Hostile governments 
and military operations have necessitated the evacuation and relocation 
of teams in the recent past, and USAID teams need emergency protocols 
for future situations.

   If confirmed, do you commit to devising comprehensive plans for 
        USAID missions to evacuate, relocate, and (if feasible) 
        transition to remote operations outside of the given country?

    Answer. I agree that the U.S. Government is responsible for 
ensuring the safety and security of these dedicated Americans and local 
staff working in our embassies abroad. As the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Independent State of Papua New Guinea, to the Solomon Islands, and to 
the Republic of Vanuatu, and as a career foreign service officer, I 
understand the risks that exist to the safety and security of Embassy 
staff and personnel. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with 
USAID's Office of Security and the State Department to ensure there is 
extensive planning in place to safeguard all USAID personnel serving in 
USAID missions in Europe and Eurasia and our programs.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. As a sitting U.S. Ambassador, I am aware of the anomalous 
health incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around 
the world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts. If 
confirmed, I commit to receiving a briefing on any incidents involving 
the Europe and Eurasia region and to ensuring that the Agency takes all 
measures necessary to keep our personnel and partners safe from any 
threats.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to maintaining detailed records and working 
with the State Department and relevant other entities on any anomalous 
health incident, if confirmed. The safety and security of our personnel 
is my highest priority.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to sharing information, productive 
dialogue, and coordination with the State Department to ensure the 
safety and security of our personnel. I also understand that USAID has 
a Staff Care unit which directly assists our personnel and facilitates 
their access to professional services that may be needed. If confirmed, 
I pledge that restoring and preserving morale both in Washington and in 
USAID missions overseas will be among my top priorities.

Chinese Influence
    Question. Chinese has sought to expand its influence in Europe 
through politics, business and investment, including through the Belt-
and-Road Initiative. Predatory business practices and flagrant human 
rights violations mean Chinese influence poses a risk to healthy 
development in Europe.

   If confirmed, what will you do to confront Chinese influence in 
        Europe?

    Answer. I share your concern about the growing influence of the 
People's Republic of China in Europe and Eurasia. I understand that 
USAID is helping partner countries identify viable investments that do 
not require them to sacrifice their long-term interests in favor of 
short-term gains. If confirmed, I would reassure our partner countries 
that there is an alternative to Chinese debt dependency, digital 
authoritarianism, misinformation, and strong-arm tactics. I will also 
work with host country partners and our allies, if confirmed, to secure 
mutually beneficial investments, connectivity, peace, security and 
development impact, with high quality results that will be sustained 
and endure.

    Question. What are the greatest risks to development posed by 
Russian influence in Europe?

    Answer. I believe that malign influence--and aggression--from the 
Kremlin is the most pressing threat to development in the region. I 
have been briefed on USAID's development framework for responding to 
malign Kremlin Influence, which positions USAID to counter this grave 
and complex threat to development across the region. If confirmed, I 
will seek to ensure that USAID further leverages its resources to 
target Kremlin corrupt networks. For example, USAID programs can work 
to further promote financial transparency to limit Moscow's ability to 
funnel money through the region and support investigative journalism to 
expose and disrupt the Kremlin's illicit financial operations. If 
confirmed, I will also work closely with USAID's Anti-Corruption Task 
Force and our interagency partners to identify new opportunities to 
expand our capabilities and impact in this effort.

    Question. What are the greatest risks to development posed by 
Russian influence in the Western Balkans?

    Answer. Russia has sought to expand its foothold in the media 
sector, its leverage in the energy sector, its economic power, and its 
influence with political leaders who have cultivated positive relations 
with the Kremlin in order to advance their own political fortunes. The 
endemic corruption of the region has also left an open door to 
expanding Kremlin influence. This challenge has been particularly 
pronounced in the Western Balkans, where Moscow can exploit historical, 
cultural, and religious affinities, longstanding networks and economic 
ties, and protracted socio-political fractures to its benefit. If 
confirmed, I commit to continuing to support USAID's approach to 
addressing the Kremlin's growing influence in the Western Balkans.

    Question. What tools does USAID have to guide underdeveloped 
European economies away from Chinese economic investment?

    Answer. My understanding is that USAID is helping partner countries 
identify viable investments that do not require them to sacrifice their 
long-term interests in favor of short-term gains. For example, I 
understand that USAID helps build the institutional capacity of partner 
governments to identify and avoid unfair business practices and apply 
international procurement practices. If confirmed, I would reassure our 
partner countries that there is an alternative to Chinese debt 
dependency, digital authoritarianism, misinformation, and strong-arm 
tactics. If confirmed, I commit to continuing and expanding upon 
USAID's approach, which emphasizes choice, self-determination, and 
mutually beneficial investments.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. The Balkans is often cited as the ``soft underbelly'' of 
Europe and the hearing underscored just how vulnerable the region can 
be to malign influences. Russia has not hidden its malicious agenda to 
sow discord and division. As a result, Serbia has remained neutral on 
Russia's war on Ukraine, and on Monday, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov 
called Republika Srpska leader Dodik.

   Ambassador McKee, how will you approach the Balkans region to 
        ensure that USAID's funding can contribute to the long-term 
        success of the region? In particular, how does your programming 
        engage youth and provide them opportunities for employment and 
        a prosperous future? Is our assistance to the region currently 
        structured in a way to meet our strategic goals and at 
        appropriate levels to do so?

    Answer. I agree that USAID assistance efforts in the Balkans should 
prioritize engaging with young people, too many of whom do not see a 
promising future for themselves in the region and as a result, are 
taking their skills and talent to other countries. I understand that 
current USAID programs in the Balkans are targeted on combating endemic 
corruption, creating more job opportunities, and the need to prepare 
young people for the workforce in order to combat the trend of young 
people leaving the region. As a leading advocate for the United States' 
role and leadership in the Balkans, and I would welcome the opportunity 
to work closely with you, if confirmed, on sharpening the focus of 
USAID's programs in the Balkans.

    Question. I just returned from a Congressional delegation to Poland 
with Senators Coons and Durbin. As part of that trip, I had the 
opportunity to meet with members of the Belarus pro-democracy movement 
who are undertaking inspiring efforts to continue pushing for a free 
and democratic Belarus.

   Now that we have closed our diplomatic presence in Belarus, how 
        will USAID pivot its remaining projects in Belarus to continue 
        supporting a free and independent media, a vibrant civil 
        society and a democratic Belarus?

    Answer. Despite the Government of Belarus' efforts to stifle pro-
democracy voices, I understand that USAID continues to provide 
assistance to the pro-democracy movement in Belarus. I believe that 
USAID should continue to support the democratic aspirations of the 
increasing number of exiled Belarusians, while still working with local 
partners where possible. If confirmed, I look forward to keeping you 
abreast of USAID's on-going efforts to assist civil society and a free 
and independent media in Belarus, both of which are critical lines of 
effort.

    Question. While we call out the unprovoked aggression of Putin, it 
must be known that we are not at war with the Russian people. Putin is 
escalating his crackdown on the independent media and civil society 
groups. At the same time, Russia continues its disinformation efforts, 
spreading lies within and outside Russia.

   If confirmed, how will you reconsider our strategy to continue our 
        support to the Russian people, particularly the independent 
        media and civil society? How do we effectively combat Russian 
        disinformation? How is USAID collaborating with the State 
        Department on this problem?

    Answer. I agree that it is important to distinguish between the 
people of Russia and the Russian Federation. There are many Russian 
citizens showing remarkable courage and bravery by protesting the 
invasion of Ukraine in the streets of Moscow. I understand that through 
creative initiatives, USAID provides support to local, independent 
voices, media outlets and practitioners, and civil society 
organizations. As the Kremlin implements even harsher and more 
repressive measures inside Russia, I will, if confirmed, assess how 
USAID assistance can be most impactful and effective given the evolving 
situation.

    Answer. I also understand that USAID staff working on countering 
Kremlin disinformation regularly meet with their counterparts at the 
State Department to discuss program design and share best practices. 
These efforts are also geared towards making sure USAID and State are 
avoiding duplication of efforts so that we can most effectively utilize 
the funds provided by Congress to counter the lies and false 
information spread by the Kremlin. If confirmed, I will seek ways to 
build upon the close coordination between USAID and the State 
Department around these critical efforts.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Mitt Romney

    Question. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has precipitated a 
humanitarian catastrophe that will likely worsen as the Russian 
military continues to target innocent civilians, population centers, 
and critical infrastructure. One million Ukrainians have already been 
forced to flee their homes as refugees, with potentially millions more 
to follow. What's more, I remain concerned that Russia could conduct a 
siege of major cities, starving the populations. If confirmed, you will 
oversee USAID's foreign assistance efforts in Europe and Eurasia, 
including Ukraine.

   If confirmed, how will you plan to lead USAID's efforts to 
        prioritize urgent assistance for the Ukrainian people, 
        including food, water, shelter, and health care, including in 
        the event that the Russian army tries to cut off supplies to 
        Ukrainian cities?

    Answer. I understand that USAID has a Disaster Assistance Response 
Team based in Poland, that is working closely with our European allies 
and partners to meet critical needs caused by Russia's invasion of 
Ukraine. I'm also aware that USAID is providing food, safe drinking 
water, shelter, emergency health care, and much-needed household 
supplies to communities and displaced people in need where security 
conditions allow. I am committed to addressing the immediate 
humanitarian needs of the Ukrainian people and, if confirmed, will work 
in close coordination with my colleagues at USAID, in the interagency, 
our European allies and partners, and with Congress, to respond to the 
devastating effects of Russia's unprovoked and unjustified attack on 
Ukraine.

    Question. Will you commit to keeping me updated on USAID's efforts 
to support the Ukrainian people?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I pledge to closely consult with you on 
USAID's efforts to support the Ukrainian people.

    Question. What is USAID's plan, alongside the State Department, the 
Department of Homeland Security, and other agencies, to address the 
crisis of potentially millions of Ukrainians seeking refuge in Poland 
and across Europe, as well as those who will be internally displaced 
within Ukraine?

    Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on Ukraine has 
already forced more than 1.3 million refugees to leave Ukraine. In 
addition, current estimates indicate that well over 160,0000 Ukranians 
have been displaced internally due to the violence propagated by the 
Kremlin. I understand that USAID, along with our colleagues in the 
State Department's Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) 
are leading the humanitarian response on the ground and working closely 
with partners across the U.S. Government to address this crisis. I 
further understand that USAID is leading humanitarian assistance 
efforts for internally displaced persons in Ukraine while also 
providing food to refugees. State PRM is the lead agency for non-food 
assistance to refugees. According to projections, the numbers of 
refugees and IDPs is likely to increase dramatically. If confirmed, I 
pledge to work closely with colleagues at USAID, State, and the 
interagency to ensure we are effectively coordinating our assistance 
efforts. If confirmed, I will also prioritize outreach and consultation 
with Congress which has a crucial role to play in the success of the 
United States' response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, how would you coordinate with our European 
partners in facilitating humanitarian assistance to Ukrainian refugees?

    Answer. Within days of Russia's invasion, Administrator Samantha 
Power traveled to the border of Poland and Ukraine to draw attention to 
the needs of Ukrainians fleeing violence.
    Administrator Power also met with European Union (E.U.) leaders in 
Brussels to deepen U.S.-EU cooperation on efforts to provide displaced 
Ukrainians with urgent humanitarian aid. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with our European counterparts to solidify and strengthen 
coordination on the response to Russia's unprovoked and unjustified 
invasion of Ukraine so that our assistance efforts are cohesive and 
synchronous.

    Question. In what ways does the Ukraine war change USAID's 
priorities and planning for Europe and Eurasia?

    Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on Ukraine 
presents a grave threat to freedom, democracy, and development progress 
throughout the region. The people of Belarus, Moldova, and Georgia are 
all too familiar with the specter of Russian aggression. I believe that 
USAID's continued support for the democratic movement in Belarus, the 
reform-oriented government of Moldova, and further progress on key 
reforms in Georgia is more critical than ever. The impacts of Russia's 
invasion of Ukraine are only beginning to reverberate throughout the 
region. I am committed, if confirmed, to leading USAID's efforts to 
support peace, democracy, and prosperity in Europe and Eurasia at this 
pivotal moment for the region.

    Question. How do you believe the conflict affects USAID's long-term 
capabilities to carry out its programs within Ukraine?

    Answer. While we do not yet know how long this conflict will endure 
or the extent of its impact, USAID has already demonstrated its ability 
to quickly pivot existing programs to meet evolving needs on the 
ground. For example, I understand that through long-established 
partnerships with regional and local governments, USAID has supported 
civil preparedness efforts by helping local authorities respond to mass 
population movements, communicate with its citizens, and repair small 
infrastructure. I am also aware that USAID continues to review all of 
its programming to identify how to safeguard our investments and 
sustain these programs where possible, and most importantly, how to 
protect the safety of its staff and partners. Throughout my career in 
the foreign service I have seen firsthand USAID's ability to have a 
meaningful impact in conflict settings and support recovery efforts 
post-conflict. If confirmed, I look forward to overseeing such efforts 
in Ukraine and to a continued dialogue with you on this issue.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you reevaluate USAID engagement 
in Belarus and Georgia in light of Russia's latest actions?

    Answer. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has broad implications for 
neighboring countries. The Lukashanka regime's decision to host Russian 
troops has invigorated anti-war sentiment within Belarus, manifesting 
in visible protests despite the repressive measures imposed by the 
Belarussian security services. I believe that USAID should continue to 
support the democratic aspirations of the people of Belarus and work 
with local partners where possible. If confirmed, I am happy to provide 
you with regular updates on USAID's support for the democratic movement 
in Belarus.
    I understand that USAID assistance in Georgia focuses on supporting 
reform-oriented actors in civil society and public institutions that 
promote transparency, international standards, and accountability. I 
believe that the Agency should continue its dialogue with all key 
stakeholders to encourage constructive progress toward reforms and 
Western integration. I look forward to supporting these efforts, if 
confirmed.

    Question. Given Russia's frequent mischaracterization of USAID's 
engagement, how would you communicate with our partners about the 
mission and role of USAID, if confirmed?

    Answer. I share your concern about the Kremlin's tendency to spread 
lies and false information about USAID's programs in Europe and 
Eurasia. I understand that across the region,
    USAID consistently communicates the Agency's mission of promoting 
self-determination, sovereignty, and helping partner countries make 
informed choices about their own development path. If confirmed, I 
would build upon the proactive messaging already underway to reach new 
audiences through community outreach, digital engagement, and support 
for local media across the region.

                               __________



                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        TUESDAY, MARCH 15, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in 
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin J. 
Cardin presiding.
    Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Menendez, Coons, 
Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.

         OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 
come to order.
    I know that we are still missing Dr. Muyangwa. But since 
she is a Marylander we will excuse her whenever she gets here 
so that will be fine.
    Let me, first, thank our nominees and thank the committee. 
We adjusted the time because of the schedule changes here. 
There are bill signings taking place. We have, of course, the 
issues in regards to Ukraine. We will have President Zelensky 
before a virtual joint meeting of the members of Congress 
tomorrow. So it is a crowded agenda.
    First, let me thank our nominees for their willingness to 
be flexible on time and the members of the committee. I, 
particularly, want to thank Senator Hagerty--he will be here 
shortly--for his cooperation in adjusting the calendar.
    The Republicans did have a lunch today so he may be a few 
minutes late getting here. But he said it was perfectly okay 
for us to start the hearing in order to give maximum time for 
our witnesses--our nominees--and the questioning by members of 
the committee.
    I want to thank all four of our nominees for these 
positions. These are extremely well-qualified individuals who 
have devoted themselves to diplomacy, a career in public 
service, and have served our Nation and are willing now to take 
on responsibilities in critically important positions at any 
time but, particularly, now the challenges that we have in our 
country.
    I also want to extend my thanks to your families because we 
know that public service is a family sacrifice, and we thank 
them very much for their willingness to allow your service for 
our country.
    I am going to give short introductions to our four nominees 
and then we will hear from you and we will have questions by 
members of the committee.
    First on our list is Bernadette Meehan, who is nominated to 
be the Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of 
Chile. She currently serves as Executive Vice President of 
Global Programs at the Obama Foundation, where she served 
previously as Chief International Officer and Executive 
Director of International Programs.
    Prior to that, she was a career Foreign Service Officer and 
worked in multiple positions at the National Security Council 
including as a senior advisor, as a special assistant to the 
President and National Security Council spokesperson, and 
earlier as Director for Strategic Communications.
    She also served as a special assistant to the Secretary of 
State Hillary Clinton and served overseas in UAE, Iraq, and 
Colombia, and has served with bravery in some of our most 
dangerous situations.
    Dr. John Nkengasong is currently the--has been nominated to 
be the Ambassador-at-Large of the United States Government 
Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally. He is currently the 
director of African Center for Disease Control and Prevention 
in Ethiopia.
    Prior to that, he was the Acting Deputy Director of the 
Center for Global Health at the U.S. Centers for Disease 
Control and Prevention, before that the chief of International 
Laboratory branch division of Global HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis 
at CDC.
    He also served as the Associate Director for laboratory 
science in the division for Global AIDS, HIV, and Tuberculosis 
at the Center for Global Health and co-chair of PEPFAR's 
laboratory Technical Working Group.
    Dr. Monde Muyangwa has been nominated to be the Assistant 
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, 
and she is from Maryland, as I have indicated before. We will 
give her a little bit of a preference as a result of that, and 
then we know that she will be with us shortly. She is in the 
building and on her way up to the hearing.
    She is the director of African Programs at the Woodrow 
Wilson Center. Prior to joining the Wilson Center, she served 
as the academic dean of the African Center for Strategic 
Studies at the National Defense University, where she also 
served as professor of civil-military relations. She also 
worked as Director of Research and then Vice President for 
Research and Policy at the National Summit on Africa.
    Prior to that, she worked as Director of International 
Education Programs at New Mexico Highlands University.
    Then, lastly, we have Rebecca Gonzales, who has been 
nominated to be the Senior Foreign Service Class of Minister-
Counselor to be Director of the Office of Foreign Missions.
    She is currently serving as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Kingdom of Lesotho. Previously, she served as the chief of 
staff in the Bureau of Administration at the Department of 
State.
    She has also served as the Deputy Executive Director of the 
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, as Deputy Manager Counselor at 
the U.S. Embassies in Pretoria, South Africa, Management 
Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Botswana, a special assistant in 
the Office of the Under Secretary of Management of the 
Department of State.
    Other assignments for Ambassador Gonzales include service 
in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs and the U.S. Embassies in 
Saudi Arabia, India, Colombia, and Greece.
    Wow. Let me just tell you something. We have four very 
impressive individuals who have served our country with great 
distinction. We are really honored to have you before us and 
your willingness to continue to serve our . We thank you for 
that.
    As I have indicated earlier, when Senator Hagerty gets here 
we will allow him to give his opening comments, but we will 
start with Ms. Meehan.
    You may--your full testimony will be made part of our 
record and you may proceed as you wish. Please try to keep your 
comments to no more than five minutes.

STATEMENT OF BERNADETTE M. MEEHAN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF CHILE

    Ms. Meehan. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and 
distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply honored to 
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the 
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Chile.
    I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence that they have placed in me. I want to thank my 
husband, Evan, here with me today, my parents, Terry and Joe, 
and my sister, Liz, for their love and support, and note how 
much we love and miss my younger brother, Chris, who passed 
away last summer.
    I would also like to express my love for my daughter, 
Milly, who, at three years old, is the light of my life and 
reminds me every day how rewarding and challenging it is to be 
a working mom.
    Over 25 years I have been fortunate to hold diverse 
positions in the Government, nonprofit, and private sectors. 
But the highest privilege was representing my country for 13 
years as a career Foreign Service Officer. It would be the 
honor of my life to return to the service of the American 
people as a U.S. diplomat.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the 
Congress to advance the interests of the United States in 
Chile. While serving in Colombia on my first tour as a Foreign 
Service Officer, I was abducted and assaulted by armed 
assailants. During my year in Iraq, I witnessed every day the 
dangers facing Americans--diplomats, military, NGO staff, 
journalists, and civilians.
    I am proud to volunteer with a nonprofit organization that 
supports families of Americans taken hostage or wrongfully 
detained abroad and the former hostages and detainees when they 
return home.
    These experiences ingrained in me the solemn responsibility 
the U.S. Government has and, if confirmed, the safety of 
American citizens will be my highest priority.
    I first visited Chile in 1992 when I was a 16-year-old high 
school exchange student in Argentina. On school break, I joined 
my host family on a bus trip across Patagonia and Magallanes to 
Punta Arenas, Chile.
    In the 30 years since, Chile has undergone enormous 
changes. The United States' relationship with Chile is one of 
the strongest, most diverse, and most beneficial in the Western 
Hemisphere, from trade and investment to cooperation in 
science, technology, and defense to promoting good governance 
and human rights throughout the region.
    For over 30 years, Chile has been a champion of democracy 
and free and fair trade, and a like-minded partner with robust 
economic, academic, and cultural ties. Chile is also a leader 
in calling out human rights abuses and undemocratic practices 
in Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua.
    If confirmed, I will build on our shared values to continue 
this important and productive partnership with a focus on three 
areas.
    First, supporting Chile's vibrant democracy at a pivotal 
moment in Chile's history with free and fair elections last 
year that set a powerful example for the region and the world, 
and a constitutional assembly that is channeling grievances 
into a peaceful and democratic reform process.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with President 
Boric and his administration and offering U.S. support to the 
Chilean Government and civil society organizations as they seek 
to deliver greater economic opportunity and social equality to 
the Chilean people.
    Second, promoting economic opportunity and trade that will 
benefit all Americans and Chileans. Our free trade agreement 
has nearly quadrupled bilateral trades in goods, propelling job 
creation and economic growth in both countries.
    The United States is Chile's number-one source of foreign 
direct investment with $23 billion in FDI, and the Department 
of Commerce reports that U.S. exports to Chile support an 
estimated 87,000 American jobs.
    I believe Chile's commendable tradition of openness, 
combined with a responsible investment screening mechanism that 
considers national security interests, would maintain the 
security of Chile's critical infrastructure and sensitive 
technologies as well as Chile's attractiveness to foreign 
investors.
    To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, if 
confirmed, I will advocate for a continued business climate in 
Chile that is based on respect for free trade, democracy, and 
democratic good governance.
    Third, bolstering our already strong collaboration in 
science, technology, and innovation, including on priorities 
such as investing in renewable energy and combating the climate 
crisis, as well as space, health, and emerging technologies.
    U.S. investment in scientific infrastructure in Chile 
exceeds $1 billion. Chile is a leader on oceans and climate 
issues and in deploying clean energy such as solar, wind, and 
hydrogen.
    Chile is also a world leader in vaccinating its people 
against COVID-19. The United States values our partnerships 
with Chile in these areas and, if confirmed, I will work to 
expand them.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today 
and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Meehan follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Bernadette M. Meehan

    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today as the 
President's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Chile. 
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me.
    I want to thank my husband, Evan, my parents Terry and Joe, and my 
sister Liz for their love and support, and note how much we love and 
miss my brother Chris, who passed away last summer. I'd also like to 
express my love for my daughter Milly, who at three years old is the 
light of my life and reminds me every day how rewarding and challenging 
it is to be a working mom.
    Over 25 years, I have been fortunate to hold diverse positions in 
the Government, non-profit, and private sectors, but the highest 
privilege was representing my country for 13 years as a Foreign Service 
Officer. It would be the honor of my life to return to the service of 
the American people as a U.S. diplomat. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working closely with the Congress to advance the interests of the 
United States in Chile.
    While serving in Colombia on my first tour as a Foreign Service 
Officer, I was abducted and assaulted by armed assailants. During my 
year serving in Iraq, I witnessed every day the dangers facing 
Americans--diplomats, military, NGO staff, journalists, and civilians. 
I am proud to volunteer with a non-profit organization that supports 
families of Americans taken hostage or wrongfully detained abroad, and 
the former hostages and detainees when they return home. These 
experiences ingrained in me the solemn responsibility that the U.S. 
Government has, and if confirmed, the safety of American citizens will 
be my highest priority.
    I first visited Chile in 1992, when I was a 16-year-old high school 
exchange student in Argentina. On school break, I joined my host family 
on a bus trip across Patagonia and Magallanes to Punta Arenas, Chile. 
In the 30 years since, Chile has undergone enormous changes.
    The United States' relationship with Chile is one of the strongest, 
most diverse, and mutually beneficial in the Western Hemisphere, from 
trade and investment to cooperation in science, technology, and 
defense, to promoting good governance and human rights throughout the 
region. For over 30 years, Chile has been a champion of democracy and 
free and fair trade and a like-minded partner with robust economic, 
academic, and cultural ties. Chile is also a leader in calling out 
human rights abuses and undemocratic practices in Cuba, Venezuela, and 
Nicaragua.
    If confirmed, I will build on our shared values to continue this 
important and productive partnership, with a focus on three areas:
    First, supporting Chile's vibrant democracy at a pivotal moment in 
Chile's history, with free and fair elections last year that set a 
powerful example for the world and a constitutional assembly that is 
channeling grievances into a peaceful and democratic reform process. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with President Boric and his 
administration and offering U.S. support to the Chilean Government and 
civil society organizations as they seek to deliver greater economic 
opportunity and social equality to the Chilean people.
    Second, promoting economic opportunity and trade that will benefit 
all Americans and Chileans. Our Free Trade Agreement has nearly 
quadrupled bilateral trade in goods, propelling job creation and 
economic growth in both countries. The United States is Chile's number 
one source of foreign direct investment, with $23 billion in FDI, and 
the Department of Commerce reports that U.S. exports to Chile support 
an estimated 87,000 American jobs. I believe Chile's commendable 
tradition of openness, combined with a responsible investment screening 
mechanism that considers national security interests, would maintain 
the security of Chile's critical infrastructure and sensitive 
technologies, as well as Chile's attractiveness to foreign investors. 
To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, if confirmed, I will 
advocate for a continued business climate in Chile that is based on 
respect for free trade, transparency, and democratic good governance.
    Third, bolstering our already strong collaborations in science, 
technology, and innovation, including on priorities such as investing 
in renewable energy and combatting the climate crisis, as well as 
space, health, and emerging technologies. U.S. investment in scientific 
infrastructure in Chile exceeds $1 billion. Chile is a leader on oceans 
and climate issues and in deploying clean energy, such as solar, wind, 
and hydrogen. Chile is also a world leader in vaccinating its people 
against COVID-19. The United States values our partnerships with Chile 
in these areas, and if confirmed, I will work to expand them.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I 
look forward to your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony.
    We will now hear from Dr. Nkengasong.

STATEMENT OF DR. JOHN N. NKENGASONG OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
     AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE, COORDINATOR OF THE UNITED STATES 
       GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES TO COMBAT HIV/AIDS GLOBALLY

    Mr. Nkengasong. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, 
members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before 
you today as President Biden's nominee as the U.S. Global AIDS 
Coordinator to lead and coordinate PEPFAR, the President's 
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.
    I am immensely grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for entrusting me at a critical time as we face the 
fight against a dual pandemic, HIV/AIDS and COVID-19.
    I want to thank my lovely wife, Susan, and our three 
wonderful children--Pete, Gladys, and Paul--for their patience 
and support all the years as I have pursued a career in global 
health.
    If confirmed, I would assume leadership of an unprecedented 
initiative with a long history of strong bipartisan 
congressional leadership and a proven track record of 
lifesaving work.
    Since 2003 when Congress and President Bush created PEPFAR, 
it has saved more than 21 million lives and prevented millions 
of HIV infections, including in children. PEPFAR has been 
strengthened over the last 19 years through continued American 
generosity and a conviction to finish the fight against HIV/
AIDS.
    Despite COVID-19, PEPFAR has proven remarkably resilient in 
protecting and advancing HIV gains as well as creating the 
backbone to fight other health threats, including COVID-19.
    I know this to be true, as I believe it and seen firsthand 
the positive impact it has had on people around the world.
    If confirmed, I will draw upon my three decades of program 
and research experience in public health and HIV to advance 
PEPFAR's mission, assure that it continues its success, 
collaborate with partner countries and communities, and sustain 
the strong partnership it enjoys with Congress, including all 
of you.
    If confirmed, I will be stepping into this role at a 
critical moment when the world is confronted with a dual 
pandemic. We have seen how COVID-19 has affected some HIV 
programs with devastating results. But we have also witnessed 
how the health systems and institutions built and strengthened 
by PEPFAR investment have been central to COVID-19 response.
    If confirmed, I will work and focus on continuing our fight 
against HIV/AIDS in close collaboration with countries and 
communities while also acknowledging and appreciating the 
broader context that will determine the success of our actions.
    As the director of the Africa CDC, I have seen how PEPFAR's 
investment in health systems have strengthened and, in some 
cases, established the fundamental health infrastructures--
laboratory systems, surveillance, and human resources in the 
countries where we have served.
    In the past, efforts around HIV were premised upon building 
health systems around the world. The goal now must shift and I 
believe our efforts must now ensure that these services and 
systems are sustainable, resilient to prevent and respond to 
HIV/AIDS, including pediatric HIV/AIDS, in the future, as well 
as other diseases.
    For this to happen, it is my belief that we need to 
capitalize on the capacity and experience of those in the 
countries where we work with a deep respect for their 
perspectives or needs and taking into account their knowledge 
and local expertise.
    As we continue our fight towards sustaining epidemic 
control of HIV/AIDS, the key task ahead of us will involve 
doubling down on evidence-based interventions to address local 
contexts. We must work in partnership with communities and 
countries to ensure that we have enabling environments that 
leave nobody behind.
    For health systems to be sustainable and keep infectious 
diseases in check, we must act collectively to support the 
capabilities of local leaders and regional institutions, and 
work in respectful partnership and accountability with them.
    I am humbled and privileged to appear before you today, and 
I look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Nkengasong follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Dr. John N. Nkengasong

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I am 
honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee as the 
Ambassador-at-Large, Coordinator of the United States Government 
Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally to lead and coordinate PEPFAR, 
the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. I am immensely grateful 
to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for entrusting me at this 
critical time as we face and fight the dual global pandemics of HIV/
AIDS and COVID-19.
    I want to thank my lovely wife Susan, and our three lovely children 
(Pete, Gladys, and Paul) for their patience and support all the years 
as they have followed me in multiple countries across the world as I 
pursue global health.
    If confirmed, I would assume leadership of an unprecedented 
initiative with a long history of strong, unwavering bipartisan 
Congressional leadership and support and a proven track record of 
global life-saving work. Since 2003, when Congress and President George 
W. Bush created the initiative, PEPFAR has saved more than 21 million 
lives and prevented millions of HIV infections. PEPFAR has been 
strengthened over the last 19 years through continued American 
generosity and a conviction to finish the fight against AIDS.
    Despite COVID-19, PEPFAR has proven remarkably resilient in 
protecting and advancing hard-fought HIV gains as well as creating the 
backbone to fight other health threats, including COVID-19. I know all 
this to be true, as I have lived it and seen it firsthand--the positive 
impact it has had on people around the globe.
    PEPFAR is one of the most successful initiatives implemented 
through a whole-of-U.S. Government approach, bringing the best of the 
United States to bear. If confirmed, I will draw upon my three decades 
of experience with programs and research in public health and HIV, 
specifically from the United States CDC, as well as my recent 
experiences as the first Director of the Africa CDC and other 
leadership roles in public health institutions, to humbly advance 
PEPFAR's mission, assure its continued success, collaborate with 
partner governments and communities, and sustain the strong partnership 
it enjoys with Congress.
    If confirmed, I would be stepping into this role at a critical 
moment when the world is confronted with dual global pandemics. We have 
seen how COVID-19 has affected some progress in our HIV efforts with 
devastating results, but we have also witnessed how the health systems 
and institutions built and strengthened by PEPFAR's investments have 
been central to the COVID-19 response.
    I have dedicated my service to improving public health by fighting 
diseases. My experience specific to HIV goes back more than 30 years. I 
served as Chief of Virology and the WHO Collaborating Center on HIV 
diagnostics at the Institute of Tropical Medicine Antwerp. I then 
served as the U.S. CDC's Acting Deputy Principal Director of the Center 
for Global Health, as well as an Associate Director within CDC's 
Division of Global HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis.
    If confirmed, I will draw upon these experiences and focus on 
continuing our fight against HIV/AIDS in close collaboration with 
governments and communities, while also acknowledging and appreciating 
the broader context that will determine the success of our actions and 
the future of the PEPFAR program. As Director of the Africa CDC, I have 
seen how PEPFAR's investments in health systems over the past 19 years 
have strengthened--and in some cases, established--the fundamental 
health infrastructure, laboratories, surveillance systems, and human 
resources for health in the countries where it helps serve.
    In the past, efforts around HIV were premised upon building these 
systems from the ground up. With these now in place, the goal has now 
shifted, and I believe our efforts must now ensure that these services 
and systems are sustainable and resilient to prevent and respond to 
HIV/AIDS in the future, as well as other diseases. For this to happen, 
it is my belief that we need to capitalize on the capacity and 
experience of those in the countries where we work, coming to the table 
with a deep respect for their perspectives and needs, taking account of 
their insights, their knowledge of local contexts, and their reservoirs 
of expertise. For such systems to be sustainable and keep infectious 
disease in check, we must act collectively to support the capabilities 
of local leaders and regional institutions and work in respectful 
partnership and accountability with them.
    As we continue our fight toward sustaining epidemic control of HIV/
AIDS in so many places, the key tasks ahead will involve diplomatic 
engagement and doubling down on evidence-based interventions to address 
local contexts.
    I am humbled and privileged to appear before you today and to be 
considered to lead, if confirmed, truly one of the most remarkable, 
life-saving efforts ever. I look forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
    We will now go to Senator Hagerty for his opening comments. 
Of course, Senator Hagerty is a former ambassador to Japan so 
he knows how you all feel on that side of the room.

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Cardin, and I must say 
it was a real privilege to be on that side when you were 
sitting here. You were very kind to me through that process and 
I appreciate it.
    And I would also say to all of you I hope you will reach 
out to us here on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 
should you be confirmed, and view us as your allies and 
supporters.
    And, really, I would like to thank all of you and your 
families. I know what it takes from a family perspective to do 
the jobs that you are taking on. A big thanks goes out to them 
as well.
    I would like to start with the nominee to be the U.S. 
Ambassador to Chile. The United States and Chile share a long 
history of friendship and cooperation, and I look forward to 
hearing from the nominee about how we can strengthen the U.S. 
partnership with Chile while also countering China's malign 
influence in the country and, frankly, throughout Latin 
America.
    I would like to turn to the nominee to be the coordinator 
of United States Government activities to combat HIV/AIDS 
globally. This position will spearhead the effort to curb HIV/
AIDS and the United States needs a strong ambassador who will 
work tirelessly to maintain this commitment in combating the 
HIV/AIDS pandemic. I look forward to hearing from the nominee 
on this subject.
    Next, I would like to turn to the nomination for USAID's 
Assistant Administrator for Africa. This position serves an 
important role in continuing progress made under the Trump 
administration's Prosper Africa Initiative to provide an 
alternative to China's increased investment in debt diplomacy 
on the African continent through its One Belt, One Road 
strategy.
    At a time when our strategic adversaries are attempting to 
rewrite international rules and norms, it will be critical for 
USAID to advance investments and values that represent the free 
world.
    And last but, certainly, not least, I would like to focus 
on the nomination to the Director of the Office of Foreign 
Missions.
    This position has the important task of establishing the 
foundation of diplomacy by facilitating the secure and 
efficient operations of U.S. missions abroad and of foreign 
missions and international organizations here in the United 
States.
    To all four nominees, again, I want to thank you and your 
families for serving our and for answering the questions before 
the committee today. I look forward to your testimony.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
    We will now go to Dr. Muyangwa. Glad to hear from you.

STATEMENT OF DR. MONDE MUYANGWA OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE AN 
    ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR 
                   INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Ms. Muyangwa. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and 
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you as 
President Biden's nominee for Assistant Administrator for 
Africa at the United States Agency for International 
Development. I am grateful for President Biden and 
Administrator Power's trust in me to serve in this position.
    I would not be sitting before you today without the love, 
support, and sacrifice of my family in the United States and 
Zambia. I owe them a huge debt of gratitude.
    I would especially like to thank my husband, our family 
anchor and my biggest supporter, David Kaloustian; our 
daughter, Inonge, who is here with me today; my mother, bo 
Nmukulo Muyangwa; and my siblings, extended family, and network 
of friends and colleagues.
    I would also like to acknowledge two role models for their 
unwavering support and belief in me--my late father, bo Mubaale 
Muyangwa, and my late uncle, Simasiku Chimuka.
    As a girl growing up in Zambia, I experienced USAID's work 
firsthand. To deter Zambia's support for the region's 
liberation and independence movement, the apartheid and 
minority regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia blockaded or 
destroyed landlocked Zambia's transport infrastructure, 
disrupting the economy and causing severe food shortages.
    Still, USAID found a way of getting critical food supplies 
to the population. I vividly remember the day trucks pulled 
into my boarding school to deliver bags of maize meal 
emblazoned with the USAID logo.
    In addition, being from a region hit hard by HIV/AIDS, I 
have lost family members to the disease. Over the years, I have 
witnessed PEPFAR save millions of lives. USAID's mission 
resonates deeply with me on a personal level.
    Professionally, I have spent the last 24 years working to 
advance U.S.-Africa relations, focusing on the issues that are 
at the heart of USAID's mission--security, development, and 
governance.
    I spent three years at the National Summit on Africa 
engaging Americans across the country about why Africa matters 
to the United States and developing policy recommendations for 
stronger U.S.-Africa relations.
    I then spent 13 years at the Africa Center for Strategic 
Studies at the Department of Defense building African 
capacities and partnerships to prevent and address conflict, 
violent extremism, and fragility, and enhance good governance 
and the rule of law.
    For the last eight years at the Woodrow Wilson 
International Center for Scholars I have led the organization's 
work analyzing and developing policy options for addressing key 
issues in U.S.-Africa relations in the economic, governance, 
and security realms.
    If confirmed, I vow to bring this substantive leadership 
experience and long-term commitment to working in a bipartisan 
manner to bear on the USAID mission on the Africa Bureau's 
work.
    Today, USAID's mission is more important than ever. The 
COVID-19 pandemic has overwhelmed fragile health systems, 
caused tremendous loss of life, erased several years of 
development gains, and thrown millions of Africans into 
poverty.
    Insecurity, violent extremism, and conflict in several 
countries have killed thousands and displaced millions more, 
resulting in humanitarian crises that are compounded by climate 
change.
    Furthermore, the continent is witnessing a rapidly evolving 
democracy landscape and the increased role of international 
actors, especially China and Russia.
    While the narrative about Africa is too often dominated by 
its challenges, the Africa that I know is also characterized by 
resilience, transformation, and promise, as partially evidenced 
by African innovations to mitigate the impact of the pandemic, 
expanding tech hubs, and people fighting to safeguard 
democracy.
    These and other developments have reinforced my belief that 
Africa's people, particularly its youth, are the continent's 
greatest resource.
    Therefore, if confirmed, I commit to working with you to 
engage with Africa's challenges and opportunities, and balance 
the agency's lifesaving work with investments in development.
    Specifically, I would focus on four priorities.
    First, solidify and expand our economic engagement and 
recover the gains lost to the COVID pandemic and humanitarian 
crises, and foster investments to help put the continent back 
on an upward development trajectory.
    Second, address the key factors that hinder development 
including climate change, democratic backsliding, and 
fragility.
    Third, consolidate, develop, and expand strategic 
partnerships with Africans in other countries with the private 
sector and civil society in order to amplify the pace and 
impact of desired development outcomes.
    Fourth, and the overarching goal, lead and manage the 
Africa Bureau's people, programs, and financial resources in a 
way that both supports the well being and security of staff and 
ensures that the resources entrusted to us by the American 
people are managed effectively, efficiently, and with 
accountability.
    I have long appreciated the bipartisan support for Africa 
in Congress and, if confirmed, I look forward to working with 
you and others in Congress to continue to strengthen U.S.-
Africa relations.
    Thank you for your consideration.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Muyangwa follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Monde Muyangwa, Ph.D.

    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's 
nominee for Assistant Administrator for Africa at the United States 
Agency for International Development. I am grateful for President Biden 
and Administrator Power's trust in me to serve in this position.
    I would not be sitting before you today without the love, support, 
and sacrifice of my family in the United States and Zambia. I owe them 
a huge debt of gratitude. I would especially like to thank my husband, 
our family anchor and my biggest supporter, David Kaloustian; our 
daughter, Inonge; my mother, bo Namukulo Muyangwa; and my siblings, 
extended family, and network of friends and colleagues in both 
countries. I would also like to acknowledge two role models for their 
unwavering support and belief in me--my late father, bo Mbaale Muyangwa 
and late uncle, bo Simasiku Chimuka.
    As a girl growing up in Zambia, I experienced USAID's work 
firsthand. To deter Zambia's support for the region's liberation and 
independence movements, the apartheid and minority regimes in South 
Africa and Rhodesia blockaded or destroyed landlocked Zambia's 
transport infrastructure, disrupting the economy and causing severe 
food shortages. Still, USAID found a way of getting critical food 
supplies to the population. I vividly remember the day trucks pulled 
into my boarding school to deliver bags of maize meal, emblazoned with 
the USAID logo. In addition, being from a region hit hard by HIV/AIDS, 
I have lost family members to the disease. Over the years, I have 
observed PEPFAR save millions of lives. USAID's mission resonates 
deeply with me on a personal level.
    Professionally, I have spent the last 24 years working to advance 
U.S.-Africa relations, focusing on the issues at the heart of USAID's 
mission: security, development, and governance. I spent three years at 
the National Summit on Africa, engaging Americans across the country 
about why Africa matters to the United States and developing policy 
recommendations for stronger U.S.-Africa relations. I then spent 13 
years at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies at the Department of 
Defense, building African capacities and partnerships to prevent and 
address conflict, violent extremism, and fragility and enhance good 
governance and the rule of law. For the last eight years at the Woodrow 
Wilson International Center for Scholars, I have led the organization's 
work analyzing and developing policy options for addressing key issues 
in U.S.-Africa relations in the economic, governance, and security 
realms. If confirmed, I vow to bring this substantive leadership 
experience and longstanding commitment to working in a bipartisan 
manner to bear on the USAID mission and the Africa Bureau's work.
    Today, USAID's mission is more important than ever. The COVID-19 
pandemic has overwhelmed fragile health systems, caused tremendous loss 
of life, erased several years of development gains, and thrown millions 
of Africans into poverty. Insecurity, violent extremism, and conflict 
in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, the Lake Chad Basin, Central Africa, 
and northern Mozambique have killed thousands and displaced millions 
more, resulting in humanitarian crises compounded by climate change. 
Furthermore, the continent is witnessing a rapidly evolving democracy 
landscape and the increased role of international actors, especially 
China and Russia.
    While the narrative about Africa is too often dominated by its 
challenges, the Africa that I know is also characterized by resilience, 
transformation, and promise, as partially evidenced by African 
innovations to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic, expanding tech 
hubs, and the people fighting to safeguard democracy. These and other 
developments have reinforced my belief that Africa's people, 
particularly its youth, are the continent's greatest resource.
    Therefore, if confirmed, I commit to working with you to engage 
with Africa's challenges and opportunities and balance the agency's 
life-saving work with investments in development. Specifically, I would 
focus on four priorities: First, solidify and expand our economic 
engagement to recover the gains lost to the COVID pandemic and 
humanitarian crises, and foster investments to help put the continent 
back on an upward development trajectory. Second, address the key 
factors that hinder development, including climate change, democratic 
backsliding, and fragility. Third, consolidate, develop, and expand 
strategic partnerships with African and other countries, the private 
sector, and civil society in order to amplify the pace and impact of 
desired development outcomes. Fourth--and the overarching goal--lead 
and manage the Africa Bureau's people, programs, and financial 
resources in a way that both supports the well-being and security of 
staff and ensures that the resources entrusted to us by the American 
people are managed effectively, efficiently, and with accountability.
    I have long appreciated the bipartisan support for Africa in 
Congress. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and others 
in Congress to continue to strengthen U.S.-Africa relations.
    Thank you for your consideration.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
    We will now go to Ambassador Gonzales.

  STATEMENT OF HON. REBECCA ELIZA GONZALES OF TEXAS, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
 COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE OF FOREIGN 
                            MISSIONS

    Ms. Gonzales. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and 
members of the committee, over four years ago, I was honored to 
sit before you as a nominee for United States Ambassador to the 
Kingdom of Lesotho. I thank you for putting your trust and 
confidence in me back then.
    I am tremendously proud of the countless women and men 
across the globe with whom I have had the honor to work with as 
we have made important strides in combating HIV/AIDS, 
championing democracy and human rights, and promoting trade. I 
am truly honored to come again before this committee as a 
nominee, this time as the Director of the Office of Foreign 
Missions. I am grateful for the confidence President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken have shown in me through this nomination.
    If confirmed as Director of Foreign Missions, I look 
forward to working with this committee and the Congress in 
advancing U.S. national security interests, protecting the 
American public, and advocating for United States missions, our 
dedicated staff members, and their families overseas.
    I would like to take a moment just to recognize and thank 
my late father, Jose Rene, and my mother, Estella B. Gonzales.
    My father, Colonel Jose Rene Gonzales, served in the United 
States Air Force for 26 years and was buried in 2013 with full 
military honors at Arlington National Cemetery.
    My mother, Estella, who is still a D.C. public school 
teacher and is here with me today, has been teaching for over 
30 years, and I thank you, Mom, for being here.
    I would also like to recognize my son, Imagine Alexander, 
who recently completed his studies at the University of 
California, who is also here with me.
    Raised in a military family, I lived abroad and this gave 
me a great appreciation for other cultures and a desire to 
serve my country by joining the Foreign Service. It has been a 
profound honor and great privilege serving my country for 
nearly 30 years as a Foreign Service Officer.
    My experience in Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America 
and a recognition that there is always much to learn, have 
prepared me, if confirmed, for the important task of leading 
the Office of Foreign Missions, an organization whose primary 
goals are using reciprocity to ensure equitable treatment for 
U.S. diplomatic and consular missions abroad, regulating the 
activities of foreign missions in the United States to protect 
U.S. foreign policy and national security interests, protecting 
the United States public from abuses of privileges and 
immunities by members of foreign missions, and providing 
assistance to ensure the U.S.-based foreign mission community 
has appropriate privileges, benefits, and services on a 
reciprocal basis.
    As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 pursuant to 
the Foreign Missions Act. For more than 30 years this Act has 
guided the department's management and regulation of foreign 
missions in the United States and the extension of privileges 
and benefits, which are crucial to ensuring the smooth and 
efficient conduct of U.S. foreign policy.
    It is through vigilant management and attention to these 
activities that OFM also protects the public from the abuses--
from the abuse of privilege and immunities by members of 
foreign missions.
    A key element of the Foreign Missions Act is reciprocity. 
This fundamental tenet allows OFM to positively influence and 
condition the environment in which U.S. diplomatic and consular 
missions abroad operate.
    Reciprocity plays an integral role in advancing our 
national interests, the efficient conduct of diplomacy, and the 
safety and well being of our staff and their family members 
abroad.
    In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the 
opportunity to address you and the esteemed members of this 
committee. If confirmed, my priority will be to further the 
important objectives Congress set out in the Foreign Missions 
Act.
    I look forward to continuing OFM's outstanding work in 
helping to resolve a myriad of existing challenges and those 
that inevitably rise in the conduct of U.S. diplomacy.
    I thank you, again, for the opportunity to appear before 
you today and welcome any questions you may have.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Gonzales follows:]


           Prepared Statement of Hon. Rebecca Eliza Gonzales

    Mr. Chairman, ranking member, and members of the committee, over 
four years ago I was honored to sit before you as the nominee for 
United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho. I thank you for 
putting your trust and confidence in me back then. I'm tremendously 
proud of the countless women and men across the globe with whom I have 
had the honor to work with as we made important strides in combating 
HIV/AIDS, championing democracy and human rights, and promoting trade. 
I am truly honored to come again before this committee as a nominee--
this time as the Director of the Office of Foreign Missions. I am 
grateful for the confidence President Biden and Secretary Blinken have 
shown in me through this nomination
    If confirmed as Director of Foreign Missions, I look forward to 
working with this Committee and the Congress in advancing U.S. national 
security interests, protecting the American public, and advocating for 
United States missions, our dedicated staff members and their families 
overseas.
    I would like to take just a moment to recognize and thank my late 
father, Jose Rene, and my mother Estella B Gonzales. My father, Colonel 
Jose Rene Gonzales, served in the United States Air Force for 26 years 
and was buried in 2013 with full military honors at Arlington National 
Cemetery. My mother, Estella, has been a D.C. public school teacher for 
more than 30 years, and, indeed, I am fortunate to have her with me 
today. I would also like to recognize my son, Imagine Alexander, who 
completed his studies at the University of California who is also here 
with me today.
    Raised in a military family, I lived abroad and this gave me a 
great appreciation for other cultures and a desire to serve my country 
by joining the Foreign Service. It has been a profound honor and great 
privilege serving my country for nearly 30 years as a Foreign Service 
Officer.
    My experiences in Africa, the Middle East and Latin America and a 
recognition that there is always much to learn have prepared me, if 
confirmed, for the important task of leading the Office of Foreign 
Missions, an organization whose primary goals are:


   Using reciprocity to ensure equitable treatment for U.S. diplomatic 
        and consular missions abroad;

   Regulating the activities of foreign missions in the United States 
        to protect U.S. foreign policy and national security interests;

   Protecting the U.S. public from abuses of privileges and immunities 
        by members of foreign missions; and

   Providing assistance to ensure the U.S.-based foreign mission 
        community has appropriate privileges, benefits, and services on 
        a reciprocal basis.


    As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 pursuant to the 
Foreign Missions Act. For more than 30 years, this Act has guided the 
Department's management and regulation of foreign missions in the 
United States and the extension of privileges and benefits ranging from 
property acquisition to domestic travel courtesies and restrictions. 
Each of these functions is crucial to ensuring the smooth and efficient 
conduct of U.S. foreign policy. It is through vigilant management and 
attention to these activities that OFM also protects the public from 
the abuse of privileges and immunities by members of foreign missions.
    A key element of the Foreign Missions Act is reciprocity. This 
fundamental tenant allows OFM to positively influence and condition the 
environment in which U.S. diplomatic and consular missions abroad 
operate. Reciprocity plays an integral role in advancing our national 
interests, the efficient conduct of diplomacy, and the safety and 
wellbeing of our staff and their family members abroad. Accordingly, 
OFM plays a critical role in assisting with the resolution of matters 
with foreign governments thus contributing to the overall success of 
the Department's commitment to the safe and efficient operations of our 
diplomatic and consular missions abroad as well as the safety and 
prosperity of the American people.
    In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the opportunity to 
address you and the esteemed members of the committee. If confirmed, my 
priority will be to further the important objectives Congress set out 
in the Foreign Missions Act, to include the protection our national 
security interests and the American public. I look forward to 
continuing OFM's work in helping to resolve a myriad of existing 
challenges and those that inevitably arise in the conduct of U.S. 
diplomacy.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the 
opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome any questions you may 
have.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you for your comments.
    All four of you, thank you for your service as you have 
taken life experiences and have turned that into a way to use 
the position of public service to strengthen our . I thank all 
four of you for your commitment to strengthening America 
through service and in diplomacy.
    I have some obligatory questions that I will ask on behalf 
of the committee. I would ask that each one of you respond 
either yes or no to the questions. Then I will yield to my 
colleagues for the first round of questioning.
    The first question--this has to do with cooperation with 
our committee, et cetera--do you agree to appear before this 
committee and make officials from your office available to the 
committee and designated staff when invited?
    Just go down the row.
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation when policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. You have all passed this part of the 
hearing. Congratulations to all of you.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Cardin. With that, let me yield to Senator Kaine.
    Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, Senator Hagerty, thank you so 
much, and what a great panel of witnesses.
    Ms. Meehan, I want to talk to you about your service to the 
country because your opening comments were humble, and I do not 
want to delve into things that are uncomfortable but I also 
want this committee to know of your bravery.
    You served in Colombia at a very difficult time--2004 to 
2006--and you passed over it briefly in your comments. During 
the time you were serving our there you were kidnapped. You 
were assaulted.
    There was a subsequent trial of at least some of the 
perpetrators. We always have nominees for ambassador who come 
before us and say they will take, as a serious priority, 
keeping their people safe and they always mean it.
    I know that that means a particular amount to you, and I 
also know that you must really rejoice, as many of us do, in 
the progress that has happened in Colombia since the years that 
you were there.
    To see Colombia announced as a major non-NATO ally by 
President Biden last week, those kinds of signs of progress 
make you feel--must make you feel pretty proud.
    You then came back to United States later that year, 2006, 
and during the Bush administration. It was during the Iraq war, 
a particularly dangerous phase of that war, and the State 
Department was looking for volunteers to go to Iraq into the 
war zone there.
    Having had a traumatic experience in Colombia, I doubt any 
of your colleagues would have looked askance at Bernadette 
Meehan not volunteering to go to Iraq. But you volunteered to 
go to Iraq within months after the difficult experience in 
Colombia.
    And when I found this out, I was kind of stunned by that. I 
asked you, when we talked by phone, why did you volunteer to go 
to Iraq within months after this challenging, challenging 
situation in Colombia.
    Ms. Meehan. Senator, thank you for your comments and for 
the question.
    When I joined the Foreign Service, the area that I loved 
most in the world was the Western Hemisphere so I knew that I 
wanted to serve there on my first tour.
    When it came time to bid on my second tour, the foreign 
policy priority of President Bush was the war in Iraq and I 
felt that as a Foreign Service Officer, a career civil servant, 
I had a duty to answer the call.
    Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was looking for 
volunteers to serve alongside the men and women of the armed 
forces and so, for me, this was part of the mission that I had 
signed up to as a career Foreign Service Officer.
    I also joined the Foreign Service with the hope that 
someday I would be a leader in the Department of State, and I 
faced the question if at some point in the future, 10, 20 
years, I was in a leadership position and was asked to send 
junior Foreign Service Officers off to a war zone or other 
difficult post I would have to be able to answer the question 
where was I during my formative years as a Foreign Service 
Officer when the war of Iraq and the war in Afghanistan was 
taking place.
    And so in addition to a duty to serve the President and his 
foreign policy priorities, I also felt a responsibility to the 
institution of the State Department, which made it an easy 
decision.
    It was by far the most difficult year of my life. That was 
a particularly vicious time in that war. But there is not a day 
that goes by that I regret the decision to serve.
    Senator Kaine. And, Ms. Meehan, it was not just a difficult 
time in the war. It was a difficult time for you personally. 
Tell the committee.
    Again, I do not want to probe unnecessarily but please tell 
the committee about your experience during the year you were in 
Iraq.
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. It was a beautiful spring day and I was 
outside on my cell phone talking with someone on the other side 
of the Green Zone and I could hear the C-RAM go off--the alert 
system--in a far part of the Green Zone.
    But there was a rocket barrage and one of the rockets 
landed close to where I was and I suffered a concussion, 
hearing damage that lingers to this day, as a result of that 
injury, which, to be clear, in the scale of the conflict and 
the ultimate sacrifices that people made fighting in Iraq and 
Afghanistan, it is minimal and inconsequential.
    But this is part of the risk that we assume when we sign up 
to work in the Foreign Service. It is something that we 
acknowledge is a part of the commitment to serving the 
interests of the United States and part of our commitment to be 
worldwide available wherever the Secretary and the President 
need us to serve.
    Senator Kaine. I would like to think that if I were in a 
similar circumstance and had had a very difficult experience, 
for example, in Colombia, and then I came back and then there 
was an opportunity to volunteer to go into a war zone, I would 
like to think--I would like to think that I would have accepted 
that responsibility and volunteered.
    But I really cannot honestly say that I am sure I would 
have, and that was a very patriotic and ennobling decision. You 
continued to then serve patriotically for many more years in 
the Foreign Service, for which we thank you.
    But, again, I did not want to get into things that were 
uncomfortable but I think this is really important for the 
committee to know. Thank you for sharing that.
    I yield back.
    Senator Cardin. I think Senator Kaine speaks for every 
member of this committee. Thank you for your response to that.
    Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. I will speak for Senator Kaine as well to 
say I feel certain that you would have volunteered if that 
situation arose.
    Ms. Meehan, I would like to just stay with you for the 
moment, if I might, first, to thank you. For a first tour FSO 
to have the experience you did in Colombia, I very much 
appreciate and respect how that has, I am sure, informed your 
decision-making process as you have continued to serve our and 
I am sure it will continue to do so, going forward, if you are 
confirmed.
    I also want to acknowledge the fact--I understand you have 
a three-year-old.
    Ms. Meehan. Yes, Senator. Milly.
    Senator Hagerty. If you are confirmed, I feel certain Milly 
will have a most wonderful life-changing experience as she 
grows into age--an age now that she will remember the 
experience being with you and serving in a very important role. 
I commend you and your family for that.
    I would like, though, to turn to the influence of China in 
Chile. In 2018, Chile agreed to join China's Belt and Road 
Initiative. In 2019, Chile expanded its bilateral free trade 
agreement with China.
    In 2021, Chile joined the Asian Infrastructure Investment 
Bank that China uses to mount its influence, and just a few 
days ago Gabriel Boric was inaugurated as Chile's new 
president, and a new president, a young president, a president 
that, I think, would probably benefit greatly from the advice 
of a United States ambassador.
    I would like to get a sense for your understanding of the 
strategic implications of China's role and how that will inform 
your advice to that president as well as our policy there.
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you very much for the question, 
Senator.
    In addition to all of the statistics and context that you 
provided, it is important to note that China is also Chile's 
number-one trading partner, having overtaken the United States 
in 2009, and on the soft power side China has announced plans 
to open Sinovac manufacturing and distribution centers in Chile 
and also runs a network of 21 Confucius Institutes in the 
country and, in comparison, the U.S. runs 14 American spaces in 
Chile.
    I think about approaching this issue with vigilance in a 
number of ways. The first is, as you note, there is a new 
administration. I think it is important to emphasize the 
importance of Chile maintaining a business climate that is 
based on respect for free trade, transparency, and democratic 
good governance.
    I think we need to use our position to emphasize the 
advantages of engaging and doing business with U.S. companies 
and I think part of that is contrasting it with the impact that 
you get between PRC firms and U.S. firms in areas that are 
shared values for the U.S. and Chile: environmental impact, 
labor rights impact, debt, sovereignty, telecom, and data 
privacy and security.
    I would also underscore that investments that may seem 
convenient and inexpensive at the outset can be extremely 
costly----
    Senator Hagerty. Yes.
    Ms. Meehan.--if they compromise national security, and this 
would be engaging with untrusted vendors as an example.
    Senator Hagerty. I think China's role in their 
telecommunications infrastructure is a concern that you and I 
both share. I would just encourage you that if you are 
confirmed that you would undertake a very direct and engaged 
position with the business community, with the Chamber of 
Commerce--the American Chamber of Commerce there--do everything 
you can to convene American enterprises. We are their largest 
foreign direct investor----
    Ms. Meehan. That is correct.
    Senator Hagerty.--regardless of the fact that we have lost 
our--we have allowed China to take the pole position in terms 
of trade.
    There is opportunity there and I think an ambassador with 
the right mindset can make a real difference, and the deeper 
our economic ties the stronger our security ties will be.
    I would encourage you to do that and would be happy to work 
with you in that regard if I could be helpful in any way.
    Next, I would like to turn to Dr. Nkengasong, and I 
understand that you worked on public health issues for many 
years, particularly in Africa.
    And as a result of China's irresponsible and dangerous 
mismanagement of COVID-19 the entire world is still suffering 
from the consequences of this global pandemic. As the director 
of the African Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, I 
imagine you have had a view on China's role with respect to 
COVID-19 and I would like to get your sense of what China's 
role was with respect to the outbreak of COVID-19.
    Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator.
    I have served as the director of the Africa Center for 
Disease Control and Prevention, which is a specialized 
technical agency of the African Union, for five years, and I 
was there as the second man from the U.S. Government to the 
African Union, which they deeply appreciate that.
    I think--let me start, first of all, with the recognition 
that the leadership role that the U.S. has played in supporting 
Africa in this COVID fight has been extraordinary, especially 
with the support--the direct support provided to the Africa 
CDC.
    The data that has been analyzed throughout the continent 
has been data analyzed with the support of the partnership with 
the U.S. Government. Large case studies have been conducted 
thanks to the efforts and direct technical assistance from the 
U.S. Government.
    The U.S. Government is the largest provider of vaccines 
across Africa as we speak now, and thanks to that leadership, 
the continent--and I can speak--reflect on the mood within the 
African Union--is thanks to the support from the United States.
    Now, we have to continue to work with WHO (World Health 
Organization) and all our allies to make sure that we 
understand the origins of COVID-19, the virus that caused this 
pandemic, and we can only do that through cooperation and 
support for a strengthened WHO so that it can enable us to get 
into the depth of this.
    If we do not know that, it will be very difficult for us to 
prepare for the next pandemic and even so to get rid of this 
current pandemic.
    Senator Hagerty. I am surprised that you would look to the 
WHO, given their role and their influence--the malign influence 
that China has had at the WHO. But with reform perhaps that is 
the correct answer. But thank you very much for your service.
    Mr. Chairman, I am beyond my time here.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Schatz?
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member. 
Thank you to all of the nominees for your continued public 
service.
    First question for Dr. Muyangwa. How do you think about 
climate adaptation, climate impacts? I am not asking you about 
policy questions as it relates to energy generation, fuel, 
anything like that.
    But to the extent that USAID has a role in dealing with 
extreme weather events, drought, and all the suffering that 
goes along with that, is USAID downstream from all that and 
just sort of servicing those problems or does it have a role in 
sort of thinking through some strategies a little bit upstream 
and a little bit more looking where the ball is going to be as 
opposed to just responding to circumstances?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
    I mean, that is a key question. I understand that the 
agency is playing a key role in this area. Climate change is 
one of the priorities for the Administration and, therefore, 
for the agency as well.
    To that regard, it is my understanding that the agency just 
recently released a draft climate change strategy that is 
looking at those different strategies and approaches of how we 
engage--internationally on this issue of climate change.
    I do not have visibility on the strategy but I do know that 
the agency is working and figuring out how that strategy is 
then embedded into the various programming and approaches that 
it has on the continent.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Ms. Meehan, thank you for being willing to serve again. Can 
you just talk to me about rare earth minerals and the 
relationship that the United States has as it relates to the 
materials that we need specifically for some of our high-tech 
manufacturing and also the balance that we may have to strike 
in terms of we, clearly, need these rare earth elements but 
they are not inconsequential environmentally in terms of the 
extraction?
    Ms. Meehan. Yeah. Thank you very much for the question, 
Senator.
    The extractive industry is one that is extremely important 
to Chile's economy. They are the number-one producer of copper 
in the world and the number-two producer of lithium.
    As you point out, lithium is sort of the conundrum in that 
it is necessary to develop batteries and some of the other 
things we need for clean energy but it is an extractive.
    I think one of the ways that the United States can continue 
to partner with Chile in this area is on promoting sustainable 
development of critical minerals. We have deep U.S. mining 
interests and business interests.
    But I think our commitment to environmental safeguards, in 
particular, referring back to Senator Hagerty's question, is a 
competitive advantage for us when competing with PRC firms that 
are looking to invest in this area.
    Senator Schatz. Okay. That is a smart answer. Let me just 
ask you another broader question. Where are the additional 
opportunities for climate partnership?
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. Chile has been a leader and is to be 
commended, I think, on clean energy, environment, and climate 
action. They use their----
    Senator Schatz. And fisheries.
    Ms. Meehan. And fisheries, yes. Marine protection, ocean 
protection, fisheries down around Antarctica as well.
    We have a strong foundation for collaboration already and I 
think there is always opportunities to do more. They have an 
ambitious hydrogen program to use hydrogen as a way to reduce 
emissions from industry.
    They are a leader in clean energy, solar, wind, which all, 
obviously, have positive impacts for the environment and are 
ripe for continued collaboration with the United States.
    Senator Schatz. Final question. Reporters Without Borders 
assesses that there is, quote, ``little pluralism'' in Chile 
and that journalists are vulnerable. Do you share that 
assessment and, if so, what should we do about it?
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you for the question.
    Chile has a commendable tradition of an open and free 
press. President Boric, who just took office on Friday, has 
made respect for human rights, democracy, and transparency 
fundamental to his platform and so I would expect that this 
would be an area where I would continue to make the U.S. 
position on these issues known and would find an open audience 
in the new administration.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Meehan. Thank you.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Young had joined us by WebEx. Is 
Senator Young--I understand that he is not available right now.
    Senator Van Hollen, are you ready?
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you all 
for your testimony and service. Congratulations on your 
nominations.
    Dr. Muyangwa, it is good to see a fellow Marylander here, 
and I chair the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee so I am especially 
interested in your vision of what role AID can play in Prosper 
Africa and other initiatives.
    Could you just take a moment and talk about how you 
envision USAID's new trade and investment program and how that 
fits into Prosper Africa and any sort of changes in direction 
or vision from the previous administration, if you were 
confirmed?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
    One of the things that I have witnessed over the years of 
working in this space is how the United States Government has 
expanded our economic engagement infrastructure with the 
continent from one administration to the next.
    Starting with AGOA, going on to President Obama's Doing 
Business in Africa and the Trump administration's Prosper 
Africa Initiative, I believe that that expansion gives us a lot 
of opportunities to strengthen our economic engagement with the 
continent to provide a rules-based alternative to--oh, the mic 
was not on. Sorry. Sorry. To provide a rules-based economic 
model that would counter what the PRC has to offer to the 
continent.
    I think there are plenty of opportunities there for the 
agency to deepen that economic engagement and so that is a key 
piece of that.
    I also see the work that Power Africa is doing on the 
African continent because I see Prosper Africa and Power Africa 
working together to push and expand and deepen that economic 
engagement.
    The fact that Power Africa has now brought first time 
electricity users to 127 million since its inception, I think, 
that has implications for development. That has implications 
for our engagement with the African continent and so those are 
things that I would look to expand and build on, if confirmed.
    The fact that Prosper Africa has now done, I think--I 
believe it is 800 deals worth $50 billion in about 45 African 
countries, and so if we continue to grow on that we really have 
the opportunity to strengthen U.S.-Africa economic engagement 
and counter the People's Republic of China at the same time.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that, and we had a 
hearing--our first hearing in the Subcommittee on Africa really 
focused on these issues of economic opportunity for Africa with 
its young population but also opportunities, of course, for 
American businesses working with African businesses.
    And one of the suggestions that came out of that hearing--
and I am just interested in your opinion. I do not have a 
particular view on this. But is that we really need to focus 
more on a sectoral strategy in order to be effective.
    In other words, instead of simply saying we want to engage 
across the board on all commercial relations, should we be more 
strategic about it in terms of focusing on certain sectors with 
respect to our trade and investment strategy?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Sure, and I thank you very much for that 
question. I believe the agency is looking at some of those 
sectors already.
    I understand, for instance, that the agency, together with 
the DFC, have a project that they are working on to enhance 
American investors' participation in West Africa's rapidly 
growing housing sector.
    And so I think there are different things that they are 
looking at in that regard and I think that is work that should, 
obviously, continue.
    I do not have enough information on it to know whether 
there are specific sectors beyond housing and the power sector. 
But that is, definitely, something that I would want to look 
into and see if that is a much more impactful strategy that we 
could pursue.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. My time is very brief but I 
did have a quick question for Dr. Nkengasong. Congratulations 
on your nomination.
    PEPFAR--my question is, obviously, we have an ongoing 
challenge of fighting COVID-19. How does that impact, if at 
all, your efforts with PEPFAR--the things we have learned from 
that or the things that make it especially complicated now with 
respect to PEPFAR, given what is happening in COVID?
    Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Van Hollen. And I am afraid, for the good of my 
colleagues, if you could keep it at 30 seconds because I know 
others have questions.
    Mr. Nkengasong. Absolutely. I think PEPFAR, Senator, has 
created a tremendous public health infrastructure that has been 
used effectively, thanks to your leadership, to fighting HIV/
AIDS in the world but also provides a unique opportunity to 
fight other diseases, including COVID-19.
    We have seen how--during this pandemic how COVID has 
impacted our ability, some of our efforts, to fight HIV/AIDS. 
But we have also seen how we have used HIV platforms to scale 
up vaccination in countries like Zambia and others settings 
there.
    I believe this is really an opportune moment to harness 
that investment that we have put in place for the last 20 years 
to make it a more robust and efficient system in fighting the 
HIV pandemic as well as other emerging diseases.
    We all know in the field that there will be probably other 
pandemics, but if we use the platforms efficiently we can 
actually make an impact and get ourselves ready.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. I now recognize the Chairman of our 
committee, Senator Menendez.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. They are 
all very important positions. Let me turn to Ms. Meehan.
    President Boric has spoken out clearly on challenges to 
human rights and democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean, 
frankly stating that the repressive authoritarian regimes in 
Venezuela and Nicaragua have failed--his words--and there are 
permanent restrictions on freedoms in Cuba.
    These are important and welcome statements by President 
Boric and provide an opportunity for U.S. diplomacy on 
democracy and human rights in our hemisphere.
    If you are confirmed, how will you engage with President 
Boric on democracy and human rights in Cuba, Venezuela, 
Nicaragua, other countries in the hemisphere?
    Ms. Meehan. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the question and 
for the opportunity to appear before the committee today.
    This is an area where we have a shared interest with 
President Boric. As you noted, he has been strong in his 
defense of human rights in the region and around the world 
including the Russian invasion--condemning the Russian invasion 
in Ukraine.
    I think we have a unique opportunity with him. He has made 
defense of human rights such a central piece of how he intends 
to govern Chile and be active in the region that, I think, it 
gives us an opportunity to approach him to be a new kind of 
leader on the left in the region.
    I am, particularly, heartened by the fact that he has 
pushed back against members of his own coalition who have 
disagreed with his statements condemning autocratic regimes in 
the region and he has made a point of saying, I think in 
response to their criticisms, that he will continue to condemn 
human rights no matter the creed of those inflicting them upon 
their people.
    This is an area where I would plan to be actively engaged, 
centering this concern and our engagement around a shared value 
that the United States and Chile have and using it as an 
opportunity for him to make a firm statement.
    The Chairman. I am glad to hear that.
    Now, in that regard, you were on a podcast in 2018 in which 
you spoke about your role in shaping U.S. policy towards Cuba 
during the Obama administration and you offered your personal 
views.
    Talking about Cuba, you said, quote, ``In the broad sense, 
there is the sexiness of the history. There are assassination 
attempts, the swarthy guerrilla commander who overthrows 
Batista and takes over. Then there is the sultry mystery--the 
forbidden fruit, if you will. You get to know this place on a 
more intimate level and it is a charming, wonderful, enchanting 
place.''
    In referring to your talks with the Cuban regime, you also 
say, ``If it takes sitting down at a table and really trying to 
understand the other perspective even if you completely 
disagree with it and being respectful and eating some pig and 
drinking some rum, and that allows you to say there should be 
space for internet and [speaks foreign language] or at least a 
space to discuss it, then I would say that is progress.''
    As you know, the Cuban regime has a decades-long record of 
repressing, jailing, torturing, and killing its political 
opponents. What aspect of the Cuban regime's human rights 
record fits into the, quote, ``sexiness of history'' that you 
mentioned?
    Ms. Meehan. Senator, thank you--Mr. Chairman, thank you for 
the question.
    In my work as a career Foreign Service Officer, my role was 
to carry out the policy of the President. I will never have the 
knowledge of Cuba that you have. I will never have the personal 
connection that you and thousands of other Cuban Americans 
have. I acknowledge that.
    I care deeply about the plight of the Cuban people, and if 
anything I said in that interview led you to believe otherwise 
I regret that, and I would like to state clearly for the record 
today where I stand on this issue.
    I believe that the Cuban people are entitled to choose 
their own government, that they are entitled to the universal 
human rights that everyone in the world is entitled to.
    I believe that the regime needs to be held accountable for 
systemic ongoing abuses against the Cuban people. Cuba is a 
national security threat to the United States and a malign 
influence in the region, and if confirmed as Ambassador to 
Chile I will do everything in my power to advance U.S. policy 
to help the people of Cuba by partnering with the Government of 
Chile, and I would welcome, if confirmed, the opportunity to 
consult with you on how we might encourage President Boric to 
take a more active role.
    The Chairman. So then since the historic protests of July 
of last year where the Diaz-Canel regime jailed and sentenced 
hundreds of Cubans, including minors, to lengthy prison terms 
just for protesting peacefully, I assume that that was not part 
of your assessment of what makes Cuba a, quote, ``charming, 
wonderful, enchanting place?''
    Ms. Meehan. Mr. Chairman, in my limited role working on 
Cuba, the most meaningful aspect was getting to engage with 
some of the Cuban people directly, organizing President Obama's 
roundtable where I had the immense honor to meet courageous 
people like Jose Daniel Ferrer, Berta Soler, Yoani Sanchez, 
others who have fought and given way more than I can ever 
understand in defense of their own rights.
    That is what was most meaningful to me about my engagement 
and, again, if any statements I have made took away from the 
focus that should be on the suffering of the Cuban people and 
the atrocities of the regime then I regret that, and I commit 
to you that if I am confirmed for this position I will do 
everything I can to fight to advance U.S. policy for the people 
of Cuba.
    The Chairman. I raise these questions--this morning the 
full committee had a hearing on authoritarianism throughout the 
world and democratic backsliding and what do we do about that.
    Here is the epitome of authoritarianism, dictatorship, and 
the consequences to people. And so I understand when one is a 
Foreign Service Officer that they speak, but in some of these 
comments it was not as a Foreign Service Officer. It goes to 
who you are in terms of what you are thinking about, and that 
is why I raise the question because if you are going to be in a 
country in Latin America where, in fact, the president has 
shown some willingness to engage in that direction and being an 
advocate for human rights and democracy in the hemisphere, then 
we need an ambassador who is going to echo that.
    If I may, Mr. Chairman, I have one final question.
    In December of 2013, I introduced the Nuclear Weapon-Free 
Iran Act, a bill that was co-sponsored by 59 members of the 
Senate, including Senators Schumer, Cardin, Coons, Booker, 
Warner, Casey, Gillibrand, Manchin, Bennet, just to mention a 
few.
    As the NSC spokesperson, you responded to our initiative by 
saying, ``If certain members of Congress want the United States 
to take military action they should be up front with the 
American public and say so.
    ``Otherwise, it is not clear why any member of Congress 
would support a bill that possibly closes the door on diplomacy 
and makes it more likely that the United States will have to 
choose between military options or allowing Iran's nuclear 
program to proceed.''
    I want to understand. I want to get clarification here. Do 
you, personally, believe that I, Majority Leader Schumer, 
Senator Cardin, Coons, Booker, and our colleagues, by 
introducing the bill, were pushing the United States to take 
military action against Iran?
    Ms. Meehan. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the question.
    I was a career Foreign Service Officer, and in my capacity 
as NSC spokesperson part of my responsibility was to issue 
comments and statements that reflect the President's policies.
    Those comments and statements are often the product of 
interagency drafting and clearances way above my level. My 
personal opinion, since you asked for it, to be clear, is, 
first and foremost, that Iran can never be allowed to obtain a 
nuclear weapon.
    With regards to your second question, no, I do not believe 
that. I served in Iraq, Senator, and I am very cognizant and 
admired the tough vote that you took to oppose the war in Iraq 
when it was a very unpopular decision.
    I do not believe that you are someone who would advocate 
for unnecessary military action.
    The Chairman. You made that statement as a--as the essence 
of an interagency process where, basically, you were told this 
is the position we have and so, therefore, you were espousing 
that position. Is that what you are telling me?
    Ms. Meehan. Yes, Senator, that would be accurate.
    The Chairman. That is a very insightful thing. And so I 
would also believe you do not personally believe that we were 
trying to close the door on diplomacy?
    Ms. Meehan. Senator, I would hope that that no member of 
the U.S. Congress would close the door on diplomacy.
    The Chairman. I really appreciate your answers or insights. 
That will go into my book for sure, and I thank you all. I have 
questions for--I know there are other colleagues here--I have 
questions. I will wait for Dr. Muyangwa as well.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Booker was with us by WebEx. Is 
Senator Booker there?
    [No response.]
    Senator Cardin. If not, we will go to Senator Markey.
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
    And, Ms. Meehan, as a Boston College alumnus, 
congratulations to you and your incredible career in the 
Foreign Service and on the National Security Council.
    We are very proud of you. We are very proud of Ambassador 
Burns now in China----
    Ms. Meehan. Yes.
    Senator Markey.--doing a great job. Ambassador Hartley in 
Great Britain. You are making the Eagles very proud--your great 
work--and in Chile, it is getting more complicated and, 
obviously, we need someone with great experience in order to be 
able to navigate that pathway.
    With Boric now inaugurated and this relationship that the 
Chileans have with the Chinese, especially with regard to their 
precious metals and not only the United States' but other 
countries' need for them to make a clean energy revolution, 
could you talk a little bit about that copper, lithium, China, 
and the strings that they attach and what the United States 
should be doing in order to rectify that fact?
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you very much for the question, 
Senator, and go Eagles, for the record.
    Clean energy is an area where Chile has been a leader in 
the region and they are to be commended for that. They have 
made impressive commitments on becoming carbon neutral, phasing 
out coal power plants, focusing on solar and renewable, clean 
energy.
    But extractives are also extremely important to the Chilean 
economy and there are also significant U.S. business interests 
in the mining sector in Chile, the number-one producer of 
copper, the number-two producer of lithium in the world.
    But I think that this is an area where the U.S. can work 
with Chile to promote sustainable development of critical 
minerals, which allows the Chilean economy to continue to grow, 
which protects U.S. business interests in the mining sector but 
also allows us to use our competitive advantage over the PRC, 
which is our commitment to environmental safeguards and labor 
rights.
    I think it is an issue where there are multiple threads of 
interest and priorities for the U.S. Government that we have a 
very collaborative partnership to build on with the Chilean 
Government.
    Senator Markey. Thank you. And when President Kennedy gave 
his speech at Rice University when the Soviets threatened to 
take control of space that we needed a mission to invent new 
metals and technologies, and to bring that mission back from 
the moon in heat twice the intensity of the sun and get it all 
done in eight years, and we did it.
    The Russians are challenging us again with the Russian oil 
and gas that too much of the West has become dependent upon and 
we need a similar response.
    But we are going to need to find a way of using our 
relationship with countries like this as China seeks to exploit 
those relationships.
    Would you like to comment upon China's plan right now in 
country after country, including Chile, to take 
disproportionate control over those natural resources?
    Ms. Meehan. Sure, Senator.
    Chile--China--the PRC is Chile's number-one trading 
partner. Chile is a member of the Belt and Road Initiative. We 
see Chinese increasing PRC investment in critical sectors like 
lithium production, telecom, ports, data security, renewable 
energy, energy distribution, and space within Chile.
    It is an area where we need to remain vigilant. I think 
highlighting the advantages of doing business with the United 
States, our commitment to environmental safeguards, labor 
rights, the protection that is needed when dealing with data 
privacy and sovereignty issues shows a clear advantage for the 
United States over the PRC.
    I also think it would be worthwhile and, if confirmed, I 
would like to share the experience of the United States that we 
have had with CFIUS.
    This is a mechanism that has allowed us to identify 
critical sectors, identify threats to those sectors, and 
consider national security when making investment decisions, 
and I think that could be an experience that would be worth 
sharing with the Chilean Government.
    Senator Markey. I thank you. And, again, your wisdom, your 
experience, they are going to be critical. This is a turning 
point in world history that we are living through right now and 
we have to learn the lessons and implement a plan.
    And, Dr. Nkengasong, how will you work with countries where 
same-sex relations are criminalized to ensure that LGBTQI 
persons are not shut out of receiving lifesaving health care 
through PEPFAR?
    Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator, for that. A very 
important question.
    Our goal in PEPFAR, if confirmed, Senator, should continue 
to be focusing on the pandemic or epidemic by the year 2030.
    That means using science and data-driven approaches to 
follow where the virus is. I will say that--I mean, our mantra 
should be follow the virus regardless of where it is because a 
threat--the virus presence in any community or subcommunity or 
individuals is a threat for all our efforts there.
    I think, if confirmed, I would continue to advocate for the 
use of effective data-driven approaches, regardless of people's 
beliefs and practices, to fight the pandemic, and work with 
countries that have policies in place that are adverse to this 
and shed light on where the issues are, where they should focus 
on fighting the virus, knowing that it is a threat for all of 
us and it can undermine the 20 years of investment that we have 
all put in place there.
    I think, Senator, if confirmed, that is what I will do with 
effective partnership with countries as much as possible to 
advocate for the rights of people.
    Senator Markey. And I thank you, and I thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    I just want to say that, without taking up any additional 
time, that conversion therapy is now increasingly a practice in 
countries around the world and I just want to make sure that 
you are going to work to ensure that no PEPFAR implementer 
discriminates against LGBTQI persons through such conversion 
theory.
    Mr. Nkengasong. Absolutely. That is what I am referring to, 
Senator that we should focus what--the enemy is the virus, not 
people. I think that is--that should be very, very evident and 
I will--if confirmed, I will carry that as a mantra.
    Senator Markey. I appreciate that, and I appreciate the 
service of all of you here. Thank you so much.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Markey. We 
will have a second round of questions now. I will begin with 
Senator Menendez and then Senator Hagerty.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    In the last 18 months, coups have occurred in Mali, Chad, 
Sudan, Guinea, and Burkina Faso, and attempted coups in Niger, 
prompting alarm among policymakers about democratic backsliding 
in Africa.
    Dr. Muyangwa, what is your--in your view, what accounts for 
the backsliding and how would you assess the effectiveness of 
USAID's democracy and governance programs in Africa?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
    Like you, I, and many other people who work in this space, 
are very concerned about the trend for democratic backsliding 
that we have seen across the globe, including Africa.
    At the same time, even as the democratic backsliding is 
occurring on the continent, what you are also seeing is a very 
high demand from ordinary Africans for democracy.
    The protests that have brought millions of Africans across 
the continent into the streets demanding democracy, demanding 
accountability for their government, that shows all of us that 
that demand for democracy is alive and well and in all corners 
of the continent.
    I believe that the agency, USAID, is doing some good work 
in terms of trying to support and make sure that we can arrest 
this democratic backsliding. The investment that the agency is 
putting in terms of strengthening democratic institutions, 
strengthening or opening up the space for political 
participation, trying to work with some countries on electoral 
reforms, trying to ensure that we have a media that can play 
its role addressing electoral violence, so that they have--the 
agency has these programs in many countries that are 
experiencing this democratic backsliding.
    The Chairman. Let me----
    Ms. Muyangwa. Having said that----
    The Chairman. Yeah, I was just going to say, I am glad to 
hear you say having said that because my time is limited.
    Ms. Muyangwa. Sure.
    The Chairman. Maybe this is where you are going to go next 
when you say having said that.
    Part of it is I want to understand, from your view as 
someone who is nominated for this position, what is the--and it 
does not have to be nice if it is not nice, okay--the 
effectiveness of USAID's democracy and governance efforts in 
African countries, what adjustments would you make if you were 
confirmed?
    Ms. Muyangwa. If I were confirmed, I think one of the 
things we would want to look at is, really, looking at the new 
ways that authoritarians and others are using to undermine 
democracy, make sure we understand what those ways are, and 
then looking at our toolbox to say do we have the right tools 
in our toolbox to really go to the heart of these new ways of 
undermining democracy, and looking at our toolbox to say how 
can we amplify and consolidate some of the good work that the 
agency is already doing.
    I think it is that part of understanding the ways in which 
democracy is being undermined and looking at the toolbox.
    The Chairman. Can I get a commitment from you that you 
would engage with my staff on proposed changes to our democracy 
and governance programs in Africa to address this challenge?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Absolutely. I can commit to continuing to 
consult with the committee and your staff on this issue.
    The Chairman. Okay. And, finally, Senator Kaine and I met 
with a series of members of the Ethiopian community last night, 
particularly, Tigrayans.
    What do we do in a place like Tigray where, in fact, from 
my perspective, we have a genocide going on? We are seeing the 
slaughter. We saw a video of live people being burned.
    I know we are focused on Ukraine, as we should be. But we 
cannot let the rest of the world think that they can get away 
with what they are doing because we are somehow diverted.
    What do we do in a--what do we do in a country like that? 
How do we work to, first, get humanitarian assistance and then, 
of course, to develop a dialogue that brings us to a political 
solution?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Sure. Thank you, Senator. The situation in 
northern Ethiopia is a difficult one and the images that you 
were talking about, I think, we all saw those horrifying images 
this past weekend.
    It is a tough question. I believe that the U.S. Government, 
including members of this committee, hitting all of the 
pressure points that I can see from where I sit, urging the 
political leadership to find a political situation to the 
situation, pressing on justice and accountability, ensuring 
that the Ethiopian and Tigrayan Government--sorry, the 
Ethiopian and Eritrean Governments focus on justice and 
accountability to ensure that those who are committing these 
gross violations are held to account, ensuring that national 
and international investigations can occur unfettered--the U.S. 
Government, including the agency, continue to press for 
unfettered humanitarian access.
    I think continuing on all of those fronts needs to move 
forward, and if I were confirmed, that is--I would continue on 
those efforts on the humanitarian assistance, in particular.
    The Chairman. We look forward to your confirmation as well 
as that effort, and we need our Government to double its 
efforts in this regard.
    I think if this was happening in some other part of the 
world there would be a hue and outcry. It is happening in 
Africa and so, therefore, it does not quite seem to have the 
same outcry. My conscience will not be blotted by not raising 
it and continuing to drive our own country to deal with it.
    Thank you very much.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Hagerty?
    And then Senator Coons.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Dr. Muyangwa, I would like to turn to you, if I might, and 
talk about the Prosper Africa Initiative. I was very pleased to 
learn that in July of last year this program that was launched 
back in 2019 is going to be extended. When the program was 
first enacted, it was promoting trade, commercial ties, and 
investment across Africa.
    It is all done with an aim to provide a more viable 
alternative to the malign influence that China and Russia both 
purvey there in Africa.
    And I would like to ask you how would USAID best leverage 
the private sector--the American private sector, which is a 
huge source of competitive advantage for us here--how would 
USAID leverage our private sector to better counter the malign 
influence of China and Russia in the region?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you very much, Senator, for that 
question.
    I believe that Prosper Africa has already laid a solid 
foundation in terms of what it has accomplished to date--the 
800 deals that it has already done with $50 billion--worth $50 
billion--and I think building on that is going to be critical.
    I think there are a number of ways that that can be 
leveraged. From my perspective, I think some of those ways 
include creating an environment in which American companies 
feel that their investments would be secure. Part of that is a 
regulatory framework.
    I think in reducing the barriers to trade--that trade and 
investment that exists--and, really, just working to deepen 
some of the financial and capital markets.
    I think there is a lot of space still in that area, but 
also just making American companies comfortable with the sense 
that their--they can invest in Africa safely and that they will 
yield a return on that investment.
    I think all of those are key elements that the agency can 
continue to push on. But I think----
    Senator Hagerty. I could not agree with you more, and I am 
a very strong proponent of deeper economic ties because they 
lead then, certainly, to stronger security ties.
    Ms. Muyangwa. Absolutely.
    Senator Hagerty. I applaud your perspective on that and 
hope that you will continue to focus particularly on how to 
engage the private sector as an important partner in that 
initiative.
    Ambassador Gonzales, I might turn to you now to talk about 
how Afghanistan is going to be represented in the United 
Nations.
    In December, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a 
resolution to delay a decision on who will represent the 
Government of Afghanistan in New York. The Taliban, of course, 
seeks to replace the envoy from the Afghan Government.
    The Afghan Government's current envoy was appointed by the 
democratically-elected people of--the democratically-elected 
Government of Afghanistan. We do not know how long this 
decision will be deferred at the United Nations.
    But in your prospective role at OFM, what factors would 
influence the extent of the services, if any services, that you 
would provide to a Taliban-controlled Afghanistan mission to 
the United Nations in New York?
    Ms. Gonzales. Thank you very much for that question, 
Senator, and I share your concerns about Afghanistan and the 
Taliban.
    I thank Congress, as I did earlier, Senator, for passing 
the Office of Foreign Missions Act and providing us with those 
tools that we can use to regulate the activities of foreign 
missions here in the United States.
    If I were confirmed, you have my commitment that I will 
work to protect U.S. national security, foreign policy 
interests, and I look forward to working with you, Senator, and 
the Congress and our other national security stakeholders to 
look into these issues and how--and determine how to address 
these issues in the best manner.
    Thank you, sir.
    Senator Hagerty. Would you would you consider, for example, 
restricting the travel of diplomats from a Taliban-elected 
government the way we do diplomats from Iran or North Korea?
    Ms. Gonzales. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
    We do have travel restrictions, as you noted, and if 
confirmed, I, certainly, would in consultation with our other--
with yourself and our other national security stakeholders.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
    Ms. Gonzales. Thank you.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Acting Chairman Kaine and Acting 
Ranking Member Hagerty.
    Thank you to the four nominees who are before me. It is 
great to have an opportunity to question you. I look forward to 
supporting your nominations and to working with you.
    If I could, Ambassador Gonzales, just briefly, if 
confirmed, how would you improve the Office of Foreign 
Missions' work with local law enforcement to ensure the proper 
delivery of consular notifications to foreign nationals in the 
United States?
    Ms. Gonzales. Thank you for that question, Senator Coons.
    I would work--I know that our various offices of--our 
various offices throughout the United States work very closely 
with local authorities, municipal governments, and state 
governments as well as foreign missions located throughout the 
United States.
    If I were confirmed, I will, certainly, travel to these 
areas and continue OFM's outstanding work in establishing--in 
communicating their relations with the various embassies and 
diplomatic missions throughout the United States.
    And, of course, Senator, I welcome your advice and your 
partnership.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Dr. Muyangwa, I would be interested in your thoughts both 
on the DFC--the Development Finance Corporation--and how we 
might strengthen its ability to partner with our vital allies 
to crowd in private finance and to contribute to the 
transparent and sustainable development of Africa and, thus, 
sort of build out a little bit Prosper Africa.
    And given all your deep experience across the continent, 
what do you think the Administration's signature initiative 
might be as we prepare for the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit later 
this year?
    Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
    I think there are a lot of opportunities for USAID to 
collaborate with the DFC and that is already underway in many 
ways. I understand that USAID is working with the U.S. 
Development Finance Corporation to implement Prosper Africa and 
Power Africa.
    That is a good mechanism for harnessing the 17 agencies 
that work together to make sure that everybody is pushing in 
the right direction.
    The work that the agency has working with the DFC to invest 
in vaccine manufacturing facilities across Africa to ensure 
that Africa can respond to the next pandemic, I think, is key--
these two manufacturing facilities that they have in Africa and 
India, which will produce 2 billion COVID vaccines, mostly for 
the developing world, and then there is the pioneering 
investment vehicle that I talked about that is looking at how 
Americans can invest in West Africa's rapidly growing housing 
sector.
    And so I think all of those opportunities that provide an 
opportunity to, really, leverage and crowd in the private 
sector that can continue and be expanded upon.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Dr. Nkengasong, thank you for your dedication to 
international public health. This is a particularly critical 
moment for us to remain vigilant and engaged around COVID-19 
but to not forget that there continues to be public health 
challenges such as ones you have long addressed and that PEPFAR 
is a great example of a successful U.S.-led bipartisan approach 
to global public health.
    I would be interested in your view. The Biden 
administration has agreed to host the next replenishment of the 
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.
    Has COVID-19 negatively or positively impacted 
international efforts to combat some of the most deadly 
infectious diseases in the world, including HIV/AIDS?
    Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator.
    It is obvious, Senator, that in the last two years the 
COVID-19 pandemic has been extremely disruptive and has, 
really, taken over the space and crowded the attention that 
other serious pandemics--i.e., HIV and other endemic diseases 
like malaria and tuberculosis used to happen.
    If confirmed, Senator, it will be my goal to make sure that 
we work with our partner countries to elevate and make sure 
that they understand that HIV is still a serious threat and a 
threat that if we do not pay enough attention to it the gains 
that we have made over the last 20 years may significantly be 
disrupted.
    But it also offers a unique opportunity, as I said earlier, 
that the platforms that we have all put in place, including 
developing public-private partnerships--one of those, I recall, 
you engineered with Siemens several years ago when I was still 
at the U.S. CDC--bringing the private sector and other 
foundations to help with the efforts there.
    I believe what are called--if confirmed, I will promote 
this lot--what are called Partnership For Action, which means 
that you bring all the foundations, their private sector, 
together so that we can continue to elevate the fight against 
HIV/AIDS, which is, as I believe and I have said, a serious 
security threat for countries that we support.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Doctor. And if I could, with the 
forbearance of the acting chair--and by the way, just while I 
have two members here, I just--we failed to fund the COVID 
supplemental and it is something, I think, is desperately 
needed globally before we see another variant emerge.
    If I could, Ms. Meehan, thank you for your service under 
both the Bush and the Obama administrations. I know you have 
been asked at length about the challenges of the U.S.-Chile 
relationship, about how you would address China, which remains 
Chile's largest partner, and the new president, Gabriel Boric.
    I would be interested in your comments on the U.S.-Chile 
astronomy partnership and its potential, and then just how you 
would advise us on sort of the future of the left-right divide 
in Latin America and what the United States, in working more 
closely, hopefully, with the new administration in Chile can do 
to help sort of reset some of the expectations about U.S.-Chile 
relationships.
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you, Senator, for the questions.
    Astronomy--so the United States has a bilateral science and 
technology agreement with Chile. Chile is a leader in this 
area. The Atacama Desert provides some of the richest 
environments for astronomy and research anywhere in the world.
    The U.S. is already a strong partner in these efforts, and 
what I find particularly exciting about opportunities and, if 
confirmed, what I would seek to expand on is that this is not 
just a government-to-government opportunity.
    It is a way to bring in private-public partnerships, a way 
to include academia, entrepreneurs and, I think, given the need 
to focus on STEM in the United States and getting young people 
excited about science and technology, astronomy offers an 
interesting way to involve school-to-school and other people-
people exchanges as a way of strengthening that already strong 
partnership.
    With regards to your question about the left, President 
Boric has been in office only for a few days but we have 
already seen from him a strong defense of human rights, and 
what I have found particularly heartening is that he has made a 
point of saying that he will condemn violations of human rights 
whatever the creed of the government violating them.
    He has spoken out strongly against autocratic tendencies in 
Nicaragua and Venezuela, and in defense of the Cuban people 
following the July 11th protests of last year.
    I think this really represents an opportunity for the 
United States to say this is a shared goal and he has an 
opportunity to define a new model for what being a leader on 
the left really means in Latin America these days.
    And, if confirmed, I would very much look forward to 
engaging with President Boric and his administration on this 
important issue.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ms. Meehan. Thank you very much, 
Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Just a few last items.
    Ambassador Gonzales, I just wanted to say the position at 
Office of Foreign Missions is very important in Virginia. Not 
only is such a high percentage of our State Department 
personnel living in Virginia but a very high percentage of the 
members of foreign missions posted to the Washington area live 
in Virginia.
    I will never forget meeting President Duque of Colombia for 
the first time and he said, you know, I have followed you since 
you were mayor of Richmond. And I said, why would you do that? 
He goes, because I was living in northern Virginia for many of 
the years when I was posted here, I think, to the World Bank 
before getting into electoral politics in Colombia.
    The operation--the efficient operation of these missions 
matters a lot to Virginians. The health and safety of our 
Virginians who are deployed overseas but own houses in Virginia 
matter a lot so your position is really important to my 
commonwealth and I just wanted to put that on the record that 
it is not just about things thousands of miles away. There is a 
home audience that really cares about the work of your office.
    Dr. Muyangwa, I just want to associate myself with comments 
made by Senator Menendez about just the tragedy in Ethiopia, 
and nobody has been more active on this than Senator Coons. He 
has done just yeoman's work to try to leverage assets of the 
United States to bring relief to suffering in Tigray and 
elsewhere in Ethiopia and find a path forward to negotiation 
and peace.
    Your opening statement was very vivid as you described your 
excitement and your recollection of seeing grain delivered in 
bags with the USAID label emblazoned on them. One of the 
significant challenges now in Ethiopia is difficulty of 
delivering humanitarian aid in the midst of a crushing famine.
    And so I would look forward to working with you, should you 
be confirmed, to make sure that we are really leaning forward 
on the humanitarian efforts there.
    And then finally, Ms. Meehan, I wanted to ask you one more 
question about Chile. I understand that before you were in 
Foreign Service you had a first career in finance on Wall 
Street, and I actually think--I think it was Senator Hagerty 
who was asking you questions about the U.S.-Chile trade 
relationship.
    We had been number one. China is number one, but we still 
have significant economic ties. How would that finance 
background be of assistance, should you be confirmed?
    Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you for the question, Senator 
Kaine.
    As you noted, I started my career on Wall Street, and I 
think this is a particularly critical time for U.S. engagement 
with the Government of Chile to defend U.S. business interests.
    Not only do we have a new administration where the 
president has made commitments to the Chilean people about 
expanding equality that will require some tradeoffs with fiscal 
decisions, we also have a constitutional convention that is 
rewriting the entire constitution from scratch.
    I think it is a critical time for U.S. engagement and, if 
confirmed, this would be one of my highest priorities. I would 
routinely engage with the U.S. business community, with the 
AmCham, with members of Congress, to understand what the 
priorities of the U.S. business community are and to understand 
what their concerns are.
    I would relay those concerns on a regular basis to the 
Government of Chile. I would be a firm supporter and advocate 
for maintaining adherence to the Free Trade Agreement as they 
undertake a lot of these legislative and regulatory reforms, 
and I would also encourage the Government of Chile to engage 
directly with industry representatives as they are considering 
legislative and regulatory changes to understand directly from 
business what the impact will be on U.S. investment and, 
frankly, the broader investment climate because in order to 
deliver on the equality that he has promised for the Chilean 
people, President Boric will need to manage that with good 
fiscal policy because he cannot achieve those goals without a 
robust economy to fund it.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
    To all of the witnesses, congratulation on your 
nominations. The record of this hearing will remain open till 
close to business 5:00 p.m., Friday, March 18th, for colleagues 
that want to submit questions.
    I would encourage each of you, should questions be 
submitted to you, that you respond promptly.
    And with that, the hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 3:32 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and 
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed. 
The interagency community continues its examination of a range of 
hypotheses. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to 
Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs), setting clear goals for the Health 
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected 
employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people working at U.S. Embassy Santiago. 
I commit to working with health and security officials and other 
parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate protocols 
and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans and local 
staff.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Santiago?

    Answer. Overall, Mission morale has been resilient in the face of 
COVID-19 restrictions and challenges. I understand that Embassy 
leadership did an excellent job maintaining morale during the strict 
shutdowns mandated by Chilean authorities in 2020 and the move back to 
in-person engagements in 2021. The Charge d'Affaires was widely 
commended for his proactive communication with the Country Team and 
Embassy community. Chile has the highest vaccination rate in the world, 
and nearly 100 percent of eligible U.S. employees and 95 percent of 
local Embassy staff are fully vaccinated. Restaurants, businesses, 
workplaces, and schools are open, and the Embassy conducts in-person 
official engagements and activities, while following U.S. and Chilean 
Government guidance on masking and social distancing.

    Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to 
improve morale at Mission Santiago?

    Answer. As Embassy Santiago, like many Missions around the world, 
emerges from a period of stress and isolation due to COVID-19, I will 
prioritize, if confirmed, personal engagement with the Embassy 
community--with an emphasis on listening so I can best understand 
concerns and priorities. If confirmed, I will be the first Ambassador 
to lead Embassy Santiago in more than three years, and I will build on 
the excellent work of the Charge d'Affaires to prioritize communication 
through regular, Mission-wide Town Hall forums and dedicated office 
hours for more personal conversations. Finding ways to celebrate the 
accomplishments of team members will also be a focus, including 
contributions by Locally Engaged Staff. The well-being of families is 
key to Embassy morale, and I look forward to being a frequent 
participant at events coordinated by the Community Liaison Officer.

    Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to 
create a unified Mission and vision at Mission Santiago?

    Answer. To be successful, Embassy Santiago must work towards shared 
objectives, and all agencies and individuals must understand how they 
contribute to them. I understand that the Embassy is developing a new 
integrated country strategy (ICS) with the input of all agencies at 
post that aligns with the Administration's priorities. If confirmed, I 
would use the ICS process to invest all team members in the unified 
vision--not just Agency and Section heads--by prioritizing 
communication and feedback, and creating diverse, inclusive interagency 
teams to accomplish the resulting objectives.

Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style is approachable, inclusive, and 
engaged. I lay out clear objectives and motivate individuals while 
creating a strong sense of community and shared purpose among the 
entire team. If confirmed, my focus on the wellbeing of the community 
will include families of Mission personnel. I strive to provide clear 
direction and give people autonomy, while always being available to 
offer guidance and feedback, and I will welcome feedback from all 
members of the Embassy community. I treat all team members with respect 
and will foster a culture that emphasizes respectful feedback and 
celebration of accomplishments throughout the Mission. I care deeply 
about supporting professional development and have a particular 
interest in nurturing future leaders within the Embassy community.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive 
to berate subordinates, either in public or in private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The Ambassador's relationship with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission (DCM) is a partnership that is critical to the success of any 
Embassy. If confirmed, I intend to partner with my DCM to create an 
environment where all team members feel empowered to achieve the 
Mission's goals and take pride in their work.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission 
(DCM) to act as a Chief Operating Officer who will oversee the day-to-
day operations of the Embassy. These responsibilities will include 
leading the Emergency Action Committee and other Embassy working 
groups, as well as supporting employee-led initiatives, including 
diversity and inclusion efforts. I believe deeply in professional 
development opportunities and will ask the DCM to lead leadership 
development and mentorship programs for all levels of staff, both 
American and locally employed. I will also ask the DCM to support 
efforts of the Community Liaison Officer to maintain the well-being of 
the broader Embassy community, including families. I view the 
Ambassador and DCM as partners, and intend to have a close, 
collaborative relationship where the DCM is encouraged to provide 
feedback and guidance to me on a wide range of issues.

    Question. The Department has a well-established system for 
providing regular, ongoing feedback through formal counseling sessions 
and employee evaluation reports (EERs). If confirmed as Ambassador, it 
will be essential for me to establish clear expectations and guidelines 
for all Embassy personnel, both American and locally employed staff, to 
ensure employees are performing as a team and at the highest level.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to provide 
employees with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles. I will also ensure that this is a priority for all Embassy 
managers.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and 
reward high achievers.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Chile.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their Missions?

    Answer. It is important for diplomats to get outside of Embassy 
walls and engage with more people to accomplish the Mission. I 
understand that Embassy Santiago has a very positive relationship with 
civil society, the private sector, host government officials, and 
fellow foreign diplomats, and if confirmed I hope to continue these 
constructive relationships in pursuit of our goals. The current staff 
of the Embassy travel throughout the country and, if confirmed, I plan 
to visit each region of Chile personally and will encourage Embassy 
staff to frequently get out of the Embassy to meet with our 
interlocutors.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. Accessing local populations is key to meeting our 
objectives. The COVID-19 pandemic significantly changed the way Embassy 
Santiago engages with local communities, by using virtual and hybrid 
engagements to maintain communication. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Embassy's health unit and regional security office to ensure our 
diplomatic staff can safely access all local populations in person when 
needed and with our public affairs section to continue to incorporate 
online engagements to reach more people outside of the capital of 
Santiago.


    Question. Public diplomacy is an Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign 
Policy Efforts, What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Chile?

    Answer. Chileans have a strong baseline affinity for the United 
States and are receptive in general to U.S. points of view. Chile 
enjoys a free and professional press, though overall public trust in 
the media has been decreasing according to public opinion surveys. 
Traditional media ownership is highly concentrated, but new digital 
media outlets are gaining traction. Embassy Santiago operates 14 
American Spaces throughout Chile as a key platform for people-to-people 
engagement, including in areas that are increasingly influenced through 
the People's Republic of China's (PRC) 21 Confucius Institutes. The 
United States engages in a wide range of educational, cultural, and 
professional exchanges and programs in Chile to build people-to-people 
relationships, promote economic ties, and enhance institutional and 
civil society networks.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. While nearly seven in ten Chileans expressed a favorable 
opinion of the United States, around half of Chileans expressed 
favorable views of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which is 
aggressively trying to expand its influence in Chile through a network 
of 21 Confucius Institutes, outreach by the ambassador, and a robust 
media campaign including paid advertising. U.S. public diplomacy 
efforts to counter the PRC's influence campaign in Chile are focused on 
highlighting our shared values, security interests, and commercial and 
academic links.
    The low rate of English language fluency, and Embassy Santiago's 
limited resources to help the Chilean Ministry of Education improve 
English language teaching, present additional challenges.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Our countries share many of the same values and priorities, 
and Chile has the capacity to help advance those priorities. To do so, 
it is critical that the Embassy tailors Washington messaging in a way 
that demonstrates our expectations and belief that Chile can and should 
be an equal partner and regional leader. Based on their expertise of 
the Chilean media environment and public, Embassy Santiago's Public 
Affairs team is well suited to convey U.S. policy objectives in a way 
that preserves Department goals while gaining maximum traction with the 
Chilean public. Depending on the topic and target audience, some 
messages are more effective coming from Washington voices. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that the Embassy and Washington continue to 
work closely together to not only get the message right but also the 
messenger.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to taking this threat 
seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Santiago personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as I can 
to Mission Santiago personnel. I believe it is important to communicate 
regularly and transparently with all elements of the Mission.

    Question. China is building a logistics base in Tierra del Fuego, 
Argentina, near the Chilean border. Please describe your concerns with 
this logistics base and growing Chinese presence in Argentina and Chile 
in particular.

    Answer. The U.S. Government does not discourage or prohibit 
countries from working with the People's Republic of China (PRC), 
however we are concerned about its growing number of projects in 
critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors in the region, including 
investments in lithium production, energy distribution, telecom, space, 
and renewable energy in Chile. The United States and Chile share a 
close relationship based on shared values. Both countries also 
recognize the benefits of working together on issues of common 
interest, including economic growth; clean energy development; 
cooperation on science, technology, and innovation; access to quality 
education; improved natural resource management; biodiversity 
conservation; and environmental enforcement and facilitating trade.
    If confirmed, I will continue our collaboration with Chile in these 
critical sectors and ensure that I voice U.S. concerns about the 
national security implications of potentially risky or sensitive 
projects with the PRC. Embassy Santiago will also continue to promote 
transparency, cooperation, and international security to strengthen our 
bilateral relationship in the process.

    Question. What tangible efforts should Chile pursue to counter 
malign Chinese presence?

    Answer. Chile is a democratic country with strong institutions and 
a positive relationship with the United States in terms of shared 
values and common interests. If confirmed, I will continue to foster 
our relationship to promote fair labor practices, human rights, and 
strong environmental policies. I believe Chile's commendable tradition 
of openness, combined with a robust national security-focus investment 
screening regime, would help to protect Chile's critical infrastructure 
and sensitive technologies, as well as Chile's attractiveness to 
foreign investors. If confirmed, I will work with the committee on 
Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), chaired by the 
Treasury Department, to build understanding with the Chilean Government 
about the CFIUS process and best practices in foreign investment 
reviews. I will also advocate for a continued business climate in Chile 
that is based on respect for free trade, transparency, and democratic 
good governance.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you engage the Chilean public 
about their constitutional reforms?

    Answer. The Constitutional Convention is a sovereign process that 
allows the people of Chile to weigh in on the future path that their 
country will take. Chile continues to serve as a model for the Western 
Hemisphere as its people channel their discontent into a peaceful, 
democratic, and transparent process. If confirmed, I will convey 
respect for the Chilean people to determine the nature of their 
constitution and express faith in the Chilean people's dedication to 
democratic principles. If the new constitution is approved, I will 
ensure that it is clear to both the Chilean public and government that 
the United States will continue to deepen our strong bilateral 
cooperation as Chile moves forward under its new constitution.

    Question. What implications do you see for the bilateral 
relationship if the constitution moves away from the rules-based order 
built over the past forty years?

    Answer. Chile continues to prove itself as an example of a strong 
democracy, rooted in the safeguarding of human rights and rule-of-law. 
Chile is deeply committed to the promotion of human rights and 
democratic principles on a global level, and a strong proponent of 
rules-based open trade, both in bilateral and multilateral settings. 
President Boric emphasizes his administration's commitment to holding 
all human rights abusers accountable, regardless of a leader's 
political affiliation. Although we do not yet know the outcome of 
Chile's Constitutional Convention, the Biden-Harris administration is 
optimistic that the new constitution will reflect Chile's steadfast 
commitment to these principles as the United States deepens its robust 
political and economic cooperation with the Boric administration based 
on our shared values.

    Question. Please describe your assessment of Chile's role in the 
mass migrations taking place across Latin America?

    Answer. As host to a growing population of approximately 500,000 
Venezuelan migrants and 180,000 Haitian migrants, Chile plays an 
integral role providing humanitarian support to migrants in country, as 
well as an important leadership role in addressing this crisis 
regionally. For example, during the Regional Migration Ministerial held 
in Bogota, Colombia, in October 2021, Chile supported the Ministerial 
statement to advance more humane migration management policies in the 
region. The new Foreign Minister, Antonia Urrejola, publicly stated 
that Chile must play a leadership role in coordinating the regional 
response and indicated that Chile will adopt the Global Compact for 
Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration. Migrants from the region continue 
to view Chile as a destination that offers economic opportunity. A 
migration law passed in April 2021 offered a pathway to legal status 
for irregular migrants, but some civil society organizations expressed 
concern that bureaucratic obstacles still prevent some migrants from 
regularizing their status.

    Question. How would you engage with the Chilean Government to have 
a more productive role in migration management?

    Answer. The United States is negotiating a non-legally binding 
bilateral Migration Arrangement with Chile, as well as with several 
other key partners throughout the hemisphere. Each bilateral 
Arrangement is expected to draw from a common framework of priorities 
on stabilization of migrant and refugee-receiving communities, 
expansion of legal pathways for migration and protection, and increased 
humane migration management. The proposed bilateral Migration 
Arrangement with Chile provides a mechanism to urge Chile to take on 
greater responsibility to humanely manage migration and expand the 
reach of our collaborative efforts throughout the hemisphere. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Chile, civil 
society, and international partners to make progress on this issue.

Regional Politics
    Question. What do you view as the biggest challenge to regional 
stability in Latin America?

    Answer. One of the most prominent challenges to regional stability 
is the gap between the aspirations of the people of the Americas for 
improved social and economic conditions, more inclusive democracy, and 
greater opportunities and the capacity of governments to meet those 
expectations. Frustration with weak and ineffective governance and 
corruption create opportunities for populist and authoritarian actors 
to take advantage of that frustration to gain power. Chile's strong 
institutions and leadership can help address this challenge. 
Transnational organized crime represents a continuing threat as well.

Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Chile was identified as Tier 1 for its ongoing efforts to 
combat human trafficking in-country but there are still areas of 
improvement such as increasing lenient sentencing for traffickers.

   What is your assessment of this issue?

    Answer. Chile met the minimum standards for the elimination of 
trafficking and demonstrated serious and sustained efforts to combat 
trafficking. However, lenient sentencing means that many convicted 
traffickers receive only probation without time in prison, which 
creates potential safety concerns for trafficking victims, weakens 
deterrence, and undercuts Chile's wider efforts to fight trafficking. 
Nevertheless, the Chilean Government identified more trafficking 
victims in the last reporting period, established a new specialized 
anti-trafficking investigative unit, and expanded the capacity of an 
existing specialized unit--all positive efforts. If confirmed, I will 
continue to work with the appropriate authorities to ensure Chile 
continues to make progress in its efforts combating sex and labor 
trafficking.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the office of the 
Ambassador-at-Large to combat and monitor trafficking in persons to 
improve anti-trafficking efforts in Chile?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the Ambassador-at-
Large to integrate anti-trafficking components into our broader 
engagement with the Chilean Government. I will build on current efforts 
in Chile to strengthen the capacity of law enforcement and public 
officials at the local and national level to raise awareness, 
effectively investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes, and to 
provide increased services to victims. I will encourage the Embassy 
team to think creatively about engaging with the Chilean Government and 
public on trafficking and responding to local challenges.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with other regional U.S. 
Ambassadors to improve trafficking efforts in neighboring countries?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate with other U.S. Ambassadors 
to support consistent outreach and messaging within the region, to 
identify best practices and lessons learned across legal frameworks, 
law enforcement efforts, and programming to combat sex and labor 
trafficking and address the needs of vulnerable communities.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Chile was reported to have had serious incidents 
motivated by antisemitic or anti-Muslim behavior and rhetoric. What is 
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you 
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. I strongly condemn any religious freedom violations and any 
violations of the rights of members of religious minority groups. If 
confirmed, I will engage a wide range of religious groups, including 
Chile's Jewish and Muslim communities, to understand their concerns and 
priorities and to promote interfaith dialogue and understanding. I will 
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to apply best practices to foster a 
zero-tolerance environment for religious discrimination in Chile.

    Question. In 2020, the Chilean senate passed a pro-BDS resolution 
calling on President Pinera to adopt a law boycotting goods from 
Israeli settlements in the West Bank and commercial activities with 
companies operating in the West Bank. If confirmed, do you commit to 
pushing back on the BDS movement and any bias against Israel?

    Answer. The administration and I firmly reject the BDS movement, 
which unfairly singles out Israel. While the Administration always 
respects the right to freedom of expression, the United States will be 
a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize Israel. We will 
continue to support Israel's further integration into the international 
community, and if confirmed, I will do the same in Chile.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Chilean 
Government and civil society on such matters relating to their efforts 
to support BDS?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will build on previous efforts by Embassy 
Santiago to actively engage with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric 
administration to convey the United States' firm opposition to boycott 
movement worldwide and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) 
legislation that currently sits in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies, as 
well as any efforts to delegitimize Israel. While the bill does not 
explicitly mention Israel, many of the bill's supporters have made 
clear that their goal is to implement BDS restrictions on all Chile-
Israel trade. I will also engage relevant community members, 
businesses, and embassies from like-minded countries to speak out 
against support for the BDS movement.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, Chile 
had isolated reports of serious human rights abuses or concerns by the 
Government including arbitrary or unlawful killings.

   If confirmed, how can you engage with civil society to bolster 
        human rights on the ground and at the US Mission?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy in Santiago engages with civil society, 
especially regarding human rights, and meets regularly with non-profit 
organizations and the Chilean Government to address concerns when 
appropriate. If confirmed, I will continue our work on this issue with 
the newly inaugurated Boric administration, whose Foreign Minister, 
Antonia Urrejola, has an extensive human rights background.

    Question. If confirmed, please describe your human rights strategy 
and priorities as U.S. Ambassador to Chile.

    Answer. The United States and Chile have a strong, shared 
foundation of values that encompass respect for human rights and 
democratic principles. President Boric has spoken out against human 
rights abuses committed in Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Cuba. Human rights 
and multilateral cooperation make up core tenets of his stated foreign 
policy goals, which provides an opportunity for him to be a leader in 
the promotion of our shared values across the hemisphere. If confirmed, 
I will use this opportunity to encourage new avenues of cooperation 
with the Boric administration to ensure that human rights remain a 
central pillar of U.S.-Chilean cooperation, both within Chile and the 
hemisphere. I also commit to supporting the Embassy team in policy and 
programming endeavors to advance respect for human rights and to 
identify bilateral cooperation opportunities with the new Boric 
administration.

The United Nations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations leads a 
whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install qualified, 
independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections for 
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Chilean Government 
        and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. 
        support of Doreen?

    Answer. Yes. Secretary Blinken publicly endorsed Ms. Doreen Bogdan-
Martin's candidacy to lead the ITU in March 2021. If confirmed, I will 
work closely with the Bureau of International Organization Affairs (IO) 
to support Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy and encourage Chile to vote 
for her for ITU Secretary-General, as well as the candidacies of other 
Americans endorsed by the Department to fill critical positions at the 
U.N. and its specialized bodies.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program 
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with IO to identify U.N. and JPO 
opportunities for qualified U.S. citizens, recruit U.S. citizens for 
these positions, and advocate on their behalf where appropriate.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. I have the honor and privilege of representing the 
country's largest Cuban American community in Florida. I am the son of 
Cuban immigrants. For all of us in South Florida, our history with Cuba 
is complicated and tragic. Today, Cuba is a country where Cubans cannot 
succeed. Instead, the Cuban people are jailed and tortured for simply 
exercising the fundamental freedoms of speech, religion, and assembly.
    In 2018, you spoke with Ben Rhodes on his podcast about your 
experience organizing President Obama's 2016 trip to Havana. In that 
podcast, you spoke glowingly of your experience in Cuba and working 
with Alejandro Castro, Fidel's nephew. You said that there was a 
``sexiness'' to Cuba's history and even a ``sultry mystery.''

   Do you stand by those statements, in light of the experience of 
        Cuban Americans with the regime? Please explain.

    Answer. I recognize, and feel deeply about, the plight of the Cuban 
people. I believe that the Cuban people are entitled to a stable, 
prosperous, and free country, and I admire their courage and strength 
as they seek access to fundamental freedoms and human rights. I believe 
that the Cuban regime needs to be held accountable for its systemic 
oppression of the Cuban people and its malign activities in the region. 
If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Chile, I will support all U.S. 
efforts to empower the Cuban people to determine their own future and 
efforts to hold the regime accountable.

    Question. Given your egregious misreading of Cuba's history, why 
should Chilean Americans, and the Senate, trust your judgement when it 
comes to representing America's interests in Chile, if confirmed?

    Answer. As a career Foreign Service Officer my duty was to assist 
in the implementation of the President's policies to the best of my 
ability, and I did so faithfully in Republican and Democratic 
administrations, in assignments around the world. In those 13 years of 
service to the United States as a career Foreign Service Officer I 
willingly made personal and career sacrifices to advance U.S. interests 
and values around the world. I also have broad and deep experience 
working in finance, which has prepared me to be a strong advocate for 
U.S. trade and investment interests in Chile, particularly at a time of 
increasing competition from the People's Republic of China. In 
addition, I have spent years working to provide access to opportunity 
to young people around the world, which I believe to be not only in 
their interest, but in the interest of the United States. I have been 
honored to volunteer to assist families of Americans held hostage or 
unjustly detained overseas as well. If confirmed, I will use all of 
these experiences to promote U.S. interests in Chile and throughout the 
Western Hemisphere, which I believe my record of service shows I am 
well qualified to do.

    Question. March 20th marks the 6th anniversary of President Obama's 
visit to Havana, the first by an American president since the 
revolution. In the podcast with Ben Rhodes, you described the evening 
of the 20th extremely vividly. You went to a state-owned restaurant, a 
paladar, called LaGuardia. You described the evening as ``this great 
roof deck and people are smoking cigars and drinking rum'' with Jimmy 
Buffett, Derek Jeter, and Jose Andres.

   Is this an inaccurate recounting of your description of that night?

    Answer. In my capacity as a career Foreign Service Officer, my duty 
was to assist in the implementation of the President's trip to Cuba. 
The trip was in support of the Administration's policy to help empower 
ordinary Cubans to take greater control over their own lives and convey 
U.S. Government support for the fundamental freedoms and human rights 
of the Cuban people. We met with a broad array of people, including 
Cuban civil society actors, human rights defenders, journalists, 
artists, and entrepreneurs. Each of these actors shared and reinforced 
concerns, triumphs, grievances, and the grave injustices that the Cuban 
people have experienced under decades of repression. I also experienced 
a sense of hope among the Cuban people and those who traveled to Cuba, 
that the lives of the Cuban people could change for the better.

    Question. Do you recall any protesters, or demonstrators that 
disrupted this glamorous evening with celebrities in old Havana?

    Answer. The most meaningful aspect of my discrete role working on 
Cuba as a career Foreign Service Officer was the honor of meeting with 
Cuban civil society actors during the President's roundtable 
conversation with them. It was deeply impactful to hear the concerns, 
grievances, and the grave injustices that the Cuban people have 
experienced under decades of repression. If confirmed as U.S. 
Ambassador to Chile, I will support all U.S. efforts to empower the 
Cuban people to determine their own future and efforts to hold the 
regime accountable.

    Question. Were you aware that in the three months before March 
2016, the Cuban regime had arrested more than 300 dissidents as part of 
a crackdown on opposition leaders, to ensure a smooth visit for you and 
President Obama?

    Answer. I was aware of the Cuban regime's poor human rights record 
and its abusive treatment of civil society actors and understood that 
the U.S. Government policy was one aimed at empowering ordinary Cubans 
to take greater control over their own lives. I supported the 
Administration's efforts to increase access to the Internet for Cuban 
citizens and promote private sector activity, consistent with my 
support for fundamental freedoms and human rights around the world over 
the course of my 13-year career as a Foreign Service Officer and non-
government work in support of those values.

    Question. Were you aware that on March 20, the same day you, 
President Obama, and the Castros were watching the baseball game, Cuban 
officials arrested Lazaro Yuri Valle Roca, beat him, and detained him 
for five days--all because he tried to video a protest on March 20th?

    Answer. I am aware of the Cuban regime's poor human rights record 
and its abusive treatment of civil society actors. I admire the courage 
and strength of the Cuban people, who are fighting for access to 
fundamental freedoms and human rights. I condemn the Cuban regime's 
repression and human rights abuses. I support the Biden-Harris 
administration's commitment to promote accountability for Cuban 
Government officials involved in human rights abuses, and the 
consideration of all tools to do so.

    Question. In response to Chairman Menendez's question during your 
nominations hearing, you responded that at the time of the visit in 
2016, you were a foreign service officer with a duty to carry out the 
policy of the President. But in 2018, at the time you spoke with Ben 
Rhodes, you had no obligation to defend or agree with the President's 
policies. Why, then, did you still speak so glowingly with Ben Rhodes 
about working with a regime responsible for egregious human rights 
abuses?

    Answer. I greatly admire the spirit, courage, and ingenuity of the 
Cuban people and the resilience of Cuban culture in the face of decades 
of repression. I saw my work as a career Foreign Service Officer as 
supporting efforts to promote greater freedoms so that individuals 
living in Cuba can realize their potential. During this conversation in 
2018, when I still worked for President Obama, I did not have the 
intention of taking the focus away from the suffering of the Cuban 
people and the courage they have demonstrated over decades in pushing 
back against a repressive regime. My admiration is for the Cuban 
people, not those who oppress them. I firmly believe that the Cuban 
people are entitled to a stable, prosperous, and free country, and I 
admire their bravery as they seek access to fundamental freedoms and 
human rights. I believe that the Cuban regime needs to be held 
accountable for its systemic oppression of the Cuban people and its 
malign activities in the region. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to 
Chile, I will support all U.S. efforts to empower the Cuban people to 
determine their own future and efforts to hold the regime accountable.

    Question. In 2010, the U.S. and Chile negotiated a bilateral treaty 
on income tax. While Chile has ratified the treaty, the Senate has not. 
This treaty would ensure that American businesses in Chile are not 
unfairly taxed for income their investments earn there. Do you support 
ratification of this treaty?

    Answer. I support ratification of the bilateral tax treaty. The 
treaty would reduce withholding tax rates on royalties, dividends, 
interest payments, and capital gains and avoid double taxation of U.S. 
companies, which would ultimately ensure that they are not adversely 
impacted when operating in Chile. Ratification of this treaty would 
encourage increased U.S. investment into Chile, thus strengthening our 
bilateral commercial ties to bring additional economic benefits to both 
countries. At present, U.S. firms in Chile compete against firms from 
33 other countries that have tax treaties with Chile, such as the 
People's Republic of China, Russia, Canada, South Korea, the United 
Kingdom, and Japan. The treaty also receives widespread support from 
U.S. businesses that operate in Chile, as its implementation will 
ensure that U.S. companies are not placed at a disadvantage from double 
taxation.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the new Chilean 
Government to ensure the treaty is implemented so that American 
businesses in Chile are treated fairly?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will actively communicate with Chilean 
lawmakers and the Boric administration to identify best practices that 
will ensure that the Chilean Government fully implements the treaty and 
that U.S. businesses are treated fairly. To this end, I will engage 
regularly with the U.S. business community and associations including 
the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham), to understand their views, 
convey their concerns to the Government of Chile, and ensure that 
implementation of the treaty meets their needs. I will engage with 
likeminded partners that already have active bilateral tax treaties to 
understand the best ways to promote full implementation. I will also 
consult with the Congress to understand the views of their 
constituents.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                  bernadette m. mehan by senator rubio
          Question. Thank you for your answers to my questions from 
        March 15, 2022. I appreciate that you now seem to recognize the 
        plight of the Cuban people and that the regime in Cuba needs to 
        be held accountable. Expressing these sentiments is the bare 
        minimum that should be expected of public servants that 
        represent the United States, but they, unfortunately, do not 
        answer my original questions to you. Therefore, I re-state the 
        question here again: Do you stand by your statements that you 
        felt there was a ``sexiness'' and a ``sultry mystery'' to 
        Cuba's history?
     At the time of the President's visit to Havana in 2016, were you 
            aware that the regime had arrested, beaten and detained 
            Lazaro Yuri Valle Roca?

          Answer. The quotes referenced were part of a response to a 
        question in 2018 about ``why Cuba occupies an outsized role in 
        the world and Americans' imagination'' and spoke to part of the 
        long and extensive history of Cuba. My response was not meant 
        to reflect my personal view. As part of the same question in 
        2018, when asked what was most important to me personally about 
        my discrete role working on the President's trip to Cuba, I 
        spoke about my admiration for the Cuban-American community and 
        the Cuban people. Today, for the record, I reaffirm that the 
        quotes referenced do not reflect my personal view. My 
        admiration is for the Cuban people and their courageous history 
        seeking access to fundamental freedoms and human rights. It was 
        not my intention in 2018 to suggest otherwise.
          As a career Foreign Service Officer, my role was to assist in 
        the organization of the President's trip to Cuba. At the time 
        of the President's visit to Havana in 2016, I was not 
        personally aware of the case of Lazaro Yuri Valle Roca or its 
        details.

          Question. In response to one of my questions, you said that 
        you were ``aware of the Cuban regime's poor human rights record 
        and its abusive treatment of civil society actors'' at the time 
        of President Obama's trip to 2016. In 2018, why did you 
        describe Cuban history as having ``sexiness'' or ``sultry 
        mystery'' in this way when speaking with Ben Rhodes?

          Answer. The quotes referenced were part of a response to a 
        question in 2018 about ``why Cuba occupies an outsized role in 
        the world and Americans' imagination'' and spoke to part of the 
        long and extensive history of Cuba. My response was not meant 
        to reflect my personal view. As part of the same question, when 
        asked what was most important to me about my limited role 
        working on the President's trip to Cuba, I spoke about my 
        admiration for the Cuban-American community and the Cuban 
        people. The Cuban regime's record on human rights is 
        reprehensible. I care deeply about the plight of the Cuban 
        people, and it was not my intention to express otherwise. If 
        confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Chile, I will work tirelessly 
        to advance U.S. policy to help the people of Cuba and advance 
        their human rights by partnering with the Government of Chile, 
        and if confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to consult 
        with you on how we might encourage the Chileans to take a more 
        active role in this effort.

          Question. Even though you were aware of the regime's 
        appalling human rights record and the decades of suffering 
        experienced by the Cuban people and Cuban American community, 
        why then, when asked by Rhodes to sum up your experience 
        working on Cuba, did you answer ``I can hold my rum?''

          Answer. Throughout that 2018 conversation, I spoke of my 
        admiration for the Cuban-American community and the Cuban 
        people and the work I did as a career Foreign Service Officer 
        to assist in the implementation of the President's trip to 
        Cuba. I discussed the broad array of people we met with on the 
        trip, including Cuban civil society actors, human rights 
        defenders, journalists, artists, and entrepreneurs. It was a 
        broad-ranging, informal conversation and taken in its totality, 
        emphasized my respect for the Cuban people and their efforts to 
        seek access to fundamental freedoms and human rights, and how 
        the trip supported the Administration's policy to help empower 
        ordinary Cubans to take greater control of their lives and 
        convey U.S. Government support for the fundamental freedoms and 
        human rights of the Cuban people. It was not my intention to 
        take away from the focus that should be on the suffering of the 
        Cuban people. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Chile, I will 
        support all U.S. efforts to empower the Cuban people to 
        determine their own future, and efforts to hold the regime 
        accountable.

          Question. Thank you for your responses in support of 
        implementing the bilateral tax treaty in Chile. As you know, 
        Chile is still in the midst of a historic constitutional 
        convention, which may undo decades of progress in Chile. What 
        is your view of the constitutional convention process in Chile?

   If confirmed, how would you work with the Convention to support its 
        work so that it results in a constitution responsive to the 
        desires of the Chilean people and in the best interests of 
        Chile and the United States?

          Answer. The Constitutional Convention is a sovereign, 
        democratic process that allows the people of Chile to weigh in 
        on the future path that their country will take. Chile 
        continues to serve as a model for the Western Hemisphere as its 
        people channel their social, economic, and political demands 
        into a peaceful, democratic, and transparent process. If 
        confirmed, I will convey respect for the Chilean people's right 
        to determine the nature of their constitution and express faith 
        in the Chilean people's dedication to democratic principles, 
        including good governance, human rights, and a continued 
        business climate based on respect for free trade, transparency, 
        and rule of law. If confirmed, I would offer U.S. support to 
        government and civil society organizations and promote 
        exchanges between U.S. and Chilean constitutional experts so 
        that Chile can the benefit of our experience with our own 
        constitutional model, as Chileans seek to enhance and 
        consolidate the impressive democratic and economic advances 
        Chile has made over the past three decades. If the new 
        constitution is approved, I will ensure that it is clear to the 
        Chilean public and government that the United States will 
        continue to deepen our strong bilateral cooperation as Chile 
        moves forward under its new constitution.

          Question. Last year, the Chilean Congress drafted a bill 
        mandating that Chile formally institute a boycott, divestment 
        and sanctions (BDS) policy against the Jewish state of Israel. 
        Fortunately, that measure did not progress through the 
        Congress. Do you support BDS policies? If confirmed, what would 
        you do in response to future actions by the Chilean Government 
        to institute this policy of hate against Israel?

          Answer. The Biden-Harris administration and I firmly reject 
        the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement and 
        associated policies, which unfairly single out Israel. If 
        confirmed, I will build on previous efforts by Embassy Santiago 
        to actively engage with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric 
        administration to convey the United States' firm opposition to 
        the boycott movement worldwide and the BDS legislation that 
        currently sits in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies, as well as 
        any efforts to delegitimize or discriminate against Israel. 
        While the bill does not explicitly mention Israel, many of the 
        bill's supporters have made clear that their goal is to 
        implement BDS restrictions on all Chile-Israel trade. If 
        confirmed, I will also engage relevant community members, 
        businesses, and embassies from like-minded countries to speak 
        out publicly against BDS legislation and the BDS movement.

          Question. In your opinion, how would a new constitution in 
        Chile support or obstruct future policies similar to the 2021 
        BDS bills?

          Answer. It is not yet clear whether the new constitution 
        currently being drafted in Chile will support or obstruct 
        future policies similar to the 2021 Boycott, Divestment, and 
        Sanctions (BDS) bill. Embassy Santiago has been actively 
        engaging with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric administration to 
        convey the United States' firm opposition to the boycott 
        movement worldwide. If confirmed, I will build on this 
        engagement, including with other relevant stakeholders, to 
        oppose BDS legislation. Additionally, my public comments will 
        make clear the United States' firm opposition to the BDS 
        movement and any other policies that unfairly single out Israel 
        and I will underscore that BDS legislation is counterproductive 
        and runs contrary to values of free trade and non-
        discrimination that are shared values for both the United 
        States and Chile.

                                *  *  *



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Todd Young

    Question. How do you view the current status and future of the 
U.S.-Chile trade and investment relationship in the context of growing 
Chinese engagement and the pending new constitution?

    Answer. The United States continues to lead in new foreign direct 
investment into Chile and ranks second, behind the People's Republic of 
China (PRC), in terms of overall trade. I believe there is an 
opportunity to deepen our commercial relationship with Chile and 
collaborate on sharing and implementing best practices in trade and 
investment, including advocating for steps Chile can take to establish 
a robust investment screening mechanism. Unlike the PRC, the United 
States upholds high standards for labor rights, environmental policies, 
and privacy standards when pursuing investment opportunities. Chile's 
strong institutions, free trade, and commitment to the rule of law 
serve as opportunities to expand our bilateral relationship. The new 
Boric administration stresses that it supports increased, 
``responsible,'' investment, and, if confirmed, I plan to engage with 
the Boric administration and the business community to find additional 
trade and investment opportunities that exemplify U.S. best practices. 
It is not yet clear how the new constitution currently being drafted in 
Chile will impact trade and investment opportunities, but my engagement 
with the Boric administration will prioritize the need to ensure the 
safeguarding of both U.S. and Chilean business interests.

    Question. What is your perspective on the pending U.S.-Chile 
bilateral tax treaty and its impact on U.S. businesses in Chile?

    Answer. I understand the bilateral tax treaty would put U.S. 
businesses in a far more advantageous position when pursuing investment 
opportunities in Chile. The treaty would reduce withholding tax rates 
on royalties, dividends, interest payments, and capital gains and avoid 
double taxation of U.S. companies. The lack of a bilateral tax treaty 
puts U.S. companies in Chile at a disadvantage against their 
competitors. U.S. firms in Chile compete against firms from 33 other 
countries that have a bilateral tax treaty with Chile, such as China, 
Russia, Canada, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and Japan. Both U.S. 
and Chilean companies, including members of AmCham Chile, urge the 
ratification and enactment of the tax treaty.

    Question. To ensure that the tax treaty is in line with the Base 
Erosion and Anti-Abuse Tax (BEAT) enacted as part of the Tax Cut and 
Jobs Act, the U.S. Department of Treasury has indicated the Chilean 
Government needs to approve reservation language clarifying how the tax 
treaty interacts with BEAT. In your opinion, how will the Government of 
Chile respond to this reservation language?

    Answer. President Boric has not yet publicly stated his views on 
the tax treaty or reservation language. Given that this treaty was 
ratified by the Chilean congress in 2014, I expect that among the new 
Congress that took office on March 11, there will be some support among 
its members to approve a U.S. Senate reservation. Boric's 
administration advocates for tax reforms, including increases in mining 
royalty fees, that seek to increase state revenue. If confirmed, I will 
engage with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric administration to 
underscore the fact that increased private sector cooperation between 
the United States and Chile will not only bring additional economic 
benefits to both countries, but also a number of social and 
environmental benefits, such as improved labor laws, privacy 
protections, technology sharing, and high environmental protection 
standards.

    Question. What challenges do you expect approval of the reservation 
language will face with the Chilean Congress and administration? What 
efforts will you undertake to overcome those concerns and challenges?

    Answer. No coalition has a majority in the new session of the 
Chilean Congress, which began on March 11. This could translate to 
challenges in reaching the necessary votes to approve reservation 
language. If confirmed, I plan to engage Chilean lawmakers and the 
Boric administration to highlight that the benefits brought to both the 
United States and Chile are innumerable, since implementing the 
bilateral tax treaty will allow for deeper economic cooperation between 
our two countries. I will continue to highlight the benefits of U.S. 
investment and make the case that U.S. investment falls in line with 
Boric's goals of increased, ``responsible'' foreign investment in 
Chile, especially when compared to other investment partners, like the 
People's Republic of China.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. As you know, the committee on Foreign Investment in the 
United States (CFIUS) plays a critical role in reviewing the national 
security implications of foreign investments in the United States. As I 
understand it, Chile has not established its own approach to effective 
foreign investment screening, even though China, which engages in 
malign economic influence, has its eyes on Chile and Southern Cone 
countries with respect to lithium and other critical minerals, and 
other critically important sectors.

   If you are confirmed, do you commit to working with the U.S. 
        Department of the Treasury to increase engagement with 
        Government of Chile in order to educate Chile about the CFIUS 
        process of the United States and persuade Chile to establish 
        its own effective investment screening mechanism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will find additional opportunities to brief 
the Chilean Government on best practices for investment screening, 
drawing on the U.S. CFIUS process, and building upon ongoing efforts 
from both the Departments of State and the Treasury to provide 
information on this issue. I will engage early on with the Boric 
administration to arrange briefings and engagements that would be most 
useful to encourage best practices that support Chilean and U.S. 
national security. I will also continue to engage with the American 
Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) Chile and other business associations to 
understand and advocate for steps Chile can take to establish a robust 
investment screening mechanism. In tandem with these efforts, I will 
ask the Embassy team to ensure that we amplify through media and 
speaking engagements our efforts and collaboration with Chile, with an 
emphasis on the shared values between the United States and Chile and 
the advantages of doing business with U.S. companies.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. PEPFAR is the signature global health program of the 
United States, with a large budget administered by a complex 
organization that includes staff from multiple agencies, foreign 
service officers stationed abroad, contractors, and local implementing 
partners.

   What are the main challenges to effective coordination between S/
        GAC HQ and other elements of the PEPFAR organization?

    Answer. As an alumnus of PEPFAR, I've worked with all the U.S 
Government implementing agencies and many of the partners, and I have 
witnessed the remarkable focus on mission among PEPFAR teams and 
implementers. I've experienced a model that enables discussion and 
debate and a chance to recommend a course of action to the coordinator. 
We all share the goal of saving millions of lives and providing 
services utilizing expertise from all U.S. Government agencies. If 
confirmed, I hope to continue to inspire that level of cooperation and 
focus for our common goals while continuing to seek ways for improved 
coordination.

    Question. How will you address staffing shortages across PEPFAR, if 
confirmed?

    Answer. High vacancy rates are a major challenge across the U.S. 
Government, including PEPFAR. If confirmed, it will be my priority to 
ensure that PEPFAR staffing vacancies are addressed, and we are meeting 
the needs of PEPFAR staff here at home and in all our Embassies around 
the world. The staff must see themselves valued, respected, and treated 
well. We must offer a workplace that appeals to the workforce of today. 
I intend to lead with respect and appreciation for staff, and to learn 
from the experience of the past 18 months working through the COVID-19 
pandemic. I will also continue the efforts within the Department of 
State to promote diversity, equity and inclusion in hiring practices 
and promotions.

    Question. Will you commit to fully and proactively cooperating with 
the PEPFAR Effectiveness and Efficiency Review being conducted by the 
Government Accountability Office if confirmed?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Beginning in April 2018, PEPFAR began pursuing the goal 
of channeling 70 percent of its funding to local partners. This policy 
was the subject of an audit by USAID's Office of Inspector General, 
published December 13, 2021.

   What analysis informed the decision to channel 70 percent of funds 
        through partners funding? Do you agree that 70 percent is the 
        right number?

    Answer. In response to countries' desire for expanded independence, 
PEPFAR further embedded sustainability and domestic financing elements 
into its work. To achieve and sustain epidemic control, HIV services 
must be owned and operated by local actors. Thus, the bold, but 
achievable goal of having 70 percent of PEPFAR resources by agency 
channeled through local organizations, took root. These organizations 
understand the local context and needs of PEPFAR beneficiaries and have 
complemented international efforts to strengthen local capabilities. If 
confirmed, I will fully review the results of the effort thus far, and 
the audit, and continue to work with Congress and implementing agencies 
to fully realize the recommendations of the report.

    Question. What are the main challenges related to increasing local 
partner funding?

    Answer. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government 
responsibility. Partner countries must also invest sufficient domestic 
financing for HIV programs and ensure an enabling policy environment 
for their effective and efficient allocation. Many partner governments 
have increased their investment in their respective HIV response over 
time. However, several cannot, and this has been compounded recently by 
COVID-19. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote self-reliance 
by developing more efficient models of service delivery and 
strengthening technical, managerial and financial capacity for local 
stakeholders to maintain key services, systems and resources stewarded 
by local institutions.

    Question. Do you commit to implementing the recommendations of the 
USAID OIG audit?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to a fair and open evaluation 
of the recommendations of the USAID OIG and work to realize its full 
potential across PEPFAR programs and processes.

    Question. As many countries approach epidemic control, how should 
PEPFAR adjust its mission to cement those gains and, as appropriate, 
wind down operations?

    Answer. PEPFAR has a duty to ensure high-quality prevention and 
treatment services throughout every stage of program evolution. As 
countries reach sustained control of HIV, we must ensure there is an 
enabling policy and programmatic environment for addressing key 
populations, underserved populations and other structural barriers to 
an effective and sustainable HIV/AIDS response. PEPFAR must work to 
identify areas where increased local financing and management 
responsibilities can occur. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
with partner governments, civil society, and multilateral organizations 
to create a shared and gradual sustainability pathway that is ambitious 
and resilient in the face of future threats.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief me and/or my staff as requested during your tenure as PEPFAR 
Coordinator?

    Answer. Yes.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan 
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by 
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant U.S. 
global health strategies, initiatives, and funding?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on 
these matters.

    Question. A recent report by the Center for International Private 
Enterprise (CIPE) Anti-Corruption and Governance Center suggests that 
an estimated seven percent of global spending on public health is lost 
to waste, fraud, and abuse. The United States is, by far, the single 
most generous donor of global health assistance. If confirmed, will you 
commit to upholding a zero-tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse 
in the programs under your purview?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero-tolerance 
policy for all PEPFAR-supported staff and implementing partners who 
engage in the sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable 
communities they are meant to serve?

    Answer. Yes. This will be a priority for PEPFAR.

    Question. It took the Biden administration nearly a year to 
nominate someone to fill this vital position. Despite the commitment 
and best efforts of career staff within the Office of the Global AIDS 
Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (S/GAC), and compounded by the COVID-
19 pandemic, the lack of full-time, Senate-confirmed leadership appears 
to have taken a toll. What is your understanding of morale within S/GAC 
and how, if necessary, do you intend to improve it?

    Answer. A successful Mission must begin with the people who make it 
happen. The staff must see themselves valued, respected, and treated 
well. I intend to lead with respect and appreciation for staff, and to 
learn from the experience of the past 18 months working through the 
COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, it will be my priority to ensure that 
we are meeting the needs of PEPFAR staff here at home and in all our 
Missions around the world.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified Mission and vision 
across the PEPFAR program while holding implementing agencies and 
partners accountable for transparency and results?

    Answer. As an alumnus of PEPFAR, I've worked with all of the U.S 
Government implementing agencies and many of the partners, and I have 
witnessed the remarkable focus on Mission among PEPFAR teams and 
implementers. I know that we all share the same goal of saving as many 
lives as possible from HIV/AIDS. If we continue sharing this goal, we 
will continue to be a highly successful program. If confirmed, I hope 
to continue to inspire that level of cooperation and focus for our 
common goals.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have mentioned before that respectful partnership will 
govern my approach if I am confirmed. Before I ask it of others, I live 
it myself first. My staff would describe me as easy-going and flexible. 
I like to be prepared and I listen well.

    Question. In your view, how would your management style translate 
to PEPFAR, where your workforce and implementing partners are composed 
of a dizzying array of career foreign and civil servants, political 
appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency 
Service Agreements, foreign governments, international organizations, 
contractors, and grantees, often with competing priorities and 
interests?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to drawing upon the expertise 
that exists among all PEPFAR's U.S Government implementing agencies. We 
all share the goal of saving millions of lives and providing services 
that require expertise from across the U.S. Government--whether it's 
USAID's experience with supply chain management, CDC's experience with 
laboratory programs, DOD's experience with peer-to-peer military 
programs, or Peace Corps' experience with community-based initiatives. 
All of us bring something different to the table and as a result, we 
have made lasting impact. What I've experienced is a model that enables 
discussion and debate and a chance to recommend a course of action to 
the Coordinator.

    Question. The success of PEPFAR largely can be attributed to S/
GAC's commitment to aggressively pursuing prevention and treatment 
goals, improving targeting, measuring impact, and holding partners 
accountable for outcomes. PEPFAR's Populations Based HIV Impact 
Assessments (PHIAs) have served as a particularly useful tool for 
identifying gaps and measuring impact on incidence, and will be even 
more critical in the context of COVID-19. If confirmed, will you commit 
to submitting to Congress the PHIAs planned for FY 2022 through FY 
2024, in addition to Country Operating Plans (COPs) and required 
Congressional Notifications?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on 
these matters.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. Yes.

    Question. USAID and CDC have a long history of stretching the 
boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds, 
including: using PEPFAR funds to finance the construction of schools in 
Malawi despite the availability of education funds earmarked by 
appropriators annually for this purpose; using PEPFAR funds statutorily 
set aside to support children who have been made vulnerable by HIV/AIDS 
for activities with no discernable connection to HIV/AIDS; and by using 
PEFPAR funds to support salaries for implementing agency staff who are 
only nominally focused on combatting HIV/AIDS. If confirmed, will you 
commit to ensuring all U.S. Government-supported efforts to combat HIV/
AIDS globally are efficient, effective, aligned, and complementary to 
the work of S/GAC?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Will you work to ensure that implementing agencies and 
partners, including USAID and CDC, meaningfully contribute to, but also 
strictly adhere to, PEPFAR's Country Operating Plan (COP) process?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In addition to directly enabling the provision of life-
saving treatment for nearly 19 million people and averting 2.8 million 
newborn infections, PEPFAR support for public health infrastructure and 
personnel has contributed to stronger health systems and reductions in 
all-cause mortality in its focus countries. The ``PEPFAR effect'' on 
health systems has never been more evident than in the response to the 
COVID-19 pandemic. Congress repeatedly has made clear the intent to 
transition PEPFAR from an emergency response to enduring country-led 
programs.

   As we approach the 20-year anniversary of PEPFAR, what comes next?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work collaboratively with countries, 
and with my counterparts in the diplomatic corps and development 
community, to identify ways we can continue to expand long-term country 
responsibility on sustaining HIV impact while also closing gaps that 
exist for PEPFAR-supported beneficiaries. In consultation with 
Congress, it will also be important explore how PEPFAR's model and 
platforms can be further maximized to efficiently and effectively 
deliver on preparedness and response to other health threats as COVID-
19 has shown the urgency of doing so. Doing so without compromising the 
HIV/AIDS program would require additional resources and legislative 
support, including in its reauthorization.

    Question. Given the negative impact the COVID-19 pandemic has had 
on efforts to combat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria globally, 
when, if ever, would be an appropriate transition point for focus 
countries?

    Answer. PEPFAR has a duty to ensure that the people receiving 
prevention and treatment are served high-quality services throughout 
any change. Many PEPFAR supported countries are not currently able to 
wholly finance the HIV response, in many cases compounded by COVID-19. 
Decreases to a country program's funding program must happen with 
considerable planning from both PEPFAR and our partners at the local 
and multilateral levels. PEPFAR continues to ensure that the program 
transitions to local ownership, ever expanding independence of local 
actors. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government 
responsibility and must work to identify areas where increased 
financing and management responsibilities can occur.

    Question. In July, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee passed S. 
2297, the International Pandemic Preparedness and COVID-19 Response 
Act, with overwhelming bipartisan support. Many aspects of this 
legislation were built upon the foundation of PEPFAR, including its 
authorization for a Special Representative for Global Health Security 
at the Department of State. Do you agree with the legislation's basic 
premise that U.S. global health security and diplomacy are inextricably 
linked, and that enhanced leadership by the Department of State will be 
required to advance an effective U.S. global health security and 
diplomacy strategy overseas?

    Answer. Global health security is inextricably linked to U.S. 
foreign policy and national security goals. If confirmed, I commit to 
working with you and others to leverage the strengths of PEPFAR and 
ensure that the State Department is best positioned to most effectively 
address current and future global health challenges. I look forward to 
working with the State Department, including the Bureau of Oceans, 
International Environmental, and Scientific Affairs (OES), Coordinator 
for COVID-19 Response and Health Security (CRHS), and Office of Foreign 
Assistance (F) to ensure that the health diplomacy, and global health 
security and pandemic preparedness efforts of the State Department are 
fully realized.

    Question. Do you agree that PEPFAR could serve as an effective 
model for enhancing U.S. global health security and pandemic 
preparedness more broadly?

    Answer. With the bipartisan support of Congress, PEPFAR rapidly 
mobilized an unprecedented and impactful response to the global AIDS 
epidemic. I believe PEPFAR has been one of the most successful foreign 
assistance efforts of its kind because of its focus on results, on 
science, the ability to bring the whole of U.S. Government to bear with 
strong accountability mechanisms, and the high-level political support 
it enjoys from all of you, as well as support across the State 
Department and broader interagency. I look forward to leveraging PEPFAR 
as one of the U.S. Government's tools to enhance. global health 
security and pandemic preparedness broadly.

    Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and 
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign 
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to 
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as 
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. In 2018, S/GAC established a 70 percent 
localization target. There has, however, been confusion about how 
``localization'' is defined and measured across the implementing 
agencies, and how oversight of local partners should be conducted. 
According to a December 13, 2021, report by the USAID Office of the 
Inspector General, USAID was not on target to meet the ambitious PEPFAR 
goal. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to 
establish a formalized definition and plan for ``localization,'' to 
include support for partner government investment strategies and direct 
funding for both local faith- and community-based organizations?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on 
this matter.

    Question. In your testimony, you spoke of the need to ``act 
collectively to support the capabilities of local leaders and regional 
institutions and work in respectful partnership and accountability with 
them.'' Do you agree that as the head of PEPFAR, your first 
responsibility would be to advance the global health interests of the 
United States?

    Answer. Yes, PEPFAR's success would not be possible without the 
generosity of the American taxpayer and if confirmed, America's global 
health interests will be my foremost concern as the head of PEPFAR. We 
should continue to think about how PEPFAR can be leveraged to build the 
future health system needed to combat new health threats.

    Question. Do you agree that ``accountability'' under the PEFPAR 
program must include accountability of partners (including partner 
governments, regional institutions, and local organizations) to uphold 
commitments and deliver measurable results?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you agree that ``accountability'' under the PEFPAR 
program must also include accountability of partners (including partner 
governments, regional institutions, and local organizations) to the 
American taxpayer?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. There has been strong focus over the past 14 months on 
multilateral institutions to address global health challenges, 
including but not limited to the U.S. international response to the 
COVID-19 pandemic. Recognizing that multilateral and bilateral programs 
work collaboratively, and that each have their own unique strengths and 
challenges, what would you consider to be the appropriate balance 
between multilateral and U.S. bilateral assistance to combat HIV/AIDS 
and to address emerging global health security challenges?

    Answer. Our multilateral and bilateral investments are mutually 
beneficial in leveraging resources and increasing access to quality 
health care services, and represent a balanced approach to maximize 
programmatic impact. At a time when our biggest global challenges defy 
national boundaries--from pandemics to climate change--the importance 
of multilateral organizations is only heightened. The administration 
has expressed repeatedly that when we are absent from the table, we 
cannot ensure the reforms needed to ensure the full effectiveness of 
these institutions. PEPFAR must continue to strengthen its bilateral 
relationships with partner countries and leverage the collective 
strength of multilaterals in combatting global health challenges.

    Question. It is notable that PEPFAR has managed to expand services 
despite a flat budget since 2009. It also is notable that the Biden 
administration has signaled its intent to increase contributions to the 
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (the Global Fund). 
It would be difficult to justify this increase, particularly if coupled 
with a flat or declining bilateral PEPFAR budget, absent a clear 
strategy to shift responsibility for purchasing HIV/AIDS commodities to 
the Global Fund. If confirmed, will you commit to improving 
coordination and collaboration with the Global Fund in a manner that 
shifts greater responsibility to the Fund (or the partner countries 
themselves) for testing and treatment commodities, while bilateral 
PEPFAR funds are prioritized for creating an enabling environment for 
efficient and effective service delivery?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on 
these matters.

    Question. The American Rescue Plan (ARP) provided the Secretary of 
State with $3.75 billion ``to prevent, prepare for, and respond to 
coronavirus,'' including through a $3.5 billion contribution to the 
Global Fund. Though there was virtually no consultation on the 
authorizing language, the authors reportedly intended for this 
assistance to be used to leverage existing PEPFAR/Global Fund platforms 
and protect against backsliding. If confirmed, will you commit to 
ensuring that funds made available through the American Rescue Plan 
(ARP) for the international COVID-19 response are carefully aligned 
with and complementary to PEPFAR whenever and wherever applicable, 
including by ensuring that PEPFAR platforms are effectively leveraged 
(rather than duplicated) and that implementing agencies and partners 
are held accountable for measurable results?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on 
this matter.

    Question. Within the Access to COVID-19 Tools (Act) Accelerator, 
the Global Fund's COVID-19 Response Mechanism is responsible for the 
diagnostics and health systems strengthening pillars. The United States 
has committed $3.5 billion to the Global Fund for this purpose. What is 
your assessment of the Global Fund's performance to date? What is the 
Global Fund getting right, and what would you do differently?

    Answer. I understand that the increased financial contributions 
from the U.S. have created a stronger and better functioning Global 
Fund, enabling more impactful U.S. bilateral programs across the three 
diseases and allowing the United States to continue to tackle HIV/AIDS 
on a truly global scale. Our multilateral and bilateral investments are 
mutually beneficial; they leverage resources and represent a balanced 
approach to maximize impact. The USG works closely with the Global Fund 
to provide complementary, not duplicative services, and work such as 
strengthening the Global Fund's internal oversight systems, program 
coordination, and creating efficiencies between Global Fund and U.S. 
investments are all routine practices now.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. The Global Fund helped form the consortium of key 
multilateral agencies that came together in April 2020 to combine 
assets to respond to the COVID-19 emergency and enhance coordination 
and collaboration. The $3.5 billion commitment from the United States 
made it the largest provider of support to LMICS across the three ACT A 
pillars (Diagnostics, Health Systems, and Treatment). They have brought 
assets and services to countries in desperate need, leveraging their 
sourcing and procurement expertise, and have done it well while staying 
in their lane. They have excelled in bringing new products, suppliers, 
and manufacturers to the arena with due diligence, safely and quickly 
procuring products in a very complex supply chain.

    Question. Are you concerned by the Global Fund's aggressive push to 
take on broader health systems strengthening, rather than remain 
focused on the three diseases it was created to combat?

    Answer. I believe that PEPFAR has had to be deliberate to not 
dilute its responsibilities to deliver on HIV. The Global Fund has 
faced similar pressures for HIV, TB, and malaria. However, COVID-19 
must be addressed for each institutions' mandate to get back on track. 
PEPFAR has worked with governments and communities to address a 
plethora of COVID-19-related health challenges, and to strengthen 
primary, secondary, and tertiary service provision platforms. This work 
has demonstrated that health system investments by PEPFAR and the 
Global Fund, within their current mandates, have contributed to the 
broader COVID-19 response effort.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. I believe that the Global Fund's focus on the three 
diseases of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria has been on point and 
remains critical to finish the job the Global Fund was created to do. 
With the negative impacts on these diseases due to COVID-19, a focus on 
the countries that are at risk of AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria is 
now even more necessary to save lives. While the Global Fund's disease-
focused efforts have strengthened critical health systems capacities, 
expanding to broader efforts could dilute its focus. Consequently, the 
Global Fund should not expand to countries and areas that are not at 
risk of AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria.

    Question. Public health experts consistently are learning more 
about COVID19, including who is at greatest risk for severe disease and 
who should be prioritized for vaccination and treatment. This includes 
the 18 million HIV positive individuals receiving antiretroviral 
treatment (ART) through PEPFAR. If confirmed, what measures would you 
propose to take to ensure 100 percent vaccination coverage for 
individuals on PEPFAR-supported ART?

    Answer. People living with HIV are at higher risk for severe COVID-
19 and vaccination is recommended by both U.S. CDC and prevention and 
WHO guidelines. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all PLHIV on 
PEPFAR-supported ART are prioritized for COVID vaccination. PEPFAR has 
demonstrated with American Rescue Plan Funds that vaccine uptake among 
PLHIV is efficient and effective by reaching PEPFAR beneficiaries 
through existing service delivery platforms. Current PEPFAR-supported 
infrastructure and health systems (e.g. supply chain management, health 
information systems, and human resources) could be leveraged quickly to 
support countries in COVID-19 vaccination, planning and administration.

    Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public 
health research--such as gain-of-function or other life sciences 
research that poses dual-use concerns--in cooperation with countries 
that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have violated or 
failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or where the 
United States cannot certify that such country is in compliance with 
the Biological Weapons Convention?

    Answer. No.

    Question. If confirmed, will you ensure PEPFAR-supported research 
and development grants and contracts are fully vetted and do not flow 
to partners, including through sub-awards, engaged in such research, 
particularly in countries with lax biosecurity standards?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you enhance S/GAC's monitoring 
and evaluation of sub-awards related to life sciences research?

    Answer. Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) is an essential function 
for S/GAC and PEPFAR U.S. Government implementing agencies. To 
executive M&E well requires knowledge in project planning, data 
collection, making data usable, and using data for decision-making. If 
confirmed, I would work to further strengthen S/GAC human resources 
with technical skills and tools required to ensure effective monitoring 
and to manage evaluations funded through prime and sub-awards related 
to life sciences research and implement quality HIV programs.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and 
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family 
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against 
the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign 
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign 
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote 
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary 
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to ensure compliance 
with current policy regarding U.S. foreign assistance

    Question. China has used the COVID-19 pandemic to advance its 
relations with other countries through vaccine diplomacy. As of May 
2021, China has exported more than 250 million vaccine doses (about 42 
percent of its total production). Many of these doses were sold, not 
donated, and yet Chinese public media messaging around the vaccine 
deliveries have laid the groundwork for the Chinese Government to 
broaden engagement with key countries. How can we counter misleading 
narratives around China's vaccine diplomacy? In your previous role, did 
you work to counter such narratives? If so, how?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure that the US 
continues to be recognized for its extraordinary leadership in 
mitigating covid including the provision of vaccines globally with no 
strings attached. At Africa CDC my focus was on expanding vaccine 
accessibility and once secured, getting shots into arms by creating 
rapid response teams who sought to provide technical assistance to 
countries so vaccines would be well utilized.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. The United States must counter the PRC's misleading 
narratives everywhere they emerge. In my previous role, I worked to 
counter these by publicly acknowledging U.S. efforts and raising the 
profile of the U.S. for being the largest contributor of vaccines, 
while also privately working diplomatically to dispel misinformation 
amongst AU Member States. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to 
ensure that the United States continues to be recognized for its 
extraordinary leadership in mitigating COVID-19, including through the 
provision of safe and effective vaccines globally at no cost and with 
no political strings attached.

    Question. What can PEPFAR do to better promote the programming and 
support the U.S. provides in terms of global health, particularly in 
areas where China is expanding its own aid footprint?

    Answer. PEPFAR was extraordinarily helpful in Africa when COVID 
appeared. I witnessed this firsthand. The investments for HIV and HIV/
TB were in place, and were utilized to offer test, treat, and 
vaccination services for COVID. PEPFAR staff across multiple 
disciplines at U.S. Embassies across the continent where the technical 
collaborators to offer surveillance, infection control and other 
innovations to counter the new pandemic. Many of the HIV investments 
that PEPFAR has made in lab, surveillance, HRH, supply chain, etc., 
were utilized. We can do more to be responsive--when we provide 
vaccines, we must also provide the supplies to get them into arms, as 
well as other critical medical products
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. PEPFAR is among the United States' most powerful diplomatic 
and programmatic tools and exemplifies its technical prowess, trusted 
relationships, and enduring efforts to save lives across the globe. The 
PRC's approach has been to hide funding arrangements with countries 
when investing in things that are visible--infrastructure projects, for 
example. Conversely, PEPFAR should be more outspoken about its 
tremendous investment, its very visible impact on HIV for the citizens 
of the countries, and the health systems that have been strengthened 
through this outcome-focused effort that has also helped respond to 
COVID-19 and other health threats.

    Question. In March 2021, you said in an interview to Chinese state-
owned Xinhua that you would welcome Chinese vaccines and appreciate 
China's health efforts in Africa. Do you still stand by this statement? 
What would you consider the successes and failures of Chinese health 
engagement with Africa throughout the pandemic?

    Answer. In my role as CDC Africa Director, at that time the 
countries were not on anyone's radar for vaccines and the appeal was 
made everywhere, including to China. Chinese engagement was practical 
and responsive to what countries asked for. Actions such as offering 
vaccines without transparency on efficacy data were barriers to 
overcome.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. As Director of the Africa CDC, an agency of the African 
Union, it was my role to confront this threat to the lives of over a 
billion people, and I was supporting a global appeal to make safe and 
effective, WHO EUL-approved vaccines available to African countries. 
The PRC engaged countries on a bilateral basis, which was outside the 
scope of the Director's authority, and Africa CDC had no role in 
countries' decisions regarding which vaccines to administer to their 
populations. If confirmed, I will continue to push for equitable access 
to safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines globally with no political 
strings attached.

    Question. What lessons can the African continent learn about the 
risks of engaging with the Chinese on health issues?

    Answer. One valuable lesson is to be science-based and look 
thoroughly and apolitically at the incentive structure of the 
partnership being offered. Valuing full and transparent relationships 
is better in the long-term.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. The United States seeks a science-based approach and looks 
thoroughly at the incentive structure of any partnership being offered. 
We require full and transparent relationships that remain in our 
interests and that of our partners. We must vigilantly uphold the 
principles of transparency and data accuracy throughout these 
engagements. As Director of the Africa CDC, I have ensured that 
collaboration with the PRC is guided by Africa CDC's five-year 
strategic plan and not determined or influenced by the PRC's offers for 
input.

    Question. China has shown us, time and time again, that it is not a 
reliable partner in global health. At the beginning of the COVID-19 
pandemic, it suppressed vital information about the spread of the 
virus, impeded global research into the virus, and spread 
disinformation about its origins. China also engaged in early-pandemic 
stockpiling of key PPE, and later profited off of selling this PPE and 
its vaccines. To this day, it refuses to cooperate fully with global 
health organizations and spreads disinformation about the nature of the 
virus. Do you think there is still an opportunity to work with China on 
global health, given its unreliability and lack of transparency? Why or 
why not? Please be specific.

    Answer. We welcome the PRC's cooperation on issues such as climate 
change, global health security, arms control, and nonproliferation-all 
issues that threaten the entire world and require everyone to do their 
part. The United States is committed to building back better global 
health security to mitigate future pandemics and other biological 
threats--emphasizing that all nations need increased capacity now. 
Countries and institutions must hold themselves accountable, fulfilling 
the commitments we've all made and surging resources required to end 
this pandemic by vaccinating the world, saving lives now, and building 
back better.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. The Department of State has noted transnational issues for 
cooperation with the PRC where our interests align, including global 
health security. Health diplomacy has been an effective tool of soft 
power. Cooperation between the U.S. CDC and China CDC as a public 
health goal to prevent, detect, respond to, and contain future health 
threats must be weighed with the risks associated with the lack of 
reliable data and lack of transparency. Our continuous engagement with 
the PRC could place additional pressure on the PRC to improve 
transparency.

    Question. Under your tenure, the African CDC headquarters building 
was contracted to be built by the China Civil Engineering Construction 
Corporation, one of the largest Chinese state-owned enterprises for 
construction and a key player in China's One Belt, One Road initiative. 
This contract was concluded after reports came out in 2018 that the 
Chinese state-owned enterprise-built African Union headquarters had 
been bugged by the Chinese Government and that the building was wired 
to transfer sensitive AU data back to China. What was the impetus for 
allowing yet another Chinese state-owned enterprise construct a key 
headquarter building after there had been clear evidence that previous 
Chinese construction was built with bugs?

    Answer. Africa CDC, as an agency of the African Union, identifies 
areas of need including infrastructure development. Responsibility on 
fulfilling development plans sit within the African Union leadership 
processes and protocols.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. The decision to contract PRC-backed enterprises to 
construct the Africa CDC's headquarters predated my arrival as the head 
of the agency in January 2016. It was an agreement made by the African 
Union Commission, and a political decision several levels above me. The 
AU established a technical working group to ensure that the 
construction was carried out according to international norms and 
standards, and it took almost two years from the first meeting in May 
2017 to agree on the format of the building, as we held firm on many 
key aspects. I pushed back in my limited capacity as a technical person 
within the AU system in this note here.

    Question. What assurances, if any, did you receive to ensure the 
Chinese Government would not construct the African CDC building to spy 
on public health programming in Africa and transfer sensitive data back 
to China? What steps did you take to very these assurances?

    Answer. The African Union seeks transparency within every 
partnership development, including infrastructure development. Any 
unauthorized actions were a breech on the side of the partner, not 
negligence by Africa CDC.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. Africa CDC has requested that all software--including the 
building's information and data management systems--be handled by an 
independent group, as opposed to the PRC state-owned enterprise, to 
ensure that it is under the strict oversight of the African Union. The 
African Union seeks transparency within every partnership, including on 
infrastructure development, and does not condone spying or unauthorized 
data sharing.

    Question. During your time with the African CDC, you supported 
cooperation with China on setting up Africa's Regional Integrated 
Surveillance and Laboratory Network to help coordinate and integrate 
healthcare capacity and public health data. What guardrails, if any, 
did you put on this cooperation to protect sensitive health data?

    Answer. Africa CDC guidance aligns with WHO guidance to all WHO 
Member States regarding the protection of the individual rights of 
citizens for their health information to not be used without consent.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. None of the three Regional Integrated Surveillance and 
Laboratory Networks that Africa CDC is establishing in Central, 
Southern, and West Africa has benefited from any PRC support or input--
absolutely none.

    Question. Did you have any concerns, or do you have, about the 
integration of so many public services under Chinese technical 
expertise and infrastructure? How did you address those concerns at the 
time?

    Answer. AU member states make their own decisions on who they 
partner with on technical expertise and infrastructure. The role of 
Africa CDC is to provide best practices, encourage collaboration and 
enhance communication amongst countries in an effort to build strong 
networks to fight ongoing and new health threats.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
    Answer. During my tenure at Africa CDC, there have been three PRC-
associated seconded staff, from 2017 to 2019, with each staying for one 
year. By contrast, during the last five years Africa CDC has benefited 
from ten U.S. CDC assignees and or seconded staff, with three embedded 
full-time. AU member states make their own decisions as to whom they 
partner with on technical expertise and infrastructure. Africa CDC's 
role is to provide best practices, encourage collaboration, and enhance 
communication amongst countries to build strong networks to fight 
ongoing and new health threats. I have been very clear on my stance 
that we must insist on respectful and action-oriented partnerships that 
are fully aligned with Africa CDC's priorities.

    Question. Do you commit to ensuring that any data collected by 
PEPFAR programs is protected and cannot be accessed by authoritarian 
governments?

    Answer. Yes.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. On January 27, 2020, you wrote an article that called 
Beijing's response to the COVID-19 pandemic ``swift and decisive'' and 
praised its ``political openness'' as a ``new dawn for global health 
security and international health diplomacy.'' This was certainly the 
early days of the pandemic, but already by January 27, the Chinese 
response to COVID-19 was anything but a ``new dawn.'' A few days before 
January 27, on January 23, the PRC instituted a complete lockdown of 
Wuhan. The PRC took draconian measures that far exceeded the lockdowns 
that we all eventually experienced during the pandemic. They welded 
people into their homes to force them to comply with the lockdown, and 
to keep them from leaving once the hospitals were full. They harassed 
the family members of those who had died of the disease. A blogger who 
covered this, Zhang Zhan, still remains in custody for telling the 
world about the Chinese Communist Party's repression. What about this 
response was a ``new dawn?''

    Answer. In my role as CDC Africa Director at that time, we 
desperately wanted transparency and openness to understand the origins 
of this new global threat. We assumed that China, as a WHO Member State 
and a purported supporter of global health security, would behave 
responsibly and share all relevant information, data, and samples in a 
timely and transparent manner; but unfortunately that was not--and 
still is not--the case.

    Question. Do you still believe the PRC's response to the COVID-19 
crisis is a model other countries should follow now, or for future 
pandemics?

    Answer. The world still does not definitely know the origins of the 
virus and the early spread of COVID-19. The PRC is politicizing this 
issue, when it should be a straightforward discussion and analysis of 
data among experts. The inquiry into the origins of this pandemic must 
be science-based and have access all relevant data, samples, and 
information. We owe it to our people and people all around the world to 
look thoroughly and apolitically into the origins of COVID-19.

    Question. In the same piece, you wrote the following: ``By 10 
January 2020, the consortium had sequenced and publicly released 
partial sequences obtained from a patient in Wuhan that demonstrated at 
least 70 percent similarity in genetic material to severe acute 
respiratory syndrome (SARS). Such transparency in sharing sequence 
information is critical for the development of diagnostic tests and 
potential therapy and vaccines to help control the outbreak, should it 
spread widely. The sequences were deposited in GenBank.'' The 
``transparency'' you praised was not transparency at all. It was the 
result of a brave Chinese scientist, Zhang Yongzhen, releasing the 
sequences without Beijing's permission. Zhang's lab at the Shanghai 
Public Health Clinical Center sequenced the full genome of SARS-CoV-2 
by January 5, and immediately shared the sequence with the National 
Health Commission and sought permission to publish. After receiving no 
answer for six days, Zhang asked a colleague in Australia to release 
the sequence on GenBank on January 11 (local time). A day later, the 
authorities closed his lab for ``rectification.'' The NHC did not share 
the genome sequence with the WHO until after Zhang published it. We 
have a whistleblower to thank for the information that allowed us to 
develop our diagnostic tests, vaccines, and treatments, not the PRC 
authorities. When you wrote this article, did you know that the 
``transparency'' you praised was actually a courageous scientist acting 
in defiance of Beijing for the sake of global public health?

    Answer. No.

    Question. On January 3, the PRC National Health Commission issued a 
confidential gag order to prevent Chinese scientists from sharing 
information related to the virus with anyone without authorization and 
ordered them to destroy samples in their possession. While this 
information did not becoming publicly known until April 2020, given the 
extent of the initial cover up with SARS in 2003-2004, and many other 
instances of PRC authorities covering up, distorting, or 
misrepresenting data of various types over the years since then, 
shouldn't you have been more skeptical of Beijing's claims early in the 
outbreak?

    Answer. My position at the time was we would take the information 
in good faith in the hopes it would encourage a meaningful partnership 
to fight COVID-19. Over time it became apparent that not all the 
information was being freely shared.

    Question. Thanks to investigative reporting by brave Chinese 
journalists, we've known since 2021 that the genome had been sequenced 
by commercial companies at least as early as December 27, 2019, and 
these companies had provided the results to Wuhan and central 
authorities. So the truth is far more complicated than the picture that 
you painted in your article, which was based on data curated by 
Beijing. Do you regret jumping to conclusions in the absence of 
reliable data? In retrospect, how do you account for this misjudgment? 
What lessons have you learned?

    Answer. At that time, we sincerely thought that maybe the 
relationship Africa CDC had fostered with Chinese counterparts would 
yield scientific dividends to fight COVID-19 and as a result of our 
scientific and technical exchange, there would be the emergence of 
information to fight the spread. With hindsight now, it is clear that 
we were premature in drawing conclusions that did not stand the test of 
time.

    Question. Going forward, do you commit to being more circumspect 
when making assessments of developing situations, and more skeptical of 
data coming out of China?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you rigorously question the integrity 
and quality of any assistance provided by the Chinese Communist Party 
to global AIDS relief?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. I understand that you played a leading role in standing 
up Africa's CDC. While more coordination in infectious disease control 
is certainly needed in Africa, Africa's CDC was built and funded by 
China. Similarly, Beijing designed, built, and paid for the African 
Union's $200 million headquarters, with Huawei installing its servers. 
It turns out that the headquarters was hacked and had its data 
transferred to a server in China. This raises concerns that Beijing 
will seek to steal data from the Africa CDC in the same way they did 
with the AU headquarters. Can you explain your role more in Africa's 
CDC?

    Answer. As a U.S. Government official, I was seconded from the U.S. 
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to the Africa Centers for 
Disease Control and Prevention as its Director from 2021-2026. The AU 
process dictated how Africa CDC would be financed; my role was to 
realize a vision I had to build local competency and resilience and 
expand partnership between the U.S. CDC, my home of thirty years, and 
Africa.

    Question. Did you ever push back on China's role in constructing 
the facility?

    Answer. The decisions were promoted through complicated AU 
discussions and negotiations. I had no vote.

    Question. Since establishing the President's Emergency Plan for 
AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), Congress has stipulated that the program has 
overall management and budget authority across agencies, enabling it to 
strategically guide U.S. efforts on global HIV and AIDS. In addition, 
as a program situated in the State Department, PEPFAR has been able to 
incorporate global health leadership with U.S. diplomatic assets, 
helping to integrate its work on the ground and strengthening its 
relationships with partner governments. Many have credited these 
attributes as core to PEPFAR's success. What do you see as 
opportunities to utilize the program's diplomatic relationships and its 
cross agency authority to address the next phase in the global HIV 
response?

    Answer. First, all credit to PEPFAR's founding legislation which 
equipped the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator with the budget, authority, 
and the Department of State's foreign assistance leadership to execute 
what I believe is one of the most successful development initiatives 
ever launched by a country. That focus, aligned with impressive support 
to keep the program committed to its goal has yielded dividends that 
can appropriately evolve into an effective multisectoral instrument to 
demonstrate how a focused approach to problems can continue to drive 
results and make a lasting impact. If confirmed, I will work 
collaboratively with all stakeholders to identify ways we can continue 
to expand country responsibility on sustaining HIV impact.

    Question. If confirmed, will you continue to maintain PEPFAR's 
management and budget authority across the interagency?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on 
this matter.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. In January 2021, the State Department called for a 
transparent and thorough investigation into the origin of the COVID-19 
pandemic. Understanding the origin of COVID-19 is essential to advance 
global public health, economic recovery, and international security. In 
particular, the State Department urged the World Health Organization to 
press the Government of China to show transparency and share 
information about the initial outbreak and spread of COVID-19. China, 
however, has resisted the international community's effort to 
understand the outbreak and spread of COVID-19. What is your view of 
China's role in the outbreak and spread of COVID-19?

    Answer. While fighting the current COVID-19 pandemic must be our 
priority, understanding its origins and transparency of data are 
critical to prepare for, prevent, and more rapidly respond to the next 
pandemic. If confirmed, I will work across the U.S. Government 
interagency and with our external partners to ensure that we continue 
to support the WHO's ongoing efforts to identify the origins of COVID-
19. Toward this end, WHO has appointed a new expert panel to focus on 
better managing outbreaks of unknown origin in the future, and, if 
confirmed, I will cooperate with it to the extent appropriate.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. In its own backyard, the People's Republic of China (PRC) 
responded to COVID-19 by cracking down on public health officials who 
wanted to alert the world on early observations about how the virus was 
spreading, which could have saved lives. The lack of transparency and 
misinformation by PRC officials, their actions to block flow of helpful 
information from their own scientists, and the PRCs refusal to 
collaborate with countries when it was crucial to do so led to the 
escalation of this pandemic. I agree that the inability of WHO to 
compel collaboration by PRC hampered global efforts further. The United 
States must counter the PRC's misleading narratives everywhere they 
emerge. I worked to counter these by publicly acknowledging U.S. 
efforts and raising the profile of the United States for being the 
largest contributor of vaccines, while also privately working 
diplomatically to dispel misinformation circulating amongst AU Member 
States. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the preeminence 
of the United States as the credible partner to assist in mitigating 
COVID-19, including through the provision of safe and effective 
vaccines globally at no cost, and set countries on a course for true 
health security.

    Question. What mistakes, in your view, did China commit in the 
outbreak and spread of COVID-19?

    Answer. As the world continues to seek to control the COVID-19 
pandemic, we must ensure the lessons we have so painfully learned are 
never repeated. If confirmed, I will work with both the U.S. Government 
interagency and collaborating partners to strengthen the global health 
architecture so that all countries are better prepared to prevent, 
detect, and respond to the threats of infectious disease.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. The primary mistake the People's Republic of China (PRC) 
made, in my view, was its choice to hide the truth of its earliest 
observations of how the COVID-19 virus spread. Once it became clear 
that the virus spread asymptomatically, it was crucial that the world 
know that fact immediately. The PRC's blocking the WHO from conducting 
an independent investigation was another mistake, leading to 
perceptions, rather than science driving global decision-making. Also, 
as stated above, the PRC's cracking down on public health officials who 
wanted to alert the world on early observations about how the virus was 
spreading, which could have saved lives, was a serious miscalculation. 
Lastly, the spread of misinformation has been concerning. For instance, 
despite the May 2020 statement by the PRC leadership that $2 billion 
will be allocated to fight COVID-19, no funding has materialized.

    Question. From 2016 to 2021, you served as the Director of Africa's 
Center for Disease Control and Prevention. China has used public health 
assistance to Africa to exert further influence often at the expense of 
Africans. Please provide details on your cooperation and collaboration 
with the Government of China during the time that you served as the 
Director of Africa's Center for Disease Control and Prevention?

    Answer. In my role as Director, our goal was to broaden 
collaboration. I sought to create as many partnerships and third-party 
engagements to support the needs of AU member states. Since the Ebola 
outbreak, in seeking a coordinated response, the Africa CDC forged 
partnerships with China, with the EU, with the United States and many 
others, to collaborate on technical issues that would enhance health 
security. When COVID appeared, Africa CDC leveraged WHO to try to bring 
China into the on-going dialogue on how best to understand the etiology 
of this new disease.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. As Director of the Africa CDC, an agency of the African 
Union, it was my role to confront threats to the health of over a 
billion people, and I supported a global appeal to make safe and 
effective, World Health Organization Emergency Use Listing Procedure 
(WHO EUL)-approved vaccines available to African countries. The PRC 
engaged countries on a bilateral basis, which was outside the scope of 
the Director's authority, and Africa CDC had no role in countries' 
decisions regarding which vaccines to administer to their populations. 
When the PRC offered vaccines to the African Union Commission (AUC) in 
Addis Ababa that had not received WHO EUL-approval, I opposed it very 
strongly and advised the AUC to only use vaccines that had received 
proper regulatory approvals. If confirmed, I will continue to push for 
equitable global access to safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines. When I 
arrived in January 2017 as Director, my priority was to develop a 5-
year strategic plan for Africa CDC. I used the plan, which was endorsed 
by the Africa CDC governing board, to constrain the ability of the PRC 
to discuss public health priorities for Africa only in the context of 
the strategic plan. For instance, I stopped programs to send young 
African scientists to China for short term training, and instead argued 
that such training could be done on the continent of Africa.

    Question. When you served as the Director of Africa's Center for 
Disease Control and Prevention, what efforts did you take to protect 
the data of Africans from exploitation by China?

    Answer. Data use and sharing is an important aspect of the COVID-19 
response, and AU member states encouraged data transparency, which was 
instrumental in mitigating transmission of the virus across the 
continent. Relevant data were also available to our technical partners 
including China and other countries to inform mitigation and vaccine 
efforts.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. Africa CDC has requested that all software--including the 
building's information and data management systems--be handled by an 
independent group, as opposed to the People's Republic of China (PRC) 
state-owned enterprise, to ensure that it is under the strict oversight 
of the African Union. Currently, Africa CDC is actively looking for 
African organizations that can develop needed software for Africa CDC, 
so that the PRC is not doing it for Africa CDC. The African Union seeks 
transparency within every partnership, including on infrastructure 
development, and does not condone spying or unauthorized data sharing.

    Question. If confirmed, what limitations or safeguards will you put 
in place for all future interactions with the Government of China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work aggressively to draw on America's 
comparative advantages in global health and development and engage 
directly with partner countries and civil society to ensure that good 
governance, transparency, and accountability are integrated into all 
our PEPFAR programming.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. One obvious limitation that should be imposed on the 
People's Republic of China (PRC) is unfettered access to data and 
information which has been the hallmark of scientific collaborations 
before COVID-19. It would be important to not simply embrace the high 
cost of PRC inaction, but for the United States to boldly call for 
adoption and implementation of new global standards for health 
engagement with the PRC based on the painful lessons learned. Any 
interaction with the PRC should be handled with the utmost of care. If 
confirmed, where PRC influence is taking hold, I would seek for PEPFAR 
to be more outspoken to safeguard against PRC-induced corruption, and 
to speak more about PEPFAR's tremendous investment over time, it's very 
visible impact on HIV for the citizens of the countries, and the health 
systems that have helped respond to COVID-19 and other health threats 
and stand to further promote health security efforts.

    Question. PEPFAR has previously worked best when U.S. taxpayer 
dollars were granted to partner countries only in return for concrete 
improvements in their processes. In specific, U.S. taxpayer dollars 
must operate as an instrument of accountability-not simply as largesse 
for foreign governments. A key goal of U.S. foreign assistance should 
be to ensure that recipients someday achieve self-reliance. If 
confirmed, what are your plans to impose accountability on partners of 
PEPFAR program to ensure high performance?

    Answer. PEPFAR is recognized as an exemplary steward of American 
taxpayer dollars. I believe it has some of the most rigorous data 
reporting and monitoring measures in place across all its programs that 
tracks to real outcomes. If confirmed, I intend to ensure program and 
policy decisions continue to be driven by the most robust, granular 
data available so that U.S. taxpayer dollars continue to have the 
greatest impact and reach those with the greatest need and at highest 
risk--a hallmark of the PEPFAR program. I will work collaboratively 
with countries, and with my counterparts in the diplomatic corps and 
development community, to identify ways we can continue to expand 
country functional and financial responsibility and capacity for self-
reliance.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. PEPFAR is recognized as an exemplary steward of American 
taxpayer dollars. I believe it has some of the most rigorous data 
reporting and monitoring measures in place across all its programs that 
track to real outcomes. If confirmed, I intend to ensure program and 
policy decisions continue to be driven by the most robust, granular 
data available so that U.S. taxpayer dollars continue to have the 
greatest impact and reach those with the greatest need and at highest 
risk--a hallmark of the PEPFAR program. I will work collaboratively 
with countries, and with my counterparts in the diplomatic corps and 
development community, to identify ways we can continue to expand 
country functional and financial responsibility and capacity for self-
reliance.

    Question. If confirmed, what are you plans to empower recipients of 
PEPFAR foreign assistance to eventually achieve self-reliance?

    Answer. Because of PEPFAR's support, countries are achieving or 
nearing epidemic control of HIV. We must work together with others as 
epidemic control is a dynamic state. Many partner governments have 
increased their investment in their respective HIV response over time. 
However, several cannot, and this has been compounded recently by 
COVID-19. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government 
responsibility. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote self-
reliance by developing more efficient models of service delivery and 
strengthening technical, managerial and financial capacity for partner 
governments to maintain key services, systems and resources stewarded 
by local institutions.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. Because of PEPFAR's support, countries are achieving or 
nearing epidemic control of HIV. We must work together with others as 
epidemic control is a dynamic state. Many partner governments have 
increased their investment in their respective HIV response over time. 
However, several cannot, and this has been compounded recently by 
COVID-19. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government 
responsibility. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote self-
reliance by developing more efficient models of service delivery and 
strengthening technical, managerial, and financial capacity for partner 
governments to maintain key services, systems and resources stewarded 
by local partners and institutions.

    Question. During your SFRC nomination hearing on March 15, 2022, 
you referenced your desire to continue to strengthen cooperation with 
the World Health Organization (WHO) in an effort to curb the current 
global pandemic, as well as prevent the next pandemic. The WHO, 
however, has come under significant scrutiny as a result of its 
inability to conduct a thorough and comprehensive investigation into 
the origin of COVID-19 from China. Moreover, China's increasing 
influence at the WHO continues to jeopardize the integrity of the 
organization. What is your view of the World Health Organization's role 
in the outbreak and spread of COVID-19?

    Answer. The WHO plays a key role in helping countries to prepare 
and respond to a wide range of health issues. During the COVID-19 
pandemic, the WHO has ensured that vital supplies reach frontline 
health workers with personal protective equipment (PPE), diagnostics, 
and other tools. If confirmed, I will work across the U.S. Government 
interagency and with our external partners to ensure that we continue 
to support reforms and improvements of the WHO, including its ability 
to thoroughly and transparently lead studies into outbreaks of unknown 
origin. American leadership and American values can help to strengthen 
the WHO, ensure availability and accessibility of health services for 
all people, and support a recovery from the global disruption of COVID-
19 to enhance preparedness, detection, and response to future pandemics 
in order to protect everyone.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. The WHO took an overly supportive posture of the People's 
Republic of China (PRC) at the start of the pandemic, which tempered 
the more aggressive stance all nations should have taken when 
information on the potential of COVID-19 to spread widely was scarce. 
Following that misstep, the WHO has ensured that vital supplies reach 
frontline health workers with personal protective equipment (PPE), 
diagnostics, and other tools. If confirmed, I will work across the U.S. 
Government interagency and with our external partners to ensure that we 
continue to support reforms and improvements of the WHO. I will support 
the U.S. negotiating team that is exploring how to strengthen the WHO's 
ability to lead transparent studies into outbreaks of unknown origin 
through language in a possible new international agreement. American 
leadership and American values can help to strengthen and reform the 
WHO, ensure availability and accessibility of health services for all 
people, and support a recovery from the global disruption of COVID-19 
to enhance preparedness, detection, and response to future pandemics in 
order to protect everyone. A reformed and accountable WHO is what is 
needed most to ensure that the world does not witness such a 
catastrophic pandemic again.

    Question. What should the United States do to achieve 
accountability and competence from the World Health Organization?

    Answer. Much work remains to strengthen and improve the performance 
of the WHO and our global pandemic preparedness and response. If 
confirmed, I will support the work of our U.S. Government interagency 
team to strengthen and reform the WHO, I look forward to working with 
you and others in joining the effort to do so.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
    Answer. Much work remains to strengthen, reform and improve the 
performance of the WHO and our global pandemic preparedness and 
response. The United States wants to strengthen the role of Member 
States in WHO governance, specifically in determining the strategic 
direction and core functions of WHO. The United States has highlighted 
several high-priority reform areas with WHO where we understand there 
is Member State consensus to move forward quickly, including WHO 
governance, budget and financial transparency and oversight, 
accountability, allocation of resources between headquarters, regional 
and country offices, human resources management, and compliance, risk 
management, and ethics. We must work to match funding to expectations, 
ensure the institution moves forward on reforms, and strengthens 
capacity to govern disease events in a more transparent manner. If 
confirmed, I will support the work of our U.S. Government interagency 
team to strengthen the role of Member States and press for reform at 
the WHO. I look forward to working with you and others in joining the 
effort to press on the reform area of accountability.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Dr. Monde Muyangwa by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Global sovereign debt is at record levels--the highest in 
50 years and triple 2008 levels; China is Africa's largest bilateral 
creditor, holding more than 20 percent of African debt--and payments to 
China account for nearly 30 percent of 2021's debt service. The rise of 
commercial creditors is another trend, with nearly half of African 
countries' public sector debt owed to the private sector. This shift in 
the lender landscape brings with it a set of challenges, particularly 
the increasing levels of opaque or hidden debt; collateralization of 
strategic reserves and commercial interest rates. This dynamic has a 
high social cost with ballooning debt service payments, diverting funds 
from vital public services. Of equal concern is the impact opaque debt 
has on democratic governance in terms of facilitating corruption, 
bolstering authoritarians, and expanding foreign malign influences.

   Under your leadership, how will USAID raise awareness of the 
        challenge of hidden debt and leverage democracy assistance 
        programs to support parliaments, civil society, governments, 
        and others to prioritize transparency, oversight, and sound 
        debt management?

    Answer. I understand that USAID supports partner government 
institutions to become more transparent, responsive, and effective. 
This includes efforts to strengthen justice systems, enhance public 
administration and public financial management, and promote 
transparency and accountability across the public sector. In addition, 
USAID supports civil society, media and government entities to perform 
and enhance oversight functions and information sharing. Finally, I 
understand that under Prosper Africa, USAID also seeks to increase 
investment from U.S. institutional investors, further demonstrating an 
alternative to state-backed debt financing of the United States' 
strategic competitors. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the 
Bureau for Africa to strengthen theseefforts.

    Question. When our attention is focused on crises such as the spate 
of coups or closing democratic space, we sometimes overlook countries 
that are quietly moving in the right direction and merit additional 
support and assistance.

   What does the U.S. provide to countries as a ``democracy dividend'' 
        when they do show progress or begin transitions?

    Answer. I believe that it is important to support countries as they 
work to demonstrate to their citizenry that democracy leads to improved 
social and economic outcomes. Demand for democracy in Africa remains 
high, underscoring the need to encourage open dialogue to identify 
opportunities and challenges and help governments to manage 
expectations.
    Moreover, Africa is home to many of the world's most striking 
democratic openings in recent years, for example those in Zambia, 
Malawi, and Gambia. It is crucial that we help democratic reformers in 
countries like these succeed.

    Question. What should we be doing by way of assistance to help 
cement transitions?

    Answer. It is important for development actors to listen to 
government officials and citizens in partner countries to understand 
how assistance can be deployed to encourage positive state-society 
relations that will support democratic development and consolidation. 
There is not a single approach, and responses should be tailored to the 
country-specific context. Efforts may include capacity building of 
government institutions, delivery of basic services, facilitating 
consultative and participatory decision-making, or peacebuilding and 
reconciliation activities, among others.

    Question. Do you commit to coming back to the committee with your 
ideas for a democracy dividend for countries that take important steps 
toward democratic transitions, if confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to consulting with the 
committee and sharing my ideas for how USAID can support countries that 
are demonstrating democratic progress.

Democracy and Human Rights
    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society across Africa? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will prioritize meeting with civil 
society actors in the U.S. and from African countries as a means to 
ensuring their voices, which are critical to advancing development 
solutions, are heard. Supporting civil society also means working to 
promote an enabling environment where organizations and citizens can 
operate freely. This may include supporting civil society demands to 
reverse draconian laws and calling out repressive measures. If 
confirmed, I will also work closely with my counterparts at the 
Department of State to encourage diplomatic engagement on rolling back 
restrictive measures and advocating against the adoption of new 
measures.

    Question. Will you and your USAID team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors on the 
continent?

    Answer. The rapid growth of social media in particular has changed 
how the world communicates, and with that comes increasing risks of 
misinformation and disinformation. I believe that USAID does have a 
role to play in ensuring that partners have the tools to combat 
misinformation and disinformation, which may require training service 
providers, as well as promoting the role of traditional media and 
journalists, to disseminate accurate information.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in across Africa, no 
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do 
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face 
in Africa?

    Question. Yes. LGBTQI+ people throughout Africa face harassment, 
physical attacks, and arrest, and are often denied access to basic 
education, health, housing, economic opportunities, and other services. 
Their participation in democratic processes and government is also 
limited. If confirmed, I pledge to implement USAID's comprehensive, 
inclusive non-discrimination policies for the beneficiaries of USAID 
assistance; ensure programs continue to reach out to the most-
marginalized members of society, including LGBTQI+ populations; and 
elevate the importance of practices that ensure the dignity of all 
Africans, irrespective of their gender identity or sexual orientation.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. How do you intend to revitalize the relationship between 
Congress and USAID through the Africa Bureau? What steps will you take 
to make sure transparency is a central tenant within USAID's programs?

    Answer. I appreciate the support that this committee, and the full 
Congress, have given to matters on the African continent over the 
years. Your attention to key issues affecting the continent and 
continued focus on opportunities for U.S. assistance has been 
invaluable. If confirmed, I will take steps to ensure that transparency 
is core to all of USAID's programming in Africa, and look forward to 
consulting with you on a regular basis on areas of mutual concern.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief me and/or my staff each time you are in Washington for visits or 
consultations during your tenure as Assistant Administrator of the 
Africa Bureau of USAID?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to briefing the committee and 
consulting with the committee throughout my tenure at USAID.

Power Africa
    Question. The initial Electrify Africa Act of 2015 embraced all 
power generating options available, including fossil fuels. Times are 
changing and the availability and effectiveness of renewables have 
never been better, in addition to the need for rapid decarbonization.

   What direction do you think Power Africa should go to meet both 
        energy needs and mitigation goals?

    Answer. I believe that Power Africa will continue to drive energy 
transformation for sub-Saharan Africa under the Electrify Africa Act of 
2015 and support the Administration's climate action agenda. It is my 
understanding that Power Africa and USAID take a renewable energy first 
approach, but will consider support for carbon-intensive power projects 
to achieve highly impactful development objectives that cannot be met 
by less carbon-intensive alternatives under the Administration's 
Interim International Energy Engagement Guidance. If confirmed, I will 
work with my colleagues in Power Africa to continue to promote mutual 
economic prosperity between the U.S. and African partners via 
technical/field expertise, innovation, investment, and enabling 
environment reform. With a strong emphasis on renewable energy and 
advancing the pledged climate ambitions of both the U.S. Government and 
African leaders, the ambitious goals of the program continue to advance 
universal energy access--adding 30,000 megawatts and 60 million 
connections by 2030, in addition to tracking metric tons of carbon 
dioxide equivalent (CO2e), reduced, sequestered, or avoided through 
clean energy.

    Question. What role should USAID play in addressing slave and child 
labor and corruption in supply chains that produce materials essential 
to renewable energy development?

    Answer. I understand that USAID is working with interagency 
counterparts to develop a policy on forced labor that will end 
financing for purchases from suppliers that are the subject of a U.S. 
Customs and Border Protection Withhold Release Order (WRO), on the 
Commerce Entity List, or otherwise sanctioned for their use of forced 
labor. In addition, USAID is dedicated to addressing the role of forced 
labor in the extraction of critical minerals necessary for renewable 
energy technologies and high performing batteries, noting the majority 
of supplies come from Africa. This should be done through work with 
interagency partners and private industry investors to promote strong 
labor rights, protection for private capital, financial transparency, 
and other social safeguards as the demand for ``green industry'' 
minerals rises.

DEI/Workforce
    Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity, and 
inclusion within the Africa Bureau's workforce and among its 
implementing partners in Washington and overseas?

    Answer. First, I would like to commend the Agency for the 
designation of a Chief Diversity Officer. If confirmed, I look forward 
to engaging with her on diversity and inclusion issues that impact the 
Bureau for Africa. If confirmed, I will ensure the Bureau and USAID's 
Missions across Africa continue to engage implementing partners to 
promote the rights and inclusion of marginalized and underrepresented 
populations throughout the development process. I also understand that 
USAID is escalating its efforts to enhance staff diversity, equity, and 
inclusion, and that the Bureau for Africa has a volunteer employee-led 
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility (DEIA) Council, as do 
the majority of USAID Missions in Africa. If confirmed, I will elevate 
and give my full support to these efforts.

Local Partnerships
    Question. What are the key challenges to meeting administrator 
Power's charge that 25 percent of all USAID funds shall be programmed 
via local partners, and how would you address them?

    Answer. The geography and variation in size and political context 
of countries across Africa require distinct approaches to advancing 
localization. We have seen compelling examples of how effective 
development and humanitarian assistance can be when local actors and 
communities in African countries lead in addressing local challenges. 
Administrator Power's 25 percent target is global in scope, and there 
will be significant variation by region. In all instances, it is 
essential that USAID elevate local voices, expand rigorous co-design, 
strengthen local capacity, and ensure that all activities support 
sustained locally led and community responsive development. This 
includes taking lessons learned from historical and ongoing 
localization efforts, and engaging with regional leaders and USG 
stakeholders, like the African Development Fund and the Development 
Finance Corporation, to determine what localization looks like for the 
African continent. If confirmed, I look forward to working to unleash 
the potential of local businesses and institutions in various African 
country contexts.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Dr. Monde Muyangwa by Senator James E. Risch

Management
    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan 
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by 
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant USAID 
strategies, initiatives, programs and funding in Africa?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with the committee 
in a bipartisan manner to provide information requested in a timely, 
accurate, and complete fashion.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero 
tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your 
purview?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold a zero tolerance policy 
for any waste, fraud and abuse across all of USAID's programming under 
my purview.

    Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance 
policy for all USAID staff and implementing partners under your 
management responsibility who engage in the sexual exploitation and 
abuse of the vulnerable communities they are meant to serve?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold a zero tolerance policy 
for any USAID staff and implementing partners under my management 
responsibility who engage in any form of sexual exploitation or abuse 
of any kind.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale within USAID's 
Africa Bureau and how, if necessary, do you intend to improve it?

    Answer. It is the responsibility of leadership to be highly attuned 
to the state of staff morale, particularly in large and complex 
organizations such as USAID. It is my understanding that the impacts of 
the COVID pandemic, the increased need to deliver development and 
humanitarian assistance across the African continent, as well as the 
uptick in political violence in several countries, have had an impact 
on the morale of Africa Bureau staff. If confirmed, I will consult with 
Africa Bureau staff, both in Washington D.C. and the field, and 
representatives from the Office of Human Capital and Talent Management 
to gauge the state of morale as well as the resources available to 
address staff concerns, and develop a plan of action to address the 
issues identified.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across the Africa Bureau's offices, initiatives, and programs while 
holding managers and implementing partners accountable for transparency 
and results?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to promote joint strategic 
planning within the Bureau to overcome stove-piping and unify across 
streams. I will empower components to develop contextualized 
implementation plans with clearly stated objectives and results that 
derive from and support the Africa Bureau joint strategy and its 
priorities. I will also work with Bureau leadership to continually 
highlight the importance of our unified mission and the factors that 
make for a successful ``Team USAID.'' Where necessary, I will 
strengthen the Bureau's various mechanisms for accountability and 
transparency, including performance reports, site visits, robust 
program evaluations, and audits.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I would describe my management style as vision-driven and 
results-oriented. My goal is to create an inclusive, team-oriented 
environment where staff are held accountable for achieving results and 
feel empowered and supported by management.

    Question. In your view, how would your management style translate 
to USAID, where your workforce and implementing partners are composed 
of a dizzying array of career foreign and civil servants, political 
appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency 
Service Agreements, foreign governments, international organizations, 
contractors, and grantees, often with competing priorities and 
interests?

    Answer. I spent 13 years at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies 
and eight years at the Wilson Center leading diverse teams composed of 
federal employees, foreign nationals, and contracted staff hired under 
various employment mechanisms. If confirmed, I will utilize my 
experience to address staffing and human resource concerns that may 
hinder a cohesive, team-oriented work environment. My transparent and 
agile management style will allow me to effectively balance the 
Bureau's competing priorities while holding everyone accountable for 
achieving the overall Agency and U.S. Government foreign policy 
objectives.

President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
    Question. USAID missions have a long history of stretching the 
boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds, 
including: using PEPFAR funds to finance the construction of schools in 
Malawi despite the availability of education funds earmarked by 
appropriators annually for this purpose; using PEPFAR funds statutorily 
set aside to support children who have been made vulnerable by HIV/AIDS 
for activities with no discernable connection to HIV/AIDS; and by using 
PEFPAR funds to support salaries for implementing agency staff who are 
only nominally focused on combatting HIV/AIDS.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring all U.S. Government-
        supported efforts to combat HIV/AIDS globally are efficient, 
        effective, aligned, and complementary to the work of the Office 
        of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring USAID's HIV/AIDS 
efforts are efficient, effective, aligned, and complementary to the 
work of the Office of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health 
Diplomacy (OGAC).

    Question. Will you work to ensure that implementing missions and 
partners meaningfully contribute to, but also strictly adhere to, 
PEPFAR's Country Operating Plan (COP) process?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure continued Africa Bureau 
engagement with Missions and partners in the field to ensure meaningful 
contributions to, engagement with, and adherence to each country's 
annual PEPFAR Country Operating Plan (COP) process. In addition, I will 
fully collaborate with Global Health Bureau leadership, who remain 
USAID's principal interlocutor with the Office of the U.S. Global AIDS 
Coordinator.

Localization
    Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and 
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign 
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to 
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as 
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. There has, however, been confusion about 
how ``localization'' is defined and measured across the implementing 
agencies, and how oversight of local partners should be conducted.

   What should ``localization'' look like in Africa?

    Answer. The geography and variation in size and political context 
of countries across Africa require distinct approaches to advancing 
localization. We have seen compelling examples of the effectiveness of 
development and humanitarian assistance when local actors and 
communities in African countries lead in addressing local challenges. 
Administrator Power's 25 percent target is global in scope, and there 
will be significant variation by region. In all instances, it is 
essential that USAID elevate local voices, expand rigorous co-design, 
strengthen local capacity, and ensure that all activities support 
sustained locally-led and community responsive development. This 
includes taking lessons learned from historical and ongoing 
localization efforts, engaging with regional leaders and USG 
stakeholders, like the African Development Fund and the Development 
Finance Corporation, to determine what localization looks like for the 
African continent. If confirmed, I look forward to working to unleash 
the potential of local businesses and institutions in various African 
country contexts.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to 
establish a formalized definition and plan for ``localization'', to 
include support for partner government investment strategies and direct 
funding for both local faith- and community-based organizations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID colleagues and 
with Congress to implement the vision for localization described by 
Administrator Power in her November 4, 2021 policy speech at Georgetown 
University, including plans for government-to-government assistance, 
where appropriate, and direct funding for local faith- and community-
based organizations as critical partners in USAID's localization 
efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you approach oversight of local 
partners by USAID's missions in Africa?

    Answer. USAID has significant experience partnering directly with 
local actors across Africa, in a variety of contexts. It is my 
understanding that USAID awards in Africa and around the globe include 
substantial compliance provisions, both required by law and enhanced 
through USAID-specific policies to ensure that the Agency is an 
effective steward of taxpayer dollars. Similarly, direct awards are 
monitored by Agency staff to ensure compliance with award terms and 
conditions and to ensure the achievement of the intended results. If 
confirmed, I would ensure that USAID staff are appropriately trained 
for, and properly implement, these robust award management and 
oversight duties.

Humanitarian Assistance
    Question. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has released a 
memo which, among other things, directs the new OMB Made in America 
Office to ``review how best to ensure agency compliance with cargo 
preference requirements to maximize the utilization of U.S.-flag 
vessels, in excess of any applicable statutory minimum, to the greatest 
extent practicable.'' This is likely to increase pressure upon USAID to 
exceed existing cargo preference requirements for food aid under the 
Food for Peace Act, notwithstanding the fact that the Government 
Accountability Office (GAO) repeatedly has found that such requirements 
significantly increase the cost of food aid while failing to advance 
the purposes of the Cargo Preference Act of 1954.

   In your testimony, you delivered impassioned remarks about how 
        USAID's delivery of U.S. international food aid in Zambia 
        impacted you personally. Given growing needs across the world, 
        and particularly in areas beset by conflict and food insecurity 
        in Africa, do you agree that it is incumbent upon USAID, in 
        partnership with Congress, to stretch our aid dollars as far as 
        possible so we can reach more people in need, in less time, and 
        at less expense?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to 
make USAID's programming as effective and efficient as possible in 
combating rising food insecurity and building the resilience of 
vulnerable communities. Each of the food assistance modalities--U.S. 
in-kind food contributions, locally and regionally procured food, and 
cash-based programming--complements the others in addressing food 
insecurity efficiently and effectively. Now more than ever, it is 
critical to maximize USAID's ability to reach more people in need, in 
less time, and at less expense.

    Question. Do you agree that U.S. cargo preference requirements for 
food aid have outlived their statutory purpose?

    Answer. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian need, 
USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency of 
its programs is of utmost importance. Cargo preference requirements 
increase the cost of programming U.S. in-kind commodities in 
humanitarian programs. If confirmed, I will work closely with USAID's 
Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance and interagency partners to ensure 
USAID food assistance most efficiently and effectively reaches those 
most in need in compliance with all applicable rules and regulations.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to 
reform U.S. international food aid programs and bolster the Global Food 
Security Strategy in a manner that saves lives, supports early 
recovery, stimulates agriculture-led economic growth, and ultimately 
promotes self-reliance in Africa?

    Answer. Yes. The most marginalized populations are bearing the 
brunt of the COVID-19 pandemic's impact. The war in Ukraine is also 
driving up global food prices, which could cause increases in food 
insecurity and malnutrition. I understand that USAID is leveraging 
short-term and long-term programs to respond. This includes engaging 
governments on trade and inclusive economic growth policies; engaging 
government and private sector partners to increase access to nutritious 
food; working with small and medium sized enterprises across food 
systems; transitioning households and communities off of assistance; 
and supporting governments to create and strengthen their existing 
social protection systems. If confirmed, I commit to working with 
Congress to combat food insecurity and malnutrition in Africa.

Branding
    Question. Given your experience noted above, how important is the 
USAID ``brand?''

    Answer. The USAID brand is critical. I recognize that branding the 
Agency's work is required by law under the Foreign Assistance Act of 
1961. While recognizing there are limited exceptions to branding to 
maintain partner safety and security, the USAID brand should be front 
and center as it drives trust, reputation, and impact. Around the 
world, it's important that the people who visit the clinics that USAID 
modernizes, or attend the schools that USAID builds, realize that these 
facilities have been provided or upgraded with the support of the 
American people. This recognition not only makes people aware of the 
good work that the Agency does, but it also helps ensure USAID funding 
continues, and can help inspire new partnerships. The USAID brand also 
helps American taxpayers understand where their tax dollars are going. 
If confirmed, I am committed to maintaining the brand equity that USAID 
has built over the years.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that United 
States foreign assistance in Africa is appropriately branded?

    Answer. While recognizing there are limited exceptions to branding 
to maintain partner safety and security, I am committed to USAID 
branding, and if confirmed, will work to ensure that United States 
foreign assistance in Africa is appropriately branded in all instances. 
I believe appropriate branding sends a strong public diplomacy message 
by conveying that United States assistance is due to the generosity of 
the American people.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and 
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family 
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against 
the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that the Agency will follow the 
law and ensure compliance with all applicable laws and regulations, 
including those related to family planning and abortion.

    Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign 
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign 
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote 
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary 
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?

    Answer. It is my understanding that USAID does not fund abortion. 
If confirmed, I commit to continuing to comply with the law, including 
the Helms and Siljander amendments, in implementing the Agency's 
programs, including voluntary family planning and reproductive health 
programs.

Power Africa
    Question. In the face of growing Chinese influence and investment, 
and in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, there arguably has never been 
a more important time to advance U.S. strategic programs to reduce 
energy poverty, support transformative energy development, and 
stimulate economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the President's 
FY 2022 budget request proposed to reduce by 26 percent funding for one 
of the most important instruments the USG has in its arsenal to 
accomplish these goals--Power Africa--while simultaneously imposing 
carbon caps and renewable energy mandates that inevitably will push 
developing economies in sub-Saharan Africa closer to China.

   Should reducing energy poverty in sub-Saharan Africa be a priority 
        for USAID?

    Answer. Yes. Ending energy poverty remains one of the greatest, if 
not the greatest, development challenges of our time. Power Africa will 
continue to increase access to power and the use of clean energy, as 
well as support investments in regional renewable energy programs in 
sub-Saharan Africa.

    Question. If so, how can that reasonably be accomplished while the 
Administration redirects funding for Power Africa to undefined climate 
change objectives and abandons the bipartisan, bicameral agreement on 
an ``all-of-the-above'' approach under the historic Electrify Africa 
Act?

    Answer. I believe the Agency's work through Power Africa, which 
leverages investments from U.S. and global partners, including the U.S. 
International Development Finance Corporation, will be able to achieve 
strong and lasting results. In line with the Electrify Africa Act, 
Power Africa targets resources to develop and offer the best tools, 
services, and solutions from the private and public sector, including 
its 12 U.S. Government agency partners, to promote transparent market-
driven energy development in sub-Saharan Africa. Power Africa takes a 
country by country, project by project approach when evaluating how 
best to end energy poverty and builds the essential regulatory reforms 
and procurement practices to support a prosperous and democratic 
future.

Prosper Africa
    Question. Launched by the Trump administration, Prosper Africa is a 
U.S. Government initiative supported by 17 agencies and departments, 
led by USAID, to increase two-way trade and investment between the 
United States and Africa. In 2019, Africa accounted for just 1.4 
percent of U.S. global trade and received 0.7 percent of U.S. foreign 
direct investment. Such shares have declined relative to their 
historical highs a decade or so ago. One vital area of Prosper Africa 
that requires greater emphasis, and where USAID can play a crucial 
role, is in improving the enabling environment within African partner 
countries to better-attract U.S. business investment. Improvements in 
anti-corruption initiatives, human rights, the rule of law, and overall 
democratic governance would create better conditions for U.S. 
investment. Such enhancements would also counterbalance efforts by 
Chinese firms and the Chinese Communist Party to undermine free-market 
competition in African markets to their advantage.

   What are your views on USAID's role in promoting trade and 
        investment and building stronger ties between the United States 
        and the African continent?

    Answer. I understand USAID plays a leading role in Prosper Africa. 
It does so by developing innovative new programming that drives the 
initiative's impact and by hosting the initiative's interagency 
Secretariat, which coordinates the initiative across 17 participating 
U.S. Government agencies, offers whole-of-government deal facilitation 
services, and leads private sector outreach. USAID is well-positioned 
to coordinate Prosper Africa due to the Agency's strong technical 
expertise in all aspects of trade and investment, extensive field 
presence, and flexible programs, which span the continent and allow the 
Agency to fill gaps in interagency resources and capacities.

    Question. How should U.S.-African trade and investment initiatives 
factor into the U.S. global strategy to counter China, particularly in 
Africa?
    While the U.S. Government cannot match strategic competitors' 
state-led approach dollar-for-dollar, Prosper Africa works to unlock 
billions in U.S. private capital flows to promote Africa's economic 
development, providing governments with high-quality, private 
financing. The approach contributes to local job creation, greater 
transparency, local economic development, citizen empowerment, climate-
smart solutions, and improved labor and environmental standards. For 
example, USAID partners with the U.S. and African financial services 
sectors to strategically deploy blended financing resources to develop 
cost-effective financing tools that position U.S. and African firms to 
better compete with firms receiving subsidized loans.

    Question. If confirmed as USAID Assistant Administrator for Africa, 
do you intend to advocate for continuing or modifying the existing 
Prosper Africa initiative? If so, how?

    Answer. Prosper Africa is a critically important initiative, and if 
confirmed I will advocate to continue it. It is my understanding that 
businesses have told USAID that they find it difficult to access the 
U.S. Government's tools and services; they don't have enough 
information to do business effectively; and, for U.S. businesses and 
investors, their perceived risk of doing business in Africa is very 
high. Prosper Africa addresses these constraints by offering a one-stop 
shop where companies and investors can access the right U.S. Government 
services to meet their needs; and the initiative brings new resources 
to modernize the U.S. Government's toolkit to more effectively advance 
deals, improve enabling environments, promote market opportunities, and 
deepen financial and capital markets.

    Question. How can the U.S. Government, through USAID programs, most 
effectively support efforts to improve the enabling environment for 
competitive foreign investment by U.S. firms in Africa? What types of 
partnerships work best?

    Answer. Robust enabling environments are critical for investors who 
have a difficult time evaluating and taking risk in African markets 
that often don't have clear regulations or reliable, consistent data on 
investment performance. Through Prosper Africa, USAID and other 
participating agencies have ramped up support for the investment 
ecosystem that gives investors the tools to evaluate risk in African 
markets, including the global and local credit rating agencies, local 
and global regulators, and recipient country governments. Holistic 
partnerships that include investors and donors working collaboratively 
with developing country governments and global regulators are the best 
route to comprehensive changes that lead to transparent market capital.

    Question. How can the United States best incentivize reforms and 
other actions necessary to foster economic opportunity and expand two-
way trade and investment with the African continent?

    Answer. I understand that through Prosper Africa, USAID coordinates 
across the U.S. Government to identify and advance priority reforms. 
USAID's support for customs reforms and trade facilitation (e.g., 
implementation of the World Trade Organization Trade Facilitation 
Agreement and the African Continental Free Trade Area) also helps 
countries establish the laws, policies, and practices necessary to 
facilitate international trade and commerce, and minimize clearance 
times and costs. This includes reducing barriers to trade and 
increasing the transparency and predictability of border procedures. 
This creates regional economies of scale that allow countries to become 
more integrated into international value chains, thereby promoting 
inclusive economic growth.

Regional
    Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under 
threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral 
processes to remain in power while stifling dissent and limiting 
opposition parties and candidates' activities. Since 2020, several 
African ruling parties and incumbent leaders deployed authoritarian 
tactics that manipulated democratic processes and constitutional 
frameworks, including in Cameroon, Ethiopia, CAR, Tanzania, Uganda, and 
Zimbabwe. More recently, the African continent has seen a spate of 
coups in Mali, Guinea, Sudan, Burkina Faso and Chad. Meanwhile, across 
multiple administrations, U.S. democracy and governance programs are 
chronically underfunded and notoriously slow to respond to emerging 
opportunities.

   If confirmed, how will you prioritize reinforcing democratic 
        institutions and norms in Africa through USAID programs while 
        balancing competing priorities in the areas of economic growth, 
        stabilization, global health, humanitarian assistance, and 
        human rights?

    Answer. Democracy and robust democratic institutions are necessary 
for the success of other development efforts. It is a collective effort 
to improve democratic outcomes while promoting economic growth and 
human rights, and contributing to stabilization, global health, and 
humanitarian efforts. I understand that USAID programming often works 
across these subject matters, integrating the building and 
reinforcement of democratic norms, processes, and principles into 
programs that support health services and other development activities. 
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these linkages continue and 
are deepened and that democracy issues receive the attention they 
deserve as an essential element of USAID's programming in Africa.

    Question. In 2018 and 2019 respectively, Ethiopia and Sudan 
embarked upon unexpected democratic transitions, both of which have 
experienced catastrophic setbacks and continue to face very uncertain 
futures. While the United States was, and continues to be, eager to 
support these transitions, rapidly mobilizing, programming, and now 
redirecting the necessary resources (enabling policies, funding, and 
staff) has been a challenge. If confirmed, how would you prepare 
USAID's Africa Bureau to better respond to rapid democratic changes and 
seize unexpected opportunities, while also being able to rapidly shift 
gears if conditions of the ground warrant a change?

    Answer. It is critical that USAID has the appropriate tools in its 
toolbox to respond to evolving dynamics, including new efforts in 
Africa to undermine democratic gains. It is my understanding that USAID 
has a range of tools, resources, and programming approaches that are 
utilized in rapidly changing political and crisis contexts. If 
confirmed, I will seek to learn more about them, how and when they are 
deployed, and to enhance their use in sub-Saharan Africa to provide 
more timely and effective responses. I will ensure that the Africa 
Bureau continues close partnership and coordination with the Bureau for 
Development, Democracy, and Innovation (DDI), the Bureau for Conflict 
Prevention and Stabilization (CPS), and other bureaus, to provide the 
most effective assistance in rapidly changing contexts.

    Question. What is your assessment of the efficacy of EWER systems 
as an effective conflict prevention tool in Africa?

    Answer. I believe that EWER (Early Warning and Early Response) 
systems are an important tool that can bolster national, regional, and 
local efforts to help identify potential hotspots and respond to 
deteriorating situations. In Africa, regional organizations and other 
local entities use EWER systems to better equip decision-makers to take 
preventive action and address cross-border threats, violence risks, and 
humanitarian disasters.

    Question. There are long-standing concerns about the fungibility of 
U.S. foreign assistance for African countries ruled by authoritarian 
regimes (e.g., Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, etc.), particularly for health 
and food security programs, which account for the overwhelming majority 
of U.S. assistance on the continent. While this aid advances U.S. 
humanitarian interests, it can also offset essential budget lines, 
displace national investment, and enable authoritarian regimes to 
prioritize military spending, pilfer state resources, and support 
corrupt patronage networks.

   Do you think it is time for the United States to undertake a 
        comprehensive re-evaluation of the policies, forms, and methods 
        of delivering U.S. foreign assistance in Africa?

    Answer. USAID works in very complex environments, and I understand 
that the Agency's investments in Africa, particularly in health and 
food security, are structured to be sensitive to local contexts. When 
providing assistance in the region, USAID works with both U.N. 
organizations and international and local non-governmental 
organizations to ensure that support and services go to those most in 
need. USAID also utilizes a variety of tools to monitor the delivery of 
assistance to ensure compliance with all applicable laws and 
regulations.

    Question. What should U.S. foreign assistance policy be towards 
countries ruled by authoritarian regimes? How can we most effectively 
deliver aid such that it reaches the intended beneficiaries without 
enabling the preservation of repressive regimes?

    Answer. U.S. foreign assistance in countries with authoritarian 
regimes should work to improve the lives of individuals, through 
health, WASH, humanitarian, and other efforts while working to empower 
and protect citizen voices to demand greater rights and democracy. This 
is best accomplished through civil society support, often beginning 
with capacity building efforts in service provision, while improving 
the ability of local civil society organizations (CSO) to advocate for 
citizenry. Work with these groups can also be nimble and quick to react 
to democratic openings, allowing CSOs to pivot to democratization 
efforts, building on the trust that already exists between them and the 
communities they represent. USAID assistance should continue to take 
its cues from local partners to ensure it is as effective as possible 
while managing risk appropriately.

    Question. While programs like the Young African Leaders Initiative 
(YALI) and the initiative's Mandela Washington Fellowship are vital, 
what can USAID do to expand its reach and effectively engage with 
Africa's enormous youth population?

    Answer. I understand that USAID Missions in Africa engage youth not 
only through the YALI initiative, but in the co-creation, design and 
implementation of various sector activities, from civic engagement to 
preventing climate change, to improving access to healthcare, and 
increasing skills that can be applied to work, problem-solving, and 
well-being. Evidence shows that youth-integrated development 
contributes to greater economic growth, democracy, and stability. 
Through continued USAID engagement with youth as partners to initiate, 
lead, and actively participate in activities, African youth will gain 
improved skills for making positive changes in their lives, gain assets 
to provide for themselves and their family, and contribute value to 
their local community. I also see opportunities as USAID Missions in 
Africa increase requirements for implementers of youth programs to 
build the capacity of and engage with youth-led organizations as sub-
grantees.

    Question. Beyond student exchanges, how can the United States best 
position itself to partner with African nations to engage their young 
people and build long-term partnerships with Africa's next generation 
of decision-makers, business partners, and allies?

    Answer. I understand that many recent Country Development 
Cooperation Strategies (CDCS) in Africa support an intentional focus on 
youth. This strategic direction is the foundation for increasing youth 
programming that prepares youth for success in civic, political, and 
social engagements. More broadly, USAID's African Missions are building 
on experiences working with young people and local communities to 
create thoughtful and deliberate program designs that ensure the 
inclusion of youth as leaders and to be directly involved in 
opportunities that can open the window for a demographic and democratic 
dividend and catapult long-lasting sustainable economic growth and 
human development.

Cameroon
    Question. The Anglophone conflict in Cameroon is one of the world's 
most neglected yet intensely brutal conflicts. The United States has 
employed many diplomatic tools at its disposal, including the 
suspension of most security assistance and AGOA eligibility, yet the 
war continues.
    Simultaneously, USAID's programming is limited in Cameroon on all 
fronts, with humanitarian aid focused on the complex emergency in the 
Lake Chad Basin (affecting Cameroon's Far North) and humanitarian 
impacts of conflict in the Northwest and Southwest. There is a notable 
shortage in conflict, democracy, and human rights programming to 
address both the Anglophone Crisis and the significant challenges to 
democratic reform at the national and local levels.

   What tools does the United States have at its disposal through 
        USAID to encourage a peaceful and enduring resolution to the 
        Anglophone conflict in Cameroon and support democracy and human 
        rights nationwide? If confirmed, what tools do you intend to 
        deploy?

    Answer. USAID supports diplomatic efforts deployed by the 
Department of State and other international actors to reach a peaceful 
resolution between the Government of Cameroon and Anglophone 
separatists in the northwest and southwest regions of the country. 
USAID is addressing immediate humanitarian needs in this region through 
assistance focused on emergency food, health, and other lifesaving 
support to vulnerable populations, such as internally displaced 
persons. I understand USAID issued a new democracy and governance 
activity to strengthen civil society capacity and empower women's role 
and agency in the Far North Region.
    If confirmed, I will work with my team to explore additional 
opportunities to advance democracy, human rights, and governance, with 
thoughtful analysis to ascertain when there is opening space and an 
enabling environment to deploy more activities in this sector.

    Question. How can USAID assistance support other international 
efforts to bring about peace and greater stability to Cameroon?

    Answer. I know from my prior experience that Cameroon is 
strategically placed in a geographic neighborhood rife with conflict 
and population displacement, due to an evolving insurgency and internal 
governance and cohesion shortfalls. As I understand it, donors are 
supporting Cameroon via interventions to respond to and mitigate the 
impacts of the various crises exacerbated by the instability in the 
Lake Chad Region in the North, the Central African Republic (CAR) 
refugee situation in the East, and Cameroon's internal civil conflicts 
in the Northwest and Southwest. I am aware that besides the USG, 
Cameroon is obtaining support from the European Union, Agence France 
Development, the World Bank, and the United Nations. I know that USAID 
humanitarian resources complement efforts by other USG agencies and 
other donors working towards durable solutions that strengthen 
community resilience, bolster the role of women and youth, and enhance 
the capacity of civil society organizations.
    If confirmed, I will work to synergize and enhance the impact of 
assistance interventions to support peace and stability, in close 
coordination with the USG, international donors, host country partners, 
and civil society.

Democratic Republic of The Congo
    Question. Following controversial 2018 elections in the Democratic 
Republic of the Congo (DRC), the United States publicly and adamantly 
backed President Tshisekedi. It supported efforts to reform and 
challenge the status quo established by former President Kabila. While 
in 2018 USAID invested in programs in DRC to support the electoral 
process (on a relatively limited basis), including with civil society, 
media, political parties, domestic and international observers, and the 
election commission, the hesitancy by the U.S. and our European 
partners to invest fully in the 2018 elections was understandable. 
However, given the U.S.' staunch support of President Tshisekedi and 
the Privileged Partnership for Peace and Prosperity (#PP4PP), it will 
be even more critical that DRC's next elections are credible.

   In your view, has USAID sufficiently invested in the 2023 electoral 
        process in DRC?

    Answer. I understand that USAID is investing $12.65 million in DRC, 
subject to the availability of funds, to strengthen transparency and 
electoral administration, improve civic education, empower communities 
to participate in elections, and support marginalized communities to 
understand and access political processes. USAID is also supporting 
civil society and media to raise awareness and counter misinformation 
about electoral and political processes. In addition, USAID plans to 
fund international and domestic observation and conduct public opinion 
polling to enable greater understanding of the priorities of the 
broader public, and to inform politicians of their popularity, ahead of 
the elections. This work will be essential in supporting a credible 
election process in 2023.

    Question. In your view, how can USAID best support democratic 
reforms in the DRC, including by enhancing prospects for free, fair, 
and transparent elections in 2023?

    Answer. USAID supports democratic reforms by promoting peace and 
stability in eastern DRC, increasing transparency throughout the 
country, and working to ensure that elections are free, fair, and 
credible. It is my understanding that in an effort to strengthen the 
foundation for durable peace, USAID is mobilizing communities in 
eastern DRC to prevent and resolve conflicts; improving accountability 
and effectiveness of service delivery by government institutions; 
promoting economic growth and inclusion; and reducing drivers of 
conflict and support for armed groups. At the same time, USAID is 
strengthening anti-corruption throughout its programming and working 
with civil society to oversee budgets and expenditures.

    Question. In your view, what is the role of USAID in the Privileged 
Partnership for Peace and Prosperity (#PP4PP)?

    Answer. The PP4PP+Protection of the Environment is a platform under 
which all USG activities operate. For USAID, the focus is to bring an 
end to the decades-long conflict in eastern DRC, help set the DRC on 
the path to sustainable and equitable economic and social development, 
improve the effectiveness, accountability and responsiveness of 
governance at all levels, and encourage and sustain the DRC 
Government's decision to make the U.S. its partner of choice in trade; 
and in foreign policy where there are shared interests. It also 
provides a platform to put management and utilization of the rich 
natural resource base of the DRC on a permanent path to sustainability.

    Question. How can USAID better support anti-corruption reforms in 
DRC?

    Answer. I understand that USAID is leveraging the Government of 
DRC's (GDRC) commitments to anti-corruption and rule of law, which are 
embedded throughout USAID's programs. After a nine-year pause, due to 
President Kabila's control of the judiciary, USAID is re-engaging with 
a $15 million investment to improve the Administration of justice and 
tackle corruption. USAID is also leveraging the GDRC's public financial 
management strategy, where the International Monetary Fund and World 
Bank conditionalities incentivize the GDRC's reform, including 
strengthening safeguards against corruption. If confirmed, I will work 
with my USAID colleagues to continue to work with sub-national 
governments to reduce opportunities for corruption by tracing and 
managing revenues, including those from the extractive industries, and 
ensure community and civil society participation in planning and 
oversight of those resources.

Kenya
    Question. Kenya will have elections in 2022. In your opinion, is 
planned USAID support to Kenya's electoral process adequate?

    Answer. As a longtime partner of Kenya and its people, I understand 
that the United States is implementing a robust strategy to support 
local stakeholders as they work to improve Kenya's electoral processes. 
USAID plays a key role in these efforts. Its activities include support 
to strengthening the institutional capacity of electoral institutions, 
advocacy around electoral reforms, election violence early warning and 
prevention, voter education, increasing the participation of women and 
youth in electoral processes, and local and international elections 
observers. If confirmed, I am committed to working with my State 
Department counterparts to support Kenya's efforts to conduct free and 
fair elections that are credible, peaceful, and reflect the will of the 
Kenyan people.

Somalia
    Question. The United States has emphasized the need for one-person-
one-vote direct elections in Somalia and has provided support through 
USAID and other channels toward that end. However, after significant 
delay, high tensions, and political games, the country is pursuing an 
indirect selection process for members of parliament and the office of 
the president instead of a direct election.

   Do you believe the United States, and subsequently USAID democracy 
        and governance programming in Somalia, held overly ambitious 
        expectations for Somalia's electoral processes since the 
        selection process of 2016/2017, given the circumstances on the 
        ground?

    Answer. My understanding is that following the 2016/17 indirect 
selection process, the Somali Government and international community 
jointly set a goal for holding universal suffrage, one-person, one-vote 
elections in 2020. This goal was ambitious given, for example, the fact 
that certain areas of the country remain inaccessible for the purpose 
of conducting elections. Nevertheless, following two successive, 
peaceful transfers of power, it was reasonable to expect a more 
democratic and inclusive electoral process in 2020.

    Question. What is your view of prospects for democratic direct 
elections in Somalia in the future, particularly given Somalia's 
persistent security and governance challenges?

    Answer. Progress toward universal suffrage, one-person, one-vote 
elections remains the best path for Somalia to move beyond the current 
system. Despite the disappointment of the 2020 electoral process, the 
success of recent pilot direct local elections in three districts in 
Puntland offer hope that such progress is possible, particularly at the 
sub-national level. I understand that USAID intends to collaborate with 
key Somali stakeholders and other donors to build on the recent success 
in Puntland. That engagement will seek to establish a critical mass of 
examples of inclusive governance at the sub-national level to 
demonstrate what democratic governance can deliver, and thereby build a 
growing constituency for eventual democratic, direct elections at the 
national level. These efforts will be complemented by support for a 
national dialogue mechanism to constructively debate and eventually 
agree upon the precise nature of Somalia's federal model, including 
power- and resource-sharing.

    Question. How will the failure of Somalia's election process impact 
the direction of USAID development assistance to Somalia under your 
leadership of the Africa Bureau?

    Answer. The 2020 elections exposed the fragility of Somalia's 
negotiated political settlement. I understand that USAID intends to 
capitalize on the success of recent pilot direct local elections in 
three districts in Puntland to build a growing constituency for 
democratic processes in Somalia. This will be critical to demonstrate 
the worth and viability of democratic elections to the people of 
Somalia. I am also aware that USAID investments in Somalia focus on two 
critical priorities: (1) addressing the structural conditions that 
allow violent extremist organizations such as al-Shabaab to maintain a 
foothold in Somali society; and (2) reducing chronic humanitarian need. 
These priorities are highly relevant to the advancement of U.S. 
interests in Somalia.

    Question. As Assistant Administrator for Africa, if confirmed, how 
will you approach tailoring development assistance to the dramatic 
variations in capacity across Somalia's regions and federal member 
states, to include Somaliland?

    Answer. I understand that USAID investments in Somalia focus on two 
critical priorities: (1) addressing the structural conditions that 
allow violent extremist organizations such as al-Shabaab to maintain a 
foothold in Somali society; and (2) reducing chronic humanitarian need, 
which compromises the wellbeing and stability of the Somali people and 
costs the U.S. taxpayer about $450 million annually. USAID engages with 
all regional administrations within the parameters of the U.S. 
Government's single Somalia policy. Progress should be encouraged, and 
if confirmed, I will work to ensure USAID remains strongly committed to 
finding practical ways of leveraging multilateral investments, 
particularly World Bank resources, to benefit all Somalis, including 
those in Somaliland.

South Sudan
    Question. South Sudan has been a U.S. priority issue for decades. 
Throughout this troubled history, the United States has provided strong 
support for the peace process in an attempt to resolve Sudan and then-
Southern Sudan's decades-long civil war, preparations for South Sudan's 
separation and independence from Sudan, and the provision of extensive 
U.S. humanitarian and development assistance (upwards of $1 billion per 
year)--including the years since the outbreak of South Sudan's civil 
war in 2013.

   What is your assessment of U.S. assistance provided to South Sudan 
        since 2005/2011?

    Answer. I understand that the United States, through USAID, has 
been the largest donor of foreign assistance to the South Sudanese 
people for decades, including during Sudan's north-south civil war, 
implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the process 
that led to South Sudan's independence, and the civil war that erupted 
in South Sudan in 2013. Since South Sudan's independence in 2011, the 
United States has provided over $7 billion in humanitarian and 
development assistance to support the people of South Sudan. U.S. 
assistance has been essential to saving lives, recovering livelihoods, 
providing protection to civilians and basic education and health 
services, building resilience to shocks, and supporting democracy, 
human rights, and governance through civil society and independent 
media.

    Question. Has U.S. assistance contributed to or hindered the 
achievement of U.S. policy goals for South Sudan?

    Answer. U.S. assistance contributes to the objectives outlined in 
the Integrated Country Strategy for South Sudan, including support for 
the peace process, delivery of humanitarian assistance to meet the 
needs of communities in crisis and save lives, and sustainable economic 
and social development to increase resilience to climate- and conflict-
driven shocks.

    Question. What is your perspective on the U.S. assistance review, 
announced in 2018, for South Sudan?

    Answer. I understand that the goal of the South Sudan assistance 
review announced in 2018 was to ensure that U.S. foreign assistance 
does not contribute to or prolong the conflict, nor facilitate 
predatory or corrupt behavior. These concepts are critical. As part of 
that, USAID, along with others in the interagency, participated in the 
collection and analysis of information that was handed over to the 
interagency for review. If confirmed, I commit to deepening my 
understanding of the review and its results.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you support action on the 
findings of the assistance review?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the interagency on 
how best to proceed following the assistance review. I share Congress' 
concerns about the ongoing conflict and corruption in South Sudan, and 
will work to ensure transparency and oversight of USAID funding and 
activities.

    Question. If confirmed, as USAID Assistant Administrator for 
Africa, how will you engage with the State Department and other members 
of the interagency to review the U.S. approach to South Sudan, taking 
into consideration the extensive humanitarian and development 
assistance provided over the last two decades?

    Answer. I understand there is a long history of positive 
collaboration between USAID and the interagency on U.S. assistance and 
the U.S. policy approach to South Sudan. If confirmed, I will 
collaborate with the State Department and interagency colleagues on 
assistance and policy priorities, including encouraging the Government 
of South Sudan to create an enabling environment for safe delivery of 
humanitarian assistance to people in need.

    Question. Is a change in humanitarian assistance--to address 
emergency needs in response to shocks and to address long-term 
humanitarian challenges--needed for South Sudan?

    Answer. I understand that humanitarian need in South Sudan is at 
its highest level since independence due to ongoing conflict, 
displacement, and flooding. USAID humanitarian assistance targets the 
most vulnerable populations, which includes children and pregnant women 
at risk of malnutrition, internally displaced persons, and returnees. 
USAID and partners continuously review the effectiveness of its 
humanitarian operations in South Sudan to ensure the life-saving 
assistance we provide is reaching the most vulnerable in a principled, 
conflict-sensitive way. USAID's current strategy seeks to layer 
humanitarian and development assistance in the highest need pockets of 
the country. This strategy reflects efforts to increase household and 
community resilience to shocks and improve social cohesion, with the 
goal of reducing humanitarian needs.

Sudan
    Question. The ouster of longtime President Omar al-Bashir in April 
2019 and the installation of a power-sharing government between the 
Transitional Military Council and the civilian Forces for Freedom and 
Change served as a historic moment not just for the Sudanese people but 
also the U.S.-Sudan bilateral relationship. At the end of 2020, the 
United States reached a bilateral agreement with Sudan due to 
negotiations over lifting Sudan's State Sponsor of Terror Designation 
and for Sudan's participation in the Abraham Accords. As part of the 
bilateral agreement, $700 million in foreign assistance was committed 
to South Sudan in the 2020 omnibus spending bill. The coup on October 
25, 2021 however, halted the vast majority of U.S. assistance to 
Sudan's transition, and discussions about a change in approach remain 
underway.

   How should the United States prioritize its assistance to Sudan, 
        including the $700 million in aid noted above?

    Answer. USAID, as a key implementing agency of this U.S. Government 
funding, should prioritize its assistance to Sudan, including from the 
$700 million assistance package, to focus on programming that will help 
ensure a return to the democratic transition as the Sudanese people 
have so strongly called for through ongoing, large-scale protests 
following the military takeover in October. Specifically, assistance 
should be prioritized in three key areas: 1) strengthening civilian 
political leadership; 2) protecting human rights, including freedom of 
expression and assembly; and 3) supporting the Sudanese people's demand 
for an end to their military's longstanding domination of politics and 
the economy. Additionally, if the political transition moves forward 
and the security context improves, investment in the agricultural 
sector would set the stage for greater economic expansion and 
connectivity to markets in urban centers, further improving food 
security and job creation throughout the country. It is my 
understanding that conversations are ongoing within the Administration 
on the prioritization of the $700 million in aid noted above. If 
confirmed, I commit to consulting with Congress on prioritization of 
assistance in Africa, including in Sudan.

    Question. Will you ensure that a sufficient amount of this 
assistance will support U.S. democracy and governance strengthening 
initiatives in Sudan, without providing direct assistance to the 
current regime in Khartoum or any other government in Khartoum that is 
not legitimately civilian-led?

    Answer. Yes. While a democratic transition will not be linear and 
success remains uncertain, the U.S. Government must be positioned to 
adjust the tools at its disposal. Initiatives that strengthen democracy 
and governance in Sudan are of utmost importance to ensuring that a 
democratic transition can occur, and I understand this is a key aspect 
of USAID strategy and programming. Since October 2021, I understand 
that USAID has worked closely with implementing partners to pivot 
democracy programming toward non-governmental actors, including an even 
greater focus on civil society, the media, and others who support 
democratic governance in Sudan. If I am confirmed, I commit to doing 
everything in my power to ensure that U.S. assistance does not benefit 
the current government or any other illegitimate government that is 
formed without the consent of the Sudanese people.

Zimbabwe
    Question. While there was hope that the end of Mugabe's 37-year 
reign as president of Zimbabwe would usher in democratic and economic 
reforms, the four years of leadership under President Mnangagwa have 
demonstrated a continuation, if not worsening, of human rights abuses, 
financial mismanagement, and kleptocratic behavior of the ZANU-PF 
regime.

   From your perspective, what tools does the United States have at 
        its disposal that are underutilized to encourage democratic and 
        economic reforms in Zimbabwe?

    Answer. It is my understanding that within the last year, the 
interagency established a working group to examine this exact question. 
The State Department is bringing new analytical and diplomatic tools to 
the collective USG effort on Zimbabwe. USAID has identified public 
interest litigation, specifically on electoral law procedure, as 
another way the Agency can push for reform. The Zimbabwe Mission has 
begun implementation of these activities and sees potential for 
expansion. If confirmed, I commit to monitoring this issue.

    Question. An area of considerable debate has been the value of 
reincorporating political party programming into the portfolio of U.S. 
democracy assistance to Zimbabwe. Do you commit to reviewing USAID's 
posture on political party support in Zimbabwe?

    Answer. Yes, and I am aware that this has been an ongoing 
discussion between USAID and the State Department. If confirmed, I 
commit to USAID's continued review and exploration of this option, 
recognizing its potential risks and benefits.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support the investment of 
resources into enhancing investigative journalism and research to 
better understand Zimbabwe's corruption and kleptocratic networks?

    Answer. Yes. I understand that USAID awarded a new program focused 
on enhancing investigative journalism in Zimbabwe in September 2021. It 
will increase the capacity of the media to hold powerful state and non-
state actors accountable for their acts and omissions. The program also 
aims to strengthen citizen participation in public life and spur demand 
for accountability by improving citizens' access to timely and reliable 
information. Further, it is my understanding that USAID is in the 
process of designing a new anti-corruption activity that will have a 
focus on enhanced investigative journalism of corruption.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Rebecca Eliza Conzales by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Do you believe that we should rebalance certain 
countries' diplomatic presence in our country in the name of 
reciprocity, given their actions against our diplomats in theirs?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will review certain countries' diplomatic 
presence in the United States and compare it to the U.S. presence 
overseas. Depending on the results of the analysis, I would then work 
with all stakeholders, as applicable, to explore any possibilities of 
leveraging reciprocity to rebalance the diplomatic presence if such 
rebalancing would be in the interest of the United States.

    Question. In your view, where should diplomatic immunity end? What 
crimes committed by foreign diplomats in the U.S. ``cross the line'' 
and should merit prosecution?

    Answer. Persons enjoying immunity from the jurisdiction of the host 
country's laws nonetheless have a duty to respect those laws, which is 
something I respected in my career as a foreign service officer serving 
overseas. Immunity is not a license for misconduct. If confirmed, you 
have my commitment that I will ensure that the Department of State's 
Office of Foreign Missions' responsibilities under the Foreign Mission 
Act are met, including protecting the U.S. public from abuses of 
privileges and immunities by members of the foreign missions in the 
United States.

    Question. Is it acceptable for foreign diplomats to facilitate the 
departure from the U.S. of their citizens who have been charged with 
serious crimes, before they go through the American justice system?

    Answer. From my perspective, individuals should be held accountable 
for actions that they take, consistent with any applicable immunity 
under international law. It is my understanding that the Office of 
Foreign Missions (OFM) works closely with other Department offices and 
law enforcement to ensure appropriate consequences under international 
law for anyone who enjoys immunity in the U.S. and is alleged to have 
committed a crime. It is my understanding that OFM pursues appropriate 
action to protect the U.S. from potential abuses of immunity by members 
of foreign missions in the United States. If confirmed, you have my 
commitment to continue to do so.

    Question. If you are confirmed for this position and if a similar 
situation as described above occurs during your tenure, what actions 
will you take?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that protecting the U.S. public 
from potential abuses of diplomatic immunity and privileges remains one 
of OFM's highest priorities and in doing so, I will consider the range 
of tools under the Foreign Missions Act.

    Question. Do you believe that there are any institutions in the 
United States that have not been designated as ``foreign missions'' but 
should be?

    Answer. The Foreign Missions Act establishes a broad framework for 
considering whether particular actions are in the best interests of the 
United States, including but not limited to considerations of 
reciprocity, national security, and international legal obligations. If 
confirmed, I will collaborate with my team in the Office of Foreign 
Mission, the Department, and any applicable interagency partners to 
review the possible designation of other entities as needed.

    Question. Likewise, do you believe that there are any institutions 
in the U.S. that have been wrongfully designated as ``foreign 
missions?''

    Answer. If I am confirmed, I intend to review the existing 
designations in consultation with my team and, if warranted, I will 
take any appropriate steps to update any designations as needed.

Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have had the opportunity over my thirty-six-year career 
to observe various management styles. My management style is based on 
these observations, my experience, and the situation at hand. Every 
individual has unique talents and experiences and has something 
valuable to contribute. I embrace diversity, inclusion, and 
collaboration. I also recognize that there are times that I must make 
immediate decisions due to life, safety, or other compelling reasons. I 
strive to be a decisive, kind, and courageous manager. My interactions 
are based on courtesy and respect. I began my State Department career 
as a GS-3 Secretarial Assistant, became an ambassador, and am now being 
nominated as the Director of the Office of Foreign Missions. I could 
have not accomplished this without the support of my subordinates, 
mentors, and supervisors. If confirmed, I will use my experiences and 
achievements over the last thirty-six years to unify and empower the 
team. I want the team to thrive, learn and grow. I look forward to 
learning and working with the Office of Foreign Missions staff as they 
continue their outstanding work.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to the Office of Foreign Missions?

    Answer. The Office of Foreign Missions is comprised of staff with 
diverse backgrounds and a wealth of experience. Staffing currently 
includes Civil Service Officers, Foreign Service Officers, and 
contractors. If confirmed, I will use my collaborative management style 
and experience to empower and draw on each employee's expertise and 
talent to contribute to the overall mission of the Office and the State 
Department. I will also collaborate with other stakeholders, to include 
local and state governments, Congress, and other national security 
partners. If confirmed, I will use a whole of government approach to 
execute the responsibilities of the Office of Foreign Missions and to 
protect our national security/foreign policy interests and the American 
public.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates in any setting. In every instance and interaction every 
individual needs to be treated with dignity and respect.



                               __________




                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        THURSDAY, APRIL 7, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m. in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, and via 
videoconference, Hon. Christopher Murphy presiding.
    Present: Senators Murphy [presiding], Menendez, Coons, 
Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, Romney, Young, Cruz, 
and Hagerty.

         OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT

    Senator Murphy. Good morning, everyone. The hearing of the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee will now come to order.
    Thank you for the participation of our witnesses in this 
important hearing. We are going to be in the middle of votes 
throughout the hearing, but in the interest of your time we are 
going to try to work through this hearing, and Senator Romney 
and I and Senator Schatz will go back and forth to votes. We 
will have other colleagues joining us over the course of the 
morning.
    Today we are considering four nominations: Caroline Kennedy 
to be Ambassador to the Commonwealth of Australia; Philip 
Goldberg to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea; MaryKay 
Carlson to be Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines; 
and Marc Nathanson to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway.
    Let me begin by welcoming our nominees and your families. 
We are thankful for your willingness to serve.
    I am going to give some brief opening remarks, hand it over 
to Senator Romney, and we have a few of our colleagues to help 
us with introductions.
    If confirmed, you are all going to take your oath of office 
at a critical point in world history. Just this week, we have 
seen the horrific images from Ukraine. We have seen a country 
turned into a crime scene where there is irrefutable evidence 
of brutality against civilians by Russia's forces. These 
actions demand accountability, both for the soldiers who 
perpetrated these atrocities and the officials in the Kremlin 
who ordered them.
    We have seen countries from around the world step up to 
impose unprecedented costs on Russia for its unjustified and 
unprovoked war of aggression on Ukraine. Last month, each of 
the four countries we are here to talk about today joined an 
overwhelming majority of the world at the U.N. General Assembly 
in condemning the Russian invasion and supporting greater 
humanitarian access in Ukraine. We know that maintaining that 
unity amongst allies and partners will be crucial.
    Ambassador Kennedy, let me begin by thanking you for your 
continued service to this country, and let me say a few words 
about Australia, one of our most important partners in the 
Indo-Pacific.
    The recently announced AUKUS security pact, of which I am a 
great champion, takes our bilateral partnership to a new level 
and will further advance the exchange of defense capabilities, 
including supporting the acquisition of nuclear-powered 
submarines for the Australian Navy. But our cooperation goes 
far beyond the security sector. President Biden has placed a 
priority on strengthening the region, coordinating the power of 
the Quad so that the United States and Australia, along with 
the other members, can help work together on COVID-19 vaccines, 
climate change, technological innovation, and regional 
competition. The Quad format shows tremendous promise in its 
ability to convene regional democracies to solve collective 
challenges and to present a contrast to China's increasingly 
assertive posture in the Indo-Pacific.
    Ambassador Goldberg, as you well know, throughout your 
wealth of experience in the Foreign Service, South Korea is one 
of our oldest and most important partners in Asia. Since 1953, 
our Mutual Defense Treaty has been ironclad. We now have nearly 
30,000 troops based in South Korea, and I applaud the 
Administration's success in negotiating a new cost-sharing 
agreement with the South Korean Government.
    After competitive elections that ended last month, which 
included not only contentious debate on domestic issues but 
also outlined competing policies on how South Korea will 
address the challenges from North Korea and China, there is 
going to be a new president taking office in May, and we look 
forward to working with you as you tell us more about how you 
are going to work with the incoming president.
    Ms. Carlson, the United States and the Philippines have a 
special relationship through shared history, cultures, defense 
cooperation, economic relations, close people-to-people ties. 
The Philippines' strategic location bordering the South China 
Sea in proximity to Taiwan undergirds the importance of our 
defense relationship. They have been a major non-NATO ally 
since 2003.
    Despite those close security ties, democratic backsliding 
throughout the course of President Duterte's time in office has 
been troubling. Senator Schatz and I were part of the first 
congressional delegation to meet with President Duterte in 
Manila shortly after his election. In that meeting, he was 
crystal clear about his objectives to use any means possible to 
wage war on drug dealers and drug users, but the execution-
style violence he has employed, frankly, surpassed my worst 
expectations. President Duterte called President Putin his 
idol, a personal friend, while claiming that the Philippines 
would remain neutral in response to Russia's invasion of 
Ukraine.
    Mr. Nathanson, the United States and Norway enjoy a long 
tradition of strong ties based on our shared democratic values. 
We share an interest in addressing the problems posed by 
climate change, particularly with respect to the Arctic and 
collaborating with other Arctic states.
    On the security side, Norway, as you know, is a founding 
member of NATO. It has been a crucial partner with us in 
strengthening the eastern flank of that alliance in response to 
Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
    Norway is also the world's third largest exporter of 
natural gas, and the fifth largest petroleum exporter, and is 
poised to play a critical role in stabilizing energy markets 
that are roiled by Russia's war in Ukraine.
    These are incredibly important bilateral relationships made 
more important by the crisis that our friends in Ukraine are 
embroiled in today, and we look forward to having a robust 
discussion with you today about these important posts.
    We have a few of our colleagues here to help us with 
introductions, and so before we do that, let me turn it over to 
Senator Romney for opening remarks.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH

    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you, 
those of you who are willing to serve our country yet again in 
our service overseas.
    This is a critical time in the world's history. I met with 
leaders from an international body yesterday, and they said in 
some respects this is unprecedented. We have war at the same 
time we have famine, and at the same time we have a pandemic, 
all three hitting the world at the same time. And you will each 
represent our interests in parts of the world that are critical 
to promoting America's interests around the world.
    There are some who think we should simply forget the world 
and just return home and only think about what is happening 
here. I happen to believe that if we are truly interested in 
America's interests first, that means we need to be extensively 
involved in the world, making sure that the cause of freedom 
persists such that we can enjoy the economic vitality and peace 
that has been associated, in large measure, with the last 70 
years.
    And I want to thank each of you for your willingness and 
that of your families to be willing to serve yet again. You 
have been nominated to serve in countries that are obviously 
very important allies to the U.S., and those partnerships are 
going to become more important in the years ahead.
    The Honorable Ambassador Caroline Kennedy will be going to 
Australia. As she knows, Australia is our steadfast partner and 
among our most important allies historically and today. Our 
partnership will remain critical in maintaining a free and open 
Indo-Pacific.
    I hope, Ambassador Kennedy, that you are going to be able 
to work with our friends in Australia to identify new 
opportunities for bilateral and multilateral cooperation, and 
to strengthen the already strong Quad relationship which we 
have.
    The Honorable Philip S. Goldberg, South Korea, as you know, 
is our most important ally in dealing with the ongoing threat 
of North Korea, and we need to work together to deter North 
Korea's aggression, to push the Democratic People's Republic of 
Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program, to stop its 
belligerent actions, and to cease its illegal activity.
    Of course, our partnership goes beyond this single common 
threat. I hope you will also approach your time as ambassador 
to recommit to our partnership and to find new ways to advance 
the interests which we have among freedom-loving countries and 
nations that follow the rule of law to encourage China to begin 
to abide by those common rules.
    Ms. MaryKay Loss Carlson, if confirmed, you will be 
stepping into a vital role and will be tasked with perhaps 
rebuilding and strengthening our relationship with the 
Philippines. As the Chairman has just indicated, our 
relationship with the Philippines has been strained with the 
current president expressing points of view which are 
antithetical to those which many of us hold. We are happy to 
see that the Visiting Forces Agreement was restored last year. 
We clearly have a good relationship with those who have the 
long-term interest of the region in their sights. I hope that 
you will be able to work with our friends in the Philippines to 
find a much better path forward with regards to our common 
interest in human rights.
    Mr. Marc Nathanson, I do not need to tell you that NATO is 
pleased to have Norway as an important ally. Its geopolitical 
significance will only become more important as Russia and 
China attempt to change the rules of the road, particularly as 
they relate to their presence in the Arctic. I hope you will 
use your time as ambassador to strengthen our cooperation with 
Norway, especially on those Arctic issues. And additionally, I 
hope you will be able to work with our Norwegian allies to 
develop common or complementary responses when faced with 
threats from Russia and China.
    So, to all of you, I appreciate your willingness to serve. 
It is a real commitment, and I hope the American people 
recognize that on the part of you and your families to go serve 
our country in a foreign place with so much happening in the 
world represents a sacrifice on your part and is one which I 
personally, and I think all members of our committee, deeply 
appreciate.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Romney.
    Let me now turn to Senator Markey for purposes of an 
introduction.

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
    It is my pleasure to introduce Caroline Kennedy, who is 
nominated to be our next Ambassador to the Commonwealth of 
Australia.
    Joining her in person is her husband Ed and her son Jack, 
who, like mom, once graced these halls as a Senate intern. We 
welcome them today as we all recognize Caroline Kennedy's 
tremendous achievements in diplomacy.
    Watching on this committee's livestream no doubt are 
Ambassador Kennedy's two daughters, Rose and Tatiana.
    Caroline Kennedy has statesmanship and public service in 
her DNA, public service to kids in New York City, public 
service in support of what her father called the moral cause of 
civil rights, and public service as our Ambassador to Japan. 
She embodies the strength, integrity, poise, and humor that is 
necessary to serve our country in consequential times.
    Caroline was not a conventional ambassador. She has been a 
trailblazer as the first woman to serve as U.S. Ambassador to 
Japan. She used her megaphone to champion the rights of women, 
to deepen our alliance with Japan, and to skillfully navigate 
the key touchpoints in the bilateral relationship.
    She did the unconventional, from a bike ride to lift 
spirits ravaged by the 2021 earthquake, to donning a Santa 
Claus hat to reach youths on YouTube.
    But she also excelled in her more traditional duties. 
Japanese Foreign Minister Kishida, who is now Prime Minister of 
Japan, said of Caroline, ``She was an exceptionally tough 
negotiator.'' As a best-selling author and student of history, 
Caroline Kennedy was mindful of symbolism. President Kennedy's 
boat was sunk by the Japanese in World War 2, the same war that 
saw the attack on Pearl Harbor and later the first and only use 
of nuclear weapons that ended the war at a great cost.
    As Ambassador to Japan, Caroline played a key role to 
reconcile the painful legacy of war by facilitating President 
Barack Obama's historic visit to Hiroshima and helping Prime 
Minister Abe communicate directly with the American people at 
Pearl Harbor.
    Ambassador Kennedy is a fantastic pick for another key 
ally, Australia, the democratic anchor in the Indo-Pacific. 
Caroline and other members of her family started the Profiles 
in Courage Award in 1989. Past recipients include George 
Herbert Walker Bush, Ambassador Robert Bord, and a member of 
this committee, Senator Mitt Romney.
    As an educator, author, philanthropist, ambassador and, 
most of all, a proud mother, Caroline's life has been and will 
continue to be what we all believe is a profile in courage.
    And as Chair of the East Asia Subcommittee, it has been my 
pleasure to work with Caroline Kennedy in her role in the Asia 
region, and I am proud to support my friend, Caroline Kennedy, 
for this important post. She will do an absolutely great job. I 
urge swift confirmation for Ambassador Kennedy to this new and 
critical post.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Markey. We 
know that votes are pending on the floor, and we appreciate you 
providing the introduction.
    Let me give some brief introductions of our other guests 
here today. We may be joined by another colleague for help in 
those introductions, and then we will begin with testimony from 
our witnesses.
    We are also joined here today by Ambassador Philip 
Goldberg, our nominee to be Ambassador to Korea. Ambassador 
Goldberg is completing his current assignment as Ambassador to 
Colombia after previously serving at our Embassy in Cuba and as 
our Ambassador to the Philippines.
    After that, we have Ms. MaryKay Loss Carlson, the nominee 
to be Ambassador to the Philippines. Ms. Carlson is a career 
member of the State Department's Senior Foreign Service, having 
most recently served as the charge in Argentina.
    And finally, Mr. Nathanson is nominated to be Ambassador to 
Norway. We are grateful for his significant service in the 
private sector, his active participation in matters of foreign 
affairs. We are grateful to have him before the committee, and 
I think we will have a supplemental introduction.
    Let us start with you, Ambassador Kennedy. We welcome your 
opening remarks, and then we will go down the panel. Just make 
sure your microphone is on.

STATEMENT OF HON. CAROLINE KENNEDY OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
       STATES OF AMERICA TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA

    Ambassador Kennedy.  Mr. Chairman, thank you, Ranking 
Member Romney, members of the committee. I want to also thank 
my friend, Senator Markey, for his very kind introduction and 
for being here today.
    It is an honor to appear before you this morning as the 
President's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to 
Australia. I am grateful for the consideration of this 
distinguished committee, and I look forward to answering your 
questions and hearing firsthand your thoughts and concerns 
about our vital relationship with Australia.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other 
members of Congress to advance the interests of the United 
States, protect the safety of our citizens, and strengthen the 
bilateral relationship for the benefit of both our countries.
    I would like to thank my family for their support during 
this process, and their enthusiasm for this mission. My husband 
Ed and my son Jack are here with me, and my daughters and my 
new grandson are watching from home. Ed and I visited Australia 
on our honeymoon, and we were thrilled to return as a family in 
2014.
    I am humbled by this opportunity and the chance to be here 
today. I will always be grateful to the Australian coast 
watchers and Solomon Islanders who rescued my father during 
World War 2, and I know he hoped to be the first sitting 
president to visit Australia during his second term. If 
confirmed, I hope to be able to carry that legacy forward in my 
own small way. Whenever I come to the Senate, I feel the 
presence of my Uncle Teddy whose devotion to this institution, 
to his colleagues, and to our country was an inspiration to 
generations of Americans, and whose love and support meant the 
world to me.
    I can think of no greater privilege than serving my country 
abroad. From 2013 to 2017, as Ambassador to Japan, I was proud 
to advocate for American ideals in a country that, like 
Australia, shares our commitment to democracy, human rights, 
and the rule of law. I gained broad exposure to the changing 
dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region: the increasing security 
tensions and evolving demands on the U.S. military; the rising 
trade, economic, and climate challenges; the importance of 
working with U.S. allies and partners; and of building support 
for people-to-people ties among younger generations. These 
challenges have only become more urgent during the past five 
years.
    I also appreciated the opportunity to work closely with our 
talented diplomats and local staff, and I believe all these 
experiences will help me to be successful if I am confirmed to 
this position.
    Before serving abroad, I worked to make history more 
accessible and inspire new generations to public service. I 
spent 10 years working with the New York City public schools to 
build public-private partnerships, chaired the Harvard 
Institute of Politics, and the John F. Kennedy Library 
Foundation, which has honored political courage for the past 30 
years, including on this committee. The lessons I learned from 
these experiences and from writing books on the Constitution, 
poetry, and civics will help me represent the United States in 
a world where the liberal international order is being 
undermined, yet American values are more essential than ever.
    There is no country more committed to these values than our 
close ally and Five Eyes partner, Australia. Australia has 
fought with us for the past 100 years, and together we mark the 
70th anniversary of the ANZUS treaty. Our Marines have rotated 
through Darwin for the past 10 years. Our future security 
cooperation will build on this strong foundation. Last year we 
announced AUKUS, an ambitious 21st century partnership between 
the United States, the UK, and Australia. If confirmed, I will 
work hard to further this ground-breaking partnership.
    Australia is an essential partner in the Quad, among our 
most significant diplomatic initiatives in the Indo-Pacific. 
Together with Japan and India, we are engaging in a range of 
activities to promote a free and open, secure, and resilient 
Indo-Pacific. These initiatives include health and climate 
security and emerging technologies. We also partner closely 
with Australia on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, 
as well as vaccine deliveries across the Pacific Islands and 
throughout the region.
    The United States is Australia's most important economic 
partner. Our two-way trade has doubled since our Free Trade 
Agreement went into effect in 2005. We are increasing vital 
cooperation on critical technologies, rare earth minerals, 
supply chain resilience, and energy transformation.
    As we emerge from the restrictions of the past two years, 
Americans and Australians are eager to resume their in-person 
ties of friendship and business and study abroad, which are 
among the closest in the world. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with the talented members of Mission Australia to 
assist these efforts and ensure that the ties between our two 
countries grow even stronger in the coming years.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you 
today, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Kennedy follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Caroline Kennedy

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Romney, members of the committee: It 
is an honor to appear before you this morning as the President's 
nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to Australia. I am 
grateful for the consideration of this distinguished committee, and I 
look forward to answering your questions and hearing first-hand your 
thoughts and concerns about our vital relationship with Australia.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other members 
of Congress to advance the interests of the United States, protect the 
safety of our citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship for 
the benefit of both our countries.
    I would also like to thank my family for their support during this 
process, and their enthusiasm for this mission. My husband, Ed and my 
son Jack are here with me, and my daughters and my new grandson are 
watching from home. Ed and I visited Australia on our honeymoon, and we 
were thrilled to return with our children in 2014.
    I am humbled by this opportunity and the chance to be here today. I 
will always be grateful to the Australian coast watchers and Solomon 
Islanders who rescued my father during WW2, and I know he hoped to be 
the first sitting President to visit Australia during his second term. 
If confirmed, I hope to be able to carry that legacy forward in my own 
small way. Whenever I come to the Senate, I feel the presence of my 
Uncle Teddy whose devotion to this institution, to his colleagues and 
to our country was an inspiration to generations of Americans, and 
whose love and support meant the world to me.
    I can think of no greater privilege than serving my country abroad. 
From 2013-2017, as Ambassador to Japan, I was proud to advocate for 
American ideals in a country that, like Australia, shares our 
commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. I gained 
broad exposure to the changing dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region--the 
increasing security tensions and evolving demands on the U.S. military; 
the rising trade, economic, and climate challenges; the importance of 
working with U.S. allies and partners; and of building support for 
people-to-people ties among younger generations. These challenges have 
only become more urgent in the past five years.
    I appreciated the opportunity to work closely with our talented 
diplomats and local staff and I believe these experiences will help me 
to be successful if I am confirmed to this position.
    Before serving abroad, I worked to make history more accessible and 
inspire new generations to public service. I spent ten years working 
with the NYC public schools to build public-private partnerships, 
chaired the Harvard Institute of Politics, and the JFK Library 
Foundation which has honored political courage for the past thirty 
years. The lessons I learned from these experiences and from writing 
books on the Constitution, poetry, and civics will help me represent 
the United States in a world where the liberal international order is 
being undermined, reminding us that American values are more essential 
than ever.
    There is no country more committed to those values than our close 
ally and Five Eyes partner, Australia. Australia has fought with us for 
the past 100 years, together we mark the 71st anniversary of the ANZUS 
treaty, and our Marines have rotated through Darwin for the past ten 
years. Our future security cooperation will build on this strong 
foundation--last year we announced AUKUS, an ambitious, enhanced, 21st 
century partnership between the United States, United Kingdom, and 
Australia. If confirmed, I will work hard to further this ground-
breaking partnership.
    Australia is an essential partner in the Quad, among our most 
significant diplomatic initiatives in the Indo-Pacific. Together with 
Japan and India, we are engaging in a range of activities to promote a 
free and open, secure, and resilient Indo-Pacific. These initiatives 
include health and climate security and emerging technologies. We also 
partner closely with Australia on coordinating humanitarian assistance 
and disaster relief, as well as vaccine deliveries across the Pacific 
Islands and throughout the region.
    The United States is Australia's most important economic partner--
our two-way trade has doubled since our Free Trade Agreement went into 
effect in 2005. We are increasing vital cooperation on critical 
technologies, rare earth minerals, supply chain resilience, and energy 
transformation.
    As we emerge from the restrictions of the past two years, Americans 
and Australians are eager to resume their in-person ties of friendship, 
business, tourism, and study abroad which are among the closest in the 
world. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the talented 
members of Mission Australia to assist these efforts and ensure that 
the ties between our countries grow stronger in the coming years.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I 
look forward to your questions.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Goldberg?

    STATEMENT OF HON. PHILIP S. GOLDBERG OF THE DISTRICT OF 
COLUMBIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS 
OF CAREER AMBASSADOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY 
  AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
                       REPUBLIC OF KOREA

    Ambassador Goldberg. Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of 
the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today as the 
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to 
the Republic of Korea. I am grateful for the confidence shown 
by President Biden and Secretary Blinken in entrusting me with 
this important responsibility and, if confirmed, I look forward 
to working closely with this committee to advance U.S. 
priorities in the ROK and further strengthen our nearly seven 
decades-long alliance.
    I am honored to be before this committee for the sixth time 
as a Presidential appointee of both parties, asking for your 
advice and consent to serve, and deeply appreciate the crucial 
role Congress plays in the foreign policy process.
    I want to thank my family watching and streaming from home, 
my sister, brothers-in-law, and nieces and nephews for their 
support and love. I want to thank my colleagues in Bogota, who 
are no doubt watching, as well as the Korea Desk, friends and 
colleagues around the world who I have worked with for a long 
time and who protect our interests overseas and the people of 
the United States every day. I am honored to be a member of the 
U.S. Foreign Service.
    Since 1953, our alliance with the Republic of Korea has 
been a linchpin of peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-
Pacific and beyond. Forged during the Korean War and the 1953 
Mutual Defense Treaty, the U.S.-ROK Alliance has evolved into a 
partnership that is comprehensive and global in nature. If 
confirmed, my top priority will be to strengthen our ironclad 
alliance, even as we expand the relationship's regional and 
global reach.
    Over the past few years, we have seen Korea act as an 
important partner in several crises, including in working with 
the international community to condemn the military coup in 
Burma, and Putin's unprovoked and unjustified war against 
Ukraine. The ROK has also joined with the United States in 
addressing other global challenges, such as COVID-19, global 
democracy, and our shared climate agenda. The United States 
needs and welcomes a global Korea, not only to tackle the most 
pressing challenges of the 21st century, but also to seize this 
century's greatest opportunities.
    Even as the U.S.-ROK relationship has become a pivotal 
global partnership, we remain focused on our commitment to 
protect the ROK from external aggression. The U.S. military 
personnel stationed in the ROK work closely with the Korean 
military and United Nations Command member countries to deter 
and defend against the threat from the DPRK, North Korea, and 
maintain the Armistice Agreement. If confirmed, I will continue 
to pursue the President's calibrated approach to achieve our 
goal of the complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. 
To that end, I would also ensure we continue to consult closely 
with our Korean, Japanese, and other allies and partners for 
the full implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions 
while exploring the potential for diplomacy.
    Our deep economic ties makes the U.S.-ROK relationship 
unique. The KORUS Free Trade Agreement, which just celebrated 
its 10-year anniversary, remains the bedrock of our economic 
relationship, and today Korea is our sixth-largest trading 
partner. Korean investments in the United States create 
thousands of high-paying jobs and, if confirmed, I will 
continue to work attracting investment to the United States to 
create jobs and prosperity for the American worker.
    A keystone of our relationship is our longstanding people-
to-people ties. There are now more than 2 million Americans of 
Korean descent, and they are members of Congress, senior 
officials in our military, U.S. diplomats, and business and 
civil society leaders. More than 1.7 million Koreans have 
studied in the United States, and approximately 26,000 Koreans 
have participated in U.S.-sponsored exchanges. The American 
people benefit from and celebrate Korea's rich culture, 
everything from traditional hallmarks like the hanbok and 
kimchi, to recent cultural phenomena like BTS and Squid Games. 
If confirmed, I will work to ensure the bonds of trust and 
affection between our people remain strong and vibrant.
    On March 9th, the ROK held its eighth presidential election 
since its transition to democracy in 1987. I admire the Korean 
people's commitment to democracy, and congratulate President-
elect Yoon on his election. The U.S.-ROK relationship has 
blossomed thanks to President Biden and President Moon's 
leadership, and if confirmed, I will work with President-elect 
Yoon's administration and the Korean people to continue to push 
forward our shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, and 
a world committed to the international rules-based order, 
democratic principles, and respect for universal human rights.
    Ranking Member Romney, I would be honored to lead the 
outstanding men and women of U.S. Mission in Korea and to work 
with our military to strengthen our historic alliance. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to continue 
shepherding our ever-increasing bonds with the ROK to rise to 
meet the challenges of the 21st century.
    I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Goldberg follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Philip S. Goldberg

    Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members 
of the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today as the 
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to the 
Republic of Korea. I am grateful for the confidence shown by President 
Biden and Secretary Blinken in entrusting me with this important 
responsibility and, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely 
with this committee to advance U.S. priorities in the ROK, and further 
strengthen our nearly seven decades-long Alliance. I am honored to be 
sitting before you for the fifth time as a presidential appointee of 
both parties asking for your advice and consent to serve, and deeply 
appreciate the crucial role Congress plays in the foreign policy 
process.
    Since 1953, our alliance with the Republic of Korea has been the 
linchpin of peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region 
and beyond. Forged during the Korean War and the 1953 Mutual Defense 
Treaty, the U.S.-ROK Alliance has evolved into a partnership that is 
comprehensive and global in nature. If confirmed, my top priority will 
be to strengthen our ironclad alliance even as we expand the 
relationship's regional and global reach.
    Over the past few years, we have seen Korea act as an important 
partner in several crises, including in working with the international 
community to condemn the military coup in Burma, and Vladimir Putin's 
unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. The ROK has also joined 
with the United States in addressing other global challenges, such as 
COVID-19, global democracy and our shared climate agenda. The United 
States needs and welcomes a ``Global Korea,'' not only to tackle the 
most pressing challenges of the 21st century, but also to seize this 
century's greatest opportunities.
    Even as the U.S.-ROK relationship has become a pivotal global 
partnership, we remain focused on our commitment to protect the ROK 
from external aggression. The U.S. military personnel stationed in the 
ROK work closely with the Korean military and United Nations Command 
member countries to deter and defend against the threat from the 
Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and maintain the Armistice 
Agreement. If confirmed, I will continue to pursue the President's 
calibrated approach to achieve our goal of the complete 
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. To that end, I would also 
ensure we continue to consult closely with our Korean, Japanese and 
other allies and partners for the full implementation of U.N. Security 
Council resolutions while exploring the potential for diplomacy.
    Our deep economic relationship makes the U.S.-ROK relationship 
unique. The KORUS Free Trade Agreement, which just celebrated its 10-
year anniversary, remains the bedrock of our economic relationship, and 
today Korea is our 6th-largest trading partner. Korean investments in 
the United States create thousands of high-paying jobs and if confirmed 
I will work to continue attracting investment to the United States to 
create jobs and prosperity for the American worker.
    A keystone of our relationship is our longstanding people-to-people 
ties. There are now more than two million Americans of Korean descent, 
and they are members of Congress, senior officials in our military, 
U.S. diplomats, and business and civil society leaders. More than 1.7 
million Koreans have studied in the United States and approximately 
26,000 Koreans have participated in U.S.-sponsored exchanges. The 
American people benefit from and celebrate Korea's rich culture--
everything from traditional hallmarks like the hanbok and kimchi, to 
recent culture phenomena like BTS and Squid Games. If confirmed, I will 
work to ensure the bonds of trust and affection between our people 
remain strong and vibrant.
    On March 9, the ROK held its eighth presidential election since its 
transition to democracy in 1987. I admire the Korean people's 
commitment to democracy, and congratulate President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol 
[Yoon Sung-yuhl] on his election. The U.S.-ROK relationship has 
blossomed thanks to President Biden and President Moon's leadership, 
and if confirmed, I will work with President-elect Yoon's 
administration and the Korean people to continue to push forward our 
shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, and a world committed to 
the international rules-based order, democratic principles and respect 
for universal human rights.
    Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, I would be honored to lead 
the outstanding men and women of U.S. Mission in Korea and to work with 
our military to strengthen our historic alliance. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with Congress to continue shepherding our ever-
increasing bonds with the ROK to rise to meet the challenges of the 
21st century.
    I look forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Romney [presiding]. Thank you so much.
    I see that Senator Padilla is here, and so we are going to 
turn to him so that he will be able to introduce our nominee to 
be Ambassador to Norway, Mr. Nathanson.
    Welcome, Senator Padilla, to the committee, and please 
proceed.

                STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA

    Senator Padilla. Thank you, Ranking Member Romney, Mr. 
Chairman in absentia, and members of the committee. I am glad 
this worked out. I raced over from EPW to be able to introduce 
my friend, Marc Nathanson. I am proud to introduce him to this 
committee. He is a fellow Californian, a fellow Angelino, and 
President Biden's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador 
to Norway.
    As I hope you have become familiar, throughout his decades-
long career Mr. Nathanson has been one of the world's leading 
communications entrepreneurs, as well as a staunch 
environmentalist.
    Mr. Nathanson earned his Bachelor's degree from the 
University of Denver, and a Master's degree from the University 
of California-Santa Barbara, where he was a National Science 
Foundation Fellow.
    In 1975, Mr. Nathanson founded Falcon Cable TV, and in 1999 
became Vice Chairman of Charter Communications. Today he is 
Chairman of Mapleton Investments and Chairman Emeritus of 
Falcon Water Technologies. He has served on the boards of the 
Annenberg School of Communications at the University of 
Southern California, as well as UCLA's Anderson School of 
Management and UCLA Center for Communications Policy.
    Think about that. You want diplomacy, someone who is liked 
both on the campuses of UCLA and USC? That speaks volumes.
    His career has also included public service, working to 
advance democracy at home and abroad. He was Chairman of the 
United States Agency for Global Media, then called the 
Broadcasting Board of Governors, under both Presidents Clinton 
and Bush. This global media agency is vital to inform, engage, 
and connect people around the world in support of freedom and 
democracy, which is always important, but today even more 
timely.
    Through this role, Mr. Nathanson became intimately familiar 
with the information operations and the importance of 
countering information and disinformation, which is a key 
destabilizing tool used by the Kremlin today.
    Mr. Nathanson has also served as Co-Chairman of the Pacific 
Council on International Policy and Vice Chairman of the 
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs.
    All told, Mr. Nathanson has more than 25 years of foreign 
policy and public diplomacy experience. He has been recognized 
by several environmental organizations for his work on water 
conservation and other climate issues, and I am confident he 
will aptly represent our values and our national interests in 
Norway.
    The United States and Norway share strong democratic values 
and critical partnerships on a wide range of issues, from 
combatting the climate crisis to strengthening the NATO 
alliance. I know that in Mr. Nathanson, the United States has a 
reliable and trusted representative, and I urge his swift 
confirmation.
    Thank you again.
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Senator Padilla.
    We will now turn to Mr. Nathanson for his testimony.

 STATEMENT OF MARC B. NATHANSON OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY

    Mr. Nathanson. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to be here 
today as the President's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to 
the Kingdom of Norway.
    Thank you, Senator Padilla, for your gracious introduction 
and your long friendship.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for their trust and confidence. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working closely with Congress to build upon the 
strong partnership between the United States and Norway.
    I would like to acknowledge my family, including my eight 
grandchildren. My commitment to public service is driven by my 
love of family, who have motivated me to make our world a 
better place for future generations. My two sons, Adam and 
David, are here representing their sister Nicole and our 
family.
    My eternal gratitude goes to the love of my life, Jane 
Fallek Nathanson, whom I met on the first day of college. I 
would not be here today without Jane's unwavering support for 
the last 54 years.
    I spent my professional career in communications and 
founded my own company, Falcon Cable TV, in 1975, which served 
communities both domestically and internationally. I later 
entered government as a member of the Board of Governors of the 
U.S. Agency for Global Media and became its first Chair. I 
served seven years in the Senate-confirmed post under both 
President Clinton and President Bush. In addition, the 
Secretary of State appointed me to serve on the Board of 
Governors of the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii.
    After government service, I joined the board of the 
National Democratic Institute and became Vice Chair under 
Madeleine Albright's leadership. Secretary Albright was a very 
close friend of mine. We all celebrate her legacy in foreign 
policy, and we mourn her passing.
    Throughout my career in government service, I believe I 
have developed the leadership and diplomatic skills required to 
represent the United States effectively.
    Norway is a trusted ally and close friend of the United 
States. If confirmed, I will work closely with our talented 
team at Embassy Oslo to strengthen our great relationship with 
Norway.
    There are three priorities to our work.
    First, enhancing shared security. If confirmed, my top 
priority will be the safety and security of Americans in 
Norway, including Mission personnel.
    Furthermore, I will promote our shared security interests. 
As a founding NATO ally, Norway has stood with the United 
States to address a range of emerging threats, including 
Russia's unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine and threats 
to European security in general. Norway plays a critical role 
patrolling and protecting NATO's northern flank. If confirmed, 
I will support Norway's efforts to strengthen its defense 
capabilities.
    Second, upholding global norms and addressing global 
challenges. The United States and Norway partner to strengthen 
democracy, promote human rights, and confront many of the 
world's most pressing issues. As Arctic states, the United 
States and Norway can together ensure the region remains stable 
and conflict free, governed by the rules-based international 
order despite actions by China and other competitors. A key 
tenet of Norway's foreign policy is humanitarian and 
development assistance. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to 
uphold these important norms in the Arctic and globally.
    Third, increasing energy, environment, trade, and 
investment opportunity, with a focus on the green transition. 
Our two countries have longstanding economic ties. Norway is 
the second largest natural gas exporter to Europe. Norwegian 
investment in offshore wind near New York will power up to 2 
million homes and is an example of cooperation in this energy 
transition. If confirmed, I will work to promote shared 
prosperity and combat the climate crisis.
    I recognize the honor and responsibilities bestowed upon me 
by this nomination. If confirmed, I will do my best to uphold 
the trust that you and the American people are placing in me.
    Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you 
today. I look forward to any questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Nathanson follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Marc B. Nathanson

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to be here today as the President's nominee to 
be the U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway.
    Thank you, Senator Padilla, for the gracious introduction and your 
long friendship.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
their trust and confidence. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
closely with Congress to build upon the strong partnership between the 
United States and Norway.
    I would like to acknowledge my family, including my eight 
grandchildren. My commitment to public service is driven by the love of 
my family, who motivate me to make our country and the world a better 
place for future generations. My two sons, Adam and David, are 
representing my family today.
    My eternal gratitude goes to the love of my life, Jane Fallek 
Nathanson, whom I met on the first day of college. I would not be here 
today without Jane's unwavering support for the last 54 years.
    I spent my professional career in communications and founded my own 
company, Falcon Cable TV in 1975, which served communities both 
domestically and internationally. I later entered government service as 
a member of the Board of Governors of the U.S. Agency for Global Media 
and became its first Chair. I served seven years in this Senate-
confirmed post, under both President Clinton and President Bush. In 
addition, the Secretary of State appointed me to serve on the Board of 
Governors of the East-West Center.
    After government service, I joined the board of the National 
Democratic Institute and became Vice Chair under Madeleine Albright's 
leadership. Secretary Albright was a close friend. We all celebrate her 
legacy in foreign policy as we mourn her passing.
    Throughout my career and in government service, I believe I have 
developed the leadership and diplomatic skills required to represent 
the United States effectively.
    Norway is a trusted ally and close friend of the United States. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with our talented team at Embassy Oslo 
to strengthen our great relationship with Norway. Three priorities will 
guide our work:
    First, enhancing our shared security. If confirmed, my top priority 
will be the safety and security of Americans in Norway, including 
Mission personnel. Furthermore, I will promote our shared security 
interests. As a founding NATO Ally, Norway has stood with the United 
States to address a range of emerging threats, including Russia's 
unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine and threats to European 
security in general. Norway plays a critical role patrolling and 
protecting NATO's northern flank. If confirmed, I will support Norway's 
efforts to strengthen its defense capabilities.
    Second, upholding global norms and addressing global challenges. 
The United States and Norway partner to strengthen democracy, promote 
human rights, and confront many of the world's most pressing issues. As 
Arctic states, the U.S. and Norway can together ensure the region 
remains stable and conflict free, governed by the rules-based 
international order despite actions by China and other competitors. A 
key tenet of Norway's foreign policy is humanitarian and development 
assistance. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to uphold these 
important norms in the Arctic and globally.
    Third, increasing energy, environment, trade and investment 
cooperation with a focus on the green transition. Our two countries 
have longstanding economic ties. Norway is the second largest natural 
gas exporter to Europe. Norwegian investment in offshore wind near New 
York will power up to two million homes and is an example of 
cooperation in energy transition. If confirmed, I will work to promote 
shared prosperity and combat the climate crisis.
    I recognize the honor and responsibilities bestowed upon me by this 
nomination. If confirmed, I will do my best to uphold the trust that 
you and the American people are placing in me.
    Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you today. I 
look forward to your questions.


STATEMENT OF MARYKAY LOSS CARLSON OF ARKANSAS, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES

    Senator Murphy [presiding]. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Carlson?
    Ms. Carlson. Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, and 
distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply honored to 
be here today and grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for placing their confidence in me to serve as the next 
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. I 
appreciate the opportunity to answer your questions and hear 
your thoughts about our relationship with the Philippines, our 
oldest treaty ally in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the committee and other members of 
Congress to advance the interests of the United States, protect 
our citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship.
    I would like to take a minute to thank some people whose 
support and guidance have shaped my life in important ways: my 
parents, George and Kay Loss of Little Rock, Arkansas, who 
serve as my inspiration and to whom I owe everything, including 
my sense of public service; my husband Aubrey and our 
daughters, Kathryn and Karen, who are the center of my life. I 
want to also thank the many U.S. Embassy teams with whom I have 
had the honor to serve over the course of my 37-year career, 
including the dedicated local staff members who are the 
backbone of our overseas operations. And to my three siblings 
and other family watching from Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, New 
York, Connecticut, and California, and mentors, friends, and 
colleagues around the world, thank you.
    If confirmed, I would be thrilled to represent our country 
in the Philippines, a vibrant democratic ally with which we 
share a long history. Our ties are enriched by the more than 4 
million Filipinos and Filipino-Americans in the United States 
and more than 350,000 U.S. citizens who live and work in the 
Philippines.
    We must work together to deepen the roots of the 
longstanding friendship and people-to-people ties between our 
two democracies. We must upgrade and modernize our alliance to 
face new challenges, expand U.S. trade and investment, and 
support the rule of law and good governance.
    The U.S.-Philippines alliance is irreplaceable and 
foundational to our strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific. 
The Mutual Defense Treaty that our countries signed in 1951 
serves as the bedrock of our unwavering commitment to the 
security of the Philippines. If confirmed, I pledge to continue 
to expand opportunities for bilateral training, exercises, and 
capacity building, to support the long-term modernization of 
the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and to advance peace and 
security in the region. I will also work to ensure our security 
cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and law 
enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and 
violent extremism.
    Concurrently, I will continue U.S. efforts to urge the 
Philippine Government to conduct all law enforcement operations 
in accordance with the rule of law and consistent with 
international human rights standards, and I will urge the 
Government to conduct thorough, transparent investigations into 
all suspected unlawful killings, and to hold accountable those 
who are guilty.
    We support the aspirations of millions of Filipinos who 
want to live in a society characterized by good governance, 
human rights protections, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I 
will work to strengthen the Administration of justice and 
support Philippine human rights defenders and civil society, 
and encourage respect for freedom of expression, including for 
members of the press.
    Among the values our two democracies share is the respect 
for international law, which underpins freedoms of navigation 
and overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful 
resolution of disputes in the South China Sea and around the 
world. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to bolster 
Philippine capabilities that enhance maritime domain awareness.
    The United States seeks to remain a leading trading partner 
and foreign investor as the Philippines progresses toward 
economic recovery and upper middle-income status. If confirmed, 
I will support reforms that enhance transparency, assure labor 
rights protections, boost beneficial trade and investment, and 
increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply chains. I will 
promote an economic partnership that engages the U.S. and 
Philippine private sectors and other stakeholders so that we 
can invest in climate action and support low-carbon energy 
security.
    Finally, let me note that our U.S. embassies overseas are 
more than places of work. They are communities of people.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize the safety and well-being 
of U.S. Embassy Manila's talented staff and families. I will 
maintain their focus on our top goals, and ensure they 
represent the diverse talents of our democratic societies.
    Thank you for considering my nomination, and I look forward 
to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Carlson follows:]


               Prepared Statement of MaryKay Loss Carlson

    Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members 
of the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today and grateful to 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for placing their confidence in 
me to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. 
I appreciate the opportunity to answer your questions and hear 
firsthand your thoughts about our relationship with the Philippines, 
our oldest treaty ally in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the committee and other members of Congress to 
advance the interests of the United States, protect the safety of our 
citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship for the benefit of 
both of our countries.
    I would like to take a few moments to thank some people whose 
support and guidance have shaped my life in important ways: My parents, 
George and Kay Loss of Little Rock, Arkansas, who serve as my 
inspiration and to whom I owe everything, including my sense of public 
service; and my husband Aubrey and our daughters, Kathryn and Karen, 
who are the center of my life. I want to also thank the many U.S. 
Embassy teams with whom I have had the honor to serve over the course 
of my 37-year career--especially the dedicated local staff members who 
are the backbone of our overseas operations. And to my three siblings 
and other family watching from Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, New York, 
Connecticut, and California, and mentors, friends, and colleagues 
around the world--thank you.
    If confirmed, I would be thrilled to represent our country in the 
Philippines, a vibrant democratic ally with which we share a long 
history, and one of our most important partners. Our ties are enriched 
by the more than four million Filipinos and Filipino-Americans in the 
United States and more than 350,000 U.S. citizens who live and work in 
the Philippines. We must work to deepen the roots of the longstanding 
friendship and people-to-people ties between our two democracies, 
upgrade and modernize our alliance to face new challenges, expand U.S. 
trade and investment, and support the rule of law and good governance.
    The U.S.-Philippines alliance is irreplaceable and foundational to 
our strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific. The Mutual Defense Treaty 
that our countries signed in 1951 serves as the bedrock of our 
unwavering commitment to the security of the Philippines. That treaty, 
and the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation 
Agreement, enable our strong security and defense cooperation with the 
Philippines. If confirmed, I pledge to continue to expand opportunities 
for bilateral training, exercises, and capacity building, to support 
the long-term modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and 
to advance peace and security in the region. I will also work to ensure 
our security cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and 
law enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and 
violent extremism.
    Concurrently, I will continue U.S. efforts to urge the Philippine 
Government to conduct all law enforcement operations in accordance with 
the rule of law and consistent with international human rights 
standards, and I will urge the Government to conduct thorough, 
transparent investigations into all suspected unlawful killings, and to 
hold accountable those who are guilty.
    We support the aspirations of millions of Filipinos who want to 
live in a society characterized by good governance, human rights 
protections, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will work to 
strengthen the Administration of justice and support Philippine human 
rights defenders and civil society, and encourage respect for freedom 
of expression, including for members of the press.
    Among the values our two democracies share is the respect for 
international law, which underpins freedoms of navigation and 
overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful resolution of 
disputes in the South China Sea and around the world. If confirmed, I 
will continue our efforts to bolster Philippine capabilities that 
enhance maritime domain awareness and enable it to counter coercive 
activity in its Exclusive Economic Zone and other areas.
    The United States seeks to remain a leading trading partner and 
foreign investor partner as the Philippines progresses toward economic 
recovery and upper middle-income status. If confirmed, I will support 
reforms that enhance transparency, assure labor rights protections, 
boost beneficial trade and investment between our two countries, and 
increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply chains. I will promote 
an economic partnership that engages the U.S. and Philippine private 
sectors to invest in climate action and support low-carbon energy 
security.
    Understanding that our consular operations at the U.S. Embassy 
Manila play an important role in helping provide visas to qualified 
skilled workers in crucial industries such as healthcare, if confirmed, 
I will ensure that our Mission resources remain focused on this effort.
    Finally, let me add that our U.S. Embassies overseas are more than 
places of work. They are communities of people. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize the safety and well-being of Embassy Manila's talented staff 
and families, maintain their focus on top goals, and ensure they 
represent the diverse talents of our democratic societies.
    Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to your 
questions.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you to all of our witnesses.
    We will begin our round of 5-minute questions. I will start 
with a few.
    Ambassador Goldberg, let me just start with you. I 
sometimes worry that American foreign policy has become 
dangerously sclerotic. We sanction our enemies and we sell 
weapons to our friends, while other countries that are often 
adversaries, like China or Russia, have a much more diverse 
toolkit at their disposal with which to try to gain influence.
    You spent some time as the North Korea sanctions 
coordinator, and you are going to inherit an even more robust 
set of sanctions on North Korea given the announcements from 
the Biden administration in the wake of the latest ballistic 
missile tests.
    I am just interested to hear your assessment about the 
efficacy of our sanctions regime given the fact that Americans 
with just a passing interest in world affairs have not helped 
but notice that these devastating multilateral sanctions have 
not seemed to have had any practical impact on the conduct of 
the North Korean regime. I am interested to hear your take on 
this question.
    Ambassador Goldberg. Senator, I think sanctions work, but 
they are not a policy in and of themselves. They have to be 
accompanied by other elements of U.S. and world influence and 
power. They have to be multilateral without much leakage. In 
some cases and in the case of North Korea, the lack of tie-in 
to the international financial system and trade make it more 
difficult in some respects, easier in others, to enforce 
sanctions.
    You have to have a population that has a say in what is 
going on in their country. There are other examples of 
sanctions elsewhere that have worked more quickly to influence 
public opinion, but there is no public opinion in North Korea. 
So it is a very difficult hard target for sanctions.
    All of that said, North Korea wants those sanctions lifted, 
which is a reason to keep pressing, because they want them 
lifted for a reason. They want to have their cake and eat it 
too in terms of not being forthcoming on negotiations, which we 
have offered without preconditions. So they are an important 
element, but they are not an element that will necessarily do 
the trick by themselves.
    Senator Murphy. Ambassador Kennedy, I wanted to draw for a 
moment on your experience in Japan. Here is how the editor of 
one of the most significant Chinese Communist Party-run 
newspapers described Australia. He said, ``Australia is chewing 
gum stuck on the sole of China's shoes. Sometimes you just have 
to find a stone to rub it off.''
    He said this in the context of a pretty significant row 
between China and Australia driven by an increasingly hostile 
and muscular diplomatic presence and set of activities from the 
Chinese Government inside Australia. And this is, of course, 
the story all throughout the region. The Chinese are willing to 
do things and say things, employ more aggressive tactics in a 
way that they were not 10 to 20 years ago.
    I would just be interested to hear a little bit about what 
you learned during your time in Japan about the increasingly 
aggressive diplomatic tactics of the Chinese and how you will 
take those learnings to this new job.
    Ambassador Kennedy. I think what I have seen is that things 
have really changed and increased in the region, the tensions, 
since my time in Japan. All the countries out there have dealt 
with each other for a very long time, but certainly Australia 
most recently has been challenged by Chinese economic coercion, 
and I think that the United States can learn a lot from their 
response. They have stood firm, and I think they have managed 
to come together with a bipartisan foreign policy, and I think 
a greater and deeper partnership with us in the security and 
diplomatic areas, as well as across the board, will serve their 
country and ours well as we move forward into this increasingly 
tense time in the Indo-Pacific. So I look forward to working 
with the Australians and with the Japanese to secure a free and 
open Indo-Pacific.
    Senator Murphy. Did you see an increase in the virulence of 
these tactics while you were in Japan, or do you think that 
some of this happened more recently?
    Ambassador Kennedy. I did see it, but I think it has become 
much more widespread, much more public, much more open. The 
South China Sea issues were certainly present, some of the 
economic coercion was certainly happening. But I think all of 
that has become more dramatic in the last five years.
    Senator Murphy. Senator Romney?
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Carlson, I think a number of us have been surprised and 
a little disoriented by the comments made by the current 
president of the Philippines, the current distance he has with 
the cause of freedom and his closeness to China. Obviously, our 
nation has worked with the people of the Philippines to provide 
for the safety and security of that nation, and his redirection 
has been hard to understand.
    Can you give me a sense from your perspective as to what it 
is that may have led him to make the departure from our 
historic relationship that he has, and to what extent you 
believe that is being welcomed by the people of the 
Philippines?
    Ms. Carlson. Thank you for that question. I think it is 
important to look at the U.S.-Philippines relationship in its 
entirety. We are friends, partners, allies, with a 75-year 
history of diplomacy. We are celebrating ``Thriving at 75'' 
just this year.
    So with regard to any particular individual, I think the 
more important thing is to look ahead. We have a strong 
foundation of shared values with the people of the Philippines. 
We train with their military very closely, hundreds of training 
exercises every year, including the Balikatan premiere 
exercise, which means shoulder to shoulder, which is just 
finishing up today in the Philippines, where our colleagues 
across all sectors of society work together, including freedom 
of expression and countering Chinese aggression.
    So I think as we look forward to the next 75 years, there 
is a lot of room for optimism based on the strong foundations 
of democracy that exist in the Philippines.
    Senator Romney. Thank you.
    Ambassador Kennedy, I think we have been very impressed by 
the backbone that has been shown by the people of Australia. 
They banned Huawei products. They have probed the origins of 
COVID. They participated in a diplomatic boycott of the 
Olympics as a result of what was being perpetrated against the 
Uyghur people.
    In this setting, they are obviously a very small, in terms 
of population and economy, neighbor of China. We share 
interests in getting China to behave in a more normal and 
rules-based way.
    What is your perception of how Australia might be able to 
lead an effort to really develop a comprehensive strategy to 
confront China?
    Ambassador Kennedy. I think Australia and the United States 
working together, especially in the Quad with our India friends 
and with Japan, is a very powerful alliance and combination. 
And I think that the Australian people have now come together 
in understanding the challenges posed by China. So I think we 
have an opportunity through our partnerships and alliances, 
working multilaterally throughout the region, to really create 
a comprehensive strategy that will strengthen deterrence and 
increase our own security, as well as allowing for the 
continued prosperity of the region.
    I think the rules-based order that America has stood behind 
working with Australia has really allowed millions to prosper 
and provide a great opportunity for Americans. I think that 
together with Australia we will continue to deliver on that.
    Senator Romney. I would note that China has a very 
comprehensive and, to date, pretty successful strategy to 
expand their influence in the world, to develop the strongest 
military in the world, to become the strongest economy in the 
world, and I am concerned that we as a nation, and even members 
of the Quad, have not settled on what our strategy is to deal 
with China.
    Do you agree that China is behaving in a malevolent and 
predatory way that represents a real threat to our interests 
here and around the world?
    Ambassador Kennedy. I think the strongest thing that we 
have is our values. I saw when I was in Japan how the whole 
world really still looks to America as the place they want to 
come to, the place that inspires them. So I feel confident that 
we do have in our values, in our economic strength, in our 
security partnerships, our alliances, our multilateral work, 
that we do have a winning strategy, and I know that Australia 
and the United States together work side by side to implement 
that every day. So I am confident in the United States and in 
our ability to maintain a free and open and secure and 
prosperous Indo-Pacific.
    Senator Murphy. Senator Schatz?
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member; 
and to all of the nominees, thank you for your willingness to 
serve.
    I am so thrilled to be here. This really is the A-Team, and 
this conveys a degree of seriousness from the Biden 
administration and from Secretary Blinken to put its best team 
on the field in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region, so thank you.
    Mr. Nathanson, I was just thinking about Secretary 
Albright. Whatever one's views of the afterlife may be, I know 
she is watching C-SPAN right now and proud of all of you, so 
thank you very much.
    My first question is for Ambassador Goldberg, and I want to 
follow up on what Senator Murphy was asking about, especially 
as it relates to CVID. We have had this conversation, and we 
had this conversation in the Banking Committee with Bob Corker 
six years ago. We lack intermediate steps, it occurs to me. We 
have a declaration of where we want to land: complete, 
verifiable, irreversible denuclearization of the peninsula. 
Everyone can get behind that. And what is our tool? Well, 
sanctions. It is clearly not working.
    So what is the in-between space? How do we do a serious 
reevaluation of whether or not our bipartisan failure on this 
issue can be tweaked? I understand our limitations, and it may 
just be that this is a hard problem and we have to maintain 
pressure until the opportunity presents itself, but then we 
should articulate that.
    I am just worried that everyone is too afraid to say CVID 
is a nice goal but not anything we can achieve in the next 5 
years, or even 10 years, and we should have some intermediate 
steps in the intervening time, and I am wondering what your 
thoughts are, and at least I would like to hear a willingness 
to reevaluate our policy.
    Ambassador Goldberg. Thank you, Senator. Comprehensive, 
verifiable, irreversible denuclearization--those are difficult 
goals, but they fit very well with our non-proliferation goals. 
They fit with our policy of deterrence; building, broadening, 
deepening our alliance with the Republic of Korea, and doing 
all possible to defend against a rogue regime in North Korea 
that is violating at every opportunity U.N. resolutions, their 
own commitments, international agreements.
    So it is a very difficult problem. If we do not admit it, I 
am admitting it here. But it is one that we need to continue to 
work on and be quite resolute about.
    Senator Schatz. Well, you are not in the position yet, and 
so I do not expect you to move U.S. foreign policy before 
confirmation. That is unreasonable and possibly politically 
dangerous for your confirmation, so I get that. But let us have 
a real dialogue about what is working and not working.
    Senator Murphy said it exactly right, and this goes for the 
military space too. People are terrified of going toe to toe 
with us; but in the gray zone, and also in the diplomatic gray 
zone, people are running circles around us. And so we have got 
to maintain a little bit of flexibility here and try to figure 
out what we can do to change policy, and that does not mean 
that we are not working towards CVID. It means that we 
acknowledge that that is not the only thing that we say as it 
relates to the peninsula.
    The final question is for Ms. Carlson. I think everybody 
knows I am for climate action, but I want to focus on a 
different aspect of climate, which is climate adaptation and 
specifically preparing for and responding to increasing 
severity and frequency of natural disasters in the Philippines. 
That seems to me to be a place where we are already doing very 
well and bolsters the ties, including the people-to-people 
ties, between the U.S. and the Philippines.
    I am wondering what your thoughts are on what more we can 
do in that space. I think that is at the humanitarian level an 
incredibly important priority for the United States, but also 
it has positive geo-political implications. I would like your 
thoughts.
    Ms. Carlson. Thank you very much. I totally agree with what 
you have just said. If confirmed, I would work to lead our 
talented Embassy team there to find ways that we could work 
with our friends and partners in the Philippines to enhance 
their ability to combat climate change. As you know, the 
Philippines is particularly vulnerable given its long 
shorelines to climate change. They are subject to typhoons and 
disasters. Fortunately, our USAID teams and our military 
INDOPACOM colleagues have been there to assist in partnership 
with the Philippines.
    So it is definitely in our interest to enhance their 
ability to respond. I am sure there are very specific things 
that we can do and, if confirmed, I would look forward to 
working with you and other members of the committee and in 
Congress to find ways that we could support climate adaptation 
in the Philippines for the benefit of both of our countries. 
Thank you.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Senator Murphy. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Chair Murphy; and 
congratulations to all of the nominees today.
    I would like to start, if I might, with Ambassador Kennedy, 
to say welcome to your husband Ed. It is so good to see you 
again. And Jack, I know that your family's support has meant a 
great deal to your success, and it is great to see you all here 
today.
    Ambassador Kennedy, several questions. I know you have 
great experience dealing with the Quad partnership from your 
previous role as Ambassador to Japan. I would love to hear your 
perspective on how we can further strengthen our relationship 
with the Quad.
    Ambassador Kennedy. I think the Quad is one of the most 
important diplomatic initiatives that we have and it affords a 
great opportunity for the United States and for other like-
minded democracies to really work together on key issues like 
COVID, like climate change, like supply chain resilience and 
security, and new technologies to really strengthen our 
partnership, preserve the rules-based order in the Indo-
Pacific, and advance the United States' interests.
    Senator Hagerty. Something is happening in the region right 
now that I am sure you are well aware of, in the Solomon 
Islands. The Chinese Communist Party has been very engaged in 
that region, working with the Government of the Solomon 
Islands. They are stepping in now and talking about 
constructing a bilateral security agreement. It is very 
concerning to us as a nation here. I know it is very concerning 
to the Australians, as well.
    What do you think the prospects are for that bilateral 
security agreement being entered between China and the Solomon 
Islands, and what should the United States' posture be relative 
to that?
    Ambassador Kennedy. Well, obviously, I am not fully read in 
on that, but if confirmed, I would work very hard. Australia 
has a very active Embassy in every Pacific Island nation, and 
it has been an historic area of United States engagement as 
well, and I think that the fact that we are reopening our 
Embassy in the Solomon Islands, that cannot come to enough. I 
think that together with Australia, with the infrastructure 
partnership that we have in the Pacific Islands, which I know 
that you worked to initiate when you were ambassador to Japan, 
we can do more and we should do more, and we must stay engaged.
    This is a vital region, and I think that we need to be more 
visible, but I think that our long record in the region of 
supporting assistance over many years, if we are able to build 
on that, that we can really make a difference.
    Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that, and I think our allies 
like Australia can be invaluable as we continue to be ever 
diligent in the region, because we know that the Chinese 
Communist Party is looking for every opportunity to change the 
status quo there. So I applaud you and encourage you to find 
every way possible to work with Australia. I know that people 
on this committee will be supportive of finding ways, again, to 
push back wherever possible.
    If we could switch now to the AUKUS Trilateral Security 
Agreement, I was encouraged to find out that we are going to be 
working with our allies to facilitate Australia's nuclear 
propulsion, submarine propulsion technologies and capabilities. 
Just two days ago, it was announced that we are going to be 
stepping up that partnership to work with hypersonics and with 
counter-hypersonics.
    My view is that deepening that relationship with Australia 
from a security perspective is going to be invaluable to our 
security in the region. I would love to hear your perspective 
on how you will work to continue that process.
    Ambassador Kennedy. Well, if confirmed, I look forward to 
learning more about the details of that partnership. I know 
that a lot of work is happening now. There are many working 
groups on all aspects. As you said, it involves the submarines, 
but it also involves the cooperation on AI and quantum and 
cyber and undersea technologies. So I think that it is really 
the kind of partnership that, as it grows and strengthens and 
we are able to build on it, we will deliver great results for 
both our technological sector and American innovation, working 
together with Australia. And I think that there is a lot of 
deterrence that it will deliver well before the submarines are 
in operation.
    Senator Hagerty. I think it has great potential, and I 
appreciate your attention to that arena, as well. The 
technology front will be an important line to follow the 
confrontation in the region with our greatest strategic 
adversary, China.
    I would like to turn my questions now to nominee Carlson. 
MaryKay, you and I have talked about this before, but I would 
like to talk with you about nurse visas. As we all know, 
through the coronavirus pandemic, we have had a severe shortage 
of nursing talent here in America. It has almost reached a 
crisis proportion.
    We have talked about visa interviews by videoconference as 
a means to try to facilitate speeding up what has become a very 
big backlog at the Embassy there at the Philippines.
    I would like to get your current assessment of where the 
backlog is at Embassy Manila, and also what your plan might be 
to set the metrics to work through that backlog and to get your 
commitment to report back to me and my staff on how this is 
progressing.
    Ms. Carlson. Thank you, Senator. You have my commitment to 
continue to work on this very important issue. No one likes a 
backlog, least of which is our talented team working so hard in 
the Consular Section at the U.S. Embassy in Manila. I have 
spoken after our conversation with a number of folks here in 
Washington and in the Philippines in our Consular Section 
there, and there are ways that we can do everything possible to 
speed up those interviews, and I pledge to work with you and 
with the folks here at the National Visa Center and at the 
Embassy to accelerate the processing within the bounds of the 
U.S. law with regard to immigration.
    Senator Hagerty. I look forward to that. As you know, my 
home state of Tennessee is a hub of hospital management, and we 
see the problem probably more clearly than any other state in 
the nation. So this is a crisis. This is something that the 
American public needs addressed, and I very much appreciate 
your help in doing so.
    With respect to the other nominees, I will submit my 
questions for the record. Congratulations to all of you again. 
Thank you very much.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. It is 
good to see you are all going to countries that voted with the 
United States to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. I am 
sure all of you will be working very hard, if confirmed, to 
make sure we sustain that pressure given the unprovoked attacks 
on the people of Ukraine.
    And I am pleased that right now at the United Nations, our 
Ambassador is seeking a vote to expel Russia from the United 
Nations Human Rights Council. They have no business being there 
when they are clearly implicated in war crimes as we speak.
    Ambassador Goldberg, if I could just follow up on some 
questions I think Senator Murphy opened with, with respect to 
North Korea and its recent launch of another long-range ICBM.
    As you know, for years we have been working to try to 
tighten the sanctions regime, economic sanctions regime on 
North Korea, and we repeatedly find leaks in that. We have seen 
a series of U.N. reports identifying Chinese entities as the 
major source of circumventing those economic sanctions.
    We also know that really China is the big player as North 
Korea's neighbor and could exert more pressure on the North 
Koreans with respect to their weapons programs, even though 
they sometimes have a rocky relationship.
    My question is this: As we have seen our relations with 
China get more strained, have we seen China back off on the 
pressure it is putting on North Korea with respect to 
constraining their nuclear weapons program, specifically their 
long-range missile program?
    Ambassador Goldberg. What I can say from public 
information, Senator, is that the Chinese did not vote to 
impose further sanctions at the U.N., nor did the Russians, of 
course. So they do have a slightly different approach to the 
North Koreans and ask for our concessions, as opposed to having 
discussions/negotiations without preconditions. So there is a 
divergence there.
    When I was doing the enforcement job of North Korean 
sanctions, and it was some time ago, more than 10 years, there 
was leakage, and there continues, no doubt, to be leakage. I am 
not revealing anything here because I am not aware of 
particular cases. But there were issues related to Chinese 
banks and trade.
    It is a difficult, as I mentioned earlier, a hard target 
for sanctions, North Korea, but we do and we should continue to 
seek Chinese cooperation not just on sanctions, which is very 
important, but sanctions, as I mentioned before, is not a 
policy in and of themselves, but also their cooperation in 
moving forward with negotiations and getting back to some sort 
of discussion about denuclearization and how we are going to 
handle that issue.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, that was my next question. So, 
what in your view is the best way forward there in terms of 
both continuing to apply pressure but trying to reach the goal 
of a denuclearized peninsula?
    Ambassador Goldberg. Well, I do not know if it is my good 
fortune, Senator, but my primary responsibility will be to 
strengthen the alliance and deterrence and to take other steps 
to try to convince the North Koreans to return to negotiations 
and working very closely with the new President-elect's 
government. So I would allow Ambassador Sung Kim or people at 
the State Department to speak more about North Korea policy and 
the way forward and not preempt their responsibilities.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right.
    Ambassador Kennedy, congratulations on this nomination.
    With respect to China and Australia, as you well know, they 
have strong commercial ties, but Australia has appropriately 
pushed back hard on China's efforts to use coercion by applying 
economic pressure on political and human rights issues.
    How do you see the U.S. and Australia working now to push 
back on China's aggression in the area?
    Ambassador Kennedy. I think that pushing back on Chinese 
economic coercion is something where the United States is going 
to have to support our allies and those that are suffering from 
it, like Lithuania, as well as Australia. Australia has been a 
model, and they are fortunate in that they have a lot of 
minerals and critical elements that a lot of their other 
exports they have been able to find other markets for.
    But this is a complicated issue, and the United States and 
Australia, I think by working closely together across all 
aspects of the relationship, whether they are diplomatic, 
whether they are regional, upholding the centrality of ASEAN, 
strengthening the Quad, we have a real opportunity here to 
create and sustain a connected and secure Indo-Pacific, and I 
think that our alliance is certainly a key element of that, as 
well as just as our alliances with Korea, Japan, the 
Philippines also will help create a region that is more secure 
and abiding by the rules-based order that has served us all so 
well.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
    And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you.
    Chairman Menendez?
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Murphy; and 
congratulations to all of the nominees on their nominations. 
This is a very important group of countries that you have been 
nominated to.
    Let me start with you, Ambassador Goldberg. I was with the 
Special Envoy of the President-elect of South Korea yesterday 
with Senator Risch. We had a very interesting conversation. It 
seems like it will be a rather dramatic shift from the Moon 
policies of the last four years. We have a large diaspora, 
certainly in the United States but in New Jersey, of Korean 
Americans who have done exceptionally great work, including the 
Korean American Grassroots Conference. Mr. Kim, I think, is 
here in the audience.
    There is a lot of expectation for your confirmation and 
presence in South Korea, both by the South Koreans and by the 
community here.
    So what is your assessment, then, of the recent North Korea 
cruise and ballistic missile tests? Are you concerned that 
North Korea may be seeking to up the ante with a bigger 
provocation? And if so, how should we respond?
    Ambassador Goldberg. Mr. Chairman, the outrageous and 
continued provocations from the North are, of course, deeply 
troubling, concerning, and I think our special representative 
for North Korea, Sung Kim, said just yesterday that we expect 
more, especially with some of the celebrations upcoming in 
North Korea.
    We have to react with enhanced deterrence, with a solid 
alliance between the United States and South Korea, Japan, and 
working together to thwart these threats from North Korea. When 
sanctions are available and enforceable, to also continue with 
very strong implementation. So we do need to be aware that this 
could happen and that these provocations, which are illegal, 
which violate U.N. resolutions, which violate their own 
commitments, North Korea's own commitments.
    The Chairman. Let me ask you, already the ballistic missile 
tests are clearly a violation of the U.N. Security Council 
resolutions. Should we pursue additional sanctions against 
North Korea?
    Ambassador Goldberg. I mentioned earlier to Senator Van 
Hollen that my primary responsibility, if confirmed, would be 
to help in solidifying the alliance and deterrence and working 
with our military and other countries. I am not, strictly 
speaking, going to be responsible for a North Korea----
    The Chairman. No, but I am sure the Administration would 
have you on the phone once you are confirmed as part of the 
interagency process to opine; do you not think so?
    Ambassador Goldberg. I hope so.
    The Chairman. I hope so, too, or else I do not know why we 
are sending you there. It seems to me that there has to be a 
response. If North Korea can continue to create provocations, 
can continue to violate Security Council resolutions with 
impunity and there is no response, then it will continue to do 
so, and it will only deepen it.
    Ambassador Goldberg. Well, I think you are right, Mr. 
Chairman, but I also know that we will take measures, as we 
have, if it has to be through unilateral action or with our 
allies after these kinds of provocations, that we cannot rely 
on the United Nations when China and Russia have vetoes at the 
Security Council.
    The Chairman. Let me ask you this. You know, we have 
historical issues between South Korea and Japan; I recognize 
them. But we also have the importance of having a close 
relationship with those two countries and ourselves, an ability 
to meet the regional challenge of North Korea, as well as China 
and others.
    Do you see playing a role in helping the South Koreans find 
a pathway forward with their Japanese counterparts?
    Ambassador Goldberg. Absolutely. I think that is a role, if 
confirmed, that an ambassador in Seoul would play, working with 
our ambassador in Japan. You know they are each other's third 
largest trading partners. Japan is the biggest investor in 
South Korea, outstripping the United States. There are reasons 
that two democratic, technologically advanced, scientifically 
advanced countries should be working together more, not just on 
the North Korea issue, which has been an issue where they have 
come together, but also on other issues regionally and around 
the world.
    The Chairman. Ambassador Kennedy, congratulations on your 
nomination. I appreciate your service in the past to our 
country.
    Australia is a microcosm of the global climate crisis. A 
few weeks ago, Brisbane and East Australia received a record 26 
inches of rain in 72 hours. The 2022 emergency in Queensland 
and New South Wales is now $1.4 billion, and it is only the 
first week of April. The dawn of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 
of 2020 made it easy to forget when Australia's wildfires were 
dominating global headlines until the pandemic took center 
stage. Those fires cost Australia an estimated $103 billion, 
and ocean acidification is killing thousands of acres of the 
Great Barrier Reef.
    Now, this is an incredibly important relationship, part of 
the Quad. As a matter of fact, I will be traveling there this 
recess. But there are great lessons for the United States to 
learn for how to prepare for such extreme climate disasters and 
how to get Australia to think about the climate 
responsibilities they have, in their own interest as well as 
the global interest.
    Can I get you to commit to fostering information and 
strategic exchanges for scientists and disaster responders to 
learn and share experiences between our two countries?
    Ambassador Kennedy. I think that we should do more of that. 
I know that the United States has tried to help, where 
possible. There were firefighters from Wyoming, for example, 
that went to help during the terrible fires in Australia. But 
certainly Australia has learned a lot about these kinds of 
disasters, and we also have been impacted by fires and floods 
and storms here in the United States. So the more that we can 
learn about and learn how to combat and also move toward a 
clean energy transition and reducing the impact of climate 
change, the faster we can do that, if confirmed, I would be 
eager to work on that.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have questions for 
Ms. Carlson and Mr. Nathanson, but I will submit them for the 
record. I am very concerned about Norway in the midst of the 
challenges of Russia now. It has its own neighborhood problems. 
And I look forward to understanding where we are headed with 
the Philippines in the aftermath of the present administration, 
hopefully a new dynamic that we can create. Thank you.
    Senator Romney [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Romney.
    Mr. Chair, good to be with you, and great to be with the 
wonderful panel.
    Ms. Kennedy, great to see you again. We have had good 
interactions in our public service lives, and I am really 
thrilled with your nomination.
    And, Ambassador Goldberg, I have really enjoyed visits to 
Colombia when you have been there.
    This is a really strong panel.
    Let me start with Ms. Carlson. Here is a worry of mine, 
press freedom. Reporters Without Borders ranked the Philippines 
138th out of 180 countries in the most recent World Press 
Freedom Index, and attacks on the media have escalated under 
President Duterte; but even prior, the Philippines has long 
been one of the most dangerous countries in the world for 
journalists. The country also has one of the highest impunity 
rates in the world, with no one being held accountable in more 
than 80 percent of journalist murders over the last 10 years.
    Earlier this week, a number of us met with Maria Ressa, an 
investigative journalist and Filipina who is the founder of the 
online news site Rappler. She won the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize 
for her courageous reporting about abuses of power, uses of 
violence, and authoritarianism in the Philippines. Ahead of the 
national elections in the Philippines in May, the Filipino 
Government has stepped up its harassment of both Maria Ressa 
and Rappler.
    If confirmed, how will you work to strengthen freedom of 
expression in the Philippines?
    Ms. Carlson. U.S. policy toward the Philippines is based on 
our shared values of rule of law, democracy, freedom of 
expression. And as we are seeing around the world, there is a 
rise in authoritarianism, which we need to work together with 
our like-minded partners in civil society and in government in 
the Philippines to counter, which is why I was really pleased 
to see that the Philippines participated in the Summit of 
Democracy and the year-long commitments that are being made, 
resulting in another summit coming up at the end of this year.
    So, if confirmed, I would continue the work that our 
colleagues at the Embassy are doing to work with all levels of 
civil society, including and especially journalists, including 
Maria Ressa and other members of the press who are struggling 
to tell the story so that we can combat disinformation and make 
sure that the truth is told about what is happening not only in 
the Philippines but in other democracies around the world.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. I have a piece of 
bipartisan legislation with Senator Graham, the International 
Press Freedom Act, previously introduced. We are working with 
the State Department now to make it even better, and I would 
hope to be able to get the support of my colleagues on this 
committee for having a markup and improve that bill and get it 
out. The bill would provide resources to the State Department 
to amplify our efforts to protect journalists and include a 
special visa category that would enable threatened journalists 
to seek safe haven in the United States or other nations.
    Mr. Nathanson, Norway, what a great ally, a nation that is 
doing so many things right. They are trying to maintain strong 
energy production so that Europeans can have an energy source 
nearby that is not Russia, and I applaud them for that. If they 
can do more, I hope you will encourage them to do more. I know 
President Zelensky has been encouraging them.
    But one of the interesting things about Norway is that they 
had a tradition of not sending weapons into non-NATO countries, 
and yet they are being such a strong supporter of the global 
democracies' efforts in Ukraine. They have shipped about 2,000 
M72 anti-tank weapons, and that is recently, the latest 
shipment. The total number is now in excess of 4,000. And this 
is a dramatic change in direction from a policy that was in 
place since the 1950s of not sending arms to non-NATO countries 
that are at war.
    Talk a little bit about your understanding of how Norway is 
reassessing the relationship with Russia and their role not 
only with NATO but more broadly for European security as a 
result of Vladimir Putin's illegal invasion of Ukraine.
    Mr. Nathanson. As you said, Senator, and I appreciate the 
question, Norway is reassessing its relationship with its 
neighbor, Russia. They have a 121-mile border in the Arctic 
with Russia. But the Arctic Council, which Russia is a member 
of, seven other nations in the Arctic Council have condemned 
Russia's unprovoked attack in Ukraine, and the Arctic Council 
is now at a standstill because of this.
    So Norway, as a leader in the Arctic area, is reassessing 
its own position with Russia and looking very seriously at the 
future with Russia. They recently expelled three Russian 
diplomats. As you said, they have broken a long tradition of 
Norway by sending arms to Ukraine, as well as financial aid. 
And if confirmed, I will continue to work with Norway to 
reassess their attitude and their position as it relates to 
Russia.
    Senator Romney. Thank you.
    Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Welcome to each of the nominees. Congratulations on your 
nominations.
    Ambassador Kennedy, thank you for your willingness to be 
here. Thank you for your service.
    A few weeks ago you and I had a very good conversation in 
my office about the threat that China poses to American 
national security and, indeed, global peace. Our efforts to 
counter China have been institutionalized in a number of 
frameworks, and in recent years in the Quad, with Australia, 
India, Japan, and the United States.
    I believe that the Quad is a critical and invaluable 
strategic asset. I know that our regional partners believe so 
as well. On Saturday, Australia and India signed an interim 
trade deal to reduce dependence on Chinese supply lines. It was 
rightly hailed on all sides as a major accomplishment of the 
Quad framework.
    I would like to get your views on that issue and the role 
you envision the Quad playing, and Australia's role within the 
Quad.
    Ambassador Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. It is nice to see 
you again. I agree that the Quad is an ambitious and extremely 
important diplomatic initiative. I think it is important that 
it includes initiatives that will benefit the health and 
prosperity of millions of people in the region across the 
board, whether it is delivering vaccines and planning for the 
effects of climate change, as well as securing our supply 
lines, investing in critical minerals. There are working groups 
in many, many different areas.
    So I think that with our four democracies working closely 
together, we will be able to advance the Administration's goal 
of a free and open, secure, prosperous Indo-Pacific. We also 
have the AUKUS partnership, which is an incredibly important 
security initiative which is being developed as well, and I 
think that that will also help secure the region for years to 
come.
    Senator Cruz. Well, I am heartened to hear that. But 
candidly, I worry that the views you articulated are not shared 
across the Biden administration. I have been, in particular, 
troubled by reports that the Administration is considering 
imposing CAATSA sanctions on India. As recently as last month, 
U.S. diplomats have reiterated that the Administration is 
considering imposing those sanctions.
    I find such talk inexplicable, let alone the possibility of 
actually following through and sanctioning India. India is the 
world's largest democracy. They are a key ally. They are in the 
midst of an historic pivot towards the United States, and the 
Biden administration seems to be actively working to alienate 
them and push India towards Russia and China.
    Ambassador Kennedy, you just said rightly that you consider 
an important part of your job strengthening the Quad. What 
effect do you think imposing sanctions on India would have on 
your efforts to strengthen the Quad, and will they make them 
more likely or less likely to accomplish your goals?
    Ambassador Kennedy. Senator, I am hopefully going to be 
confirmed as Ambassador to Australia, and honestly I would look 
forward to learning more about that, but I do not have any 
information on that today.
    Senator Cruz. So you do not have any views on whether the 
United States sanctioning India would make it harder for the 
Quad to work together effectively?
    Ambassador Kennedy. I would want to study up on that and 
talk to you about it some more because I am not familiar with 
the instances that you referenced.
    Senator Cruz. Well, I will say we have all agreed the Quad 
was a major strategic step forward, and an alliance between 
Australia, India, Japan, and the United States is a critical 
way to press back on China. And if the Biden administration 
decides instead to treat India as a hostile country subject to 
sanctions, it would be spectacularly foolish, and it is part 
and parcel of what has been a consistent pattern of 
demonstrating weakness and appeasement to our enemies and 
alienating our friends. I speak with allies of America across 
the globe who say over and over again they do not understand 
why the Biden administration treats them so badly, and they 
wonder sometimes, ironically, would they be treated better if 
they behaved as enemies to America.
    And if you are confirmed, I hope that you serve as a voice 
of reason in this administration and counsel against the Biden 
administration sanctioning important allies of America such as 
India.
    Senator Murphy [presiding]. Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Murphy, Senator Romney.
    Great to be with all of you.
    Rather than relitigating relationships with allies across 
the current and previous administrations with my colleague, I 
am going to try to point us in a forward direction, as tempting 
as that engagement might be.
    For Caroline, Ms. Kennedy, for Mr. Goldberg, Ms. Carlson, 
great to have all of you in front of us.
    I am very interested in the next steps in the Indo-Pacific 
Economic Framework. It has, I think, the potential to deepen 
our economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific. The administration 
has been clear that this framework as imagined will not include 
new market access commitments. Some of our regional partners 
have expressed disappointment in this, and I am hoping to work 
with some of my colleagues on this committee to find other ways 
to make this framework beneficial to U.S. workers and trading 
partners.
    As the nominees to serve as our nation's representatives to 
Australia, South Korea, and the Philippines, how would each of 
you work to make the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework a success 
with those governments?
    And then second, if I might, all three countries--South 
Korea, Australia, the Philippines--have been subject to 
punitive economic coercion at the hands of the PRC. I think we 
have to find a way to help countries. I was recently in 
Lithuania with Senator Durbin. Lithuania, because of a choice 
they made, has ended up being on the receiving end of economic 
coercion from China. South Korea, Australia, and the 
Philippines have as well.
    Would you be willing to work with me and others on this 
committee as we try and develop other tools in addition to the 
Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to help our allies and partners 
stand up to economic bullying?
    So, a two-part question. If we could, Ms. Kennedy first.
    Ambassador Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. It is nice to see 
you. With regard to the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, the 
one thing that I know from my time in Japan and I have learned 
during this process is that the United States' economic 
engagement is something that the region is very much eager for. 
So, if confirmed, I would work hard to increase our economic 
engagement with Australia and the Pacific Islands, as well as 
any place else that my assistance could be helpful. I think 
that it is a great opportunity. I saw when I was in Japan how 
much opportunity there is for Americans in the Indo-Pacific, 
and I think it is something that, because it is far away, 
people do not always realize, but we are active there and there 
is a great deal of opportunity for the future.
    I think the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework has a great 
deal of potential in the digital area to meet high standards, 
and high labor and environmental standards, as well. So I think 
that there is a great deal of anticipation and enthusiasm for 
this framework, and it will be a first step that we can build 
on going forward.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador Kennedy. And I 
appreciate also your recognition of the key role that some of 
the island states in the Pacific can play. There was just a 
hearing previously this week on the Tuna Treaty. There are some 
ongoing challenges in terms of COVID and economic pressure on 
Palau, Kiribati and others, and we would welcome your advice 
and engagement on that work as well.
    Ambassador Goldberg, great to see you again. I really 
enjoyed our time together in Colombia, an absolutely critical 
nation that is about to face a significant election, and I am 
excited that you have been nominated for this very central role 
in our Indo-Pacific strategy. I look forward to your answers to 
my compound question.
    Ambassador Goldberg. Thank you, Senator Coons. Good to see 
you again. The Indo-Pacific is, as Ambassador Kennedy 
mentioned, in search of American leadership on economic issues, 
as much as on military and security issues. So it is a key area 
that we need to develop.
    South Korea has some outward-looking programs working with 
us in the Indo-Pacific, a southern policy started by President 
Moon that I have little doubt will be continued under 
President-elect Yoon, and has a lot to offer in the areas of 
the digitalized economy and infrastructure and the kinds of 
outward-looking programs that we anticipate with the Indo-
Pacific Economic Framework.
    On the PRC, clearly we are going to work with friends, 
partners, allies on supply chains, making all of ourselves less 
dependent on China. In the case of the Republic of Korea, there 
are investments being made here in the United States for 
electric batteries, for semi-conductors. There is a lot we can 
do in artificial intelligence. There are all kinds of areas 
where we can work with the ROK to help also limit dependence on 
China, and those are things we need to work on together, and, 
if confirmed, I would be very, very anxious to do so.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
    Ms. Carlson?
    Ms. Carlson. Thank you. I guess I would start with the 
question of what are we doing right in this area, and I think 
if we look at the Philippines, we are doing a lot right. We 
have very vibrant trade and investment relationships going both 
ways, and if confirmed, I would work to strengthen those 
relationships.
    Before the pandemic, the Philippines was one of the fastest 
growing economies in the region. There is a great deal of 
potential. My colleagues have already mentioned a number of the 
areas in high tech, and also we have the importance of supply 
chains that we want to work on with the Philippines. And I 
think if we look at our values, we are focused on transparency 
and predictability in the area of economic development, and I 
think that is our real strength when we compare ourselves and 
when others compare us to our competitors.
    Senator Coons. Mr. Chairman, would you tolerate me asking 
one more question? Thank you.
    Mr. Nathanson, it is great to see you. I am excited that 
you have been nominated for this important relationship with 
the Kingdom of Norway. They are a key partner, a NATO ally, a 
long and deep relationship in no small part because of the 
significant diaspora community here.
    I would just be interested in your thoughts on what that 
relationship looks like now after the Russian invasion of 
Ukraine and the renewed focus on European collective security. 
How has our defense cooperation shifted, and how might it 
further shift, including through the Supplementary Defense 
Cooperation Agreement, and anything you care to share about the 
Nordic nations and their relationships with us which might 
shift? Norway has long enjoyed active participation in NATO, 
but their neighbors to the east have so far declined to pursue 
that. I wondered if you thought that was something that might 
end up being in your bailiwick as our ambassador, if confirmed?
    Mr. Nathanson. Nice to see you again, Senator Coons. I 
believe our relationship with Norway, because of Russia's 
actions in the Ukraine, has only strengthened. Norway has 
announced increased spending for both NATO and its own military 
defenses. We have encouraged that. If confirmed, I would work 
with Norway and our military leaders to make sure that they are 
strong and that the northern border which borders Russia in the 
Arctic, which they call the High North, is even stronger than 
it is today.
    Norway is very concerned about this. They continue to be 
very focused on it, and I think hopefully they will work with 
their neighbors to be more aware. In recent exercises where 
over 30,000 American and troops from 27 other countries 
participated in the Arctic, both Finland and Sweden also 
participated. I think this was an excellent sign, and I think 
we can see Norway working with its neighbors in Finland and 
Sweden, in Denmark and Iceland, to even work more together in 
military defenses of the Nordic nations.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Coons.
    I just have a few additional questions. I will be happy to 
entertain a short second round before we let you all go. We 
have one more vote pending.
    Ms. Carlson, I wanted to drill down a little bit more on 
this tension we have with the Philippines. You talked 
appropriately about the scope of our defense and security 
partnership. We see them as a key friend and ally as we seek to 
address China's designs to expand their influence in the 
region. But, listen, we cannot look the other way when 
reportedly up to 20,000 or more people have died since 
President Duterte came into office, many of them outside of any 
formal legal process. This is a stunning turn of events in the 
Philippines.
    I tend to think that at this moment in time, when we see 
this war being waged on democracy around the world, we should 
err on the side of human rights and democracy when we have a 
conflict between security and rule of law. What I have found in 
my brief time on this committee is that oftentimes ambassadors, 
who are charged with maintaining a good relationship with the 
home country, are often not on the leading edge of recommending 
policies that will get tougher, that may change the nature of 
our relationship as a means to send a message about how much we 
value human rights, the rule of law, and democracy.
    You talked about your willingness to step up and assert our 
interests when it comes to protecting the rights of human 
beings in the Philippines, but what are the tools that are at 
your disposal? Is it enough to just occasionally raise issues 
in private meetings? What else can a good, thoughtful, capable 
ambassador do? What tools do you have, what tools do you need 
in order to do more than just raise objections?
    Ms. Carlson. Thank you very much. I will commit here to say 
it is more than just a willingness; you have my commitment. 
But, if confirmed, I will raise those tough issues that you 
just mentioned. Human rights, respect for human rights, is 
fundamental to the U.S.-Philippine relationship. We have 
ongoing conversations all the time about these hard questions. 
Friends, partners, allies know how to have those tough 
conversations. We do not always see the results that we want, 
but we continue to have the conversations.
    Some of the tools that we have in our foreign policy 
toolkit are, for example, Leahy sanctions. We make sure that we 
do not give any assistance to any police or military entities 
that engage in gross violations of human rights. That is one 
tool that we have. Anytime that we export arms, we make sure 
that none of those firearms go to entities that have violated 
human rights.
    So we continue to actively monitor human rights abuses and 
have those difficult conversations with all sectors of the 
Government. At the same time, we work in close concert with 
civil society organizations. Senator Coons just mentioned, I 
believe, the conversation with--I am sorry, somebody did--with 
the visiting journalist, Maria Ressa, from the Philippines. And 
if confirmed, I would continue to have those conversations 
across the civil society bodies and with the Government and use 
every tool at our disposal to make sure that as friends and 
partners, we continue together to promote our shared values.
    Senator Murphy. I appreciate that answer. It is a strong 
one, and I know these decisions are sort of above your level of 
responsibility. But for the record, we do not have a very good 
record of refraining from security sales and arms sales to 
countries with pretty miserable records on human rights, 
whether it be the UAE, the Saudis, the Egyptians. I think right 
now we have that balance incorrect. I look forward to working 
with you on this.
    One last question for you, Mr. Goldberg. You have had a 
really remarkable diplomatic career. This is going to be your 
third posting as an ambassador. You served as a charge in a 
number of places. We are having a really hard time confirming 
ambassadors here. In fact, it is stunning how difficult it is 
to get career public servants in ambassadorial posts. It seems 
that many of my colleagues are pretty blase about the effects 
of that, the impact of it. I can understand that to an extent 
because our charges are remarkable, they do great work. But it 
strikes me that there is a big difference between having an 
ambassador and having a charge, and you have seen that 
difference.
    So I would just love to get your candid thoughts before the 
committee as to why it is important to have ambassadors in key 
countries and what the difference is between that and having a 
charge.
    Ambassador Goldberg. I very much appreciate the chance to 
do so, Senator Murphy. Having a career or a non-career 
ambassador confirmed by this body, nominated by the President, 
brings a prestige and authority that a charge cannot really 
fully have. I was a non-confirmed Chief of Mission in Kosovo 
many years ago when it was being administered by the United 
Nations, and because of the United States' image in Kosovo, it 
brought a great deal of authority.
    But still, when you are dealing with other parts of our 
government, as much as the Government to which you are 
accredited, you do not have the same voice and the same kind of 
authority to speak about issues. We all have been nominated by 
President Biden for these jobs. We are looking to you for 
confirmation, and that in and of itself is an important 
indicator to another government.
    Access is another issue. There are a lot of foreign 
governments that do not want to necessarily meet at a very high 
level with charges, and so that is an important point as well.
    So I do believe we need our Ambassadors in place. We need 
them to do their work and to carry out the business of our 
foreign policy.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
    Thank you all.
    Senator Romney?
    [No audible response.]
    Senator Murphy. Good.
    Well, thank you all for your testimony today. We look 
forward to getting you on the job as quickly as possible.
    We are going to keep the hearing record open until 5 
o'clock tomorrow for additional questions for the record.
    And with that, this hearing stands adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:51 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Beyond our security partnership there are significant 
opportunities for the United States and Australia to better coordinate 
our development and economic statecraft efforts. As you look around the 
Indo-Pacific, where do you think we can best look for opportunities to 
step-up coordination that allows each of our nations to play to our 
comparative advantage?

    Answer. The United States and Australia stand steadfast with allies 
and partners in the region in support of a shared vision and shared 
values, and the determination to call out and respond to countries that 
attempt to undermine them. I know from my time as Ambassador to Japan 
that the region is eager for U.S. economic engagement. As the largest 
development assistance partner in the Pacific region and the only 
country with an Embassy in every Pacific Island nation, Australia is a 
leader in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
Congress, my State Department counterparts, Mission Australia 
personnel, and the Australian Government to identify the best 
opportunities to step up coordination in development assistance, 
multilateral engagement, and infrastructure partnerships.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by reported anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Mission 
Australia staff and their families will be my highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff 
and the RSO at Embassy Canberra to discuss any reported anomalous 
health incidents. If confirmed, I will work to be prepared to protect 
the safety of Mission Australia and ensure that all protocols regarding 
anomalous health incidents are being followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring we sustain the 
momentum behind the AUKUS partnership?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that we build upon the 
significant momentum already achieved in the first six months of the 
AUKUS partnership, as described in the April 5th statement of President 
Biden and the Prime Ministers of Australia and the United Kingdom. If 
confirmed, I look forward to learning more about AUKUS and working hard 
to further this ground-breaking, ambitious, and enhanced trilateral 
partnership. The AUKUS partnership will play a vital role in the U.S-
Australia relationship, and I will work to ensure that the entire 
Mission Australia team supports all aspects of the AUKUS partnership.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to include ensuring the 
partnership yields concrete near-term wins to show its effectiveness, 
and that the Department of State is robust in engaging with the DoD, 
NSC, and AUKUS partners to advance the partnership? How will you go 
about doing that?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about 
where the partnership can produce near-term wins and driving toward 
those milestones. I would ensure that my Mission Australia team 
continues to work closely with the Washington interagency, including 
the Department of Defense, Department of Energy, and the National 
Security Council, and closely with Congress and our AUKUS partners to 
advance the partnership.

    Question. What are your views on the current situation in the 
Taiwan Strait?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with Australian leaders 
to ensure we remain aligned across the full range of policy priorities, 
including maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. 
Like the United States, Australia enjoys robust unofficial ties with 
Taiwan in accordance with Australia's own one-China policy. We share 
similar concerns over provocative PRC actions in the Taiwan Strait, and 
if confirmed, I would work with Australia to urge Beijing to cease its 
military, diplomatic, and economic pressure against Taiwan, and instead 
engage in meaningful dialogue. I would also support U.S.-Australian 
cooperation in support of Taiwan's international space under the Global 
Cooperation and Training Framework, of which Australia is a valued 
global partner.

    Question. What opportunities do you see for the U.S. and Australia 
to cooperate on supporting Taiwan, including defense, civilian 
resilience to Chinese coercion and aggression, and economics and trade?

    Answer. Consistent with our one China policy, the United States 
makes available to Taiwan defense articles and services necessary to 
enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability commensurate 
with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) threat to Taiwan. Like the 
United States, Australia enjoys robust unofficial ties with Taiwan in 
accordance with Australia's own one-China policy. It is critical that 
the PRC understand that peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait is not 
merely a U.S. interest but an international interest, as it is 
essential to regional and global stability and prosperity. If 
confirmed, I commit to working closely with Australia to use all tools 
to promote peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

    Question. Taiwan needs support for civilian defense and resilience 
efforts, especially now that it's set up the new All-Out Defense 
mobilization. What are your views on U.S. efforts to work with 
Australia in this area?

    Answer. Like the United States, Australia enjoys robust unofficial 
ties with Taiwan and opposes unilateral changes to the status quo 
across the Taiwan Strait. If confirmed, I commit to working closely 
with Australia to use all tools--including diplomacy and development--
to strengthen Taiwan's resiliency.

    Question. Australia has taken many steps to increase scrutiny of 
Chinese political influence and investment in Australia. What lessons 
should the U.S. learn from Australia on this issue?

    Answer. Australia has remained steadfast in its resistance to PRC 
economic coercion, despite continued pressure, and serves as an example 
to other countries facing similar pressure. Australian officials have 
publicly condemned PRC disinformation campaigns and political 
interference attempts, and have warned the public of sophisticated 
malicious cyber activities carried out by actors with ties to the 
state. In December 2020, Parliament passed legislation that 
significantly increased the Government's authority to review foreign 
investments in national security businesses. Additionally, Australia 
has blocked PRC participation in its 5G network, prohibited several 
deals involving PRC investment in Australia and the region, and 
financed the purchase of the largest telecom company in the South 
Pacific to safeguard the region's ICT infrastructure. If confirmed, I 
am committed to learning more from Australian Government, business, and 
civil society leaders about their experience so that we can build 
resilience in the United States and abroad.

    Question. Where can the U.S. work more closely with Australia on 
malign political influence?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more from 
Australia about how we can work more closely to counter disinformation 
and malign political influence. Drawing on the lessons learned from 
Australia's economic and political resilience in the face of PRC 
coercion, I would seek to engage with Australia where our mutual 
interests are being undermined by PRC actions, including in the Pacific 
Islands. I would also work with Australia through multilateral 
configurations, such as the Quad disinformation working group.

    Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Japan under President Obama, you 
strongly supported the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Is that still 
the case today, and do you support the follow-on Comprehensive and 
Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)?

    Answer. Much has changed in the world since the original TPP was 
signed in 2016. Despite the United States' withdrawal from TPP (now 
CPTPP), the U.S.-Australia economic relationship, which is underpinned 
by the U.S.-Australia Free Trade Agreement and our growing cooperation 
on critical technologies and supply chains, is as strong as ever. I 
understand that countries in the Indo-Pacific region are eager for 
greater U.S. economic engagement and that the Administration is looking 
at a range of options that promote shared goals of high standards, 
cooperation, and inclusive prosperity. If confirmed, I would work with 
the White House, other agencies, and Congress to negotiate and develop 
trade policies that advance the interests of all Americans, support 
American innovation, and enhance our competitiveness.

    Question. China has applied to join CPTPP. Even before full 
membership, it could join as an observer, which would give it huge 
influence over the future of trade in the region. In your view, what 
are the consequences of China being in CPTPP, while we are not in it?

    Answer. I understand that the PRC has submitted a formal request to 
join CPTPP. The United States is not a party to the CPTPP; therefore, 
it defers to CPTPP parties regarding views on the PRC's potential 
accession. That said, if confirmed, I would engage with Australia and 
other partners who are members of the CPTPP to encourage them to take 
the PRC's non-market trade practices and use of economic coercion 
against other countries into account in their evaluation of the PRC as 
a potential candidate for accession.

    Question. Based on your assessment to the previous question, what 
should the U.S. be doing on trade and economics in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. I understand the Administration is looking at a range of 
options to forge stronger economic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific 
that promote shared goals of cooperation and inclusive prosperity. We 
must be committed to strengthening trade and investment in the region 
in a manner that promotes good paying American jobs, high standards, 
and supply chain resiliency and offer the same benefits for our Indo-
Pacific partners. The administration's approach to trade is focused on 
supporting American working families, defending our values, and 
protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States. 
The United States is focused on making investments in U.S. workers and 
U.S. competitiveness before signing new trade agreements, including in 
the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I would support the Administration's 
trade policy.

    Question. I have heard consistent feedback from Indo-Pacific allies 
and partners that the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) leaves a 
lot to be desired--especially since there is no market access component 
and the Administration has stated it will not conclude free trade 
agreements. What is your understanding of what IPEF seeks to achieve? 
Without market access, what incentive do our partners have to cooperate 
through IPEF?

    Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the 
United States is developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), 
in consultation with allies and partners in the region, to position our 
economies for the future. The framework will address trade 
facilitation, the digital economy, supply chain resilience, 
infrastructure, decarbonization and clean energy, and other areas of 
shared interest. I understand this framework is in early stages of 
development, and I am not read in on country-specific details. My 
understanding, however, is that there is a strong desire from partners 
in the region for increased U.S. trade, investment, and overall 
economic engagement. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
allies and partners to make progress on our shared priorities and 
advance sustainable and inclusive growth across the region with 
guidance from the White House, Commerce, and USTR, who have the lead on 
IPEF.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that the United 
States advances a robust and actionable trade and economic agenda with 
Australia and in the broader Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. The United States is Australia's most important economic 
partner. Two-way trade has nearly doubled in the 15 years since we 
signed our Free Trade Agreement. The United States remains Australia's 
largest source of foreign investment, generating innovation--and high-
paying jobs--in the technology, defense, space, and health care sectors 
in both our countries. U.S. and Australian public-private partnerships 
are working toward ending the global pandemic, as well as helping 
develop standards for critical and emerging technologies, including 
quantum computing, artificial intelligence, 5G, biotechnology, the 
digital economy, and space. Australia is also well placed to assist us 
with critical mineral supply security. If confirmed, I would work 
closely with my colleagues in USTR and other agencies to promote the 
Administration trade policy.

    Question. China is reportedly concluding a security and policing 
agreement with the Solomon Islands. In your view, what are the 
implications for the U.S. and Australia if this comes to pass, and what 
should the U.S. be doing about it?

    Answer. I know that the United States values its relationship with 
Solomon Islands, remembering well the friendship that was forged by our 
shared sacrifices in World War II, a friendship that aided in the 
rescue of my father during the war. The United States and its allies 
and partners have helped maintain peace and security in the Indo-
Pacific region in the post-World War II era, providing stability that 
has facilitated economic prosperity. Australia has longstanding 
economic, people-to-people, law enforcement and security ties with 
Solomon Islands. U.S. allies and partners in the region, including 
Australia, have expressed concerns about how this agreement may 
threaten the current regional security paradigm. Such an agreement 
could set a concerning precedent for the wider Pacific Islands region. 
If confirmed, I will closely coordinate with the Australian Government, 
other partners in the Pacific, other U.S. Government agencies, and 
Congress to maintain peace and prosperity in the region.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken, 
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests 
or make concessions for the sake of an agreement with or promises from 
China on climate change?

    Answer. Support for democracy, economic development, transparency, 
human rights, and human dignity are not mutually exclusive, and go 
hand-in-hand with climate progress. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry 
has noted, climate is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of 
the U.S.-China relationship will not be traded for U.S. interests. We 
can both compete with the PRC and work to prevent and reverse climate 
change's effects. If confirmed, I will advocate for climate and U.S. 
interests to remain at the forefront of American foreign policy.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your 
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would endeavor to engage with numerous 
stakeholders in the U.S.-Australian relationship here in the United 
States before departing for Post. During that time, I would work 
closely with colleagues at the State Department and in Mission 
Australia to develop a plan for the first 100 days that addresses the 
most important issues and engages the key constituencies in Australia 
as soon as possible. Upon arriving in Canberra, I hope to have 
substantive discussions about our bilateral security and diplomatic 
relationship with my government counterparts, including on AUKUS and 
the Quad. I would meet with the American business community in 
Australia as well as Australian corporate leaders in an effort to 
promote our two-way economic relationship, including in the areas of 
critical minerals, supply chain security, and scientific and 
technological collaboration. I will make a special effort to reach out 
to those who have not been as engaged with Mission Australia recently, 
with a focus on the entire continent, young people, and diverse 
communities to ensure that the groundwork is solid for an even stronger 
relationship in the coming years.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Canberra?

    Answer. I know that Mission Australia has faced some of the most 
stringent lockdown and quarantine requirements in the world. Australia 
has only recently lifted all COVID-related restrictions. Despite that, 
I understand Mission Australia is, unsurprisingly, a sought-after 
posting. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about how COVID 
has affected our Mission personnel over these last few years and doing 
whatever I can to improve morale.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Canberra?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the 
teams at Mission Australia to understand and address any issues 
affecting morale. I am aware that the past couple of years have been 
difficult as embassies and consulates around the globe have grappled 
with the pandemic and an increasingly fragmented world. I will listen 
and learn from my colleagues, particularly the first and second tour 
professionals and the local staff, about the challenges they face that 
I might not otherwise be aware of, and I will seek their suggestions 
for improvement. I will try to use my position as Ambassador to empower 
my colleagues at Mission Australia as they work across the range of 
issues in our bilateral relationship, and in the region more broadly.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Canberra?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in 
Mission Australia. I will work to engage with the entire community in a 
variety of settings--small groups, country team meetings, and town hall 
gatherings. I will seek community input and articulate my priorities 
and those of the Biden-Harris administration. I will travel to all the 
U.S. consulates in Australia as well as other locations where U.S. 
Government employees are working to make sure they feel included in our 
mission. I will endeavor to be open and inclusive and set high 
expectations for myself and for others. I will take the time necessary 
to make sure that the entire community has a shared set of goals

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe strongly that the Ambassador must set high 
ethical standards, and I was recognized for doing so during my time in 
Japan. In my life, I have been fortunate to learn by example and I hope 
that I can model good performance for my colleagues while welcoming 
feedback as to how I can do better. I defer to the experts on issues 
and processes within the State Department, and I work to be open and 
inclusive to all members of the community about their concerns. I am 
always looking for reasons to celebrate our successes as a community 
and work to correct our shortcomings.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?


    Answer. No. I don't believe it is acceptable to berate or belittle 
subordinates in public or in private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The relationship between an Ambassador and a Deputy Chief 
of Mission (DCM) is critical to the success of a Mission. I experienced 
this first-hand in Japan. If confirmed, I would rely heavily on my DCM 
for his/her expertise in the processes and procedures of the State 
Department and his/her knowledge of Australia. I would seek a strong 
partnership and a relationship based in trust and confidence.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my DCM's career-knowledge of 
Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth functioning of 
Mission Australia. I welcome a close partnership and look forward to 
discussing other areas of DCM leadership with him/her.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will be transparent with my colleagues 
on their performance. This means rewarding those who are succeeding in 
their roles and providing constructive feedback. I will seek out 
dissenting views, listen to the experts, and welcome candid and open 
feedback. I will hold myself and my team to the highest standards and 
ensure we are accountable at all levels.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will be transparent with my colleagues 
on their performance. This means rewarding those who are succeeding and 
providing constructive feedback and opportunities for improvement when 
necessary. I will also welcome candid and open feedback.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Australia. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. My experience as Ambassador to Japan has taught me that 
State Department employees work hard to learn about the country in 
which they are serving. I believe that the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
engage with local populations in their host country is vital to the 
national security, economic prosperity, and people-to-people ties of 
the United States. They are America's eyes and ears around the world 
and the best representatives of the values upon which our country is 
built. Getting beyond the Embassy walls is also essential to their 
professional development and success. If confirmed as Ambassador, my 
first priority is the safety and well-being of Mission employees. As 
long as it is safe, I will encourage Mission employees to make outreach 
a priority.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Mission Australia employees 
to visit new venues and interact with groups that have not been regular 
participants in Mission events. I would place special emphasis on 
students--both at the high school and college level--who I would 
encourage to study in the United States. During my time in Japan, I 
worked hard to increase student mobility and also traveled to a number 
of campuses in the United States to encourage Americans to study 
overseas. First and Second Tour Officers/Professionals may be best 
suited to this sort of engagement because of their recent non-State 
experience, and it gives them a chance to develop public diplomacy 
skills. I would also encourage Embassy personnel to visit and learn 
about new and diverse communities--bearing in mind that there are 
sometimes complex dynamics in navigating domestic social issues in 
other countries. Their insights can help prioritize these activities. I 
will also encourage CODELS and other high-level visitors to accompany 
our diplomats on these visits as Congressional interest is the best way 
to drive results.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Australia?

    Answer. There is a vibrant and active public diplomacy environment 
in Australia. If confirmed, I will work to expand and strengthen the 
already deep people-to-people ties, which form the basis of our close 
partnership. These relationships have contributed to the strong mutual 
trust between our governments and our close economic ties.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Australia is vibrant 
and active. Our people-to-people ties are strong and deep and form the 
basis of our close partnership. However, polling shows younger and 
diverse audiences are more skeptical of the U.S.-Australia alliance. 
Building relationships and overcoming skepticism with future Australian 
leaders will take more concerted outreach and trust-building, but 
ultimately pays dividends for the future of the alliance. If confirmed, 
I will work with Mission Australia, and in particular the Public 
Diplomacy team, to engage with younger and diverse groups.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission 
Australia to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in 
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of 
Americans and Australians at the Embassy in Canberra and the Consulate 
Generals in Melbourne, Perth, and Sydney all provide expertise and 
local insight. If confirmed, I will draw on their expertise to ensure 
our public diplomacy messages are appropriate for the local audience, 
while reflecting our key foreign policy priorities.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the reported anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. Such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing of U.S. 
personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, the 
health, safety, and security of Mission Australia staff, their family 
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest 
priority.

    Question. [Re: Anomalous health incidents] If confirmed, do you 
commit to talking as openly as you can to Mission Canberra personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, the health and safety of Mission 
personnel will be my highest priority.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Australia was on Tier 1 for meeting the minimums standards for 
the elimination of human trafficking. However, its trafficking 
convictions remain low in comparison to the number of trafficking 
cases. Additionally, trafficking sentences have been lenient. If 
confirmed, do you commit to work with the Government of Australia to 
improve conviction rates as well as sentence terms for traffickers?

    Answer. Trafficking in persons is a matter of deep concern to me. 
If confirmed, I would actively encourage the Australian Government to 
strengthen efforts to increase the investigation and prosecution of 
trafficking crimes, and sentence convicted traffickers to significant 
prison terms.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Australia has experienced acts of antisemitism and 
targeting or religious minorities. If confirmed, do you commit to 
working with the Government of Australia to combat antisemitism and 
targeting of religious minorities?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to doing everything 
possible to promote and protect universal respect for the right to 
freedom of religion or belief for all, to include working with the 
Australian Government to combat antisemitism and targeting of religious 
minorities. Respect for the right to freedom of religion or belief is a 
core value for both Americans and Australians.

    Question. Additionally, the 2020 International Religious Freedom 
report note that members of the Uyghur community in Australia have been 
harassed by the Chinese Government in country. How would you work with 
the Australian Government to address harassment of Uyghurs and other 
minorities by the Chinese Government?

    Answer. Australia has clearly and consistently called on the PRC 
Government to respect the human rights of predominantly Muslim Uyghurs 
and members of other religious and ethnic minority groups. I also 
welcome Australia's public comments regarding human rights in the PRC, 
including in Hong Kong, Tibet, and Xinjiang. If confirmed, I would work 
with the Government of Australia to explore ways to protect members of 
the Uyghur community and other diaspora groups experiencing harassment 
by PRC officials in Australia, as well as identify opportunities to 
jointly advocate for their human rights in the PRC.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Australia was identified as having significant human rights abuses 
including credible allegations of deaths or injury related to prison 
abuse, particularly of minority groups and persons with disabilities. 
If confirmed, how will you work to improve prison conditions, in 
particularly for minority groups and persons with disabilities?

    Answer. There is a need to frankly address necessary improvements 
of prison conditions with a partner like Australia, and that means 
admitting our own imperfections openly. Although the 2021 Human Rights 
Report identified no significant reports regarding prison conditions 
that raised human rights concerns, there is always work to be done to 
sustain appropriate conditions. If confirmed, I would ensure Mission 
Australia shares the ways we are attempting to address the deficiencies 
in our justice and corrections systems, promotes those actions to 
benefit Australia, and explores ways our own civil society groups can 
engage with Australian civil society as we pursue common aims. 
Fostering people-to-people ties with Australia will be one of my key 
priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed. I see opportunities to deepen 
engagements between U.S. and Australian civil society groups. I would 
work with my Mission team to prioritize engagement across the spectrum 
of Australian society, including with groups looking to address these 
issues.
    Democracies are judged by their respect for human dignity and 
individual rights, including the rights of members of minority groups, 
those with disabilities, and those who are incarcerated. My family has 
a deep and long-standing commitment to working to better the lives of 
those with intellectual disabilities and to addressing discrimination 
towards them. While writing a book on the Bill of Rights, and while 
working with the NYC Department of Education, I spent time with death-
row prisoners in Virginia and Arizona and in high schools located in 
detention facilities in New York City to look at these issues. In 
Japan, I learned about the work of consular officers assisting U.S. 
citizens detained in Japan and advocated with the Japanese Government 
for their release on humanitarian grounds. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working with Australian Government entities and civil society groups 
on these issues, learning more about the Australian prison system and 
what needs to be improved, and to sharing lessons from the American 
experience while being honest about our shortcomings and goals for the 
future. Although the 2021 Human Rights report identified no significant 
reports regarding prison conditions that raised human rights concerns, 
if confirmed, I see opportunities to deepen engagements between the 
United States and Australia on these issues.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. On April 5, the Biden administration provided an update 
on the Australia, United Kingdom, and United States security 
partnership, AUKUS. AUKUS will supply Australia technology for nuclear 
powered submarines and allows for the United States and its partners to 
preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific region.

   If confirmed, will you work with your counterparts at the State 
        Department and with the Australian Government so that the 
        strongest nonproliferation standards are upheld in the AUKUS 
        deal?

    Answer. Yes. Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States 
are undertaking this effort in a way that reflects our longstanding 
leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification 
standards, in partnership and consultation with the International 
Atomic Energy Agency. All three countries remain steadfast in their 
support of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the global nuclear 
nonproliferation regime. Australia remains committed to adhering to the 
highest standards for safeguards, transparency, verification, and 
accountancy measures to ensure the non-proliferation, safety, and 
security of nuclear material and technology. Australia also remains 
committed to fulfilling all of its obligations as a non-nuclear weapons 
state, including with the International Atomic Energy Agency. If 
confirmed, I will work with my State Department colleagues, Australia, 
and the UK to ensure the strongest nonproliferation standards are 
achieved in AUKUS cooperation.

    Question. The United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021, 
passed by the Senate and the America COMPETES Act passed by the House, 
both include a provision to create a Quad Intra-Parliamentary Working 
Group to facilitate progress on Quad Summit commitments.

   How can the Quad Intra-Parliamentary Working Group build on and 
        complement other work being facilitated through the Quad?

    Answer. Quad cooperation supports the United States' goal of 
realizing a free and open Indo-Pacific, and our vision for this 
multilateral mechanism is ambitious and far-reaching. If confirmed, I 
look forward to engaging with members of Congress on how best to 
support that goal and advance the work of the Quad, including with 
respect to any proposed intra-parliamentary working group.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, what would you see as your role as 
Ambassador in furthering AUKUS?

    Answer. The United States has an unrivaled network of allies and 
partners around the world, and our commitment to them is unshakable. As 
the United States advances a free and open Indo-Pacific, we will 
continue to work with and through longstanding multilateral 
organizations, like ASEAN, and informal multilateral mechanisms, like 
the Quad, in addition to working with our allies in the region, and 
around the world. The trilateral AUKUS partnership between the United 
States, Australia, and the United Kingdom, will strengthen our combined 
capacity to produce greater stability and security in the Indo-Pacific 
region. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the 
progress that has been made in the past six months and working to 
enhance joint capabilities and interoperability between the United 
States, Australia, and the United Kingdom. I will work to strengthen 
cooperation on emerging areas of importance, such as cyber, artificial 
intelligence, quantum technologies, hypersonics, and counter-
hypersonics, electronic warfare, and additional undersea capabilities.

    Question. One of the elements of the AUKUS partnership is advanced 
capabilities, such as AI, cyber, and quantum technologies. In your 
view, how does this partnership with Australia further U.S. leadership 
in emerging technology?

    Answer. Through AUKUS, the United States seeks to significantly 
deepen cooperation on a range of security and defense capabilities. 
AUKUS partners have made strong progress in the four advanced 
capabilities that the President and Prime Ministers identified in 
September 2021. They have recently announced the intent to increase 
trilateral cooperation on hypersonics, counter-hypersonics, and 
electronic warfare capabilities. Our cooperation will also promote 
deeper information and technology sharing, and foster further 
integration of security and defense-related science, technology, 
industrial bases, and supply chains. As part of the broader bilateral 
relationship, U.S. and Australian researchers, universities, and 
companies have collaborated on research and development of cutting-edge 
technology in artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and space 
exploration. The United States and Australia both benefit from a firm 
foundation in these technologies which will help grow our economies 
through high-skill, high-paying jobs. The United States benefits from 
Australia's research centers through shared scientific breakthroughs 
and testing of next-generation military capabilities. If confirmed, I 
look forward to representing U.S. interests as a leader in emerging 
technology.

    Question. How would you hope to coordinate Quad actions and unity 
around a strategy with all of the other players, including for example 
U.S. representatives in Canberra, the NSC and State Bureaus?

    Answer. The Quad now has successful and important lines of effort. 
If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners, including the NSC 
staff, and our Quad partners to ensure we are coordinating across the 
various lines of effort.

    Question. On March 25, the Solomon Islands confirmed the country 
was finalizing a security pact with China, which would authorize 
sending military personnel to the islands and conducting ship patrols. 
What are the implications for the U.S. and Australia if this comes to 
pass, and what should the U.S. be doing about it?

    Answer. I know that the United States values its relationship with 
Solomon Islands, remembering well the friendship that was forged by our 
shared sacrifices in World War II, a friendship that aided in the 
rescue of my father during the war. The United States and its allies 
and partners have helped maintain peace and security in the Indo-
Pacific region in the post-World War II era, providing stability that 
has facilitated economic prosperity. The Solomon Islands response to 
Secretary Blinken's announcement of U.S. intent to open an Embassy in 
Honiara was overwhelmingly positive. Australia has longstanding 
economic, people-to-people, law enforcement and security ties with 
Solomon Islands. U.S. allies and partners in the region, including 
Australia, have expressed concerns about how this agreement may 
threaten the current regional security paradigm. Such an agreement may 
set a concerning precedent for the wider Pacific Islands region. If 
confirmed, I will closely coordinate with Mission personnel, the 
Australian Government, the U.S. Ambassador in Papua New Guinea 
(accredited to Solomon Islands), and Congress to maintain peace and 
prosperity in the region.

    Question. In your view, what ambitions does China have in the 
Pacific? If confirmed, what would be your message to the Government of 
Australia regarding securing the Pacific from Chinese aggression?

    Answer. The PRC has adopted an increasingly provocative foreign 
policy. It is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its 
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to mount a 
sustained challenge to a stable and open international system. As 
Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the PRC will be 
competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can be, and 
adversarial when it must be. It is critical that we work alongside our 
allies and partners to engage the PRC. Australia will be a key partner 
in this challenge, and if confirmed, I will prioritize working with 
Australia on our shared goals, including addressing together PRC human 
rights abuses and violations and attempts to undermine the rules-based 
international order.

    Question. How do you believe the U.S. should engage with Australia 
on China's application to join CPTPP? What is at stake if the U.S. does 
not attempt to engage in robust trade discussions with Australia and 
other nations in the region?

    Answer. We would expect that the PRC's non-market trade practices, 
extensive market-distorting direct and indirect subsidies, and use of 
economic coercion against other countries would factor into CPTPP 
parties' evaluation of the PRC as a potential candidate for accession. 
If confirmed, I would work with allies and partners in the region to 
uphold international rules, maintain high standards, and ensure that 
the PRC is not permitted to undermine a free and fair Indo-Pacific.

    Question. How do you believe the U.S. can leverage its 
relationships with Australia to build legitimacy for issue-based 
coalitions to address China's unfair trade practices?

    Answer. The U.S.-Australia relationship has served as an anchor of 
peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. Americans and 
Australians share deeply rooted values of defending freedom, 
championing economic and social opportunity and inclusion, and 
respecting human rights and the rule of law. Australia has joined the 
United States and our allies and partners to express our joint concerns 
about the PRC's unfair trade practices including preferential treatment 
for state owned enterprises, data restrictions, inadequate enforcement 
of intellectual property rights, and forced technology transfer. The 
PRC's campaign of economic coercion against Australia has failed. Our 
success here can demonstrate to the world how high-standard, free, and 
fair markets can still outcompete the PRC and its reliance on unfair 
economic practices and low environmental standards. If confirmed, I 
will continue to work with Australia to address the PRC's unfair trade 
practices.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Robert Menendez

IPEF
    Question. The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) is a good 
first step, but needs to be more ambitious for the United States to 
send a clear message about our enduring presence in the region.

   If confirmed, what is your sense of where the opportunities lie to 
        deepen the U.S.-Korea economic partnership and cooperation on 
        supply chain security?

    Answer. The ROK is our sixth largest goods trading partner, the 
world's 10th-largest economy, and an increasingly important partner on 
global economic issues including climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, 
development assistance, and supply chain security. Korean firms are 
investing tens of billions of dollars in the United States, creating 
high-paying jobs in critical and advanced technology sectors, including 
semiconductors, electric vehicles (EV) and EV batteries, clean energy, 
and more. If confirmed, I would seek to further strengthen our economic 
partnership with the ROK to enhance our mutual economic prosperity, 
advance our shared strategic interests, and tackle the most pressing 
21st Century global challenges.
    Our recent experience with the pandemic and semiconductor shortages 
has shown that strong and resilient supply chains are critical to our 
economic security. Our two countries have held several rounds of supply 
chain consultations, including through the U.S.-ROK Senior Economic 
Dialogue and the Department of Commerce-led Semiconductor Partnership 
Dialogue. We work closely with our Korean counterparts to ensure we 
maintain our competitive edge in critical technologies. If confirmed, I 
would push to continue deepening U.S.-ROK supply chain cooperation, 
particularly on semiconductors and critical and emerging technologies.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health 
incidents affecting U.S. Government personnel and their family members. 
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their 
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. In my current 
position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and previously as Charge 
d'affaires in Havana, I have made the health and safety of my staff my 
top priority, including by contributing to the extensive, ongoing 
interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and how we 
can best protect our people. If confirmed, the health, safety, and 
security of Embassy Seoul staff, their family members, and all those 
supporting the Mission will continue to be my highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. In my current position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and 
previously as Charge d'affaires in Havana, I have made the health and 
safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I would also commit 
to ensuring all reported incidents affecting Embassy Seoul and Mission 
Korea personnel are treated seriously and handled expeditiously through 
the appropriate medical and investigatory channels. I would ensure that 
any affected individuals receive prompt access to treatment and medical 
care. Moreover, that they receive our support and empathy.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. In my current position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and 
previously as Charge d'affaires in Havana, I have made the health and 
safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I would commit to 
work closely with medical staff and the RSO at Embassy Seoul to discuss 
any past reported incidents and ensure that all protocols are being 
closely followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What opportunities do you see for the U.S.-ROK alliance 
given the recent presidential election in the ROK?

    Answer. The U.S.-ROK alliance is ironclad and for decades has 
enjoyed broad support in both countries. The U.S.-ROK partnership 
expanded over the past year to include a global partnership, as 
evidenced by the successful May 2021 Summit between President Biden and 
President Moon. The joint statement released following the summit 
provided a vivid demonstration of the enormous breadth and depth of our 
expanding relationship.
    If confirmed I look forward to working with President-elect Yoon to 
continue to deepen our security and economic cooperation, as well as 
our joint efforts to address key global challenges, including climate 
and clean energy, the COVID-19 pandemic, supply chain resilience, 
support for Ukraine, and many other issues.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work to help improve Japan-
ROK ties, and thereby facilitate U.S.-Japan-ROK trilateral cooperation?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to strengthening U.S. 
alliance relationships, particularly with our key allies the ROK and 
Japan. We have long encouraged the ROK and Japan to work together to 
address their bilateral issues in a way that promotes healing and 
reconciliation. Even while addressing sensitive historical issues, 
cooperation on our common regional and international priorities must 
proceed.
    If confirmed as Ambassador, I would continue to focus, as one of my 
highest priorities, on deepening our trilateral cooperation, 
collaboration, and partnership to foster a forward-looking relationship 
that seeks to address the most pressing challenges of the 21st Century. 
In addition to work with both the S. Korean and Japanese Governments, I 
would promote more emphasis on business and people-to-people ties.

    Question. North Korea is in its most active testing period in 
years. In your view, what are a few things the U.S. and ROK need to do 
to further strengthen the alliance and increase our readiness in light 
of these developments?

    Answer. The Biden administration condemns the DPRK's ballistic 
missile launches, each of which has violated multiple UNSCRs. In 
particular, the DPRK's recent ICBM launches constituted a serious 
escalation. The United States has made clear that these unlawful and 
destabilizing activities will not be accepted by the international 
community as ``normal,'' and stressed, that the only viable path 
forward for the DPRK is through diplomacy. If confirmed, I would ensure 
we continue to coordinate closely with the ROK to address the threats 
posed by the DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs, on how to best 
engage the DPRK, and to advance our shared objective of permanent peace 
and the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. This would 
include continued military exercises and readiness.

    Question. How would you characterize China's approach to its 
relationship with the ROK in recent years?

    Answer. The PRC's military modernization, coupled with its 
increasingly provocative actions, presents an urgent challenge to our 
vital interests in the Indo-Pacific and around the world. The Biden-
Harris administration has shown we will address the PRC challenge from 
a position of strength, in which we work closely with the ROK and other 
allies and partners to defend and promote the rules-based international 
order.
    Not only are the United States and the ROK stalwart allies, but the 
democratic governments of the United States and the ROK share a deeply 
rooted commitment to defend freedom and foster respect for human 
rights. If confirmed, I will work with the ROK to promote our shared 
vision for a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific and strengthen our 
partnership on addressing PRC-related challenges, including by 
addressing supply chain issues and global cooperation on our shared 
democratic agenda.

    Question. What kind of an approach do you think the new Yoon 
administration will take to China, and are there opportunities for 
greater U.S.-ROK cooperation to challenges presented by China to the 
Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is key to our efforts to promote a 
free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. As a vibrant democracy, the 
ROK will play an increasingly important role as a model for liberal 
democratic values and a bulwark against the PRC's attempts to project 
its autocratic template in the Indo-Pacific region. The ROK is an 
important source of foreign direct investment in the Indo-Pacific, and 
it is already a major donor and leader in development efforts, 
including health security, climate change mitigation, and humanitarian 
assistance. If confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to enjoy a 
future-oriented partnership with the ROK, with a focus on positive 
cooperation with the Pacific Island countries, ASEAN, and in the Mekong 
sub-region. These measures will help counter coercive PRC activities in 
the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. The ROK has applied to join CPTPP, as has China. Do you 
support ROK joining CPTPP?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains committed to 
upholding a fair and open global trading system--one that follows 
through on our trading partners' longstanding commitment to conduct 
economic relations with a view to raising standards of living, ensuring 
full employment, and promoting sustainable development. If confirmed, I 
would work with USTR and other relevant interagency colleagues to 
address specific trade issues that may arise with the ROK. Also, as 
President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the United States is 
developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to deepen economic 
relations in the region and coordinate approaches to addressing global 
economic challenges. As a U.S. ally and our sixth-largest trading 
partner, I understand we are closely consulting with the ROK on this 
effort, as well as its possible membership in CPTPP.

    Question. In your view, what are the consequences of China being in 
CPTPP, while we are not in it? Based on your assessment, what should 
the U.S. be doing on trade and economics in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the 
United States is developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to 
deepen economic relations in the region and coordinate approaches to 
addressing global economic challenges. If confirmed, I would support 
working with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region, including 
the ROK, to address a range of economic issues, including fair and 
resilient trade, digital policy and emerging technology, infrastructure 
and clean energy, and anti-corruption. All such efforts must protect 
workers, transparency, and the environment and strengthen the rules-
based economic order in the region.

    Question. The U.S. Trade Representative announced the Indo-Pacific 
Economic Framework (IPEF) while in the ROK. What is your understanding 
of what IPEF seeks to achieve? What is your understanding of how IPEF 
will align with the U.S. free trade agreement with the ROK?

    Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the 
United States is developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to 
deepen economic relations in the region and coordinate approaches to 
addressing global economic challenges. As a U.S. ally and our sixth-
largest trading partner, I understand we are closely consulting with 
the ROK on this effort.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that the United 
States advances a robust trade and economic agenda with Korea and in 
the broader Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. The U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS), which just 
celebrated its 10-year anniversary, is the foundation of our bilateral 
trade and economic partnership. Since the signing of our FTA, U.S. 
exports of goods to the ROK have grown by more than 60 percent. The ROK 
is our 6th-largest goods trading partner, the world's 10th-largest 
economy, and an increasingly important partner on global economic 
issues including climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, and supply 
chain security. When our two countries are aligned, we are a powerful 
force for setting standards for the Indo-Pacific region and the globe. 
If confirmed, I would work closely with my colleagues in USTR and other 
relevant agencies to promote the Administration's trade policy, which 
benefits American workers and U.S. competitiveness in our economic 
relationship with the ROK, as well as throughout the Indo-Pacific. I 
would also work to promote growing Korean investment in the U.S., which 
creates American jobs and opportunities.

    Question. South Korea and the U.S. both have a lot of investment in 
Southeast Asia, and are seeking to spur more (in the U.S., that 
includes efforts by the Development Finance Corporation). In your view, 
are there opportunities for greater U.S.-ROK cooperation on economic 
development, infrastructure investment, and other related areas? If 
confirmed, what would you do to increase such cooperation?

    Answer. The U.S.-ROK relationship is truly global in scope and, if 
confirmed, I would prioritize promoting the ROK's role as a leader both 
in the region and beyond. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is key to our efforts 
to promote a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. ROK foreign 
direct investment (FDI) in the United States has tripled since the 
signing of our KORUS FTA. The ROK is one of our largest Asian sources 
of foreign direct investment (FDI), with $62.4 billion total stock FDI 
in 2020. Korean firms are increasingly investing in high- and emerging-
tech fields, creating 21st Century jobs for the American worker.
    The ROK is also an important source of FDI and development 
assistance in the Indo-Pacific and a major donor and leader in 
development efforts, including health security, climate change 
mitigation, and humanitarian assistance. If confirmed, I would work to 
deepen our regional economic cooperation and ensure the U.S.-ROK 
relationship continues to be a future-oriented partnership, with a 
focus on positive cooperation with the Pacific Island countries, ASEAN, 
and in the Mekong sub-region.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your 
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?

    Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is the linchpin of peace, security, 
and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. If confirmed, my top 
priority would be to deepen our cooperation on key regional and global 
challenges, while ensuring our alliance remains ready to respond to any 
threat to our shared security. In particular, I look forward to working 
with President-elect Yoon to deepen cooperation on enhancing supply 
chain resilience and further our joint efforts to combat the climate 
crisis and COVID-19 pandemic. I would also ensure we continue to 
coordinate closely with the ROK to address the threats posed by the 
DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs and to advance our shared 
objective of permanent peace and the complete denuclearization of the 
Korean Peninsula.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken, 
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests 
or make concessions for the sake of an agreement with or promises from 
China on climate change?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the 
PRC will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can 
be, and adversarial when it must be. The PRC has consistently sought to 
link its action on climate with the United States making changes in the 
bilateral relationship, and we reject that linkage. As Special 
Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a critical standalone 
issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China relationship will not be 
traded for PRC cooperation. We can both compete with the PRC and work 
to reverse climate change's effects. If confirmed, I would pursue 
cooperation with the PRC where it is in our interest to do so, and in 
consultation with the Congress, our partners and allies, and other 
stakeholders. I would work to rally allies such as the ROK to press 
Beijing to raise its climate ambition significantly during this 
critical period. I would also work with the ROK and other allies and 
partners in the region to address the PRC's state-centered, non-market 
trading practices.

    Question. South Korea is a critical node in the global high tech 
supply chain, particularly on manufacturing parts for advanced 
semiconductor chips. As the Administration focuses on supply chain 
diversification and boosting U.S. semiconductor manufacturing, do you 
commit to ensuring the Administration take a holistic view of these 
issues, and not isolate our allies and partners such as South Korea?

    Answer. The ROK is an increasingly important partner on global 
economic issues, including supply chain security. The United States and 
the ROK are working together to diversify and secure our supply chains 
in critical sectors, including semiconductors, high-capacity batteries, 
pharmaceuticals, and critical minerals. Our recent experience during 
the pandemic with semiconductor shortages has shown that strong and 
resilient supply chains are critical to our economic security. Our two 
countries have held several rounds of supply chain consultations, 
including through the U.S.-ROK Senior Economic Dialogue and the 
Department of Commerce-led Semiconductor Partnership Dialogue. If 
confirmed, I would push to continue deepening U.S.-ROK supply chain 
cooperation, particularly on semiconductors and critical and emerging 
technologies.

    Question. South Korea is a major importer of U.S. liquefied natural 
gas (LNG). Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Biden 
administration demonstrated a lot of reluctance to work with Indo-
Pacific countries on natural gas issues--instead preferring renewables. 
As U.S. Ambassador, will you commit to continue supporting U.S. LNG 
exports to the ROK, and to support cooperation in natural gas issues in 
general?

    Answer. The ROK is our sixth-largest trading partner and an 
important destination for U.S. auto, agriculture, and energy exports, 
including LNG. Total U.S. goods exports increased 29 percent in 2021 
(compared to 2020), a trend I would work to continue, if confirmed. I 
would also support working with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific 
region to continue to support U.S. exports, including as appropriate 
LNG, while also working to promote a clean energy transition in line 
with our shared climate goals.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your 
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?

    Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is the linchpin of peace, security, 
and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. If confirmed, my top 
priority would be to deepen our cooperation on key regional and global 
challenges, while ensuring our alliance remains ready to respond to any 
threat to our shared security. In particular, I look forward to working 
with President-elect Yoon to deepen cooperation on enhancing supply 
chain resilience and further our joint efforts to combat the climate 
crisis and COVID-19 pandemic. I would also ensure we continue to 
coordinate closely with the ROK to address the threats posed by the 
DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs and to advance our shared 
objective of permanent peace and the complete denuclearization of the 
Korean Peninsula.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Seoul?

    Answer. My understanding is that Mission Korea is a very sought-
after posting, with many officers returning for multiple tours 
throughout their careers due to the strong U.S.-ROK Alliance and the 
important work of Mission Korea in advancing U.S. policy goals. As I 
have not yet had the opportunity to work in Mission Korea, I do not yet 
know specifics, but as throughout much of the world, our employees in 
the ROK have faced COVID-19 mitigation protocols, quarantine 
requirements, and travel disruptions due to COVID-19 restrictions. This 
has led to lower morale at many posts. If confirmed, I would prioritize 
the health, safety, security, and morale of all employees in the 
Mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Seoul?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with 
Mission Korea's senior leadership team to ensure mission morale is 
strong and to understand and address any issues affecting morale. I 
will also prioritize efforts to build resilience. COVID-19 caught the 
world by surprise, and there was no exception for the Department of 
State and its people. We have made substantial progress in providing 
greater work flexibilities for our Mission employees and rolled out 
situational telework policies to remain more agile than ever, 
especially during the recent peak of the omicron wave in Korea. These 
workplace flexibilities are not only good for the Mission, but they're 
also good for our people. We are committed to maintaining not only a 
flexible but also an inclusive workplace environment that puts the 
safety and well-being of our teams first. I have previously led four 
posts overseas as Chief of Mission, and two others as Charge 
d'Affaires. I am proud of the high morale at all of these posts.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Seoul?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would start by listening to the experienced 
staff and personnel already in Mission Korea to learn from their 
experiences and perspectives, then work closely with my senior 
leadership team to develop a shared vision of Mission priorities. I 
would also clearly communicate the foreign policy priorities of the 
Biden-Harris administration and facilitate structured, regularized 
conversations across the Mission to ensure good communication and 
coordination.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe in being an inclusive manager and encouraging 
everyone to perform to the best of their abilities. Open communication 
and active listening are a central part of my management style, and, if 
confirmed, I look forward to learning from the experiences and 
perspectives of the Mission Korea team.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I am strongly opposed to berating mission employees, either 
in public or private. If confirmed, I would commit to treat all members 
of the Mission Korea community with respect and dignity. When State 
Department performance reviews are required, I always conduct them with 
the goal of recognizing strong performance and helping every member of 
the team realize his or her potential. Our people are our most 
important asset, and if confirmed, I would do everything in my power to 
support and encourage our personnel to be the best they can be.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. As an inclusive manager, if confirmed, I would strive to 
build a close, consultative relationship based on mutual respect that 
will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) to ensure the smooth 
functioning of Mission Korea. I have served as a DCM myself and worked 
closely with many DCMs as a Chief of Mission. I would anticipate a 
smooth, collaborative effort based on trust and shared goals.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would rely on my DCM's knowledge of 
Department policies and procedures to ensure that Mission Korea is 
well-run and appropriately resourced to achieve our foreign policy 
priorities. In addition, I would treat the DCM as an alter ego who 
would be ready to take charge when I am away from post.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. We need to make sure we achieve the important work that the 
American people have put us in Korea to do. If confirmed, I would be 
forthright with my staff because honesty and transparency foster strong 
relationships and help to establish clear performance expectations. 
This means recognizing and rewarding those who are succeeding in their 
roles, while providing constructive feedback and ensuring that all 
employees have the opportunity to develop necessary skills and achieve 
their potential. I would also seek out dissenting views and listen to 
the experts, because that's how the best decisions are made. I always 
welcome candid and open feedback from my staff. I hold myself and my 
team to the highest standards and ensure we are accountable at all 
levels.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. We need to make sure we achieve the important work that the 
American people have put us in Korea to do. If confirmed, I would be 
forthright with my staff because honesty and transparency foster strong 
relationships and help to establish clear performance expectations. 
This means recognizing and rewarding those who are succeeding in their 
roles, while providing constructive feedback and ensuring that all 
employees have the opportunity to develop necessary skills and achieve 
their potential. I would also seek out dissenting views and listen to 
the experts, because that's how the best decisions are made. I welcome 
candid and open feedback from my staff. I always hold myself and my 
team to the highest standards and ensure we are accountable at all 
levels.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
the Republic of Korea. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside 
of our Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Question. Throughout my foreign service career, I have been 
impressed by the commitment exhibited by colleagues who have strived to 
develop a deep knowledge and understanding of the countries in which we 
served. The most successful of these made it a priority to engage 
directly with the community, learn the cultures, speak the host country 
languages, and get to know a wide range of people. Such relationships 
are critical to our work advancing U.S. priorities overseas and 
managing bilateral ties. I would, if confirmed, travel around Korea and 
do so myself.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage members of the Mission 
community to engage with host country nationals, particularly as COVID-
related restrictions recede. Whether through our seven American Spaces 
in Seoul, Busan, Daegu, Gwangju, Pyeongtaek, Gangneung, and Jeju, or 
our outreach through traditional and social media, or our educational 
and cultural programming, we are committed to sustaining the strong 
friendship of the Korean and American people that is our strongest 
asset as we seek to advance shared interests within the ROK, 
regionally, and globally.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Republic of Korea?

    Answer. There is a vibrant and active public diplomacy environment 
in the ROK. If confirmed, I would work to expand and strengthen the 
already very strong people-to-people ties, which are deep and form the 
basis of our alliance. These relationships have contributed to the 
strong mutual trust between our governments and our close economic 
ties. Both the Korean and American people strongly support the 
alliance, allowing us to promote a broad range of interests based upon 
or shared values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The public diplomacy environment in the ROK is vibrant and 
active. We are fortunate that U.S. diplomats do not face significant 
challenges operating in the ROK. Our people-to-people ties are strong 
and deep and form the basis of our alliance.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the team at Mission Korea 
to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in formulating 
public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of Americans and 
Koreans based at the Embassy in Seoul and the Consulate in Busan bring 
an incredible range of expertise and local insight to the Mission. If 
confirmed, I would ensure that our public diplomacy professionals in 
Washington and Seoul continue to work closely together, and that we 
draw on local expertise to ensure our global public diplomacy messages 
are relevant and effective for our Korean audiences.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health 
incidents affecting U.S. Government personnel and their family members. 
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their 
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. In my current 
position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and previously as Charge 
d'Affaires in Havana, I have made the health and safety of my staff my 
top priority, including contributing to the extensive, ongoing 
interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and how we 
can best protect our people. If confirmed, the health, safety, and 
security of Embassy Seoul staff, their family members, and all those 
supporting the Mission will be my highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Seoul personnel?

    Answer. In my current position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and 
previously as Charge d'Affaires in Havana, I have made the health and 
safety of my staff my top priority. I believe strongly in direct and 
open dialogue on all these issues. If confirmed, I would also commit to 
ensuring all reported incidents at Embassy Seoul and Mission Korea are 
treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate medical 
and investigatory channels. I would ensure that any affected 
individuals receive prompt access to treatment and medical care. 
Moreover, that they receive our support and empathy. If confirmed, I 
would also commit to work closely with medical staff and the RSO at 
Embassy Seoul to discuss any past reported incidents, openly 
communicate with Mission personnel, and ensure that all protocols are 
being closely followed.

Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, South Korea was on Tier 1 for meeting the minimum stands for 
the elimination of human trafficking. However, South Korea needs to 
improve its tracking of victims as well as increase sentences for 
traffickers. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government to 
improve its tracking of victims as well as its lax sentencing for 
traffickers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would actively engage with the ROK 
Government, advocates, and the private sector to address the concrete 
recommendations laid out in the Department's Trafficking in Persons 
Report and to build a more effective anti-trafficking strategy rooted 
in equity.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, South Korea was identified to have challenges in 
regarding COVID-19 restrictions and religious freedom, in particular 
with the Government's engagement with the Shincheonji Church Members. 
If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that members of the 
Shincheonji church have their freedom of worship protected?

    Answer. The Governments of the United States and the Republic of 
Korea share deeply rooted values including respect for human rights, 
such as freedom of religion or belief; respect for the rule of law; and 
a commitment to treat every person with dignity. We respect that the 
ROK, as a vibrant democracy with an independent and strong judiciary, 
has tools in place to pass laws and regulations that fairly protect its 
people.
    The Department of State monitors reports of discrimination against 
members of religious groups worldwide. The United States continues to 
support free religious expression, including during the COVID-19 
pandemic. If confirmed, I would continue to encourage religious groups 
and government authorities to work together to ensure respect both for 
religious freedom as well as for public health guidelines.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, South 
Korea was identified to have significant human rights issues including 
restrictions of freedom of expression and in particular the 
criminalizing of leaflets and other materials to North Korea. If 
confirmed, how will you work to ensure that freedom of speech is 
protected in particular to relation of activities related to sending 
leaflets and other materials to North Korea?

    Answer. As a global policy, we advocate for respect for human 
rights and fundamental freedoms. The United States remains deeply 
concerned about the human rights situation in the DPRK and supports the 
free flow of information into, out of, and within the DPRK. It is 
critical for the North Korean people to have access to fact-based 
information that is not controlled by the DPRK Government.
    If confirmed, I would continue to promote and support freedom of 
expression around the world, including together with valued allies like 
the Republic of Korea. I would also continue to work with partners in 
the NGO and North Korean escapee community to raise awareness, 
highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for human rights 
in the DPRK and North Koreans' access to information. I would engage 
South Korean officials on the best legal and political practices for 
doing so.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. President-elect Yoon campaigned on a platform criticizing 
the Moon Government for being insufficiently committed to North Korea's 
denuclearization, and has proposed a conditioned approach based upon 
North Korea's progress in denuclearizing. If confirmed, how would you 
plan to work with the new South Korean Government to make progress on 
diplomatic engagement with North Korea given this campaign platform?

    Answer. The Biden administration has made clear that the DPRK's 
recent unlawful and destabilizing ballistic missile launches have 
consequences, that the international community will not accept these 
actions as ``normal,'' and most importantly, that the only viable path 
forward for the DPRK is through diplomacy. Our goal remains the 
complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. As we have 
emphasized in our public statements, we have no hostile intent toward 
the DPRK and remain open to meeting with them without preconditions. 
However, we also have a responsibility to address the DPRK's continued 
efforts to advance its unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs, 
including by implementing existing UNSC resolutions. If confirmed, I 
would ensure we consult closely with President-elect Yoon's 
administration and ROK leadership, as well as other allies and 
partners, on how to best engage the DPRK. I would also work closely 
with our Special Representative for the DPRK, Ambassador Sung Kim, and 
our team in Washington.

    Question. Despite this more hardline approach to North Korea, 
President-elect Yoon has supported offering humanitarian assistance 
without any linkages to talks over North Korea's nuclear or missile 
programs. Under what conditions would the Biden administration support 
a South Korean offer of large-scale humanitarian aid to North Korea?

    Answer. Even while we condemn and take steps to address the DPRK's 
unlawful nuclear and ballistic missile programs, we continue to support 
international efforts to provide critical humanitarian aid to the DPRK 
and encourage the DPRK to open its borders to both assistance and aid 
workers. The DPRK Government bears responsibility for the humanitarian 
crisis affecting the North Korean people, as it has continued to 
exploit its own citizens and use its limited resources to finance 
unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs rather than invest in 
economic development. If confirmed, I would work closely with 
President-elect Yoon and his administration to ensure we are closely 
aligned in our efforts to bring the DPRK to the negotiating table and 
provide much needed humanitarian assistance to vulnerable North Korean 
people.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Todd Young

    Question. South Korea is a critical node in the global high tech 
supply chain, particularly for advanced semiconductor chips. As 
Congress works on supply chain diversification and boosting U.S. 
semiconductor manufacturing, how do you view the role of South Korea in 
securing emerging tech supply chains?

    Answer. The Republic of Korea (ROK) is an increasingly important 
partner on global economic security issues, including supply chain 
security. The United States and the ROK are working together to 
diversify and secure our supply chains in a number of priority sectors, 
including semiconductors, high-capacity batteries, pharmaceuticals, and 
critical minerals. Our recent experience with the pandemic and 
semiconductor shortages has shown that strong and resilient supply 
chains are critical to our economic security. Our two countries have 
held several rounds of supply chain consultations, including through 
the U.S.-ROK Senior Economic Dialogue and the Department of Commerce-
led Semiconductor Partnership Dialogue. We work closely with our Korean 
counterparts to ensure we maintain our competitive edge in critical 
technologies. If confirmed, I would push to continue deepening U.S.-ROK 
supply chain cooperation, particularly on semiconductors and critical 
and emerging technologies.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Marc B. Nathanson by Senator Robert Menendez

Defense Policy
    Question. Norway's Arctic Policy has expressed concern over 
Russia's military modernization and increased activity in the north, 
including Russia's new generation of strategic submarines.

   As NATO's eyes in the north, and as a country sharing a 120 mile 
        long border with Russia, is there more that the United States 
        should be doing to show support for Norway and keep northern 
        sea routes open?

    Answer. The United States and Norway have decades of close security 
partnership and a shared commitment as NATO Allies to Transatlantic 
security. NATO must address growing security challenges in the European 
Arctic, where Allies have committed to bolstering NATO's deterrence and 
defense. Allies exercise regularly in the Arctic with predictability 
and transparency and will continue to do so. The U.S.-Norway 
Supplementary Defense Cooperation Agreement, signed in April 2021, once 
ratified, will allow the United States and Norway to deepen bilateral 
security cooperation.

Arctic Sea Routes
    Question. How do you assess the impact that melting ice is having 
on development of the Northeast Passage? How should the U.S. and Norway 
be working to mitigate risks posed by possible increased transport 
activity by the Russians and Chinese?

    Answer. In the Arctic, climate change has increased the 
geopolitical importance of the region and prompted increased activity, 
including Russian efforts to significantly rebuild its military 
presence in the Arctic. The United States has objected to Russia's 
unlawful attempts to regulate the Northern Sea Route. Strategic rivals 
have also raised their level of activity, research, and investment in 
the region. The United States will continue to seek an Arctic region 
that remains peaceful, stable, open, and cooperative. If confirmed, I 
will work with Norwegian counterparts to ensure U.S. and Norwegian 
policies toward the Arctic remain closely coordinated.

European Energy Security
    Question. Norwegian oil and gas fields are currently pumping at 100 
percent capacity. However, Norwegian companies have pledged to export 
more gas to Europe this summer.

   What role do you think Norway can play in helping to wean Europe 
        off of Russian fossil fuels?

    Answer. Norway is a responsible and reliable energy producer, 
supplying almost one quarter of Europe's total natural gas demand. 
Norway increased natural gas production for the winter season in late 
2021 and extended the elevated production levels through summer 2022. 
The Norwegian Government also seeks to support Europe's energy 
transition, including by providing carbon capture and storage, offshore 
wind, and hydrogen solutions. If confirmed, I will work with Norwegian 
officials and industry to strengthen European energy security further.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, the health and security of the people 
working at Mission Norway will be my top priority. Secretary Blinken 
prioritizes the Department's response to anomalous health incidents, 
setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to 
strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce and 
providing care for affected employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
employees who report a possible anomalous health incident receive 
immediate and appropriate attention and care and the incident is 
reported through appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people who work with me. I commit to 
working with health and security officials as well as other parties as 
recommended.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Marc B. Nathanson by Senator James E. Risch

NATO
    Question. Norway is a founding member of NATO and serves an 
important role in the alliance as a hub for NATO equipment and 
resources. As NATO looks to the future with the drafting of the new 
Strategic Concept and possible expansion of the alliance, we need to 
consider where Norway's specific assets and capabilities can be best 
developed and utilized.

   Norway has announced a temporary increase in its defense spending 
        for this year in response to increased aggression from Russia. 
        How will you work with Norway to ensure their defense spending 
        is used to maximum effect and remains compatible with NATO 
        objectives?

    Answer. Norway is a staunch and actively-engaged NATO Ally. 
Norwegian leaders have committed to spending two percent of GDP on 
defense to fulfill Norway's Wales Pledge commitments by 2024 and will 
continue spending at least 20 percent of defense spending on 
modernizing major equipment, in line with their NATO Capability 
Targets. Norway and the United States enjoy a close and effective 
security relationship. I am pleased that Norway operates both P-8A 
maritime patrol aircraft, which they received in February 2022, and the 
F-35 platform. If confirmed, I will encourage Norway to continue 
investing in the capabilities, readiness, and force generation needed 
to maintain a credible defense and deterrence posture and fulfill NATO 
missions and operations.

Nuclear
    Question. Nuclear disarmament and observation of the Treaty on the 
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons are policy priorities for Norway, making 
them the first NATO nation to move toward denuclearization.

   Do you believe that a policy of nuclear disarmament in a NATO 
        nation threatens the security of the alliance?

    Answer. Norway has clearly stated that it will not sign the Treaty 
on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, as it is inconsistent with 
Norway's NATO obligations. As a member of the NATO Alliance, Norway is 
committed to ensuring that NATO's nuclear deterrent aligns with the 
realities of the current security environment and remains safe, secure, 
and effective. Norway supports the global nonproliferation regime 
through participation in a variety of multilateral organizations.

    Question. How will you discuss the issue of nuclear weapons with 
the Norwegian Government?

    Answer. Norway has a longstanding policy prohibiting nuclear 
weapons on Norwegian soil. Norwegian leaders have also continually 
reaffirmed NATO's status as a nuclear Alliance. Norway and the United 
States share a goal of promoting tangible, verifiable measures to 
reduce strategic risk and create an environment for nuclear 
disarmament, which I will continue to promote if confirmed.

Arctic
    Question. As a member of the Arctic Council, Norway has specific 
interests in the future of Arctic issues including security, the 
environment, trade, and resource extraction.

   Given the Department has an Arctic Coordinator, but not an Arctic 
        Ambassador, what role do you see yourself playing in U.S.-
        Norway relations regarding the Arctic?

    Answer. The Arctic is a strategic priority for Norway and the 
United States. Norway will assume the chair of the Arctic Council in 
May 2023. If confirmed, the Arctic will be one of my highest priorities 
and I plan to visit the region early in my tenure. I will work with 
Norwegian and State Department counterparts to ensure U.S. and 
Norwegian policies toward the Arctic remain closely coordinated.

Energy
    Question. Europe is facing energy shortages as countries attempt to 
curtail imports from Russia. Norway is a major producer and supplier of 
oil and natural gas to Europe.

   How will you work with Norway to increase its energy capacity and 
        support a solution Europe's energy shortage, in both the short 
        term and the long term?

    Answer. Norway is a responsible and reliable producer, supplying 
almost one quarter of Europe's total natural gas demand. Companies 
operating on the Norwegian Continental Shelf, with the Government's 
approval, increased gas production for the winter season in late 2021 
and extended the elevated production levels through summer 2022. In the 
longer term, the Norwegian Government also seeks to support Europe's 
energy transition, including by providing carbon capture and storage, 
offshore wind, and hydrogen solutions. If confirmed, I will work with 
Norwegian officials and industry to strengthen European energy security 
and reduce dependence on Russian gas, as well as to facilitate the 
green transition.

    Revised Reponse (received April 26, 2022.) Norway is a responsible 
and reliable energy producer, supplying almost one quarter of Europe's 
total natural gas demand. Companies operating on the Norwegian 
Continental Shelf, with the Government's approval, increased gas 
production for the winter season in late 2021 and have extended the 
elevated production levels through summer 2022. Norway's LNG terminal 
will resume operations in May and a gas pipeline to Poland will be 
operational later in 2022. For the medium term, Norway announced plans 
in March to offer new licenses for oil and gas exploration. Over the 
longer term, Norway is developing technology that could help Europe 
diversify its energy portfolio and reduce reliance on Russian gas, 
including through offshore wind and hydrogen. If confirmed, I will work 
with Norwegian officials and industry to strengthen European energy 
security and reduce dependence on Russian oil and gas.

China
    Question. The expansion of malign Chinese influence is a challenge 
we will have to confront in the short and long term, alongside other 
global challenges that arise.

   As Ambassador, how would you work with Norway's Government to 
        confront malign Chinese influence in its Government, economy, 
        and other institutions at the international, national and 
        subnational level?

    Answer. Norway and the United States share democratic values. We 
cooperate through numerous forums to uphold our shared interests and 
values and hold governments accountable. Norwegian officials have 
spoken publicly concerning human rights abuses in the People's Republic 
of China (PRC), including in Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Tibet. Norway is 
also a firm supporter of the rules-based international trading system. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Norwegian officials, 
including those working in U.N. institutions, the business community, 
and civil society on this important issue. I will also work to increase 
U.S. trade with Norway to counterbalance the PRC's desire for greater 
influence in the region. I will apprise Norwegian counterparts of risks 
associated with investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive 
sectors by untrusted vendors, including those associated with the PRC, 
and on the importance of supply chain due diligence by companies. The 
United States works with Norway and other allies and partners to 
monitor PRC activities in the Arctic. If confirmed, I will seek 
opportunities to strengthen our cooperation with Norway and engage with 
the Norwegian Government and regional leaders to ensure they remain 
clear-eyed with regards to PRC influence.

State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Oslo?

    Answer. Mission Norway faced challenges posed by COVID-19 and 
travel restrictions during much of the pandemic. I am grateful for the 
employees' continued service during this challenging time. If 
confirmed, I have no higher priority than the health and safety of the 
personnel and family members of Mission Norway. I look forward to 
working with the talented team of locally employed staff, U.S. Direct 
Hires, and their families. I will ensure everyone in the mission 
understands they have my support.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Oslo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated 
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure, 
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. I plan to 
meet with as many individuals in the mission as possible in my first 90 
days to listen and learn from them on how to improve morale at Embassy 
Oslo. We are all one team working to further the U.S.-Norwegian 
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American 
people.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Oslo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open communication 
across U.S. Embassy Oslo. We are all one team working to further the 
U.S.-Norwegian relationship and the interests of the United States and 
the American people. The Embassy is committed to a diverse and 
inclusive workforce that fully represents and supports many different 
cultures, backgrounds, and perspectives to provide a productive 
workplace for all people from all walks of life. If confirmed, I will 
work with the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.

Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. Our employees are our most important asset. If confirmed, I 
am committed to listening to all employees, including locally employed 
staff, U.S. Direct Hires, and family members. I always seek to create 
space for open dialogue and diversity of thought. I am committed to 
professional development and believe in setting high standards. I will 
foster an environment of respect as Mission Norway carries out 
important work on behalf of the American people.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. It is never acceptable to berate or yell at employees 
in public or in private. If confirmed, I will treat all members of 
Mission Norway professionally and with respect.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to foster a close and productive 
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). Together, we will 
advance U.S. priorities in Norway, including protecting the safety and 
security of Americans, advancing shared security and global norms, and 
increase energy, environment, and investment cooperation with a focus 
on the green transition. We will also work together to help employees 
grow and advance.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief 
of Mission on the full range of issues at Mission Norway and I will 
value her institutional knowledge and perspective. If confirmed, I will 
entrust the DCM with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of 
the Mission, and the DCM should keep abreast of policy issues to be 
able to serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with 
timely, accurate, and constructive feedback on their performance not 
only during annual evaluations but throughout the year.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback. I believe clear and open communication 
fosters professional growth.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
the Kingdom of Norway.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. From what I have seen of Department and Embassy operations 
overseas, U.S. diplomats have done a remarkable job getting outside our 
Embassy walls to advance U.S. objectives by meeting local actors in 
diverse settings and environments. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a 
challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and engage face-to-face with 
host country nationals, but as conditions improve and Norway has 
relaxed pandemic restrictions, I understand that our diplomats in Oslo 
have resumed in-person engagements and programs. I firmly believe it is 
imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside the Embassy to meet with 
local citizens, including host government officials and non-
governmental organizations. If confirmed, I plan to personally visit 
all regions of Norway.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to engage audiences 
throughout Norway to exchange ideas and hear their views and to promote 
our shared goals. I will also support the strong academic, cultural, 
and professional exchanges the United States has with the people of 
Norway, especially youth. If confirmed, I will work with my Embassy 
team to continue leveraging relationships with the media, cultural and 
educational exchange organizations, and individuals to expand the 
people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral 
relationship.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in the Kingdom of 
        Norway?

    Answer. The deep cultural, familial, and economic connections 
between the United States and Norway have enabled Embassy Oslo to 
leverage public diplomacy tools to promote U.S. policy goals. The 
public diplomacy environment in Norway is generally very welcoming, and 
Norway benefits from strong interest in U.S. culture and direct news 
exposure.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic made traveling and face-to-face 
engagement with Norwegians difficult, but today our diplomats in Oslo 
are again able to have in-person engagements. Public opinion of the 
United States is largely tied to perceptions of the current U.S. 
administration and can vacillate significantly depending on views of 
the president in power. While older Norwegians feel close direct ties 
to the United States, due to familial ties and gratitude for the role 
the United States played in liberating Europe during WWII, polling has 
shown Norwegian youth to be more skeptical of the United States. In 
particular, young Norwegians question if the United States shares their 
commitment to social justice issues and the environment. To keep our 
alliance strong for the generations to come, we must ensure all 
Norwegians see the United States as their partner in building the 
better world they want to see. If confirmed, I will work with my 
Embassy team to leverage relationships with the media, cultural and 
exchange organizations, and individuals to expand the people-to-people 
bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral 
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American 
people. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy to enhance 
security cooperation, strengthen collaboration on Arctic and climate 
issues, expand economic and trade relations, and deepen people-to-
people ties. I will work to counter adverse influence and mis- and 
disinformation with the variety of engagements at our disposal, 
including speaking with traditional media, communication via social 
media, through outreach and personal interactions, and through a 
variety of public diplomacy programming. This is a field I have been 
actively engaged in for over thirty years. If confirmed, I will work 
with the public diplomacy team at Embassy Oslo to continue a robust 
public diplomacy strategy and tailor messaging in a way that is most 
appropriate for the Norwegian public.
    ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as ``Havana 
Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. diplomats around 
the world for years. They have caused serious, negative consequences 
for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the Department is not doing 
enough to care for, protect, and communicate to its personnel.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Oslo staff, 
their family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my 
highest priority

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Oslo personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining open 
communication and ensuring that all reported potential anomalous health 
incidents are given serious attention and reported swiftly through the 
appropriate channels.

Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Norway was identified as tier 2 for continued failure to 
convict more traffickers, utilize appropriate national referral 
mechanism, and continued lack of anti-trafficking efforts writ large 
within the Government's demonstrated capacity. How will you work with 
Norway to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

   If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these efforts in 
        conjunction with the Ambassador-at-Large?

    Answer. Norway was downgraded to Tier 2 in the State Department's 
2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. The report found that the 
Government does not fully meet the minimum standards for the 
elimination of trafficking but is making significant efforts to do so. 
If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Norwegian authorities and 
encourage the Norwegian Government to make progress in combating 
trafficking in persons and address the recommendations in the 
Trafficking in Persons Report.

    Question. In your opinion, what do you believe is the biggest 
obstacle to improving Norway's anti-trafficking response?

    Answer. According to the State Department's Trafficking in Persons 
Report, the biggest obstacles are prosecutions and convictions and 
unreliable victim identification and assistance data. During the 
reporting period in question, the Government did not report any 
trafficking prosecutions, reported only one convicted trafficker, and 
continued to charge traffickers with non-trafficking crimes. For the 
fourth consecutive year, the Government did not report an official 
number of identified and assisted victims. The U.S. Government 
continues to work with the Norwegian Government to address these 
concerns. If confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador-at-Large to 
engage with Norwegian authorities and encourage the Government to make 
progress in combating trafficking in persons and address the 
recommendations in the Trafficking in Persons Report.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Norway experienced a small decline in religiously-
motivated hate crimes after a period of increase. The U.S. Embassy 
noted its routine efforts to promote inter-faith dialogue and value in 
interacting with different members of religious communities. What is 
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you 
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. Norwegian law prohibits religious discrimination and 
protects the right to choose, practice, or change one's faith or life 
stance. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote inter-faith 
dialogue and I will meet with members of different religious 
communities in Norway. I will also advocate for religious freedom for 
members of all religious groups and work with the Ambassador-at-Large, 
the Norwegian Government, and NGO partners to promote religious 
freedom.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Norway was described as having no significant human rights abuses. 
However, there is always room for improvement.

   How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil society 
        organizations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society to advanced 
shared values, including respect for human rights. Norway is a strong 
advocate for addressing global issues in multilateral fora, including 
on the U.N. Security Council. I will work to leverage our strong 
relationship and shared values and utilize public diplomacy tools to 
promote the international rules-based order and bolster human rights. 
Norway and the United States have worked together around the world to 
foster respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will continue to 
promote these joint relationships.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Marc B. Nathanson by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The United States and Norway have long shared a thriving 
relationship based on common goals and values. One of those goals is 
the dire need to combat climate change, a goal which the United States 
and Norway partner on achieving through the expansion of the use of 
clean energy technology and through the expansion of the use of 
renewable technology. Most recently, Norwegian officials have expressed 
increasing concern regarding the negative effects of climate change, 
especially in the Arctic.

   Where do opportunities exist for greater cooperation for the United 
        States and Norway to work together when it comes to combatting 
        climate change?

    Answer. The United States and Norway can work together both 
bilaterally, such as in increasing offshore wind production and 
cooperating on carbon capture research, and globally through aligning 
priorities to support other countries in the green transition. Norway 
is a leader in combatting the climate crisis globally and devotes 
significant resources to domestic green technology and assistance to 
developing nations' climate mitigation and adaptation efforts. In 
November, Norway committed to doubling its climate financing and joined 
the Global Methane Pledge. Norway also co-chairs the High Level Panel 
for a Sustainable Ocean Economy to ensure sustainable ocean management. 
The United States joined the Panel in 2021. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize combatting the climate crisis and will work closely with 
Norwegian counterparts to advance shared goals.

    Question. Norway has a small but growing wind energy profile. Is 
there a way to work together to develop cutting edge off shore wind 
turbines and technologies?

    Answer. Yes. Norwegian companies have invested in offshore wind 
projects in the eastern United States and are interested in west coast 
opportunities as well. These partnerships can help bring Norwegian 
technology and experience to support U.S. targets for renewable wind 
power production. This collaboration will contribute to climate 
objectives while creating jobs.

    Question. Are there other opportunities for greater cooperation on 
climate, particularly in the Arctic?

    Answer. Yes. The United States and Norway work closely on climate 
issues and have opportunities to deepen cooperation, including working 
together to achieve zero-emission transportation at sea and aligning 
climate financing objectives. Our scientists collaborate on research 
relating to climate change and sustainability challenges in the Arctic, 
including for decades through the Arctic Council's working groups. 
Furthermore, Norway is investing in renewable energy and technologies 
to lower emissions, including carbon capture and storage, hydrogen, and 
offshore wind, which are all opportunities for collaboration. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with Norwegian counterparts to combat 
the climate crisis with particular attention to the Arctic.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Where do you think the biggest opportunities are to 
deepen our alliance?

    Answer. The ironclad partnership between the Philippines and the 
United States has, throughout our long, shared history, contributed to 
peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. As we mark 
more than 75 years of diplomatic relations, I would, if confirmed, 
continue to deepen the roots of our longstanding friendship and people-
to-people ties, position our alliance to face new challenges, expand 
U.S. trade and investment, promote respect for human rights, and 
support multiparty democracy, the rule of law, and good governance.

    Question. With a change in presidential administrations in Manila 
in the next several months, what opportunities exist for the United 
States to engage with Manila more effectively to assure that these 
issues are addressed and that our alliance can be said to be one 
animated as much by shared values as shared interests?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the new 
democratically elected Government in the Philippines. I would closely 
engage with top Philippine leadership to ensure utmost coordination in 
matters of mutual concern.
    Our alliance is irreplaceable and foundational to our strategic 
interests in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I would work to ensure our 
security cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and law 
enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and violent 
extremism. I would continue U.S. efforts to urge the Philippine 
Government to conduct all law enforcement operations in accordance with 
the rule of law and consistent with its international human rights 
obligations, and I would urge the Government to conduct thorough, 
transparent investigations into all suspected unlawful killings, and to 
hold accountable those who are responsible. I would also work to 
strengthen the Administration of justice and support Philippine human 
rights defenders and civil society, and encourage respect for freedom 
of expression, including for members of the press.
    Among the values our two democracies share is the respect for 
international law, which underpins freedoms of navigation and 
overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful resolution of 
disputes in the South China Sea and around the world. If confirmed, I 
would continue our efforts to bolster Philippine capabilities that 
enhance maritime domain awareness and enable it to counter coercive 
activity in its Exclusive Economic Zone and other areas.
    Finally, I would support reforms that enhance transparency, assure 
labor rights protections, boost beneficial trade and investment between 
our two countries, and increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply 
chains. I would promote an economic partnership that engages the U.S. 
and Philippine private sectors to invest in climate action and support 
low-carbon energy security.

    Question. How do you think the United States and the Philippines 
can work together to press back on China's unlawful and destabilizing 
actions, ranging from illegal and unlawful fishing and the destruction 
of fragile marine ecosystems up to the potential that China might seek 
to seizing Filipino territory?

    Answer. The Philippines is one of the states most affected by the 
PRC's expansive maritime claims in the South China Sea. PRC activities 
in the South China Sea are inconsistent with international law, 
threatening Philippine livelihoods, food security, biodiversity, and 
energy security. Both the United States and the Philippines have a 
clear national interest in preserving unimpeded lawful commerce, 
respect for international law, including freedoms of navigation and 
overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea, and the peaceful 
resolution of disputes in the South China Sea.
    If confirmed, I would continue to push whole-of-government U.S. 
efforts to bolster Philippine capacity for maritime domain awareness in 
the South China Sea, including through improving the capacity of the 
Philippine Coast Guard. I would also encourage regular communication 
and coordination with the Philippines to address PRC provocations in 
the South China Sea. If confirmed, I would support joint maritime or 
naval operations anywhere in the Pacific, the South China Sea included, 
to fully demonstrate the range of our friendship and alliance with the 
Government of the Philippines, including our commitments under the 1951 
Mutual Defense Treaty, and to demonstrate the range of our mutual 
defense capabilities.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I share your concern and am deeply troubled by potential 
anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel 
and their family members. Our embassies overseas are more than places 
of work; they are communities of people. I would have no higher 
priority, if confirmed as ambassador, than the health, safety, and 
security of our people overseas. Serving one's country should not come 
at the cost of one's health. I firmly agree that we must take these and 
other threats to health and safety seriously. I would be honored to 
take on this responsibility.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. I wholeheartedly commit to ensuring that that all reported 
health-related incidents are given serious attention and reported 
swiftly through the appropriate channels. If confirmed, I will also 
ensure that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt 
access to the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO at Embassy Manila to discuss any reported anomalous health 
incidents. I would work closely with medical and other professionals to 
protect the safety of U.S. Embassy Manila staff and ensure that all 
protocols regarding anomalous health incidents are followed 
appropriately.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What is the strategic importance of the Philippines to 
the United States?

    Answer. The Philippines is one of our most strategically important 
allies in the Indo-Pacific. Our alliance with the Philippines is 
irreplaceable and foundational to our security and other interests in 
the region, contributing to peace, stability, and prosperity in the 
Asia-Pacific region for more than seven decades. The Mutual Defense 
Treaty and other bilateral defense agreements we have with the 
Philippines enable critical U.S. military support, presence, and 
interoperability in the Philippines and in the region. Both the United 
States and the Philippines have a clear national interest in preserving 
unimpeded lawful commerce, respect for international law--including 
freedoms of navigation and overflight--and other lawful uses of the 
sea, and the peaceful resolution of disputes in the South China Sea. 
Through the U.S.-Philippine alliance, our two countries work together 
to safeguard a resilient, prosperous, and secure Indo-Pacific.

    Question. How have the United States and the Philippines benefitted 
from cooperation between the U.S. military and the Armed Forces of the 
Philippines?

    Answer. The long-standing, ironclad alliance between the 
Philippines and the United States has contributed to peace, stability, 
and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region for more than seven decades. 
Cooperation between the U.S. military and the Armed Forces of the 
Philippines plays a key role in our bilateral ties. U.S. reliability as 
an ally has been established over decades under the Mutual Defense 
Treaty, which was signed in 1951. That treaty and Visiting Forces 
Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement provide the 
foundation for the continuing strong defense relationship that enables 
critical U.S. military support, presence, and interoperability. 
Together, these agreements facilitate the rotational presence of U.S. 
forces in the Philippines, expand opportunities for bilateral training, 
support the long-term modernization of the Armed Forces of the 
Philippines, and augment the United States' ability to provide rapid 
assistance in the Philippines in cases of natural disasters. Our long-
standing defense and security cooperation with the Armed Forces of the 
Philippines also supports our bilateral and multilateral efforts to 
uphold the rules-based order in the South China Sea that protects the 
rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea guaranteed to all nations.

    Question. Do you think membership in the TPNW is compatible with 
being a U.S. security ally, given the role of extended deterrence in 
U.S. security policy in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. I understand concerns that the Treaty on the Prohibition of 
Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) may reinforce divisions that hinder the 
international community's ability to work together to address pressing 
proliferation and security challenges. The Treaty is incompatible with 
a reliance by allies and partners on U.S. extended deterrence in that 
it risks negatively affecting nuclear deterrence, extended nuclear 
deterrence, and our security relationships. It remains to be seen how 
TPNW states parties will interpret and implement many of the treaty's 
provisions and how this might impact their security relationships with 
nuclear weapon states.

    Question. What message will you deliver to the Philippine 
Government on the TPNW?

    Answer. The United States has stated that the Treaty on the 
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) risks negatively affecting 
nuclear deterrence, extended nuclear deterrence, and our security 
relationships. We have noted our concerns to those allies and partners 
who have expressed an interest in the TPNW, including its state 
parties.

    Question. When it comes to the Philippines, what are your greatest 
concerns about China?

    Answer. The Philippines shares our concerns about provocative and 
unlawful behavior by the PRC in the region. Yet, like the United 
States, the Philippines also has economic ties to China and a strong 
interest in maintaining constructive engagement, where possible. It is 
not U.S. policy to disrupt lawful international trade, nor are we 
asking the Philippines, or any other country, to choose sides between 
the United States and PRC. As friends, partners, and allies we can work 
together to engage Beijing from a position of strength.
    The PRC's increased maritime assertiveness in the South China Sea 
presents a major challenge for the region and for U.S. policy in 
Southeast Asia. PRC provocations in the South China Sea threaten 
Philippine livelihoods, food security, biodiversity, and energy 
security. The United States and the Philippines share a mutual interest 
in maintaining peace and stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and 
respect for international law, including freedoms of navigation and 
overflight and other lawful uses of the sea in the South China Sea.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that the United 
States advances a robust trade and economic agenda with the Philippines 
and in the broader Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. economic agenda and build on those successes. The United 
States is among the Philippines' top three trading partners, and the 
Philippines is the United States' 31st largest goods trading partner--
with $23.3 billion in total (two-way) goods trade during 2021--up 
nearly 25 percent from 2020. This strong bilateral economic 
relationship coupled with the Philippines' indispensable role as one of 
our most important allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific provides the 
foundation for us to deepen our trade and investment ties. If 
confirmed, I would work closely with my colleagues in USTR and other 
relevant agencies to promote the Administration's trade policy agenda, 
which benefits American workers and enhances U.S. competitiveness in 
our economic relationship with the Philippines, as well as throughout 
the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. I have heard consistent feedback from Indo-Pacific allies 
and partners that the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) leaves a 
lot to be desired--especially since there is no market access 
component. What is your understanding of what IPEF seeks to achieve?

    Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the 
United States is developing the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) 
to deepen economic relations in the region and coordinate approaches to 
addressing global economic challenges. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with USTR, the Department of Commerce, and other agencies in 
the context of the framework to promote trade; secure supply chains; 
strengthen the digital economy; expand cooperation on infrastructure, 
clean energy, and decarbonization; and seek tax and anticorruption 
reforms.

    Question. Without market access, what incentive do our partners 
have to cooperate through IPEF?

    Answer. I understand the Administration continues to engage with 
Indo-Pacific partners as it develops the Indo-Pacific Economic 
Framework; however, I do not have specific information to share 
regarding the framework's components. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with USTR, the Department of Commerce, and other agencies to advance 
the framework and deepen our bilateral trade and investment ties with 
the Philippines.

    Question. The Philippines has a growing natural gas market and 
demand for natural gas to satisfy its energy needs. The Philippines is 
looking to engage with the U.S. on this issue, but so far the 
Administration has not shown openness to such engagement. Do you commit 
to advocating for engagement with the Philippines on natural gas 
issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead our team to engage fully with the 
Philippines to support their efforts to secure necessary resources to 
meet today's energy needs, while helping them plan to reduce reliance 
on fossil fuels into the future, to increase energy security, and 
support efforts to combat the climate crisis. I understand the 
Philippines faces a looming energy crisis as its major gas field--
Malampaya--could be depleted by 2027. The Philippines is considering a 
wide range of options to address this issue and is working with the 
United States to promote the market conditions and attract finance to 
support the Philippines in its energy transition and decarbonizing key 
industries. If confirmed, I would continue to deepen and strengthen our 
engagements with the Government of the Philippines on energy security, 
which is in the national interest of both our countries.

    Question. Do you commit to ensuring the Biden administration's 
focus on climate does not ignore the Philippines' legitimate energy 
goals and needs, especially in the near-term?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would commit to ensuring that our 
engagements with the Philippines on energy issues supports near-term 
energy needs given the current energy system, while investing in the 
transformation necessary to achieve long-term energy security and 
climate goals, which are consistent with one another.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your 
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to implement a 100-day plan that 
focuses on the mutual benefits that accrue to our countries as friends, 
partners, and allies. I would look to deepen the roots of the 
longstanding friendship and people-to-people ties between the United 
States and the Philippines through appropriate press engagements, 
encounters with alumni of U.S. Government programs, meetings with civil 
society groups, and outreach on social media. To foster stronger 
alliance ties, I would look to focus initial engagements on ways to 
upgrade and modernize our alliance to meet regional and global 
challenges. To promote our partnership, I would engage with a wide 
array of stakeholders to expand U.S. trade and investment and bolster 
economic development. Underpinning all of these efforts would be strong 
support for the values we share as democracies--the promotion of human 
rights, freedoms of speech and press, and support the rule of law and 
good governance.
    If confirmed, I would rely on our talented Embassy team to guide 
me. I would seek their views to help craft the specifics of an action 
plan for my first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines that 
supports my goals of deepening the alliance. With elections in May and 
a change in administration closely thereafter, another of my goals 
within my first 100 days would be to engage with the new administration 
to better promote policies that enhance the U.S.-Philippines alliance 
for the benefit of both our countries.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to engage with the new 
Philippines administration on after their presidential elections in 
June?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to engage with the new 
Philippines administration after the elections to deliver our 
commitment to the enduring U.S.-Philippines Alliance and to ensure 
utmost coordination in matters of mutual concern. I would seek to 
engage the new administration on the pillars of our expansive and 
enduring bilateral partnership, including on our robust security and 
defense cooperation, our strong economic ties, and our enduring people-
to-people connections. I would not shy away from difficult discussions 
on areas where we may disagree and would continue to press the 
Philippine Government to uphold human rights and democratic freedoms. I 
would seek to work with the new administration to deepen our 
partnership to allow us to cooperate even closer in support of the 
rules-based economic and security order in the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. The Philippines is at the front lines of Chinese military 
aggression and coercion in the South China Sea. Besides freedom of 
navigation operations, what else can the U.S. do to support our 
partners such as the Philippines in the South China Sea?

    Answer. Both the United States and the Philippines have a clear 
national interest in preserving unimpeded lawful commerce, respect for 
international law, including freedoms of navigation and overflight, and 
other lawful uses of the sea, and the peaceful resolution of disputes 
in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I would continue to push whole-
of-Government U.S. efforts to bolster Philippine capacity for maritime 
domain awareness in the South China Sea, including through improving 
the capacity of the Philippine Coast Guard. In addition to our law 
enforcement capacity building with the Coast Guard, we work with our 
Philippine alliance partners to counter illegal, unreported, and 
unregulated fishing, and enhance national efforts to protect critical 
marine resources that provide employment and food security for millions 
of Filipinos. If confirmed, I would seek to expand these efforts and 
encourage the Philippines to partner with its ASEAN neighbors to 
collaboratively address shared challenges in the South China Sea. 
Additionally, I would encourage our teams to work with Philippine 
partners to broaden cooperation on marine scientific research and 
energy exploration to take full advantage of our bilateral Science & 
Technology agreement. I would also encourage regular communication and 
coordination with the Philippines to address PRC provocations in the 
South China Sea. If confirmed, I would support joint maritime or naval 
operations anywhere in the Pacific, including the South China Sea, to 
fully demonstrate the range of our friendship and alliance with the 
Government of the Philippines, including our commitments under the 1951 
Mutual Defense Treaty, and to demonstrate the range of our mutual 
defense capabilities.

    Question. Do you agree that Philippine-claimed features in the 
South China Sea are covered by our mutual defense treaty with the 
Philippines?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States affirms 
the applicability of the 1951 U.S.-Philippine Mutual Defense Treaty to 
the South China Sea. The ``Joint Vision for a 21st Century United 
States-Philippines Partnership'' also reaffirms our shared treaty 
commitments, including our Mutual Defense Treaty obligations to respond 
to an armed attack in the Pacific Area on either the United States or 
the Philippines.

    Question. In your view, what are the benefits to both the United 
States and to the Philippines of our security relationship and the fact 
that we provide security assistance to the Philippine military?

    Answer. The Philippines is a vital security partner. The long-
standing, ironclad alliance between the Philippines and the United 
States has contributed to peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-
Pacific region for more than seven decades. U.S. dependability as an 
ally has been established over decades under the 1951 Mutual Defense 
Treaty which, together with the bilateral Visiting Forces Agreement and 
the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), continues to provide 
the foundation for the defense relationship and enables critical U.S. 
military support, presence, and interoperability. These agreements 
facilitate the rotational presence of U.S. forces in the Philippines, 
expand opportunities for bilateral training, support the long-term 
modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, augment the U.S. 
ability to provide rapid assistance to the Philippines in cases of 
natural disasters, and support our efforts to work closely with the 
Philippines to uphold the rules-based order in the South China Sea that 
protects the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea guaranteed to 
all nations.

    Question. Do you commit to ensuring that U.S. security assistance 
remains robust to the Philippines?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our diplomatic and defense 
engagement at all levels to ensure full coordination between our 
governments on shared interests and to explore ways in which our 
security assistance to the Philippines can continue to facilitate more 
effective implementation of alliance priorities.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Manila?

    Answer. One of the largest U.S. embassies in the Indo-Pacific, 
Mission Philippines counts on the talent, dedication, and service of 
our committed personnel. I understand that, like other missions in the 
region and around the world, Mission Philippines has been adversely 
affected by the global pandemic. I also understand that extended strict 
lockdowns in the Philippines prevented in-person schooling for the 
children of our Mission personnel and that other lockdown regulations 
prevented regular daily activities and engagements. I understand that 
the Philippines is beginning to lift those lockdowns and related 
restrictions and that travel has opened back up again. If confirmed, I 
would work in concert with the Embassy's leadership team to bolster 
morale by focusing on the team's welfare and supporting them and their 
families as they work to promote bilateral relations.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Manila?

    Answer. Our Embassy in Manila is more than a place of work; it is a 
community of people. If confirmed, I would prioritize the safety and 
well-being of Embassy Manila's talented staff and families, which 
includes ensuring that morale remains high. I would work with the 
Deputy Chief of Mission to conduct listening sessions across the 
mission. I would also work in concert with the Embassy's Community 
Liaison Office to understand and address any issues affecting morale 
and to determine what tools and resources can be made available to them 
to maintain the mission's strong sense of community.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Manila?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in 
Mission Philippines to understand their current priorities and 
engagements. I would also clearly communicate my priorities and those 
of the Biden-Harris administration.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. When it comes to leadership, management, and fostering 
teamwork, I like to say, ``It's impossible to overcommunicate, but 
please try.'' My management style is open and inclusive. I believe in 
sharing information--even tough news--wherever possible so that our 
teams are empowered by knowledge of our options and limitations and can 
think creatively as a group, bringing our diverse talents to bear to 
find smart solutions to problem sets.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe in berating mission employees in public or 
private. If confirmed, I commit to providing a safe and professional 
working environment for all Mission personnel.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. I have served as a Deputy Chief of Mission for nearly six 
years in two posts for four different ambassadors. I know firsthand the 
value of a trusted ambassador-DCM partnership in the front office and, 
if confirmed, I will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to serve as the 
Embassy's chief operating officer. I would regularly seek her guidance 
to ensure effective Embassy operations to enable the Embassy team to 
meet our strategic objectives in pursuit of strong bilateral ties.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission to 
serve as the Embassy's chief operating officer, relying on her 
knowledge of Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth 
functioning of Mission Philippines. I would also regularly seek her 
guidance on the full range of leadership, management, and policy issues 
the Mission faces.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. I like and have often referenced Kim Scott's concept of 
``Radical Candor,'' which posits that the best bosses are those who 
give direct, candid guidance to the people they supervise, thereby 
improving performance while demonstrating care for them as individuals 
and concern for their career development. I believe it is important to 
provide employees with accurate, constructive feedback on their 
performance in order to recognize their good work, encourage 
professional development, and reward those who successfully advance the 
priorities of the Department.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to recognize their 
good work, encourage professional development, and reward those who 
successfully advance the priorities of the Department.

    Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Strict COVID pandemic lockdowns over the past two years 
have curtailed Embassy operations in many countries, including, as I 
understand, in the Philippines. In my experience, however, that is a 
unique exception. As I have heard Secretary Blinken say, ``Diplomacy is 
a contact sport.'' Actively reaching out, establishing contacts, and 
getting out of the Embassy and into the communities in which we serve--
within the bounds of prudent security measures--are all essential 
elements of diplomatic outreach, critical to the conduct of effective 
diplomacy.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the public affairs team and 
others across the microcosm of the interagency in Mission Philippines 
to ensure we are reaching diverse Philippine audiences in an inclusive 
and strategic way.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Philippines?

    Answer. I understand there is a vibrant and active public diplomacy 
environment in the Philippines. If confirmed, I would work to expand 
and strengthen the relationship between our peoples and governments. 
Our public diplomacy efforts in the Philippines are effective and far-
reaching, thanks to both the high favorability rating the United States 
enjoys in the Philippines and the extended, well-organized, and active 
network of U.S. exchange program alumni with whom the Embassy regularly 
engages. I understand some of the Mission's most successful programs 
include cultural and sports programming, academic grants, educational 
exchanges, and international visitor programs. I would hope to continue 
science and technology-related public diplomacy programs which focus on 
encouraging youth, particularly women, to explore STEM fields. In all 
of our outreach, I would promote principles of diversity, equity, 
inclusion, and accessibility.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. I understand the COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for 
public diplomacy programming in the Philippines, although many 
initiatives have continued by shifting online or by changing logistics. 
Another challenge, as I understand it, is that U.S. spending on public 
diplomacy in the Philippines is dwarfed by that of the PRC. If 
confirmed, I would work with our team in Manila to continue to retain 
our edge by countering quantity with quality, but I would also seek to 
ensure our public diplomacy resources are sufficient to successfully 
combat PRC disinformation.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission 
Philippines to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in 
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. Mission personnel 
provide a broad range of expertise and local insights. If confirmed, I 
would draw on that local expertise to ensure our public diplomacy 
messages are appropriately calibrated for the local audience and that 
they reflect key foreign policy priorities.

    Question. ''Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected Embassy personnel and their family 
members. I agree we must take these reported incidents seriously. If 
confirmed, I would have no higher priority than the health, safety, and 
security of Embassy Manila staff and their families.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Manila personnel?

    Answer. I often say, ``It's impossible to overcommunicate, but 
please try.'' Open, effective communication is central to my leadership 
approach and, if confirmed, I wholeheartedly commit to talking as 
openly as I can to mission personnel not only about anomalous health 
incidents, but other issues as well. If confirmed, I commit to doing 
everything in my power to protect the health and safety of our Embassy 
team members and their families.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, the Philippines was identified as Tier 1 but the Government was 
noted as convicting fewer traffickers in the reporting period. Knowing 
there is room for improvement despite meeting the minimum standards, 
how will you work with the host government to address these issues if 
you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Trafficking in persons is a matter of deep concern for me, 
and if confirmed I would actively engage the Government of the 
Philippines to address this issue, including by sharing best practices 
from the United States and other likeminded partners. If confirmed, I 
would reinforce the need to vigorously investigate and prosecute sex 
and labor trafficking cases, as well as other forms of human 
trafficking, and hold convicted traffickers accountable.

    Question. If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these 
efforts in conjunction with the Ambassador-at-Large.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would direct my team to encourage the 
Philippines to adopt the prioritized recommendations in the Department 
of State's annual Trafficking in Persons Report and I would work 
closely with the Ambassador-at-Large, when one is appointed and 
confirmed, to coordinate U.S. engagements with the Government of the 
Philippines to combat and prevent trafficking in persons.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom Report, the Philippines was identified as not particularly 
tolerant of religious freedom, especially among Muslims. What is your 
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work 
with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States 
maintains its unwavering support to promote respect for and protect 
freedom of religion or belief for all. The annual International 
Religious Freedom Report notes that the Philippines' constitution 
provides for the free exercise of religion and religious worship, and I 
understand that Mission Philippines has conducted a broad range of 
engagement with the Government of the Philippines and with civil 
society to highlight the importance of international religious freedom. 
If confirmed, I would ensure that we continue these important 
engagements, and I would work with the Ambassador-at-Large to explore 
ways that we can bolster religious freedom in the Philippines. I 
appreciate the longstanding Congressional support on freedom of 
religion or belief and look forward to working with you on how we can 
continue to preserve and protect this human right.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Philippines was identified as having committed severe human rights 
abuses including but not limited to unlawful or arbitrary killings, 
including extrajudicial killings; reports of forced disappearance; 
torture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary 
detention by and on behalf of the Government and nonstate actors; and 
more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
with the host government?

    Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law is 
fundamental to U.S. relations with the Philippines. The alliance with 
the Philippines is foundational to the U.S. role in the Indo-Pacific, 
and the relationship is built on shared values and principles founded 
upon mutual democratic aspirations. As a friend, partner, and ally of 
the Philippines, the United States maintains a robust dialogue with the 
Philippine Government about all aspects of our long-standing 
relationship, including human rights concerns, such as those related to 
freedom of expression, including for members of the press, and reports 
of extrajudicial killings. Sustained constructive engagement with all 
levels of the Philippine Government, military, and civil society is 
essential for promoting respect for human rights.
    If confirmed, I would ensure that we continue this engagement with 
the Government, military, and civil society. In discussions with my 
Filipino counterparts, I would reinforce the importance of human 
rights, particularly adequate legal protections and the rule of law. If 
confirmed, I would also work to improve access to and administration of 
justice in the Philippines, through programs administered by USAID, the 
Department of Justice, and the Department of State's Bureau of 
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure a whole-of-embassy effort to 
diligently monitor the human rights situation in the Philippines. 
Through numerous ongoing training and development programs, the team 
and I would work to support and enhance the efforts of Philippine human 
rights defenders, including civil society organizations that are 
bravely working to promote respect for human rights. I would also 
continue to work with USAID, the Department of Justice, the Department 
of State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement 
Affairs, and other U.S. Government agencies as they administer and 
manage their programs in the Philippines.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. On March 30, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Maria Ressa 
testified before the East Asia, the Pacific, and International 
Cybersecurity Policy Subcommittee about the assault on freedom of 
expression in Asia and the upcoming elections in the Philippines which 
Ms. Ressa characterized as ``an existential moment'' for democracy in 
the Philippines. I'm concerned that successive U.S. administrations 
have put human rights on the backburner. As we've seen time and time 
again, authoritarian governments make unreliable partners. If 
confirmed, will you pledge to publicly and privately elevate issues of 
human rights, freedom of speech, and the rule of law with the new 
Government of the Philippines?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to publicly and privately elevate 
issues of human rights, freedom of speech, and the rule of law. 
Promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law is fundamental 
to U.S. relations with the Philippines. The alliance with the 
Philippines is built on shared democratic values and principles, which 
would anchor my engagement with the Philippines Government if I am 
confirmed. I would also work to improve the Administration of justice, 
which is crucial for achieving adequate legal protections and access to 
justice, through programs administered by U.S. interagency partners, 
including USAID, the Department of Justice, and the Department of 
State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. 
Through our numerous ongoing training and development programs, I would 
work to support and enhance the efforts of Philippine human rights 
defenders, including civil society organizations that are bravely and 
continuously working to promote respect for human rights. I would 
ensure the team at our Embassy continues to diligently monitor the 
human rights situation in the Philippines, and, in discussions with my 
Filipino counterparts, I would reinforce the importance of respect for 
human rights and the rule of law.
    If confirmed, I would also encourage the Government of the 
Philippines to respect freedom of expression and freedom of the press. 
I would continue to support local initiatives to counter 
disinformation. I remain concerned about the cases against journalist 
Maria Ressa and Senator Leila de Lima and by the politically motivated 
refusal to renew the license of ABS-CBN, the country's largest 
broadcast network. If confirmed, I would continue to call for 
resolution of the cases in a way consistent with the Philippines' 
constitution and international obligations, including protection of the 
right to freedom of expression.
    I appreciate Congress's close attention to the full range of human 
rights issues and, if confirmed, look forward to continuing our close 
consultations on these important matters.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Todd Young

    Question. It is my understanding there are over 5,000 certified 
foreign nurses approved for entry into the United States from the 
Philippines. They are waiting for in-person interviews at the Embassy, 
sometimes without any word as to when those interviews may happen. I 
have heard from numerous hospitals across Indiana who desperately need 
these nurses and are anxiously awaiting their arrival. If confirmed, 
how will you work to reduce the backlog of foreign nurses?

    Answer. According to State Department statistics, Consular 
operations at the U.S. Embassy in the Philippines are among the largest 
and most high-profile in the world. U.S. visa operations play an 
important role in our people-to-people ties, and, especially now, help 
to provide qualified skilled workers in crucial industries such as 
healthcare. I understand the consular section at U.S Embassy Manila is 
making significant progress toward adjudicating E3 immigrant visas for 
nurses and other critical industry workers and their families. If 
confirmed, I will ensure continued momentum in adjudicating these 
critical industry visas in accordance with all relevant U.S. laws and 
regulations and will make sure our resources are focused on this 
effort, while also supporting other important priorities of the 
Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to improving the level of 
communication between the Embassy and the nurses applying for a visa?

    Answer. Yes, improving communication is a constant goal--in this 
issue area and others of significance to bilateral ties. The consular 
section of the U.S. Embassy in Manila is working hard to adjudicate E3 
immigrant visas for nurses and other critical industry workers and 
their families. If confirmed, I will ensure that our Consular 
operations continue their momentum in adjudicating these critical 
industry visas and ensure that our Mission devotes resources to this 
effort, including to ensuring timely and proper communication with visa 
applicants, while also supporting other important priorities of the 
Mission

    Question. What is your perspective on how we can strengthen our 
diplomatic engagement with the Philippines, particularly after several 
rocky years?

    Answer. The long-standing, ironclad alliance between the 
Philippines and the United States is irreplaceable and foundational to 
our strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific. As friends, partners, and 
allies, we must continue building on the well-established foundation 
between our two countries to strengthen our bilateral engagement in the 
face of new global challenges.
    If confirmed, I would continue to closely engage with top 
Philippine leadership to ensure utmost coordination in matters of 
mutual concern. This includes working with the Philippines to enable 
stronger security and defense cooperation and to expand opportunities 
for bilateral training, exercises, and capacity building to advance 
peace and security in the region. I would also work to ensure our 
security cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and law 
enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and violent 
extremism.
    If confirmed, I would continue U.S. efforts to urge the Philippine 
Government to conduct all law enforcement operations in accordance with 
the rule of law and consistent with its international human rights 
obligations, and I would urge the Government to conduct thorough, 
transparent investigations into all suspected unlawful killings, and to 
hold accountable those who are responsible. I would also work to 
strengthen the Administration of justice and support Philippine human 
rights defenders and civil society, and encourage respect for freedom 
of expression, including for members of the press. Finally, if 
confirmed, I would support reforms that enhance transparency, assure 
labor rights protections, boost beneficial trade and investment between 
our two countries, and increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply 
chains. I would promote an economic partnership that engages the U.S. 
and Philippine private sectors to invest in climate action and support 
low-carbon energy security.

    Question. From your perspective, what advantages does the 
Philippines bring to our U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, particularly in 
terms of maritime security and supply chain resilience?

    Answer. The Philippines is a vital, irreplaceable, and critically 
important partner to the United States in the Indo-Pacific. The 
alliance between our two countries has contributed to peace, stability, 
and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region for more than seven decades. 
If confirmed, I intend to work with the Philippines to deepen the 
special partnership between our two countries. I would continue to 
encourage diplomatic and defense engagement at all levels to ensure 
full coordination between our governments on shared interests, 
including upholding the rules-based order in the South China Sea that 
protects the rights and freedoms guaranteed to all nations. I would 
work to enhance bilateral coordination and communication processes to 
facilitate more effective implementation of alliance priorities, and I 
would work with colleagues across the interagency to expand cooperation 
in our shared priority areas such as maritime security and supply chain 
resilience.

    Question. What is your view on how we can deepen our economic 
relationship with the Philippines under the Indo-Pacific strategy? Are 
there opportunities for engagement on digital trade in particular?

    Answer. The United States and the Philippines enjoy strong economic 
ties that benefit the peoples of both our countries. In 2021, the 
United States was among the Philippines' top three trading partners and 
the Philippines was the United States' 31st largest goods trading 
partner. If confirmed, I would work hard to lower barriers to trade and 
investment through our bilateral and multilateral engagements, 
including through our regular Bilateral Strategic Dialogue with the 
Government of the Philippines and through fora such as the Asia-Pacific 
Economic Cooperation (APEC). I would also work closely with the Office 
of the U.S. Trade Representative to support engagement through our 
bilateral U.S.-Philippines Trade and Investment Framework Agreement 
(TIFA), as well as through our multilateral TIFA with the Association 
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). I would ensure the U.S. Mission in 
Manila continues to advocate for stronger trade and investment ties and 
for commercial and defense sales consistent with applicable law and 
U.S. Government policy. If confirmed, I intend to explore more ways to 
encourage mutually beneficial U.S. investment in the Philippines, 
including by tackling some of the issues cited by the private sector, 
such as corruption and customs issues. I would also work with the 
Government of the Philippines to explore new opportunities to enhance 
our bilateral economic relationship, including on cyber and digital 
trade.

    Question. Given that polls in the Philippines suggest that nearly 
60 percent of Filipinos do not trust the Chinese, why do you think 
President Duterte has sought to pivot towards some form of an alliance 
with China?

    Answer. Publicly available opinion polls show that the Philippine 
public shares our concerns about aggressive and unlawful actions by the 
PRC in the region. At the same time, the Philippines, like the United 
States, has economic ties to China. If confirmed, I would encourage our 
Philippine allies to continue to proactively raise concerns over PRC 
actions that undermine the rules-based international order. I would 
also encourage regular communication and coordination with the 
Philippines to address common security concerns, in particular the 
PRC's increasingly provocative and destabilizing activities in the 
South China Sea.

    Question. Ahead of the May elections, what is your sense of how the 
various candidates are evaluating relations with China? Do you believe 
the relationship with China will change substantively in a new 
government?

    Answer. The U.S.-Philippines relationship is one of friends, 
partners, and allies who coordinate across the full range of human 
endeavor to promote the interests of our peoples. We enjoy a vital 
partnership and, if confirmed, I look forward to strengthening 
bilateral ties in coordination with the new democratically elected 
government that is slated to take office in early July. I understand 
the various candidates are currently campaigning and determining their 
platforms and policy positions, including on Philippine relations with 
the PRC. As Secretary Blinken has repeatedly said, the United States is 
not asking the Philippines, or any other country, to choose sides. 
Instead, we seek to partner with the Philippines on issues of shared 
concern, including with regard to the PRC's provocative behavior in the 
region. If confirmed, I would encourage our Philippine allies to 
continue to proactively raise concerns over PRC actions that undermine 
regional stability and the rules-based international order.

    Question. Given your extensive background in the region, how do you 
view Chinese influence and interests in the Philippines?

    Answer. Like the United States, the Philippines maintains a robust 
relationship with the PRC that includes economic and people-to-people 
ties. The Philippines, however, shares our concerns about the PRC's 
provocative behavior in the region. For example, it was the 
Philippines' initiative that led to the 2016 ruling by the arbitral 
tribunal rejecting the PRC's expansive and unlawful claims in the South 
China Sea. The Philippines is one of the states most affected by the 
PRC's unlawful maritime claims. PRC activities in the South China Sea 
threaten Philippine livelihoods, food security, biodiversity, and 
energy security. As such, both the United States and the Philippines 
have a clear national interest in preserving unimpeded lawful commerce, 
respect for international law, including freedoms of navigation and 
overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea, and the peaceful 
resolution of disputes in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I would 
continue to push whole-of-government U.S. efforts to bolster Philippine 
capacity for maritime domain awareness in the South China Sea and I 
would also encourage regular communication and coordination with the 
Philippines on addressing the PRC's coercive activities in the South 
China Sea.

    Question. How would you approach engaging with the Government of 
the Philippines on matters relating to China if confirmed as the 
Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would endeavor to strengthen the 
irreplaceable U.S.-Philippines alliance, which serves as a source of 
common security in the region. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken 
have stated, the U.S. approach to the PRC will be competitive when it 
should be, cooperative when it can be, and confrontational when it must 
be. The common denominator in this approach is the need to engage 
Beijing from a position of collective strength, which means working 
with partners like the Philippines, because our combined weight, backed 
by law, is much harder for the PRC to ignore.
    If confirmed, I would encourage our Philippine allies to continue 
to proactively raise concerns over PRC actions that threaten regional 
stability and undermine the rules-based international order. I would 
also encourage regular communication and coordination with the 
Philippines to address common security concerns, in particular the 
PRC's increasingly provocative activities in the South China Sea. This 
includes continuing to push whole-of-government U.S. efforts to bolster 
Philippine capacity for maritime domain awareness, including through 
improving the capacity of the Philippine Coast Guard; encouraging 
regular communication and coordination with the Philippines regarding 
provocations in the South China Sea; and supporting joint maritime or 
naval operations anywhere in the Pacific, the South China Sea included. 
I would promote these joint efforts to fully demonstrate the range of 
our friendship and alliance with the Government and people of the 
Philippines, including our commitments under the 1951 Mutual Defense 
Treaty, and to demonstrate the range of our mutual defense 
capabilities.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Jeff Merkley

    Question. If confirmed, how would you support efforts to 
investigate human rights violations in the Philippines committed by the 
Duterte regime, the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed 
Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and the 
Philippine National Police?

    Answer. As friends, partners, and allies, the Philippines and the 
United States maintain a robust dialogue about all aspects of our long-
standing relationship, including human rights concerns. Sustained 
constructive engagement with all levels of the Philippine Government, 
military, and society is essential for promoting respect for human 
rights--values that underpin our relationship. If confirmed, I would 
continue active engagement, to include a strong focus on bringing to 
justice those responsible for extrajudicial killings. If confirmed, I 
would continue to urge the Government to conduct all law enforcement 
operations in accordance with the rule of law and consistent with the 
Philippines' constitution and international human rights obligations. 
In discussions with Filipino counterparts, I would reinforce the 
importance of fair trial guarantees, all other applicable legal 
protections, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I would ensure the team 
at our embassy continues to diligently monitor the human rights 
situation in the Philippines. I appreciate Congressional attention to 
this issue and look forward to continuing close consultations.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you ensure accountability that 
U.S. military aid to the Philippines does not fund further human rights 
violations?

    Answer. The U.S.-Philippines alliance is strategically 
irreplaceable and foundational to the U.S. role in the Indo-Pacific. 
The Philippines is a linchpin connecting Northeast Asia with maritime 
Southeast Asia and sits astride vital sea lines of communication; thus, 
strong strategic relations with the Philippines are essential to our 
national security. Time and again, the Philippines has proven crucial--
whether in facilitating our response to natural disasters in the region 
or enabling our ability to respond to contingencies and shape security 
in the Indo-Pacific.
    The promotion of respect for human rights is also an indispensable 
element of our foreign policy and advances our strategic interests. If 
confirmed, I would appreciate the opportunity to discuss how we can 
best simultaneously achieve our human rights objectives and our 
security assistance objectives to protect the national security 
interests of the United States.
    If confirmed, I would work to ensure that no assistance is provided 
to Philippine security units credibly implicated in a gross violation 
of human rights, including by complying with all Leahy vetting 
requirements. Our programs and assistance to the Armed Forces of the 
Philippines and the Philippine National Police include human rights 
training and associated institutional capacity building programs, and I 
would ensure that training and those programs continue, as appropriate, 
if confirmed.
    I understand that our embassy closely tracks allegations of human 
rights abuses and restricts assistance to security forces credibly 
implicated in gross violations of human rights in accordance with the 
Leahy Law. If confirmed, I would ensure we continue to devote adequate 
resources into this effort.

    Question. Given the strong military relationship between the U.S. 
and Philippines, how has the U.S. used its leverage and close ties to 
encourage the military to uphold human rights and democratic 
principles?

    Answer. The United States' and the Philippines' shared commitment 
to democracy is an integral part of our longstanding partnership. The 
United States is committed to partnering with the Philippines to 
strengthen its democratic resilience, and we regularly raise the 
importance of protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms in our 
bilateral engagements, including with the armed forces. Sustained 
constructive engagement with all levels of the Philippine military is 
essential for promoting both respect for human rights and U.S. security 
interests. If confirmed, I would continue the robust dialogue with the 
Philippine armed forces about all aspects of our longstanding 
relationship, including human rights concerns. I would ensure post is 
complying with all Leahy vetting requirements to help ensure that no 
assistance is provided to Philippine security units credibly implicated 
in gross violations of human rights. I would communicate U.S. 
requirements to our Philippine counterparts so they understand the 
consequences of committing gross human rights violations. If confirmed, 
I would work to ensure our U.S. programs and assistance to the 
Philippines armed forces and select police units include human rights 
training and associated institutional capacity building programs.

    Question. What is the U.S. Government's position on the legacy of 
the Marcos Dictatorship?

    Answer. The Philippines is a vibrant democratic ally with which we 
share a long and important history. The deep friendship and people-to-
people ties between our two democracies have stood the test of time, 
bolstered by more than 75 years of robust diplomatic ties spanning 
different administrations in both countries. If confirmed, I pledge to 
work with the Government of the Philippines to ensure that our alliance 
continues to reflect our shared values and highest ideals, and I would 
work to ensure that our engagements with and assistance to the 
Philippines support good governance, human rights protections, and the 
rule of law.

    Question. How will U.S. policy towards the Philippines change if 
Marcos wins the upcoming presidential election?

    Answer. The alliance with the Philippines is built on shared values 
and principles founded upon mutual democratic aspirations. The upcoming 
elections provide Filipinos the opportunity to democratically elect 
their leaders. The Philippine people elect their leaders; we elect to 
work with their leaders to further our mutual interests in the Indo-
Pacific and across the globe. If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our 
partnership, strengthen people-to-people ties between our two 
democracies, upgrade and modernize our alliance to face new challenges, 
expand U.S. trade and investment, and support the rule of law and good 
governance.

    Question. What is the likelihood that the 2022 elections in the 
Philippines can be considered ``free and fair'' and an accurate 
representation of the will of the people?

    Answer. The upcoming elections in the Philippines provide the 
opportunity for Filipinos to exercise their will and their democratic 
right to vote for their leaders. As documented in the State 
Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, international and national 
observers viewed the Philippines' most recent midterm elections in May 
2019 as well organized and generally free and fair, even though vote 
buying continued to be widespread and dynastic political families 
continued to monopolize elective offices. If confirmed, I would look 
for opportunities to offer U.S. election support, share good governance 
strategies with the Philippine Government, and engage with the new 
democratically elected administration.

    Question. What steps is the U.S. taking to support the development 
of democracy in the Philippines and prevent autocratic rule?

    Answer. The United States works closely with interlocutors in the 
Philippines to support the development of democracy. Programs 
administered by USAID, the Department of Justice, and the Department of 
State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs 
support improving the Administration of justice, which is crucial for 
achieving due process and access to justice. Through our numerous 
ongoing training and development programs, we support and enhance the 
efforts of Philippine human rights defenders including civil society 
organizations who are bravely and continuously working to promote 
respect for human rights. The United States supports the work of local 
human rights advocates to enhance access to justice for the most 
vulnerable communities, including victims of the drug war. If 
confirmed, I would strive, in consultation with Congress, to enhance 
our government's work with Philippine civil society organizations to 
inspire the public to seek, affirm, and demand the observance of human 
rights. I understand that our embassy closely tracks allegations of 
human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will ensure we continue to put 
adequate resources into these efforts.

    Question. Has the State Department considered the imposition of 
sanctions on those individuals that are actively trying to undermine 
democracy in the Philippines?

    Answer. The United States is committed to helping the Philippines 
strengthen its democratic resilience and we regularly raise the 
importance of protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms with all 
levels of the Philippine Government, military, and civil society. If 
confirmed, I will reinforce the importance of human rights, 
particularly fair trial guarantees, all other applicable legal 
protections, and the rule of law in my discussions with my Filipino 
counterparts. I appreciate Congressional attention to human rights in 
the Philippines and look forward to continuing close consultations with 
you on this issue.



                               __________


 
                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                         WEDNESDAY, MAY 4, 2022

                               U.S. Senate,
                    Committee on Foreign Relations,
                          Subcommittee on European Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:04 p.m., in 
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeanne 
Shaheen presiding.
    Present: Senators Shaheen [presiding], Menendez, Kaine, 
Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Young, and 
Barrasso. Also Present: Senator Schumer.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE

    Senator Shaheen. This hearing of the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee's Subcommittee on European Affairs will 
come to order, and I apologize for being a little late this 
afternoon.
    As you may have heard, there is a lot going on. We have 
about 28 votes that are starting at 2:30. So I think we will 
probably pass the gavel back and forth so that we can try and 
continue the hearing while the votes are going on, and in the 
interest of expediting my remarks to get to each of you, I am 
going to submit my opening statement for the record and just 
start by welcoming three important nominees to advance 
America's foreign policy: Ambassador Jane Hartley, who has been 
nominated to the Court of St. James in the United Kingdom; 
Constance Milstein nominated to the Republic of Malta; and Alan 
Leventhal nominated to the Kingdom of Denmark.
    Welcome to each of you. This hearing will also review the 
nomination of Dr. Bruce Turner to serve as U.S. representative 
to the Conference on Disarmament.
    Again, we are delighted to be able to hear from each of you 
today and to have a chance to ask you some questions about what 
we hope will be soon-to-be confirmed posts.
    Let me, again, submit my remarks for the record along with 
a statement from Senator Coons, who is not going to be able to 
be here but also wanted a statement entered into the record, 
and turn it over to the ranking member, Senator Johnson.


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Jeanne Shaheen

    I would like to call this hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee to order. This hearing will review the nominations of three 
important nominees to advance America's foreign policy: Ambassador Jane 
Hartley to the Court of St James in the United Kingdom, Constance 
Milstein to the Republic of Malta and Alan Levanthal to the Kingdom of 
Demark. This hearing will also review the nomination of Dr. Bruce 
Turner to serve as U.S. Representative to the Conference on 
Disarmament.
    Today, more than ever, our diplomats are critical in advancing U.S 
foreign policy and national security interests amid the most seismic 
shifts of our global security landscape in 80 years.
    Putin is trying to rewrite history by rebuilding the Soviet Union--
challenging the international values, laws and institutions that have 
kept our world safe since World War II.
    The bloodshed and senseless violence that Putin is waging upon the 
Ukrainian people--as well as the Ukrainian people's unrelenting resolve 
to protect their country--has captured the hearts of communities around 
the entire world. Putin must be held accountable for his egregious 
crimes.
    But we can't do it alone. And that's why our relationships with our 
partners and allies--especially through our alliances--are so important 
to hold Putin to account.
    But for Putin to feel the full weight of consequences of his 
actions, we must have ambassadors in place to coordinate our response. 
And we can maximize our bilateral cooperation by confirming ambassadors 
to further strengthen that coordination.
    Just two weeks ago, I was in the Western Balkans on a Congressional 
delegation with Senator Murphy and Senator Tillis. We had the 
opportunity to meet three very recently confirmed Ambassadors. It was 
clear from our meetings that our diplomatic impact is sustained by the 
dedicated public servants of the Foreign Service but can truly be 
transformed with confirmed Ambassadors on the ground.
    I am pleased to see that Leader Schumer is here to introduce 
Ambassador Jane Hartley and Constance Milstein, but I'd like to mention 
why the position of Ambassador to the United Kingdom is so important, 
as it has a special connection to my home state of New Hampshire.
    In March 1941, former Governor of New Hampshire John Winant was 
appointed Ambassador to the United Kingdom at a critical moment for UK-
U.S. relations. Great Britain was suffering from relentless bombings 
from Nazi Germany and sought support from the United States to push 
back against Hitler--not just for the sake of Great Britain but for the 
future of Europe.
    Ambassador Winant played a critical role in implementing the Lend-
Lease program and, once the United States formally entered the war, 
played an integral role in maintaining close coordination between 
Churchill and Roosevelt in planning the Allied response. Ambassador 
Winant is an overlooked figure in World War II history but his efforts 
put the word `special' in this bilateral relationship. And this is 
precisely why--and how--our Ambassadors are so essential in bolstering 
our bilateral relationships.
    I have no doubt that Ambassador Hartley's experience and background 
has prepared her to also add value to the bilateral relationship to our 
relations with the United Kingdom. Ambassador Hartley previously served 
as Ambassador to France and Monaco during a critical tenure in U.S.-
France relations--coordinating responses to the terrorist attacks at 
the Bataclan, the Charlie Hebdo attacks and the migrant crisis of 2015.
    In recognition of her contributions to U.S.-France relations, she 
received the Legion of Honor from the French Government.
    Ms. Hartley's appointment comes at a transformative moment for the 
UK, which is redefining its role in the world after voting to leave the 
European Union in 2015.
    I have been impressed by the UK's leading response to the Ukraine 
crisis, providing critical lethal assistance to Ukraine and closely 
aligning with the United States within NATO and the U.N. to condemn and 
punish Putin for his belligerent actions.
    Although there is strong interest in the Senate to advance a trade 
agreement with the UK, it must be said that we are also closely 
watching the situation in Northern Ireland.
    We wish to see continued implementation of the Good Friday and 
Stormont House Agreements to ensure lasting peace in Northern Ireland. 
Significantly, next year the UK will honor the 25th anniversary of the 
Good Friday Agreement, providing an opportunity to celebrate an 
extraordinary achievement and recommit to peace, stability and 
prosperity in Northern Ireland.
    I am also pleased to see Constance Milstein nominated to the 
position of Ambassador to Malta. Ms. Milstein has long supported 
important philanthropic causes in support of young people around the 
world, and I applaud her lifelong commitment to supporting our service 
members and their families.
    Her nomination comes at an important time for our continued 
collaboration with Malta on resisting Russia's malign influence in 
Europe. I welcomed Malta's announcement that it would end so-called 
``golden passports'' for Russian and Belarusian nationals in response 
to Russia's illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
    The U.S. Senate remains committed, in a bipartisan fashion, to 
supporting Ukraine against the Kremlin's bloody campaign and resisting 
Russia's attempts to destabilize Europe and the free world. 
Expeditiously confirming Ms. Milstein to Malta is an important part of 
that support.
    I am glad to see Alan Levanthal today, nominated to be the U.S. 
Ambassador to Denmark. Mr. Levanthal has been the Chairman and CEO of 
Beacon Capital Partners since its founding in 1998. He has a long 
history working on international issues in the public and private 
sector. And the timing of his nomination is also important for our 
relations with Denmark.
    I welcome Denmark's decision to significantly increase its defense 
budget to meet its two percent defense spending commitment by 2033, 
though I would note that a more expedited timeline might be required 
given the significant threat that Russia poses. I also note that 
Denmark seeks to become independent of Russian natural gas.
    It is in America's interest to help advance and accelerate 
America's energy diversification strategy and reduce its reliance on 
Russian gas.
    Last, I welcome Dr. Bruce Turner, nominated to be U.S. 
Representative to the Conference on Disarmament. Dr. Turner has a 
distinguished record of service with the Department of State that will 
enhance U.S. presence at the Conference on Disarmament, a crucial body 
supporting arms control and disarmament.
    These issues are all the more pressing given the new threats to 
democratic security around the world, including from Russia, China and 
North Korea.
    All appointments come at an important moment for global security, 
as the U.S. faces new threats from our adversaries, including Russia.
    So without further ado, I'd like to hand it over to the ranking 
member for his opening remarks. We will then turn to the nominees for 
their opening statements.



                               __________


            Prepared Statement of Hon. Christopher A. Coons

    I am proud and honored to have the opportunity to introduce a dear 
friend, Connie Milstein, who has been nominated by President Biden to 
serve as our Ambassador to the Republic of Malta.
    I would be remiss if I didn't also thank her family for their 
unwavering support of Connie in helping her achieve her goals, 
particularly her husband Said and her daughters, Abigail and Joanna.
    I first met Connie when I was a New Castle County Executive, and 
she was involved in the Democratic Leadership Council. She was one of 
my earliest supporters.
    As an attorney, business leader, philanthropist, and political 
force, Connie has made important contributions to strengthening our 
democracy.
    She possesses the rare talent and passion for seeking out and 
lifting up young elected officials working in state and local 
government in an effort to drive principled American leadership. I am 
one of many who have benefited from her work, which transcends party 
lines.
    In addition to her work in politics, Connie has served the 
Secretary of the Army and has tirelessly worked to support our troops 
throughout her career. She is a founding board member of Blue Star 
Families, the nation's largest support organization for military 
spouses and children. She also started Dog Tag Bakery, a company, whose 
mission is to use its profits to transform the lives of veterans with 
service-connected disabilities, their military spouses, and their 
caregivers through investment in their higher learning.
    Connie is a proud American, an internationalist, and an incredibly 
capable individual to take this post.
    I look forward to supporting her in this work and urge my 
colleagues to support her nomination.


                 STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN

    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Madam Chair. I will follow your 
fine example. I also ask my opening statement be entered into 
the record.
    I also want to welcome the nominees and thank them for 
their past service but also for their willingness to serve in 
these capacities as well. So I am looking forward to hearing 
from your testimony.
    And thank you, Madam Chair.


                 Prepared Statement of Hon. Ron Johnson

    Thank you Senator Shaheen.
    I would like to thank each of the nominees, as well as their 
families, for their service. If confirmed, our nominees will be 
preforming important diplomatic service at a critical time for Europe 
and the world. You would be working to advance our national interests 
in Denmark, Malta, and the United Kingdom, as well as at the Conference 
on Disarmament. You would be responsible not only for representing 
America there, but you will also need to ensure that you keep America 
informed as to those countries views back here at home, especially by 
keeping members of this committee and our staffs updated on the 
situation on the ground. If the vision for a Europe `whole, free and at 
peace' is ever to become a reality, we must work in close coordination 
with our European allies and partners, leveraging our position in 
international institutions, to reject and combat Russia's illegal and 
unprovoked atrocities and war crimes in Ukraine, as well as other 
malign activities by America's adversaries.
    The United Kingdom and Denmark are both stalwart NATO allies, and 
very close bilateral partners of the U.S. As we work together to 
counter Russia's latest attack on Ukraine and to strengthen NATO, we 
should also seize the moment to reach deeper levels of friendship, 
including strengthening trade and defense cooperation. While Malta is 
not a NATO member, it has been an active U.S. partner in a number of 
ways, including combatting transnational crime in the Mediterranean. 
Given Malta's strategic location, opportunities to develop a more 
robust partnership should be pursued. All three countries have 
committed to enforcing sanctions against Russia, with the United 
Kingdom and Denmark also taking the important step of providing weapons 
and other types of support to the Ukrainian people.
    I look forward to hearing from all the witnesses and am grateful to 
them for appearing today.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Johnson.
    Let me also recognize the ranking member of the full 
committee, Senator Risch. We are glad that you are here as 
well, and I know we are waiting for Senator Schumer, who we 
think is going to come to do introductions of Ambassador 
Hartley and Ms. Milstein.
    But in the meantime, I am going to ask, Senator Markey, if 
you would like to introduce Mr. Leventhal.

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair. It is my 
honor to be here today to introduce Alan Leventhal, nominated 
to be the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark.
    Joining Alan today are his wife, Sherry, and his son, 
Alexander, and it is a proud day for the Leventhal family, 
which has had a long, rich history in the city of Boston, 
transforming it.
    He is a son of the Commonwealth. In his highly successful 
business, academic, and nonprofit endeavors, he has left his 
mark on Boston and beyond. First, in the literal sense, his 
company has made downtown Boston's financial districts bustling 
as a destination, and it was also behind the revitalization of 
the Boston Harbor through the construction of Rowes Wharf and, 
really, opening up Boston Harbor to the city of Boston for the 
first time in 50 years.
    And, more importantly, Alan has left his mark in improving 
the lives of those in his community in the fight against 
cancer. He funded the sharpest minds as chair of the Damon 
Runyon Cancer Research Service. Their track record was 
impressive. Twelve of the individuals they funded ended up 
winning the Nobel Prize.
    He has also left his mark in education, which he considers 
his true passion. He served on the governing board at MIT, 
which dedicates $2 billion every year on research funding to 
tackle the top challenges our country faces.
    Alan jokes that he may be the only one in his family that 
does not have a degree from Boston University. But through his 
transformational work as chair of the board of trustees at BU, 
he created greater opportunities for tens of thousands of proud 
BU graduates during his tenure.
    He will assume his post in Copenhagen at a time of great 
turmoil in the European continent. Denmark plays an outsized 
role in supporting U.N. peacekeeping operations and the counter 
ISIS campaign.
    Unsurprisingly, Denmark has, again, risen to the challenge 
in Europe's response to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, 
including by weaning itself off of Russian fossil fuels. As 
Ambassador, Alan will play a key role in building upon that 
unified response to Russian aggression.
    It is a country of just 6 million people but it has few 
peers when it comes to the global fight against climate change, 
Alan knows, because his buildings are the best buildings in 
terms of energy efficiency that can be constructed.
    He and Boston brought together business and civic leaders 
through the Boston Green Ribbon Commission to show that clean 
energy is good for our economies and for our planet.
    We are very proud of him in Massachusetts, but it is his 
lifetime of work in combating the scourge of cancer, the 
climate crisis, and training the next generation of American 
leaders that makes Massachusetts not just the Bay State but the 
brain state, and we are proud to have him as someone who 
represents our state.
    The diversity of his experience also makes him a fantastic 
choice to be our top diplomat to the Kingdom of Denmark at a 
moment of great consequence for our country and the planet.
    I urge his swift confirmation by the Foreign Relations 
Committee and by the United States Senate.
    I thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Markey.
    I understand that Senator Schumer is only a few minutes 
away. So with your indulgence, I would like to introduce Dr. 
Bruce Turner, and then we will start testimony from Dr. Turner, 
headed towards Ambassador Hartley, and hope that before we get 
too far along Senator Schumer will be here.
    And, Senator Markey, I know that you may have to leave and 
feel free to do that whenever you are ready.
    Senator Markey. I thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Dr. Bruce Turner has been nominated to be 
U.S. Representative to the Conference on Disarmament. Dr. 
Turner has a distinguished record of service with the 
Department of State that will enhance U.S. presence at the 
Conference on Disarmament, which is a crucial body supporting 
arms control and disarmament, and, as we know, these issues are 
even more pressing right now, given the new threats to 
democratic security around the world, including from Russia, 
China, and North Korea.
    All of these appointments today come in a moment, an 
important moment, for global security as the U.S. faces new 
threats from our adversaries, including Russia.
    So while we continue to await Senator Schumer, I will ask 
Dr. Turner if you would like to begin your testimony.
    Thank you.

 STATEMENT OF DR. BRUCE I. TURNER OF COLORADO, NOMINATED TO BE 
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT IN GENEVA, 
    WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE

    Mr. Turner. Thank you, Madam Chair, Ranking Member Johnson, 
and distinguished members of the committee.
    It is the honor of a lifetime to appear before you as the 
President's nominee to be the U.S. Permanent Representative for 
the Conference on Disarmament, or CD, in Geneva. I am also 
grateful to Secretary Blinken and Under Secretary Jenkins for 
their support of this new opportunity for me to serve the 
American people.
    My parents understood what it meant to serve our country 
during World War II. Likewise, my wife, Veronique, has been at 
my side every step of our State Department journey and our two 
children grew up in the Foreign Service family. Diplomacy has 
been my life's work and I cannot think of anything I would 
rather have done.
    In seeking confirmation for this position, I am acutely 
aware of the CD's illustrious history in producing the Nuclear 
Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention, 
the Chemical Weapons Convention, and the Comprehensive Nuclear 
Test Ban Treaty.
    I am also aware that we have failed to gain the support of 
critical countries for negotiations on a fissile material cut-
off treaty, the next logical step. Moreover, some of the arms 
control treaties negotiated in the CD are, effectively, under 
assault.
    Most recently, Russia, a state's party that has used 
chemical weapons and that has an offensive program, is making 
unfounded accusations that Ukraine plans to use chemical 
weapons in Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine.
    Russia's nuclear rhetoric and threats in connection with 
its invasion of Ukraine are also recklessly escalatory and hard 
to reconcile with President Putin's endorsement of the 
statement in January by the leaders of the P5--the five nuclear 
weapon states that are permanent members of the U.N. Security 
Council--that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be 
fought.
    Growing strategic competition, encompassing Russia's 
history of arms control violations, and China's repeated 
unwillingness to engage meaningfully in arms control 
discussions as it builds up its own nuclear forces has caused 
some to question the value of such agreements. It is true that 
achieving consensus on such matters has become increasingly 
elusive and difficult.
    Russia's most recent actions and the PRC's tacit and, in 
some cases, overt support for them have rendered the challenge 
even more daunting. These developments only underscore the 
continuing need for American engagement and leadership.
    Given the stakes, we can only redouble our efforts as we 
continue to protect our security and that of our allies and 
partners. Russia is still complying with the New START Treaty. 
Through the P5, the PRC acknowledged the need for engagement 
with the United States on risk reduction and a dialogue to 
strengthen stability.
    I believe the coming year does offer further opportunities 
to exert U.S. leadership. If confirmed, I would hope to 
contribute to a positive outcome of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty Review Conference later this year.
    Non-proliferation remains a core national security 
interest. It is the key to peaceful uses of nuclear energy and 
the basis for pursuing the eventual goal of a world without 
nuclear weapons, understanding that progress must take into 
account today's challenging security conditions and that it can 
only proceed through progressive steps subject to effective 
verification.
    If confirmed, I will also seek to contribute to our 
successful efforts in the U.N. General Assembly's First 
Committee to reinforce and strengthen international arms 
control and non-proliferation cooperation, including increased 
international support for development of norms of behavior in 
space.
    The United States is already leading the way through Vice 
President Harris' announcement of a commitment not to conduct 
destructive direct ascent anti-satellite missile tests.
    I would also seek to build upon the Geneva diplomatic 
platform offered by the Standing Delegation to the CD, which 
has supported a variety of arms control and international 
security efforts to include those of Deputy Secretary Sherman 
and Under Secretary Jenkins in the U.S.-Russia Strategic 
Stability Dialogue.
    The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has a distinguished 
and successful history of supporting arms control efforts on a 
bipartisan basis. If confirmed, I commit to be available to 
consult closely with this committee and other members of 
Congress as well as their staffs.
    In working to achieve our long-term nuclear disarmament and 
other arms control objectives, I believe the CD remains an 
essential multilateral institution. If confirmed, I will do all 
that I can to make the CD an active contributor to 
international peace and security while always protecting the 
security interests of the United States and its allies and 
partners.
    Thank you, again, so much for the opportunity to come 
before you today. I look forward to any questions you may have.
    Thank you, Madam Chair.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Turner follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Dr. Bruce I. Turner

    Thank you, Madam Chair and members of the committee.
    It is the honor of a lifetime to appear before you as the 
President's nominee to be the U.S. Permanent Representative to the 
Conference on Disarmament, or CD, in Geneva. I am also grateful to 
Secretary Blinken and Under Secretary Jenkins for their support of this 
new opportunity to serve the American people.
    My parents understood what it meant to serve our country during 
World War II.
    Similarly, my wife Veronique has been at my side every step of our 
State Department journey, and our children, Hadrien and Alixe, grew up 
in the Foreign Service family.
    In seeking confirmation for this position, I am acutely aware of 
the CD's illustrious history in producing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention, the Chemical Weapons 
Convention, and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. I am also 
aware that we have failed to gain the support of critical countries for 
negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty--the next logical 
step. Unfortunately, some of the arms control treaties negotiated in 
the CD are effectively under assault. Most recently, Russia--a States 
Party that has used chemical weapons and has an offensive program--is 
making unfounded accusations that Ukraine plans to use chemical weapons 
in Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine. Russia's nuclear rhetoric 
in connection with its invasion of Ukraine is recklessly escalatory and 
hard to reconcile with President Putin's endorsement of the statement 
by the leaders of the P5--the five nuclear-weapon states that are 
permanent members of the U.N. Security Council--in January that ``a 
nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.''
    Growing strategic competition--encompassing Russia's history of 
arms control violations and China's repeated unwillingness to engage 
meaningfully in arms control discussions as it builds up its nuclear 
forces--has caused some to question the value of such agreements. 
Russia's most recent actions and the PRC's tacit, and, in some cases, 
overt support for them, have rendered the challenge even more daunting. 
These developments only underscore the continuing need for American 
engagement and leadership.
    Given the stakes, we can only redouble our efforts, as we continue 
to protect our security and that of our allies and partners. Russia is 
still complying with the New START Treaty. Through the P5, the PRC 
acknowledged the need for engagement with the United States on risk 
reduction and a dialogue to strengthen stability.
    I believe the coming year does offer further opportunities to exert 
U.S. leadership. If confirmed, I would hope to contribute to a positive 
outcome of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference 
later this year. Nonproliferation remains a core national security 
interest. It is the key to pursuing the eventual goal of a world 
without nuclear weapons, understanding that progress must take into 
account today's challenging security conditions, and that it can only 
proceed through progressive steps, subject to effective verification.
    If confirmed, I will also seek to contribute to our successful 
efforts in the U.N. General Assembly's First Committee to reinforce and 
strengthen international arms control and nonproliferation cooperation, 
including increased international support for development of norms of 
behavior in space. The United States is already leading the way through 
its ban on anti-satellite testing.
    I would also seek to build upon the Geneva diplomatic platform 
offered by the standing delegation to the CD, which has supported a 
variety of arms control and international security efforts, to include 
those of Deputy Secretary Sherman and Under Secretary Jenkins in the 
U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogue.
    The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has a distinguished and 
successful history of supporting arms control efforts, on a bipartisan 
basis. If confirmed, I commit to be available to consult closely with 
this committee and other Members of Congress, as well as their staffs.
    In working to achieve our long-term nuclear disarmament and other 
arms control objectives, I believe the CD remains an essential 
multilateral institution. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to 
make the CD an active contributor to international peace and security, 
while always protecting the security interests of the United States and 
its allies and partners.
    Thank you so much for the opportunity to come before you today. I 
look forward to any questions you may have.
    Thank you.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Dr. Turner.
    Senator Schumer, we have been waiting for you. We are 
delighted you made it.

             STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES E. SCHUMER, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW YORK

    Senator Schumer. Thank you very much, Madam Chair, and to 
all the members of the committee, thank you for the honor of 
introducing two exceptional nominees, both whip smart, both 
accomplished, both experienced women who hail from New York--
Jane Hartley to be Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland, and Connie Milstein, our next 
Ambassador to Malta. It is an honor to introduce both of you.
    Jane is here today with her husband, Ralph, who I hear is 
having his retirement party today. Congratulations, Ralph, on 
all of your hard work. Jane's children, Kate and Jamie, who 
actually went to school with my daughter, Allison, could not be 
here today but I am sure they are cheering their mother on from 
home.
    I am really proud to have urged President Biden to nominate 
Jane Hartley as our Ambassador to the UK. She would be only the 
second woman to ever serve as UK Ambassador and the first in 
nearly half a century.
    Only the second woman ever to serve as the UK Ambassador 
and the first in nearly half a century. It is amazing, and I 
cannot think of a more qualified person to do it than my 
friend, Jane Hartley.
    This is not the first ambassadorship that Jane would hold. 
In 2014, she was appointed U.S. Ambassador to France under 
President Obama, where her time coincided with the horrible 
Paris terrorist attacks of 2015. It was an extremely difficult 
period for both of our countries, and Jane represented the U.S. 
with great distinction.
    In the aftermath of these attacks, she dedicated her time 
as Ambassador to strengthening U.S.-French counterterrorism 
cooperation and was awarded the Legion of Honor from the 
president of France in the recognition of her efforts.
    Jane has served our country in other ways for decades, in 
the Carter administration as CEO of the G-7 Group, and most 
recently, as CEO of the Observatory Group, a major global firm 
based in New York.
    The bottom line is this. She would bring to this 
ambassadorship a depth of experience, a love of democracy and 
democratic institutions, and a deep loyalty to the values both 
the United States and the UK hold dear.
    I cannot think of a better person--I have known Jane for 
decades--to be Ambassador to our longtime ally, the United 
Kingdom.
    It is also my honor to introduce another proud New Yorker, 
Connie Milstein, whom President Biden has nominated to be the 
next U.S. Ambassador to Malta. Connie is joined here by her 
husband, Said, and even though they are not in attendance, I 
want to acknowledge Connie's daughters, Abby and Joanna, as 
well as her wonderful granddaughter, Sara. I know they are all 
proud today.
    Connie comes from a longtime New York family. Her 
grandfather was the founder of a successful business in New 
York prior to World War II, and her father, a World War II vet, 
started his first company in Newbury, New York. Their roots in 
the Empire State run very deep.
    Connie comes before this committee as a deeply experienced 
attorney, businesswoman, and advocate for international 
affairs. She will make an exceptional U.S. Ambassador because 
her career has been completely focused on the skills and values 
necessary to any diplomatic post.
    Among her experiences, she has dedicated her career to 
looking out for veterans, creating successful profits like the 
Dog Tag Bakery to help veterans with disabilities, served on 
the Global Progress Initiative at the Center for American 
Progress meeting with world leaders to discuss today's pressing 
geopolitical problems, and also served on the board of trustees 
of one of the great universities of New York and America, NYU, 
and she expanded the university's global reach.
    She also served on Nobel Peace Laureate Kailash Satyarthi's 
foundation and worked with him to end childhood slavery and 
trafficking.
    In short, Connie is both a proud New Yorker but also a true 
citizen of the world. She brings a wide range of depth and 
experience to the post and I know she will carry out her 
responsibilities with distinction, and I am proud to introduce 
her today.
    Finally, I want to acknowledge two other individuals who 
are coming before the committee. The first is Alan Leventhal, 
who I have known for a very long time. I notice Senator Markey 
was here.
    He has been nominated to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the 
Kingdom of Denmark and he is one of Boston's top business 
people.
    And, second, I also want to recognize Bruce Turner, who you 
just heard from, a longtime member of the Foreign Service 
Committee--Foreign Service, rather, who has been nominated as 
representative to the Conference on Disarmament. They will both 
represent the U.S. with distinction.
    I thank the members of the committee, congratulate all of 
today's outstanding public servants for their nominations, and 
yield back the rest of my time.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Schumer, and 
we know you have to get to the floor. So feel free to leave 
whenever you are ready.
    And I am going to continue down the dais if that is all 
right with our nominees and ask Mr. Leventhal if he would like 
to offer his testimony after he says hello to Senator Schumer, 
although, Senator Schumer, you cannot claim Mr. Leventhal. I 
know he is from Boston.
    Senator Schumer. Right. I cannot claim him. You are right.
    Senator Shaheen. He is closer to me.
    Senator Schumer. He is probably even a Red Sox fan.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Shaheen. Go ahead, Mr. Leventhal, and I should have 
said this before you offered your testimony, Dr. Turner. Feel 
free to introduce any family members or friends that you have 
here with you today.

 STATEMENT OF ALAN M. LEVENTHAL OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK

    Mr. Leventhal. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, 
and distinguished members of the committee, it is a privilege 
to appear before you.
    I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the 
Kingdom of Denmark, and I thank President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for their confidence in me.
    I would like to acknowledge my wife, Sherry, who has been 
such a source of strength and has supported me in all my 
endeavors, and I would also like to acknowledge my son, Alex, 
who is here representing his sisters and brothers.
    I would like to remember my parents, who instilled in me 
the importance of service to community and country. This has 
led me to leadership roles in organizations that have had 
meaningful impact on the world.
    As Senator Markey mentioned in his introduction, I served 
for 10 years as chair of Damon Runyon Cancer Research 
Foundation, which is known as the venture capital of cancer 
research. Thirteen of the individuals we funded later won the 
Nobel Prize.
    I am a member of the governing board of MIT, one of the 
top-rated research institutions in the world. Its mission is to 
help solve the great global challenges including climate, 
health, cancer, water.
    In my business, I have led transformational developments to 
improve the urban environment. My companies have created 
thousands of affordable housing units for working families.
    In each of these endeavors, I have worked with smart people 
who bring diverse views, backgrounds, and experiences. I 
approach each challenge by listening and treating my colleagues 
with dignity and respect.
    If confirmed, I hope to use these skills to successfully 
advance U.S. interests and values in the Kingdom of Denmark.
    If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the 
safety and security of U.S. citizens in the Kingdom of Denmark. 
My second priority will be to advance our shared security 
interests, especially in light of Russia's brutal and 
unprovoked war against Ukraine.
    As the only country that is a member of NATO, the EU, and 
the Arctic Council, Denmark partners with the United States on 
many issues. Denmark currently leads the NATO mission in Iraq 
and is a close global partner on security issues.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure Denmark's commitment to 
stability and security as well as meeting its NATO defense 
spending commitments.
    My third priority is to strengthen our economic 
relationships, promoting bilateral exports and recovery from 
COVID-19, as well as expanding Danish investment in the United 
States in order to create good-paying jobs for working 
families.
    Denmark has some of the world's leading companies working 
on global issues like climate change. My own company, Beacon 
Capital Partners, has been a leader in sustainability, 
receiving EPA's Energy Star Partner of the Year award for 11 
consecutive years.
    If confirmed, I would draw on my experiences to promote 
mutual exchanges and investment between the United States and 
the Kingdom of Denmark, including the Faroe Islands and 
Greenland.
    My final priority, if confirmed, will be to promote and 
strengthen the ties of our best academic and research 
institutions with their counterparts in the kingdom.
    Denmark's renowned research institutions recently marked 
the 100th anniversary of both the founding of the Niels Bohr 
Institute and the awarding of the Nobel Prize in physics to 
Niels Bohr.
    To ensure our relations are as strong in the future as they 
are today, I would engage with the people of Denmark, the Faroe 
Islands, and Greenland to expand people-to-people ties through 
exchange programs and robust public diplomacy efforts.
    If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the safety and 
morale of mission Kingdom of Denmark, both at the Embassy in 
Copenhagen and our consulate in Nuuk. I also look forward to 
working with Congress to further U.S. priorities in the Kingdom 
of Denmark, one of our closest European allies.
    I would like to highlight that today, at this very moment, 
the people of Denmark are lighting candles in their windows at 
home for today marks Denmark's liberation from Nazi occupation 
on May 4th, 1945.
    It underscores that Danes have experienced brutal, 
unprovoked aggression. It underscores they have experienced 
occupation and it speaks to how much they value their freedom. 
It is fitting that President Zelensky chose today to address 
Denmark.
    It would be the greatest honor to represent my country to 
the Kingdom of Denmark. Thank you for your time and 
consideration.
    I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Leventhal follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Alan M. Leventhal

    Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of 
the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to 
be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark, and I 
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
    I would first like to acknowledge my wife, Sherry, who has been 
such a source of strength and has supported me in all my endeavors. I 
also want to acknowledge my son Alexander who is representing his 
sisters and brothers today. I also would like to remember my parents 
who instilled in me the importance of service to community and country.
    This has led me to leadership roles in organizations that have 
meaningful impact on the world. I served for 10 years as Chair of Damon 
Runyon Cancer Research Foundation--which is known as the venture 
capital of Cancer Research. Thirteen of the individuals we funded later 
won the Nobel Prize. I am a member of the governing board of MIT--one 
of the top-rated research institutions in the world. MIT's mission is 
to help solve the great global challenges including climate and health. 
In my business I have led transformational developments to improve the 
urban environment. My companies have created thousands of affordable 
housing units for working families.
    In each of these endeavors I have worked with smart people who 
bring diverse views, backgrounds, and experiences. I approach each 
challenge by listening and treating my colleagues with dignity and 
respect. If confirmed, I hope to use these skills to successfully 
advance U.S. interests and values in the Kingdom of Denmark. If 
confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the safety and security 
of U.S. citizens in the Kingdom of Denmark.
    My second priority will be to advance our shared security 
interests, especially in light of Russia's brutal and unprovoked war 
against Ukraine. As the only country that is a member of NATO, the EU, 
and the Arctic Council, Denmark partners with the United States on many 
issues. Denmark currently leads the NATO mission in Iraq and is a close 
global partner on security issues. If confirmed, I will work to ensure 
Denmark's commitment to stability and security, as well as meeting its 
NATO defense spending commitments.
    My third priority is to strengthen our economic relationships, 
promoting bilateral exports and recovery from COVID-19 and expanding 
Danish investment in the United States, in order to create good paying 
jobs for working families. Denmark has some of the world's leading 
companies working on global issues like climate change. My own 
company--Beacon Capital Partners--has been a leader in sustainability, 
receiving EPA's Energy Star Partner of the Year Award for 11 
consecutive years. If confirmed, I would draw on my experiences to 
promote mutual exchanges and investment between the United States and 
the Kingdom of Denmark, including the Faroe Islands and Greenland.
    My final priority, if confirmed, will be to promote and strengthen 
the ties of our best academic and research institutions with their 
counterparts in the Kingdom. Denmark's renowned research institutions 
recently marked the 100th anniversary of both the founding of Niels 
Bohr Institute and the awarding of the Nobel Prize in Physics to Niels 
Bohr. To ensure our relations are as strong in the future as they are 
today, I would engage with the people of Denmark, the Faroe Islands, 
and Greenland to expand people-to-people ties through exchange programs 
and robust public diplomacy efforts.
    If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the safety and morale of 
staff at the Embassy in Copenhagen and our Consulate in Nuuk. I also 
look forward to working with Congress to further U.S. priorities in the 
Kingdom of Denmark, one of our closest European partners.
    We are stronger when working with our allies to advance our shared 
security, prosperity, and values.
    It would be the greatest honor to represent my country to the 
Kingdom of Denmark. Thank you for your time and consideration. I look 
forward to your questions.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Leventhal.
    I will now ask Ms. Milstein if she would like to give her 
testimony.

STATEMENT OF CONSTANCE J. MILSTEIN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA

    Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Madam Chair, Ranking Member, distinguished senators of this 
esteemed committee, I am humbled and honored to appear before 
you today. I am deeply grateful to the president, Dr. Biden, 
and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me 
to serve as the United States Ambassador to the Republic of 
Malta.
    I would like to acknowledge my husband, Said Abu-Kaud, my 
children, Abby and Joanna, their husbands, Rick and Bjorn, and 
my granddaughter, Sara, who have all shown me unwavering love, 
support, and patience in my endeavor to follow my lifelong 
dream to serve our country and to continue my passionate 
advocacy for fairness, justice, and democracy.
    I would also like to remember my parents, Seymour and 
Vivian, who taught me the values of respect, responsibility, 
and giving. Their service to others was an inspiration to me to 
lead a life of purpose.
    My father was a proud veteran of World War II who returned 
to the United States in 1945 on a hospital plane. Everyone on 
that plane signed a dollar bill, which my dad carried in his 
wallet until he died.
    I, too, am proud to have had opportunities for service. For 
decades, I have worked on programs and initiatives dedicated to 
military service members, disabled veterans, their families, 
and caregivers.
    I have always maintained a strong interest in foreign 
affairs and I have been active in public policy and global 
education. My varied experiences as an attorney and 
businesswoman will empower me to steward our important 
relationship with the Republic of Malta.
    Three priorities will guide my work. First, promoting peace 
and security. If confirmed, my top priority will be to ensure 
the safety and welfare of U.S. citizens living in or traveling 
in Malta.
    Furthermore, I will prioritize the promotion of peace, 
security, and regional stability. Malta may be the smallest 
country in the European Union but it has great strategic 
importance based on its location adjacent to the Mediterranean 
Sea's principal shipping routes and at the crossroads of 
Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East.
    I believe in growing the bilateral partnership between our 
two nations as we come together to face regional security 
challenges, transnational crime, and illicit financing.
    Promoting peace and security in the region also means 
encouraging inclusiveness, the protection of human rights, the 
rule of law, and fundamental freedoms.
    Second, promoting prosperity, trade, and people-to-people 
ties. If confirmed, I will increase U.S. and Maltese economic 
ties. Malta aspires to lead small island nations in sustainable 
development.
    Therefore, I will capitalize on our shared goals of 
promoting prosperity, trade, and people-to-people ties through 
U.S. innovation and commercial interests in Malta.
    Third, tackling corruption and impunity. The assassination 
of Daphne Caruana Galizia, an important Maltese investigative 
journalist, in October of 2017 showed the danger of corruption 
in Maltese politics and society.
    If confirmed, I will champion rule of law efforts and an 
open and free press. Rule of law reforms regarding anti-money 
laundering and countering the financing of terrorism are also 
critical to Malta's efforts to fully implement the Financial 
Action Task Force action plan to remove Malta as a jurisdiction 
for increased monitoring.
    In order to fully implement these reforms, Malta will need 
a stronger financial regulatory environment, which will serve 
to strengthen and benefit Malta's economic institutions and 
reputation for the future.
    If confirmed, I would work with Malta to make these reforms 
sustainable for the long term. It would be an honor to be a 
member of the outstanding Embassy Valletta team and, if 
confirmed, I am committed to working with the members of this 
committee.
    Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I am 
happy to answer your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Milstein follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Constance J. Milstein.

    Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished Senators of this 
esteemed committee, I am humbled and honored to appear before you 
today. I am deeply grateful to the President, Dr. Biden, and Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me to serve as the 
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Malta.
    I would like to acknowledge my husband Said Abu-Kaud, my children 
Abby and Joanna, their husbands Rick and Bjorn, and my granddaughter 
Sara, who have all shown me unwavering love, support, and patience in 
my endeavor to follow my lifelong dream to serve our country, and 
continue my passionate advocacy for fairness, justice, and democracy. I 
would also like to remember my parents Seymour and Vivian who taught me 
the values of respect, responsibility, and giving. Their service to 
others was an inspiration to me to lead a life of purpose.
    My father was a proud veteran of WWII who returned to the United 
States in 1945 on a hospital plane. Everyone on that plane signed a 
dollar bill, which my dad carried in his wallet until he died. I too am 
proud to have had opportunities for service. For decades, I have worked 
on programs and initiatives dedicated to military service members, 
disabled veterans, their families, and caregivers.
    I have always maintained a strong interest in foreign affairs, and 
I have been active in public policy and global education. My varied 
experiences as an attorney and businesswoman will empower me to steward 
our important relationship with the Republic of Malta. Three priorities 
will guide my work:
    First, promoting peace and security. If confirmed, my top priority 
will be to ensure the safety and welfare of U.S. citizens living in or 
traveling in Malta. Furthermore, I will prioritize the promotion of 
peace, security, and regional stability. Malta may be the smallest 
country in the European Union, but it has great strategic importance 
based on its location adjacent to the Mediterranean Sea's principal 
shipping routes and at the crossroads of Europe, North Africa, and the 
Middle East. I believe in growing the bilateral partnership between our 
two nations as we come together to face regional security challenges, 
transnational crime, and illicit financing.
    Promoting peace and security in this region also means encouraging 
inclusiveness, protection of human rights, the rule of law, and 
fundamental freedoms.
    Second, promoting prosperity, trade, and people-to-people ties. If 
confirmed, I will increase U.S. and Maltese economic ties. Malta 
aspires to lead small island nations in sustainable development. 
Therefore, I will capitalize on our shared goals of promoting 
prosperity, trade, and people-to-people ties through U.S. innovation 
and commercial interests in Malta.
    Third, tackling corruption and impunity. The assassination of 
Daphne Caruana Galizia (an important Maltese investigative journalist) 
in October of 2017 showed the danger of corruption in Maltese politics 
and society. If confirmed, I will champion rule of law efforts and an 
open and free press.
    Rule of law reforms regarding anti-money laundering and countering 
the financing of terrorism are also critical to Malta's efforts to 
fully implement the Financial Action Task Force Action Plan to remove 
Malta as a jurisdiction for increased monitoring. In order to fully 
implement these reforms, Malta will need a stronger financial 
regulatory environment, which will serve to strengthen and benefit 
Malta's economic institutions and reputation for the future.
    If confirmed, I would work with Malta to make these reforms 
sustainable for the long term.
    It would be an honor to be a member of the outstanding Embassy 
Valletta team, and if confirmed, I am committed to working with the 
members of this committee.
    Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I am happy to 
answer your questions.


    Senator Shaheen. Thanks very much, Ms. Milstein. Ambassador 
Hartley?

STATEMENT OF HON. JANE D, HARTLEY OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
 STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND 
                        NORTHERN IRELAND

    Ambassador Hartley. Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee, it is a privilege to 
appear before you.
    I am honored to be the nominee for the U.S. Ambassador to 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and I 
thank President Biden for his confidence in me.
    The sense of history with our closest ally is, certainly, 
not lost on me. I follow in the footsteps of many great 
Americans, including John Adams, John Quincy Adams, and Martin 
Van Buren.
    I am also thrilled, as Senator Schumer has just said, to be 
the second woman in history to be nominated to this role, and I 
salute Anne Armstrong for leading the way.
    First, though, I would like to thank my family--my 
children, who are the light of my life--Chuck mentioned 
earlier--Kate and Jamie. Whatever I do in life, my most 
important title will always be mom. And, of course, my husband 
who is with me today, and partner of 39 years without whose 
support none of this would be possible.
    My parents taught me that we were lucky to live in the 
greatest country on Earth and that the highest honor was to 
serve our nation. From my early life, I have believed this 
strongly and public service has been very important to me.
    My time as Ambassador to France coincided with the terrible 
surge in terrorism that shook our two nations. The 
extraordinary staff at Embassy Paris performed their duties 
with grace and strength in the face of terror and loss.
    It emphasized to me that dedicated American and local staff 
of our overseas missions and everywhere in our Government 
advance our interests and protect our security every single 
day. It was another reminder how critical public service is to 
our nation.
    The UK and the United States are two great countries bound 
by history, friendship, and especially now a shared commitment 
to the universal values of freedom and liberty.
    During the ongoing crisis in Ukraine we have seen the 
strength of the UK response and the many ways also in which the 
British public has volunteered in support of Ukrainians.
    If confirmed, it will be my mission to strengthen America's 
special relationship with the UK and I hope to focus on four 
overarching goals.
    First, protect Americans and deepen bilateral security 
cooperation. My top priority will be the safety and security of 
Americans. As the recent events in Europe have made very 
clear--crystal clear, frankly--we have no more capable partner 
in defending against threats to international security than the 
UK.
    If confirmed, I will build on these decades of close 
bilateral security cooperation. I will also work tirelessly to 
uphold the Belfast Good Friday Agreement, which has been the 
bedrock of peace and stability and prosperity in Northern 
Ireland for 25 years.
    Second, I will broaden economic ties and expand technology 
and innovation and collaboration. If confirmed, I will focus on 
reinvigorating bilateral trade, broadening job opportunities 
for American workers, and addressing the climate crisis. 
Increasing collaboration supports prosperity for both the 
United States and the United Kingdom.
    Third, I will promote and defend our shared values of 
democracy and freedom. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen 
bilateral cooperation, to rebuild public faith in democracy, 
combat authoritarianism wherever it may be, and ensure that our 
liberty is never ever taken for granted.
    Fourth, I will capitalize on the strong ties between our 
people to guarantee the strength of our enduring alliance. To 
deepen connections between our people, I will encourage 
exchanges between our two peoples and ensure citizens from 
across the United Kingdom, particularly young people, are 
exposed to the full diversity of our country.
    None of this is possible without the dedicated and 
extraordinary talented teams and their family at Embassy London 
and at our consulates in Hamilton, Edinburgh, and Belfast.
    I intend to build on their successes, promote American 
interest, and advance our shared goals together with our 
closest ally, the United Kingdom.
    It is my honor to be considered to represent the United 
States as Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Northern Ireland. I look forward to partnering with Congress to 
further priorities in the UK.
    And now I would be happy to answer any questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Hartley follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Jane D. Hartley

    Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to be 
the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Northern Ireland, and I thank President Biden for his confidence in 
me.
    The sense of history with our closest ally is certainly not lost on 
me. I follow in the footsteps of many great Americans including John 
Adams, John Quincy Adams, and Martin Van Buren. I am also thrilled to 
be the second woman in history to be nominated to this role, and salute 
Anne Armstrong for leading the way.
    I would like to thank my family. First my children, who are the 
light of my life. My most important title will always be ``Mom.'' And 
of course, my husband and partner of 39 years, without whose support 
none of this would be possible. My parents taught me that we were lucky 
to live in the greatest country on earth, and that the highest honor 
was to serve your nation.
    From my early life, public service has always been important to me.
    My time as Ambassador to France coincided with a terrible surge in 
terrorism that shook our two nations, but the extraordinary staff at 
Embassy Paris performed their duties with grace and strength in the 
face of terror and loss. It emphasized to me the dedicated American and 
local staff of our overseas missions--and in our Government--advance 
our interests and protect our security every day. It was another 
reminder of how critical public service is to our nation.
    The UK and the United States are two great countries bound by 
history, friendship, and especially now, a shared commitment to the 
universal values of freedom and liberty. During the ongoing crisis in 
Ukraine, we have seen the strength of the UK response and the many ways 
in which the British public has volunteered in support of Ukrainians.
    If confirmed, it will be my mission to strengthen America's special 
relationship with the UK, and I hope to focus on four overarching 
goals.
    First, protect Americans and deepen bilateral security cooperation. 
My top priority will be the safety and security of Americans. As recent 
events in Europe have made clear, we have no more capable partner in 
defending against threats to international security than the UK. If 
confirmed, I will build on these decades of close bilateral security 
cooperation. I will also work tirelessly to uphold the Belfast/Good 
Friday Agreement, which has been the bedrock of peace, stability, and 
prosperity in Northern Ireland for nearly 25 years.
    Second, broaden economic ties and expand technology and innovation 
collaboration. If confirmed, I will focus on reinvigorating bilateral 
trade, broadening job opportunities for American workers, and 
addressing the climate crisis. Increasing collaboration supports 
prosperity for both the United States and the UK.
    Third, promote and defend our shared values of democracy and 
freedom. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen bilateral cooperation 
to rebuild public faith in democracy, combat authoritarianism, and 
ensure our liberty is never taken for granted.
    Fourth, capitalize on the strong ties between our people to 
guarantee the strength of our enduring alliance. To deepen connections 
between our people, I will encourage exchanges between our two peoples 
and ensure citizens from across the United Kingdom, particularly young 
people, are exposed to the full diversity of our country.
    None of this is possible without the dedicated and extraordinarily 
talented teams and their families at Embassy London, and at our 
Consulates in Hamilton, Edinburgh, and Belfast. I intend to build on 
their successes, promote American interests, and advance our shared 
goals together with our ally, the United Kingdom.
    It is my honor to be considered to represent the United States as 
Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. 
I look forward to partnering with Congress to further U.S. priorities 
in the UK and would be happy to answer your questions.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Ambassador Hartley, 
and thank you to each of you for your testimony and for your 
willingness to serve the country at this critical time.
    We have lost Senator Johnson to another committee but 
Senator Barrasso will be coming back shortly to--on the side of 
the ranking member, and we will have five-minute questioning 
rounds. I will begin and we will alternate between Republican 
and Democrat on the committee.
    I would like to ask each of the ambassadorial nominees 
about an issue that I have been following closely and am very 
concerned about.
    I am sure you have all seen the reports of directed energy 
attacks that have affected our Government employees around the 
world, and I want to be clear that each of you are sufficiently 
prepared to respond accordingly should anything happen in the 
Embassy that you would be representing.
    I understand that the State Department includes a briefing 
on this as part of the ambassadorial seminar that you are 
required to attend. But can I ask each of you, if confirmed, 
will you commit to attending that seminar on AHIs and seek a 
classified briefing with the State Department?
    Ambassador Hartley?
    Ambassador Hartley. Yes, I will, and I already did attend 
that seminar and will be seeking a classified briefing, and 
London is very important because there is a huge medical 
facility at the Embassy.
    So I want to make sure we are totally informed of 
everything that has happened and I promise you I will have the 
briefings and I take this issue very seriously.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Milstein?
    Ms. Milstein. Yes, Senator. I also have taken the course 
and have learned about the AHI situation. I know at the Embassy 
in Valletta there have been no cases, at least not so far. But 
I take this matter very seriously.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. And Mr. Leventhal?
    Mr. Leventhal. Senator Shaheen, I understand the 
seriousness of the issue. I am committed to taking the course 
and, if I am confirmed, to work diligently and if I become 
aware of an issue to notice people in the appropriate channels 
and deal medically with the issue to the best extent possible.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    And, Dr. Turner, I assume as a career member of the Foreign 
Service you are very aware of this issue?
    Mr. Turner. Indeed, I am. I am very aware of it and it 
occurred in a couple of the posts that I was dealing with very 
closely while I was still in the State Department and including 
the city to which I may be assigned. So very aware of this 
issue. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    Ambassador Hartley, I would like to begin my questions with 
you--general questions--and you pointed out some of the notable 
Americans who have preceded you as Ambassador to the United 
Kingdom.
    I would just point out that there is a very close tie with 
the state of New Hampshire because former New Hampshire 
Governor John Winant served as Ambassador to the United Kingdom 
during most of World War II and is very decorated, somebody 
most Americans do not know a lot about--Governor Winant.
    But he was a Republican who was nominated by President 
Roosevelt and served very honorably as Ambassador. So we know 
you will follow in his footsteps.
    You talked a little bit about the challenges of the war in 
Ukraine and what a great ally the United Kingdom has been, of 
course, not just in this war but throughout so much of American 
history.
    One of the challenges that I have heard from some 
representatives of Great Britain are the overseas territories 
that have in the past been havens for corruption and for 
Russian money.
    Can you talk about what priorities we might initiate and 
how we can engage Great Britain to look at those overseas 
territories and see how we can cooperate more closely on those 
as we are looking at how do we hold oligarchs and those 
responsible for the war in Ukraine accountable?
    Ambassador Hartley. Senator Shaheen, I should tell you 
Governor Winant was in my testimony. He is a role model for me. 
And, unfortunately, the State Department thought it was too 
long so he was eliminated. But----
    Senator Shaheen. They should never eliminate Governor 
Winant when I am chairing the hearing.
    [Laughter.]
    Ambassador Hartley. I know. I should tell them that.
    Listen, I think your question is very important. I have 
been very impressed with what the UK has been doing since the 
Ukraine situation, invasion, war.
    I think they have been leaning forward tremendously in 
terms of sanctions on individuals and on institutions. I think 
at this point they have sanctioned approximately 1,500.
    They have also--there is a piece of legislation that I 
think has just made its way through Parliament kind of talking 
about one of the things you are mentioning, which is--it is 
called dirty money. That is not the official title. But they 
are looking to get at investment, especially in shell companies 
in the United Kingdom and for the first time, really, to try to 
both sanction and open up the books.
    I think both in terms of territories and in terms of what 
is happening in London right now, I think this is something 
that is a huge priority for the Government and I salute them 
for how aggressively they are pursuing this.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. My time is up.
    Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Madam Chair, and how delightful 
to see all of you here. I am very, very, very happy to be at 
this hearing with you and I congratulate you on your 
nominations.
    Ambassador Hartley, let me begin with you. On May 5, voters 
go to the polls in Northern Ireland to elect the Assembly. Sinn 
Fein is the former political wing of the Irish Republican Army 
and they are projected to become the biggest political bloc in 
the Assembly, which would be the first time a party devoted to 
unification of Ireland would be the dominant political party in 
that fractious--often fractious region.
    Uniting Ireland is not on the ballot but the potential 
historic shift comes 24 years after the Good Friday Accord 
ended three decades of sectarian bloodshed.
    Even though Brexit has exacerbated some of the political 
and economic challenges within Northern Ireland, the UK and 
Ireland remain very, very committed to the continued 
functioning and implementation of the Good Friday Accord.
    Should you be confirmed, what might you do to make sure 
that this accord, which the U.S. also invested such significant 
diplomacy to achieve, would continue to move forward in a 
harmonious way?
    Ambassador Hartley. Senator, I totally agree with you. I 
think the most important thing is to make sure the Good Friday 
Belfast Agreement stands. It has created peace and prosperity 
and stability in Northern Ireland for approximately 25 years.
    I think the Congress and President Biden has made that 
clear, and if confirmed as Ambassador, I would continue to not 
only make it clear but make sure both the UK and Northern 
Ireland knew--the Government in Northern Ireland knew this was 
a priority for us.
    I will say also there has been an executive where there has 
been a power-sharing arrangement in Northern Ireland and, 
frankly, that has worked quite well and that is part of what 
has helped bring both economic prosperity and stability to the 
Government there.
    I would hope, depending on what happens in the elections 
this week, both parties continue to talk to each other because 
it really has worked quite well for the people of Northern 
Ireland.
    Senator Kaine. It is very important. I will admit some 
bias. Seven of my eight great grandparents were born in Ireland 
and the eighth was born in Scotland to an Irish mother and so I 
am about as Irish as it gets.
    The Good Friday Accord is not only important in bringing 
peace to that region but we cite it all the time as reason not 
to be pessimistic about other regions that have not yet found 
the path to peace.
    If it can be done in Ireland and Northern Ireland it can be 
done, and so there is a lot of reason to make sure that we 
continue to put our shoulder to forward progress.
    Ms. Milstein, really good to see you and I wanted to ask 
you a question about the topic of the day that is important all 
around the world, including in Malta.
    Golden passports, formerly known as citizenship by 
investment, are programs that grant citizenship to foreign 
investors who buy expensive real estate or other assets and 
make sizable investments in countries.
    Thousands of those passports have gone to Russia's elite in 
recent years, including many well-known oligarchs, amid 
concerns that the program enables money laundering and other 
financial schemes.
    Malta has been under some pressure from the EU and they 
have put its golden passport scheme on hold for Russians and 
Belarusians and they are considering ending it altogether.
    Obviously, that is domestic politics for Malta. According 
to Forbes, more than 40 percent of the 111 Russian-born 
billionaires have at least one other passport and nearly half 
of the 35 sanctioned billionaires have dual citizenship.
    How can the U.S. work with Malta to place additional 
pressure on Russian oligarchs and Putin's allies?
    Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that question. 
It is, indeed, a problem in Malta and the Maltese Government is 
aware of this situation.
    As you mentioned, they have upped their vetting process of 
applicants, particularly since the situation with Russia has 
increased in seriousness.
    The Russians and the--I know of two instances where, as you 
mentioned, the residency of a Russian national as well as a 
Belarusian national they were both pulled, and if confirmed, I 
will work with Malta on rigorously vetting applicants to 
prevent any loopholes and eroding any kind of sanctions and 
restrictions.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for that, Ms. Milstein.
    One other thing I will just say to you is that Malta has 
been a pretty valuable partner in dealing with refugees. Often 
refugees coming through the Mediterranean have needed to come 
to Malta for safe haven and Malta has been--Malta and many NGOs 
in Malta have been really helpful in dealing with some of these 
significant humanitarian challenges and I would hope, if you 
are confirmed, you will do what you can from the U.S. Embassy 
there to be a good ally in those efforts and, knowing you, I do 
not have any doubt that you will be.
    So with that, Madam Chair, I yield back.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, and I want to follow up on that 
a little bit, Ms. Milstein, because, obviously, one of the 
challenges is the Russian influence in Malta, and as we look at 
what is happening in Ukraine do we have any sense that Russia's 
invasion of Ukraine has changed how some of the residents of 
Malta and the officials feel about Russia and potential for 
Russia to gain influence in the country? And also, how might we 
use this period to take better advantage of the opportunity to 
counter that Russian influence in Malta?
    Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    It has, indeed, been an issue in Malta and I know of media 
reports that Malta has, as I said, taken steps to strip Maltese 
citizenship and residencies from at least the sanctioned 
Russian nationals.
    They are further working toward doing what they can as far 
as the citizen--the general citizenship by investment program 
in terms of being much more particular in terms of their 
vetting process, and I think this is extraordinarily important.
    Senator Shaheen. I, certainly, agree with that and think 
that this is a period where it is very clear who is on the side 
of good and who is on the side of evil, and for those people 
around the world who are watching what is happening in Ukraine 
this is an opportunity to remind them that most people do not 
want to be on the side of what Russia is doing in Ukraine.
    Mr. Leventhal, again, the war in Ukraine has really 
overshadowed so much of what is going on in the world right 
now. Can you talk about what Denmark's view is of how the war 
affects European security and do you know if Denmark supports 
expanding participation to Finland and Sweden in NATO?
    Mr. Leventhal. Senator Shaheen, thank you for the question. 
Denmark has been a very close ally of the U.S. and a partner in 
Afghanistan and Iraq, a very strong voice against Russian 
aggression.
    It has sent arms to the Baltic, to Estonia. It has sent 
troops to Latvia, sending a battalion of F-16s to Lithuania. So 
it partners with the U.S. and has been a very strong ally.
    In fact, Denmark has talked about the U.S. being its 
security partner of choice. Denmark is very supportive, number 
one, of the open door policy of NATO, that any country has a 
sovereign right to put in an application. The prime minister of 
Denmark, Mette Fredriksen, has actually stated that she 
supports the membership of Finland and Sweden to NATO.
    I think Denmark is a very important partner in a time of 
great upheaval and great change and great concern and, if I am 
confirmed, I will work to further our security priorities with 
the Kingdom of Denmark.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, and I was pleased to see 
Denmark commit to meeting its 2 percent defense spending 
requirement for NATO by 2033. That seems like a long time away, 
especially given the urgency of what is happening right now.
    Can you comment on whether there is any room to move that 
deadline up earlier and what are the barriers that might be 
prohibiting Denmark from trying to increase its defense 
spending sooner?
    Mr. Leventhal. Senator Shaheen, I think it was an important 
step that Denmark now has committed to meeting its Wales pledge 
of getting to 2 percent of GDP. It is true 2033 sounds a long 
time from now. They have increased their current budget by a 
billion dollars. Part of that is defense. Part of it is 
humanitarian aid, part diplomacy.
    If I am confirmed, I will work with the Danish Government 
to see if that commitment can be accelerated earlier than the 
2033 date.
    Senator Shaheen. Great. Thank you. Senator Barrasso?
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Madam Chairman.
    Ms. Milstein, it is critically important that people 
serving our nation as Ambassadors demonstrate professionalism 
and good judgment. With that in mind, I want to bring up your 
campaign actions in Wisconsin in the year 2000.
    You were an adult in your 50s campaigning for the 
presidential campaign of Al Gore. During the campaign you were 
involved in something called ``smokes for votes'' and it turned 
out to be a scandal in Wisconsin.
    The Milwaukee district attorney at the time explained that 
it appeared between 15 and 20 homeless men were given tobacco 
products in exchange for filling out absentee ballots for 
candidate Al Gore.
    Media reports noted that you, specifically you, were caught 
on tape handing out cigarettes to homeless men from the 
Milwaukee Rescue Mission in exchange for their votes--as a 
doctor, I would point out that smoking causes cancer--while the 
executive director of one of the three shelters, Patrick 
Vandenburgh, was reported as saying that you and six other Gore 
volunteers approached the homeless men and they initially did 
not want to register. This executive director went on to say 
that they went only after you and the volunteers held up packs 
of cigarettes to entice them.
    A Milwaukee Rescue Mission employee told reporters he had 
to ask Democratic campaign volunteers, you, to leave the 
property after he caught them trying to bribe potential voters 
with cigarettes.
    The campaign for Al Gore distanced themselves from you and 
your actions. A representative of the Gore campaign in 
Wisconsin issued this statement about your activities, quote, 
``This kind of activity described by Channel 12''--it made the 
news--``is not the kind of help we asked for and it is the kind 
of help we flat out reject.''
    In Wisconsin what you did was illegal and you, ultimately, 
paid a fine of $5,000 for your illegal activities in the 
campaign. To me, this action raises considerable concerns about 
your nomination and the vetting process of this administration.
    So I would like to give you the opportunity for the 
committee and others so you can address your involvement with 
this scandal.
    Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Senator, for your question. As you 
mentioned, this incident happened more than 20 years ago. I do 
not recall the full details that you are reciting at the 
present time. I am happy to take your question back for the 
record and provide you with all the necessary information.
    Senator Barrasso. The record is clear you did pay a $5,000 
fine and I will be happy to get your written response to that 
because I think this calls into question the nomination as well 
as the vetting process.
    [Ms. Milstein's response to Senator Barrasso's question 
follows:]

                   Ms. Milstein's Additional Response

          Answer. In November 2000, I participated as a volunteer in 
        get-out-the-vote efforts in Milwaukee in support of the Gore 
        campaign. I was a smoker at the time, and I gave cigarettes to 
        some of the individuals that I helped bring to the polls. It 
        was subsequently alleged that I had exchanged those cigarettes 
        for votes. To be very clear--I never exchanged cigarettes, 
        packs of cigarettes, or anything else for votes. The Milwaukee 
        County District Attorney thoroughly investigated those 
        allegations, and did not charge me or anyone else with trading 
        cigarettes or anything else for votes in connection with this 
        incident. His investigation did not find anything improper 
        about the votes cast by the voters that I helped turn out--they 
        were merely Milwaukee voters who lawfully exercised their right 
        to vote.
          There was an ancillary question of whether I inadvertently 
        violated a since-repealed civil campaign finance law on 
        permissible election-related disbursements by providing 
        cigarettes to those voters. Although I was advised at the time 
        that there were strong arguments I had not violated that 
        campaign finance provision, I ultimately chose to avoid further 
        proceedings and litigation costs and settled the matter in 
        Milwaukee County Small Claims Court for a $5,000 civil penalty 
        in May 2001.
          Thank you again and please let me know if you have any 
        additional questions about the foregoing or if you would like 
        to have a call to discuss.


    Senator Barrasso. Ms. Hartley, if I could ask you now, the 
United Kingdom is an important trade and economic partner to 
the United States. In 2020, the United Kingdom was the world's 
fifth largest economy. Bilateral investment between our two 
countries is the largest in the world.
    Given the potential for market access and to align 
regulations, there is a lot of interest in a trade agreement 
between the United States and the United Kingdom. That would 
reaffirm our long-standing alliance, build upon our strong 
economic relationship. The U.S. and UK conducted five rounds of 
negotiations on a bilateral free trade agreement two years ago.
    Could you please outline the potential benefits for the 
United States in having a free trade agreement with the United 
Kingdom?
    Ambassador Hartley. Yes, Senator. Thank you for the 
questions.
    I agree with you. The UK is a critically important trade 
partner for the UK--for the U.S. I think between our bilateral 
trade it creates about a million jobs. We are their biggest 
source of foreign direct investment and we are their biggest 
trading partner.
    So I could not agree more. They also have a market that is 
particularly a positive for the U.S. Same language, well 
trained educated workforce, the rule of law, strong financial 
systems.
    So I agree with you that it is a very important trade 
partner and I am happy to see, as you probably know, there have 
been quite a few conversations recently in terms of a trade 
dialogue by--with Ambassador Tai and their Minister for Trade.
    I think we have had two most recently and there will be 
another one in Boston in a couple of weeks talking about small 
and medium businesses.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you. One last question and that is 
for Dr. Turner, because our time is limited.
    There are concerns that Russia might deploy nuclear weapons 
to neighboring countries. In February, Belarus approved a new 
constitution renouncing its nonnuclear status. U.S. Acting 
Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament 
addressed the issue in March.
    She stated, ``Any movement of Russian nuclear weapons into 
Belarus would be dangerously provocative and further 
destabilize the region. We call on Belarus''--this is her 
speaking--``to reject Russia's policies of nuclear threat and 
intimidation.''
    So do you agree with the statement and is there any 
indication that you have seen that Russia has moved nuclear 
weapons into Belarus?
    Mr. Turner. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    I have not seen any indication that that is the case. I 
mean, this is one of the many kinds of threats--reckless 
threats, escalatory threats--that Russia is issuing at this 
time, obviously, something that, if confirmed, we would want to 
continue to follow very, very closely and work with our allies 
and friends to decide how to deal with that kind of an issue.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you. Let me congratulate 
all of you on your nominations. I am pleased that we are 
considering nominations for critical posts, including some of 
our key European allies and partners.
    Over the past few months, we have been reminded of just how 
critical the transatlantic alliance and relationship is and the 
importance of strengthening partnerships with those who share 
our commitment to fundamental democratic values.
    That unity remains paramount as we work to provide Ukraine 
everything that it needs to counter Russia's brutal and 
unprovoked war. Every country has a part to play--I just met 
with a whole slew of parliamentarians from Europe--and we need 
ambassadors in place to support these efforts, strengthen ties, 
and maintain that unity.
    I, personally, look forward to advancing your nominations 
as quickly as possible, assuming I get the right answers.
    Let me start off with Ambassador Hartley. It is good to see 
you again. I am a believer in our special relationship with the 
United Kingdom and I am deeply grateful for the United 
Kingdom's efforts to support Ukraine and stand up for democracy 
across the globe.
    However, the United States also has an important role to 
play as a guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, protecting 
peace on the island of Ireland.
    I want to ask you, will you commit to using your voice to 
protect and push for the full implementation of the Good Friday 
Agreement, including through measures like a bill of rights for 
Northern Ireland, the Irish Language Act, and the establishment 
of a civic forum?
    Ambassador Hartley. Yes, Senator, I will. Senator Kaine had 
asked me that question previously------
    The Chairman. Okay.
    Ambassador Hartley [continuing]. And I think this 
administration and this President has made it very clear that 
the Good Friday Belfast Agreement has been critically important 
to Northern Ireland in bringing peace, stability, and economic 
stability as well, and that we have to make sure that nothing 
ever happens to jeopardize that.
    I did also say, because Senator Kaine brought up the 
elections that are happening later this week, that I think the 
executive and the power sharing agreement that has been 
happening in Stormont is also very, very important to progress 
in Northern Ireland. I would absolutely make sure both parties 
are communicating with each other and I commit to you, yes, 
that I will.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I did not want to be redundant. I 
was not able to view the hearing while I was with these 
parliamentarians but I am glad to hear your answer. These are 
the same points I pressed with Prime Minister Boris Johnson 
when he was here visiting with us not too long ago.
    One other question on Ireland. The British Government has 
reportedly been considering proposals to include a statute of 
limitations for all prosecutions during the troubles up to 
April of 1998 as well as the creation of an information 
recovery body.
    I am a firm believer that there can be no peace in Ireland 
without justice and I am concerned that new bodies floated in 
the Government command paper would be less effective than those 
that were agreed to in the Stormont House Agreement, which was 
actually a British document that, ultimately, got agreed to.
    Will you commit to standing up for the rights of those in 
Northern Ireland to seek accountability for trouble, errors, 
crimes and to advocate for the full implementation of the 
Stormont House Agreement?
    Ms. Hartley. Yes, I will.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Let me turn to--now, Ms. Milstein, 
I caught the tail end of Senator Barrasso's concerns, and my 
understanding--and please correct me if I am wrong--you were a 
volunteer in the Gore campaign in 2000. That is 22 years ago, 
by the way, and the question was about in the process of giving 
rides to voters whether you offered them some cigarettes, and 
at the end of the day, the Milwaukee district attorney 
investigated, found no wrongdoing or evidence that cigarettes 
were provided in exchange for votes.
    If that is the case, I can assure you that we have had 
nominees here, especially from the previous administration, 
nominees who were, clearly, under investigation by the IRS 
presently who, ultimately, got indicted, and members of this 
committee voted for that individual.
    So 22 years ago for something that the Milwaukee district 
attorney said was no violation of criminal law is something I 
do not quite understand being an impediment to moving forward 
in your nomination. But I look forward to your response to 
Senator Barrasso in your written response.
    I do have a concern about money laundering as it relates to 
Malta. The Financial Action Task Force has assessed that Malta 
needs to do more to support law enforcement efforts to address 
money laundering.
    As you--as we work to expose and rid our systems of malign 
foreign and oligarchic influence, will you work with Malta to 
promote greater transparency in its financial systems?
    Ms. Milstein. Thank you for that question, Senator 
Menendez.
    It would be a great honor for me and I look forward to 
working with Malta to try to get them removed from the 
jurisdictions which are under scrutiny and by FATF.
    This is an international body, as well you know, and the 
United States is always given more credit than it really has in 
terms of turning things around. But I am happy to report to you 
that the prime minister is working to do what he can to get 
Malta removed from that list as well.
    The Chairman. All right.
    And then, Mr. Leventhal, Denmark has announced plans to 
boost gas output in an effort to become energy self-sufficient 
and bolster European energy security. How large of a role do 
you think Denmark can play in helping wean Europe off of 
Russian fossil fuels and is there a role for the United States 
in supporting Denmark's efforts?
    Mr. Leventhal. As I am sure you are aware, Senator, Denmark 
has played a leading role in climate change and leading in 
moving from a fossil fuel economy. They lead in windmill 
production across the world, about 25 percent of production. I 
think Denmark has an important role to play.
    The Chairman. I hope we will help them. I understand that 
Senator Booker is actually joining us virtually so let us call 
upon him. Senator Booker?
    [No response.]
    The Chairman. Now it is the problem for Madam Chair here to 
figure it out. So------
    [Laughter.]
    The Chairman [continuing]. Senator Booker was supposedly 
on. Thank you for your answers.
    Senator Shaheen [presiding]. All right. He has got to be 
here in person. Okay. No one is in line for questions. I do 
have a couple more, if you will indulge me.
    I do not know, Senator Barrasso, if you are finished. But, 
Dr. Turner, I wanted to ask you a little bit about where we are 
with our engagement on non-proliferation because I do think it 
is very important for the United States to lead in the world, 
and I wonder if you can talk about the ways in which the United 
States can substantively reengage with the Conference on 
Disarmament and what the implications are for our policy if we 
are not able to improve international engagement.
    Mr. Turner. Thank you for that question. It is a very 
complicated one, I think, in a number of ways. The United 
States is, obviously, engaged in these institutions, as in many 
institutions.
    Unfortunately, over the past several years, in terms we 
have gone from an era of cooperation to lots of competition now 
among great powers and contestation as well of policies that 
are being put forward.
    This is a very real challenge. There is very little 
political will to reach agreement on some of these issues. It 
is, nonetheless, important for us to fight the good fight.
    We are a responsible nuclear power that is pushing to 
reduce the role of nuclear weapons while maintaining our 
deterrence relationships and progressing according to the NPT 
treaty, progressing toward the eventual goal of a world without 
nuclear weapons by pursuing negotiations in good faith on 
effective means, and the question is on effective means.
    And, unfortunately, as we all know, Russia is currently 
violating any number of agreements. It has revealed itself to 
be an irresponsible nuclear power weapons state, unlike the 
United States, France, and the UK.
    China has more or less tried to avoid responsibility in 
this area, preferring to leave everything to the United States 
and Russia. But we will continue to fulfill our goals. We want 
to use the Review Conference to strengthen the NPT regime.
    We are working hard to persuade China to engage with us 
bilaterally on risk reduction measures, more transparency, to 
start acting like the responsible global power that it claims 
that it is.
    The Russian problem is a separate issue for the moment. We 
do have the New START Treaty, which we have extended now for 
another five years. We had started the Strategic Stability 
Dialogue to talk with Russia about things we might do in the 
future.
    Our goal, obviously, is to capture all of those theater 
nonstrategic nuclear weapons that Russia is directly or 
indirectly threatening to use at this very moment, and then 
with China to get--again, to put in place some mechanisms that 
will lead to strategic risk reduction.
    So the NPT Review Conference in August is going to be very 
important to that end. We have had some success in the U.N. 
First Committee in pushing norms of behavior in space. There is 
an open-ended working group that will go for a couple of years 
and that is also something that we can build on.
    And, finally, at the very end of the year, there will be a 
review conference for the Biological Weapons Convention to 
which we have appointed a special envoy and the idea there is 
to break the deadlock, which is--has gone on now for about 20 
years.
    We do not want to have a full negotiation of a protocol but 
we are looking at ways to strengthen the regime, perhaps 
through the creation of an expert group that would meet for a 
couple of years and try to come up with some practical 
measures.
    Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I am particularly interested in 
what is happening looking at space because this is a new 
frontier, really, in terms of the potential to put weapons in 
space.
    And can you talk a little more about the progress that that 
review committee is making?
    Mr. Turner. When it comes to space, recently we had the 
Vice President which--who stated that we ourselves would no 
longer conduct anti-satellite--direct ascent anti-satellite 
destructive tests in space. So there is that problem.
    The Russians, as you know, conducted a test in mid 
November, which put many thousands of pieces of debris into 
space and which endangered the Space Station. So that is the 
sort of thing that we do not want to do.
    Over many, many years, Russia and China have put forward 
different kinds of treaty proposals that called for no first 
placement of weapons in outer space at the very same time that 
they are now sending satellites into space, which are capable 
of maneuvering behind other satellites, which have fired 
projectiles into space, and then they have their direct ascent 
test.
    So the fact of the matter is is that countries are 
developing weapons for use in space with the intent of denying 
the United States use of space or denying us some use of space 
over a long period of time.
    We depend more on space than many of--they do for our 
communications purposes. So this is a very serious issue. The 
proposal to develop norms of behavior in space is to develop 
something that would be parallel to what we have in the oceans 
or commercially in the air, which would--again, it will not 
solve the problem of what is happening in space but it will at 
least make it manageable.
    It will make it possible to distinguish commercial 
satellites from military satellites and, perhaps, develop some 
measures that you keep a certain distance from other satellites 
in order to avoid putting yourself into a situation where that 
is perceived as a threat.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I look forward to 
hearing more about the progress there.
    Ambassador Hartley, my last question is for you, and I 
think you have a unique perspective on this, having served as 
Ambassador to France and now looking at the position at the 
United Kingdom.
    As you know, we have a new security agreement with 
Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It is 
known as AUKUS, and it takes a look at the opportunities for us 
to have an allied response to the growing threat from China and 
North Korea in the Indo-Pacific.
    Can you talk about how important that is and what further 
opportunities we have to collaborate with AUKUS?
    Ambassador Hartley. I agree, Senator. I think AUKUS is an 
incredibly important agreement. It deepens our already strong 
relationship in terms of Five Eyes, particularly with the UK.
    But it also strengthens--gives us depth and ability to 
understand more about what is happening in the Indo-Pacific. UK 
recently, in their last integrated review, said that there was 
going to be a tilt in their government toward the Indo-Pacific, 
and we see them spending both more money and they have had 
various warships there over the last months.
    I think, for us, working with the UK and Australia will be 
very important and especially the technology component and, 
once again, I am not confirmed so I do not have a lot of 
information on this. But the technology component of this deal 
is going to be very, very important for us.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    Senator Barrasso, you have no further questions, and I do 
not think there is anyone else waiting to come. So with that, I 
would like to thank all of our nominees today for your 
testimony and, again, for your willingness to serve the 
country.
    I look forward to working with each of you, should you be 
confirmed, and I know that we are all hoping that these 
nominations will move forward as expeditiously as possible 
because one of the lessons from the war in Ukraine is just how 
important it is for us to have ambassadors on the ground who 
can represent American interests. We do hope to be able to move 
these as quickly as possible.
    For the information of all senators, the record of this 
hearing will remain open until close of business tomorrow, 
Thursday, May 5th. To my colleagues on the committee, I hope 
that they will submit any questions during that time.
    And to the nominees, if you have any additional questions I 
urge you to answer those as fully and expeditiously as possible 
so that we can move forward with your nominations.
    With that, the hearing is adjourned and congratulations to 
all of you.


    [Whereupon, at 3:22 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. Bruce I. Turner by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Just this January, Russia publicly affirmed that, ``a 
nuclear war can never be won and must never be fought.'' Since then, 
Russian leaders have issued more than a dozen threats of nuclear use 
against nations supporting Ukraine. Was Russia lying in January? Or are 
its current threats hollow?

    Answer. Russia's rhetoric on nuclear use is inconsistent with the 
January P5 joint statement and totally unacceptable. At the same time, 
the United States has not seen any evidence that Russia is preparing to 
launch a nuclear attack. It is in all of our interests to maintain the 
76-year plus record of non-use of nuclear weapons, and Russia should 
put into practice the sentiments of the January statement.


    Question. The administration believes China may be willing to 
engage in arms control discussions with the United States in order to 
protect its reputation. Do you agree, given China's tacit support of 
Russia in its unprovoked, unjustified war in Ukraine?

    Answer. While making the case that arms control that advances 
stability and predictability is in Beijing's security interest, the 
United States will simultaneously marshal support from U.S. partners to 
impose diplomatic and reputational pressure on the People's Republic of 
China (PRC) that counters its self-serving narrative about the ``benign 
nature'' of its nuclear build-up. Alone, reputational costs are 
unlikely to force Beijing to the table. But together with a commitment 
to advance U.S. capabilities to defend against a range of PRC threats 
and maintain a credible and strong deterrent, the United States will 
help ensure Beijing understands that there is no benefit to be gained 
from refusing to engage.



                               __________


      Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted 
             to Dr. Bruce I. Turner by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. The Outer Space Treaty, which entered into force in 1967, 
prohibits the placement of nuclear weapons or weapons of mass 
destruction in space, and prohibits the use of the moon or other 
celestial bodies for military purposes, but does not limit conventional 
armaments from being placed in orbit. In recent years, militaries 
around the world have been preparing for future conflicts in space with 
the proliferation of space technologies such as anti-satellite weapons 
being developed and tested, most notably by Russia and China. That's 
why this year I introduced the DEBRIS Act, which would help the United 
States enforce the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty through 
sanctions.

   Do you support my DEBRIS Act of 2022 (S. 3925)?

    Answer. I share your concern regarding Russia's and China's 
development of anti-satellite capabilities. One of my priorities, if 
confirmed, will be to develop norms of responsible behavior to address 
security threats in outer space. I would build upon Vice President 
Harris's April 18, 2022, announcement that the United States will not 
conduct destructive direct-ascent ASAT missile tests, such as the one 
Russia conducted in November 2021, and seek to establish this as an 
international norm.
    I understand that the Administration is continuing to analyze your 
legislation. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with 
you and your staff to strengthen the international response to anti-
satellite tests and to develop tools to deter or hold to account those 
who carry out such tests.


    Question. How can the United States prevent space from becoming a 
war-fighting domain?

    Answer. The United States recognizes that states such as China and 
Russia increasingly see space as a warfighting domain. The military 
doctrines of competitor nations identify space as critical to modern 
warfare and view the use of counterspace capabilities as a means both 
to reduce U.S. military effectiveness and to win future wars. 
Confrontation or conflict, however, is not inevitable. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with U.S. interagency, including the Department 
of Defense and Intelligence Community, to engage diplomatically with 
allies, partners and strategic competitors in order to enhance security 
and stability in outer space, including through the development of 
norms of responsible behavior.


    Question. Last year, the U.S. Department of Defense estimated that 
the People's Republic of China (PRC) is dramatically accelerating 
expansion of its nuclear arsenal. It is now on track to amass 700 
nuclear warheads by 2027 and 1,000 by 2030, which is double the 
estimates from last year. Unlike the old Soviet Union, the PRC is not 
restricted by arms control treaties with the United States. If we want 
to compel the PRC to stop this dangerous pursuit of a large nuclear 
arsenal, we need to negotiate from a position of strength. President 
Biden's decision to stop modernizing of our nuclear arsenal and his 
apparent intention to implement a ``no first use,'' ``sole use'' or 
similar policy is the exact opposite of the approach we need.

   Given the President's nuclear policy, what leverage does the United 
        States have to negotiate an arms control treaty with the PRC?

    Answer. The President recently approved the 2022 Nuclear Posture 
Review, which emphasizes maintaining a safe, secure, and effective 
nuclear deterrent and strong and credible extended deterrence 
commitments. Beijing should understand that there is no benefit or 
leverage to be gained from refusing to engage with us on reducing 
risks. If confirmed, I commit to consulting Congress at an appropriate 
time on potential measures to be pursued with the PRC.


    Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take through the 
conference on disarmament to encourage international action to stop the 
PRC's nuclear weapons build-up?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the member states of the 
Conference on Disarmament understand the facts behind the PRC's 
buildup, the threat it poses to international security, and how this 
nuclear expansion stands in stark contrast with Beijing's 
responsibility to work with all states to create a security environment 
more conducive to progress on disarmament. I will also continue to 
press for commencement of negotiations on a Fissile Materials Cut-off 
Treaty (FMCT) and press for all states, including the PRC which has not 
done so, to declare and maintain moratoria on production of fissile 
material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Alan M. Leventhal by Senator James E. Risch

Human Rights, Trafficking in Persons, and Religious Freedom
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
report, Denmark remained on Tier 2 due to a continued lack of 
prosecutions and convictions of suspected human traffickers for a 
second year.

   What is your assessment of this issue, and how can you encourage 
        the Danish Government to increase their efforts to prosecute 
        and convict suspected traffickers?

    Answer. The State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report 
placed Denmark on Tier 2, noting that the Government does not fully 
meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but is 
making significant efforts to do so. The Government did not meet 
minimum standards in several areas. However, the Danish Government 
works closely with the U.S. Government to address these issues. If 
confirmed, I will engage with the Danish Government to combat 
trafficking in persons and address the recommendations in the Report, 
including as they relate to prosecutions and convictions and victim 
protection, and the lack of a non-punishment provision, which has 
resulted in some authorities prosecuting victims, including children, 
for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them to commit.


    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, it was noted that there were 61 percent more 
religiously motivated crimes in the last reporting period compared to 
the year before in Denmark. The majority of these crimes were committed 
against Muslims and Jews.

   What is your assessment of religious freedom and societal/
        governmental respect for religious freedom in Denmark?

    Answer. The increase in religiously motivated crimes is of great 
concern and unfortunately something observed throughout Europe. The 
Government and people of Denmark generally have a high level of respect 
for religious freedom, and the Danish constitution guarantees the right 
of individuals to worship according to their beliefs. If confirmed, I 
would engage the Danish Government, members of parliament, religious 
leaders, and others to encourage an environment that respects the law 
and the rights of individuals.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Danish 
Government to address crimes against religious minorities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Danish 
Government to discuss crimes against religious minorities, through 
meetings and outreach with my counterparts in the Government and 
throughout society. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly engages 
on this issue.


    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with 
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious 
freedom?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to personally meeting with 
members of civil society on a regular basis to underscore the 
importance of religious freedom.


    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Denmark was named has having no reports of significant human rights 
abuses. Despite the positive human rights environment, if confirmed, 
how can you continue to engage with civil society to bolster human 
rights and human rights defenders in country?

    Answer. Denmark is a strong partner of the United States in 
promoting human rights globally; the United States and Denmark 
regularly meet and coordinate on human rights issues. The U.S. Embassy 
in Denmark engages with civil society in Denmark as part of its daily 
work. If confirmed, I would continue this engagement through regular 
outreach, meetings, and discussions with human rights defenders to 
advance shared values, including respect for human rights. Denmark has 
recently adopted a policy which would return Syrian refugees to Syria 
despite potential dangers posed to them.


    Question. How will you engage the Government to ensure that 
refugees who are still in fear of persecution are not returned to 
Syria?

    Answer. Denmark's decision to revoke the residency permits of 
certain Syrian asylum seekers from Damascus is very concerning, though 
I understand that Denmark has not forcibly returned anyone to Syria at 
this time. If confirmed, I will work closely with Denmark on refugee 
policy to promote protection for Syrian refugees, and to help ensure 
they are treated fairly, and with dignity. I understand the U.N.'s 
assessment is that conditions inside Syria are not conducive to refugee 
returns at this time.


    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Danish Government and 
        any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. support of 
        Doreen?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to engaging the Danish 
Government and relevant counterparts as necessary to communicate U.S. 
support of Doreen Bogdan-Martin's candidacy to lead the International 
Telecommunications Union and to vigorously delivering all official 
demarches in support of her.


    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program 
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would coordinate closely with and engage 
the International Organizations Bureau at the Department of State to 
ensure that the United States is readily able to identify, recruit, and 
install qualified Americans at the U.N. and in other specialized 
international bodies.

Defense
    Question. Denmark announced it will gradually raise its defense 
spending over the next 10 years with the goal of reaching the 2 percent 
GDP threshold required for NATO members.

   How will you work with the Danish Government to improve this 
        timeline?

    Answer. The United States expects all Allies to fulfill their 
commitments under the Pledge on Defense Investment, as decided at the 
Wales NATO Summit in 2014 and reaffirmed by Allied leaders several 
times since. Denmark announced a ``national compromise on Danish 
security'' March 6. In this compromise, Denmark announced it would 
spend two percent of GDP on defense by 2033. If confirmed, I will 
engage regularly to encourage Denmark to more rapidly meet its goal to 
reach the two percent GDP threshold for all NATO members.


    Question. How will you advise the Danish Government so that it 
spends its new defense funding on materiel and capabilities that 
provide maximum benefit to NATO's collective defense.

    Answer. Denmark is a stalwart NATO Ally whose security is dependent 
on close transatlantic cooperation and the U.S. mutual security 
guarantee. Denmark and the United States already enjoy a very close and 
effective relationship in the military sphere. If confirmed, I would 
continue this close cooperation and coordination with the Government of 
Denmark through regular engagement with all appropriate counterparts to 
encourage uses of Denmark's new defense funding that will provide 
maximum benefit to NATO.

Ukraine
    Question. Denmark has sent humanitarian and military assistance to 
Ukraine, and has even begun accepting Ukrainian refugees.

   How will you urge Denmark to continue its humanitarian and military 
        assistance to Ukraine?

    Answer. Danish leaders have strongly condemned Russia's unprovoked 
and unjustified war against Ukraine and voiced support for Ukraine's 
sovereignty and territorial integrity. Denmark has announced over $71 
million in humanitarian assistance and considerable military assistance 
to Ukraine. Denmark has said that over 100,000 Ukrainian citizens could 
seek refuge in Denmark; already, over 25,000 Ukrainian citizens have 
applied for temporary residency. Denmark has provided legal frameworks 
for Ukrainian citizens to be able to work and study while in Denmark. 
If confirmed, I would work daily with the Government of Denmark to 
ensure that Denmark continues its considerable assistance to Ukraine 
and that its assistance is coordinated for maximum benefit.

Greenland
    Question. Greenland, the traditionally neutral country that is 
under Danish sovereignty, has faced more and more encroachment from 
Russia and China as they impose their interests in its area.

   How will you work to promote U.S. and allied interests in Greenland 
        in the North Atlantic with regard to Russian and Chinese 
        expansionism?

    Answer. The reopening of the U.S. Consulate in Nuuk in 2020 after a 
67-year hiatus is emblematic of the U.S. desire to broaden engagement 
with Greenland and to promote and protect U.S. and allies' interests in 
the North Atlantic. The Kingdom of Denmark is clear-eyed about the 
People's Republic of China (PRC) and Russia. The Governments of Denmark 
and Greenland have taken action to stave off problematic PRC investment 
activities in Greenland. Both Denmark's and Greenland's approach to 
Russia reached a turning point following Putin's premediated, 
unprovoked, and unjustified war against Ukraine. At the same time, the 
U.S. Consulate in Nuuk is actively engaged with the Government of 
Greenland to promote U.S. interests in Greenland and the North 
Atlantic, from promoting trade and investment to enhancing people-to-
people ties.
    If confirmed, I would expand our engagement with Greenland through 
regular contacts with the Government and people of Greenland to further 
U.S. interests and combat problematic Russian and PRC activities in the 
region.


    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to visiting Greenland and the 
new U.S. consulate in Nuuk, and making regular trips there?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to making regular trips to 
Greenland and to the U.S. Consulate in Nuuk to broaden and enhance the 
relationship between the United States and Greenland.

China
    Question. To what extent and in what respects do you believe Danish 
industries are economically vulnerable in China?

    Answer. Denmark has one of the most advanced economies in the world 
and is highly dependent on foreign trade with exports comprising the 
largest component of GDP. Denmark adopted investment screening 
legislation in 2021 to prevent threats to national security or public 
order in Denmark. Denmark is clear eyed about People's Republic of 
China (PRC) economic practices; it has labeled the PRC a ''systemic 
rival'' and welcomed increased U.S. engagement in Asia. If confirmed, I 
would regularly work with the Government of Denmark to address joint 
concerns about the PRC.


    Question. How will you engage with your Danish counterparts in 
areas such as addressing economic vulnerabilities, increasing economic 
resilience, and risks posed by China to shared economic security 
between the United States and Denmark?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would engage regularly with the Government 
of Denmark, business representatives from Denmark and other partner 
nations, and civil society to address risks that the PRC poses to 
shared economic security. Further, I would encourage increased 
investment in the United States, not only to enhance our economic 
security, but also to provide good paying jobs for American citizens.


    Question. Researchers failing to disclose ties to the Chinese 
military, as well as universities transferring sensitive technology to 
China, are major problems in both the United States and European 
countries, including Denmark. Last year, the University of Copenhagen 
found that one of its professors failed to disclose ties to BGI Group 
and worked with a People's Liberation Army laboratory.

   If confirmed, will you commit to prioritizing China-Denmark 
        technology and defense partnerships that could undermine U.S. 
        interests?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing U.S. interests 
with respect to People's Republic of China (PRC) and Denmark technology 
and defense partnerships that could undermine U.S. interests.

Syrian Refugees
    Question. Denmark, which has taken in over 30,000 Syrian refugees, 
has determined in some cases that Syria is safe for them to return, are 
revoking their refugee status and repatriating them.

   Do you agree with the Danish Government's assessment that Syrian 
        refugees are safe to return home?

    Answer. Denmark's decision to revoke the residency permits of some 
Syrian asylum seekers from Damascus is very concerning, though I 
understand Denmark has not forcibly returned anyone to Syria at this 
time. I understand that the U.N.'s assessment is that conditions inside 
Syria are not conducive to refugee returns at this time.


    Question. How will you work with the Danish Government to ensure 
the Syrian refugees' interests and safety are prioritized?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage closely with the Government of 
Denmark and civil society organizations to promote protection for 
Syrian refugees, and to help ensure they are treated fairly and with 
dignity.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Allan M. Leventhal by Senator Ron Johnson

    Question. On Feb. 7, 1997, the Wall Street Journal published a 
report ``How Clintonites Built Fund-Raising Machine,'' which suggested 
a $200 million contract between your company Energy Capital Partners 
and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) was connected 
with significant donations you and others made to President Clinton's 
reelection campaign. HUD cancelled the contract several days later and 
Energy Capital Partners sued for breach of contract, eventually 
recovering over $10 million in damages for lost profits.
    A subsequent August 25, 2000, article in The Washington Post 
reported the following regarding the Energy Capital Partners-HUD 
dispute:


  a. HUD officials said an ``internal review concluded that the deal 
        had been agreed to under improper circumstances in which 
        political pressure was placed on career staff to give their 
        assent. An inspector general report also said the structure of 
        the program was illegal.''

  b. Former HUD deputy general counsel Howard Glaser, said that career 
        officials had in fact been pressured to agree to the Energy 
        Capital Partners deal.

  c. A March 1998 internal HUD report said ``tremendous pressure was 
        brought to bear by political appointees on career employees.''

  d. Glaser described the contract as ``an unprecedented giveaway done 
        with no competition and no bidding.''

   Were you aware then or are you aware now of any political pressure 
        placed on HUD officials to approve Energy Capital Partners 
        (Energy Capital) Affordable Housing Energy Loan Program (AHELP) 
        contract with HUD? If yes, was any of this pressure carried out 
        at your behest or the behest of someone acting on your behalf?

    Answer. There is critical factual context required for a full and 
accurate understanding of this historical matter. Reference is made to 
two articles, the first in the Wall Street Journal, the second in The 
Washington Post. Significantly, the first referenced article was 
substantially corrected by the WSJ three days after it was published. 
Based upon the initial, incorrect WSJ article referenced above, HUD 
terminated the contract/agreement you have asked about. HUD then 
subsequently admitted its liability for breach of the contract/
agreement in a lawsuit Energy Capital Partners filed against HUD.
    The second article referenced above (Washington Post) was published 
after the U.S. Federal Court of Claims issued a 48-page decision 
entering judgment against HUD for over $10 million because of its 
admitted breach of the contract/agreement you have asked about. To my 
knowledge The Washington Post did not do any independent investigating 
in doing its reporting. It simply quoted a non-career, HUD appointee 
and longtime associate of Secretary Cuomo who shared direct 
responsibility for directing HUD's conduct, claiming that the Court's 
decision would be overturned on appeal. The Federal Circuit Court of 
Appeals affirmed HUD's liability. Copies of both federal court 
decisions are attached.
    Within this context, I confirm that I was not aware at the time, or 
now, of any political pressure placed on HUD officials to approve 
Energy Capital Partners' Affordable Housing Energy Loan Program 
contract with HUD, nor, specifically, am I aware, now or then, of any 
pressure carried out at my behest or the behest of someone acting on my 
behalf.


    Question. Did you discuss AHELP with President Clinton prior to 
securing the contract with HUD? If so, please describe what was said.

    Answer. No.


    Question. If nothing unethical had taken place, why did HUD cancel 
the contract with Energy Capital only days after the Feb. 1997 Wall 
Street Journal article?

    Answer. The reason stated by HUD for termination was the WSJ 
article referenced in the question above. As noted above, that HUD 
termination letter failed to acknowledge the WSJ correction published 
three days after the article appeared, and as further noted above, HUD 
admitted its liability for breach of contract. See attached federal 
court decisions.

    Question. The contract allowed Energy Capital to include in its 
energy efficiency loans to HUD-managed properties what was referred to 
as a ``springing subordinated lien'' and a ``cross-default provision,'' 
whereby Energy Capital would be allowed to recover before the Federal 
Housing Administration in the event of a default. Please explain how 
Energy Capital secured such a beneficial program structure? Was there 
any precedent for such a mechanism in this type of government contract? 
If so, please provide other instances.

    Answer. Those provisions, and the reasons for them, are fully 
explained in the attached decision of the Court of Federal Claims, at 
pp 7-9. I note that before being made part of the contract/agreement 
you have asked about, the provisions were the subject of fifteen months 
of negotiation, required by Fannie Mae, and reviewed by numerous 
federal lawyers and officials. As reflected in my understanding of the 
decision of the Court of Claims the arrangement solicited and 
negotiated by HUD was intended by HUD to address its then unique 
requirements and HUD did not rely upon any precedents, one way or 
another, as the arrangement was not one based upon a standard form.

    Question. Please explain why you decided that detrimental reliance 
damages were insufficient in this case and instead sought damages for 
lost profits, which cost the American taxpayer over $10,000,000?

    Answer. Energy Capital Partners pursued the remedies to which it 
was entitled by law. The Court's decision, attached, fully explains all 
the reasons for which all damages were awarded by the federal court. 
The Court's decision states clearly how it arrived at a final judgment 
against HUD for $8.8 million (see Court of Appeals decision below).


    [The court cases referred to above are located at the end of this 
hearing transcript.]



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Alan M. Leventhal by Senator John Barrasso

    Question. On February 7, 1997, a Wall Street Journal article 
claimed Energy Capital received a federal contract in return for your 
significant fundraising efforts for President Clinton. Energy Capital 
Partners reportedly would have administered up to $200 million in loans 
to help the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) 
assist housing developers create more energy efficient units. On 
February 14, 1997, HUD canceled a contract with Energy Capital 
Partners. In April 1997, Energy Capital Partners then sued HUD for 
breach of contract.
    A Washington Post article from August 25, 2000, titled, ``Court 
Orders HUD to Pay $8.8 million,'' mentioned you and your company's deal 
with HUD. It reported that an internal review concluded by HUD found 
the deal ``had been agreed to under improper circumstances in which 
political pressure was placed on career staff to give their assent.'' 
It went on to say, ``an inspector general report also said the 
structure of the program was illegal.'' The article also quotes the 
agency spokeswoman Ginger Cruz saying, ``HUD was sued only for acting 
quickly to prevent the agency from being saddled with a bad deal.''

   Please describe your involvement in designing the program and 
        obtaining the agreement with HUD.

    Answer. There is critical factual context required for a full and 
accurate understanding of this historical matter. Reference is made to 
two articles, the first in the Wall Street Journal, the second in the 
Washington Post. Significantly, the first referenced article was 
substantially corrected by the WSJ three days after it was published. 
Based upon the initial, incorrect WSJ article referenced above, HUD 
terminated the contract/agreement you have asked about. HUD then 
subsequently admitted its liability for breach of the contract/
agreement in a lawsuit Energy Capital Partners filed against HUD. The 
second article referenced above was published after the U.S. Federal 
Court of Claims issued a 48-page decision entering judgment against HUD 
for over $10 million because of its admitted breach of the contract/
agreement you have asked about. To my knowledge The Washington Post did 
not do any independent investigating in doing its reporting. It simply 
quoted a non-career, HUD appointee and longtime associate of Secretary 
Cuomo, Howard Glaser, who shared direct responsibility for directing 
HUD's conduct, claiming that the Court's decision would be overturned 
on appeal. The Federal Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed HUD's 
liability. Copies of both federal court decisions are attached. I now 
turn to the specific questions.

    Answer. With this context, I confirm that I did not have any 
involvement in designing the program or obtaining the agreement with 
HUD.


    [The court decisions referred above are located at the end of this 
hearing transcript.]

    Question. What discussion did you have with President Clinton 
directly about the program?

    Answer. I did not have any discussions with President Clinton about 
this program.

    Question. Did you receive a copy of the Inspector General's report 
about the deal between HUD and Energy Capital Partners? If so, could 
you share a copy of the report with the committee?

    Answer. No. I have never been provided with nor seen such a report. 
HUD did not seek to introduce any such report at trial or call the 
Inspector General as a witness. As I noted above HUD, fully represented 
by the U.S. Department of Justice, admitted liability for breaching its 
contract with ECP.

    Question. Did you receive a copy of the HUD internal review of the 
deal with Energy Capital Partners? If so, could you share a copy of the 
report with the committee?

    Answer. No. I have never been provided with nor seen such a report. 
The Washington Post article from August 25, 2000, reported that former 
HUD deputy general counsel Howard Glaser ``criticized the structure of 
the program, particularly a provision under which any default by a 
developer on an Energy Capital loan would have automatically triggered 
a default on the larger HUD-backed mortgage. When HUD would then 
foreclose on the property in default, according to this provision, 
Energy Capital Partners would be paid off before the government.''

    Question. Is the description of the provisions of the deal with 
Energy Capital Partners accurate?

    Answer. The referenced provisions were described in full in the 
attached Court of Claims decision. I confirmed above that I did not 
have any involvement in designing the program or obtaining the 
agreement with HUD. I note that before being made part of the contract/
agreement you have asked about, the provisions were the subject of 
fifteen months of negotiation, required by Fannie Mae, and reviewed by 
numerous federal lawyers and officials.

    Question. On September 28, 2021, you wrote an opinion editorial 
titled, ``All Hands on Deck to Address Climate Crisis.'' It called for 
an all-hands-on-deck agenda for collaboration across the private and 
public sectors to prioritize climate justice, equitable resilience 
investments, accelerate carbon mitigation, and a more informed and 
activated citizenry.

   As Ambassador, do you plan to focus on and promote climate change? 
        If so, what would be your priorities?

    Answer. Denmark is a leader in combatting climate change globally 
and devotes significant resources to domestic green technology as well 
as assistance to developing nations' climate mitigation and adaptation 
efforts. In November 2021, Denmark joined the Global Methane Pledge. In 
addition, the United States co-launched with Denmark and the Marshall 
Islands the Declaration on Zero Emission Shipping by 2050 at COP26; we 
subsequently announced at the Our Ocean Conference in April 2022 that 
the number of participating countries in the Declaration has more than 
doubled since Glasgow. If confirmed, I will work to combat climate 
change and will work closely with Danish counterparts to advanced 
shared goals.

    Question. Please explain your views on prioritizing climate 
justice.

    Answer. The impact of climate change affects everyone. My hometown 
of Boston is susceptible to storm surges and flooding during the winter 
months, impacting residential areas throughout the city; some lower 
income neighborhoods are particularly vulnerable. I believe that 
diligent efforts must be made to combat climate change to provide 
future generations with the same opportunities that I have had. Denmark 
devotes considerable effort to increase renewable energy use and 
sustainability in the developing world, and, if confirmed, this is an 
area where I will work closely with Danish counterparts.

    Question. You explained that, ``Now, just nine months later and 
with the recent report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate 
Change declaring that climate change is a code red for humanity, it is 
clear those goals and policy changes may not be aggressive enough.''

   What do you believe are the appropriate goals and policy changes to 
        address climate change?

    Answer. Shortly after taking office, President Biden called world 
leaders together and urged them to commit to the steps needed to keep 
the goal of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius within reach. Many 
countries are raising their ambition, but stronger and more urgent 
efforts are needed to reduce emissions and to help the most vulnerable 
countries cope with devastating climate impacts. Denmark continues to 
push for increased global ambition on climate change and is eager to 
broaden cooperation with the United States on combatting climate 
change. This is reflected in the close cooperation during COP26, which 
saw Denmark join the Global Methane Pledge and the Agriculture 
Innovation Mission for Climate (AIM4C) initiative. If confirmed, I 
would work closely with my counterparts in the Kingdom of Denmark to 
address climate change.

    Question. In February 2021, you wrote a letter to the Boston Globe. 
It stated, ``As leaders of the commercial real estate industry in 
Boston, we have a long record of advancing sustainable development and 
reducing greenhouse gas emissions from buildings. We support the recent 
efforts to advance climate policy, including many of the concepts and 
provisions of the climate bill under consideration.''

   What efforts and legislation have you supported to advance climate 
        policy, including areas involving sustainable development and 
        reducing greenhouse gas emissions?

    Answer. Throughout my career, I have consistently advanced 
sustainable development. I supported many of the concepts of the 
Massachusetts climate bill that was under consideration, as well as 
city of Boston legislation in an effort to advance sustainable 
development while reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

    Question. Russia has demonstrated over and over again its 
willingness to use energy resources as a geopolitical weapon. President 
Putin uses Russia's energy resources to extort, to threaten, and to 
coerce our allies and our partners. The United States has been working 
closely with our partners in Europe to promote energy security through 
energy diversification in the types of energy, sources of energy, and 
routes to Europe.

   Do you support the U.S. increasing exports of liquefied natural gas 
        to assist our allies and partners in escaping their dependence 
        on Russia?

    Answer. Yes. I support the United States increasing exports of 
liquefied natural gas to assist our allies and partners in escaping 
their dependence on natural gas from Russia in the short to medium 
term. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Government of Denmark 
to work toward independence from Russian gas, balancing short term 
needs with long term decarbonization goals.

    Question. Denmark recently announced they will increase their 
output of natural gas to help Europe eliminate its dependence on 
Russian energy resources. Denmark is also constructing a gas pipeline 
from Norway to Poland called the Baltic Pipe.

   As Ambassador, what steps would you take to strengthen cooperation 
        between the US and Denmark on increasing natural gas production 
        to Europe?

    Answer. In Denmark's March 6 ``national compromise on Danish 
security,'' Denmark committed to become independent of Russian gas. 
Denmark also committed to increasing gas recovery in the North Sea, 
increasing the use of biogas, and advancing the Baltic Pipe. Denmark 
was a net exporter of gas until 2018, but its Tyra field has been 
offline since 2019 for extensive repairs.
    Denmark aims to return to its position as net exporter of gas by 
2023. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Danish Government 
to strengthen cooperation between the United States and Denmark with an 
aim to decrease Europe's dependence on Russian fossil fuels and to 
support Denmark's efforts to be a net gas exporter by 2023.

    Question. What is your view of the Baltic Pipe Project?

    Answer. I support the Baltic Pipe Project. The Baltic Pipe aims to 
create a new gas supply corridor in Europe. In Denmark's March 6 
``national compromise on Danish security,'' Denmark announced that it 
is ``committed'' to the Baltic Pipe. Denmark currently imports natural 
gas via Germany and as of October 2022 expects to import gas from 
Norway upon completion of the Baltic Pipe connection to Poland. Denmark 
aims to become a net exporter of gas by 2023. If confirmed, I would 
work with my Danish counterparts to ensure energy security, including 
efforts on the Baltic Pipe, and I would support Denmark's efforts to be 
a net exporter of gas by 2023.

    Question. What is the status of Baltic Pipe gas pipeline? When is 
it expected to be completed?

    Answer. Work on the Baltic Pipe is ongoing. In late April, the 
first ``hole through'' occurred, meaning that gas can flow through the 
pipe. Current projections indicate that the Baltic Pipe will be 
completed in October 2022. The Government of Denmark is committed to 
independence from Russian gas, and if confirmed, I would work closely 
with the Government of Denmark to help ensure the Baltic Pipe is 
completed in a timely manner.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Alan M. Leventhal by Senator Todd Young

    Question. As Finland and Sweden discuss closer cooperation with 
NATO, how do you view the role of Denmark within the NATO alliance?

    Answer. As a founding member of NATO, Denmark is a staunch and 
actively engaged NATO Ally. Denmark was a valued contributor to NATO's 
Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan and currently leads NATO 
Mission Iraq. Closer to home, Denmark participates in the collective 
defense of the Alliance, including through training and exercises with 
Allies across NATO. Denmark also has long-standing cooperation through 
the Nordic Defense Cooperation (NORDEFCO) framework that includes 
Finland and Sweden. Prime Minister Frederiksen has publicly stated that 
Denmark would support Finland and Sweden if they were to seek NATO 
membership. If confirmed, I will work to further cooperation with 
Denmark to enhance our engagement on security issues.

    Question. What is your assessment of the strategic value of 
cooperation with Denmark on security and regional stability?

    Answer. Denmark is the only country that is a member of NATO, the 
EU, and the Arctic Council. As such, Denmark plays a vital role on 
security and regional stability, with influence from the Arctic to 
Southern Europe. Denmark also contributes to security across the globe; 
it currently leads NATO Mission Iraq and stood beside us in 
Afghanistan. Denmark has said the United States is its security partner 
of choice and in February, Denmark announced its readiness to begin 
negotiating a Defense Cooperation Agreement with the United States that 
would further deepen our security cooperation. If confirmed, I would 
continue this close coordination as we cooperate on security and 
regional stability.

    Question. What do you view are China's interests in Greenland? How 
should the United States respond?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has exhibited interest 
in Greenland, particularly Greenland's critical minerals and strategic 
transportation infrastructure such as airports and ports. The 
Governments of Greenland and Denmark are clear eyed about PRC economic 
practices and have taken action to stave off problematic PRC investment 
activities in Greenland. If confirmed, I would continue to coordinate 
closely with the Governments of Greenland and Denmark to ensure that we 
remain aware of PRC activities and plans and to encourage investment in 
Greenland by U.S. companies as an alternative to problematic PRC 
investments.

    Question. Are there opportunities to further expand our 
relationship with Greenland through the new U.S. Consulate in Nuuk 
opened under President Trump?

    Answer. The reopening of the U.S. Consulate in Nuuk in 2020 after a 
67-year hiatus is emblematic of the U.S. desire to deepen engagement 
with Greenland. The United States also relaunched the Joint Committee 
with Greenland in 2021 to structure cooperation. The Consulate in Nuuk 
is fully operational and is moving the relationship forward through 
engagement that encourages trade and investment, promotes sound mining 
and energy sector governance, increases collaboration on global 
challenges like climate change, and seeks to strengthen educational and 
people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I would ensure that our engagement 
with Greenland through the Consulate in Nuuk remains robust as we 
deepen our relationship with Greenland.



                               __________


      Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted 
           to Constance J. Milstein by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
report, Malta remained on Tier 2 due to a continued lack of 
identification of victims, as well as a lack of prosecutions and 
convictions of suspected human traffickers.

   What is your assessment of this issue, and how can you encourage 
        the Maltese Government to increase their efforts to prosecute 
        and convict suspected traffickers?

    Answer. Malta does not fully meet the minimum standards for the 
elimination of trafficking, pursuant to the Trafficking Victims 
Protection Act (TVPA). While Malta is making significant efforts to do 
so, if it is to make real progress, a whole-of-government approach--
resulting in appreciable progress in protection, prosecution, and 
prevention--will be required.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Malta to take 
concrete steps to address the recommendations from the 2021 Trafficking 
in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage the Government to 
increase their efforts to hold traffickers accountable, including 
complicit officials, implement effective and dissuasive penalties for 
traffickers, and address gaps in victim identification and protection.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, societal and governmental respect for religious freedom 
was lacking, including the Government prolonging a request to build a 
new church for two years. In addition, religious minorities struggle to 
find equitable space to practice their religion.What is your assessment 
of religious freedom and societal/governmental respect for religious 
freedom in Malta?

    Answer. Freedom of religion and belief are important principles for 
me. Malta's constitution establishes Roman Catholicism as the state 
religion but provides for freedom of conscience and religious worship 
and prohibits religious discrimination.
    I understand that in response to calls for access to cremation from 
religious minorities in Malta, including the Hindu community, Malta 
passed a law legalizing cremation services in 2019. However, to date, 
the Maltese Government has failed to license a crematoria for the Hindu 
community's use. In July 2021, the Government announced plans to 
include a crematorium in an upcoming cemetery extension project. I also 
understand the Government has not acted on a Russian Orthodox 
application, pending since 2017, to build a church, and that the 
Maltese Government has not implemented past proposals to offer 
voluntary Islamic religious education in state schools.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Maltese 
Government on these issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the expertise and support of 
Embassy Valletta to engage across the Maltese Government to promote 
respect for freedom of religion and belief and ensure continued 
progress on ensuring the rights of members of religious minority 
groups. I will also continue Embassy Valletta's work to promote freedom 
of religion or belief through broad-based engagement with religious and 
civil society actors, opinion pieces in the media, and outreach on 
social media.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with 
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious 
freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to personally working with 
civil society to advocate for freedom of religion and belief for 
members of all religious groups and supporting efforts of all faith 
communities to collectively advocate on religious freedom issues. 
Embassy Valletta has an important role to play in ensuring robust 
engagement with civil society on religious freedom. Embassy officials 
regularly meet with representatives from a wide variety of religious 
groups to broaden understanding of and messaging on freedom of religion 
and belief.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, Malta 
was noted for having significant human rights abuses including unlawful 
detention and high-levels of corruption. If confirmed, how will you 
engage with the Maltese Government on these issues?

    Answer. The United States and Malta work closely together to 
improve human rights and rule of law in the country. Specifically, this 
includes judicial reform and transparency in the financial sector, 
press freedom, and the treatment of migrants. We also work together to 
counter transnational crime, gender-based violence, and trafficking in 
persons.
    An independent public inquiry on the 2017 murder of Daphne Caruana 
Galizia, an important Maltese investigative journalist, revealed a 
culture of impunity supported by individuals in positions of 
significant power. Impunity fuels corruption. The newly elected 
Government of Malta's acceptance of the findings of the inquiry and 
commitment to implement the inquiry's recommendations to address the 
culture of impunity through legal action and rule of law reforms are 
good signs, but more work remains.
    If confirmed, I will encourage Malta to continue to seek justice 
for Daphne Caruana Galizia and rebuild trust in its legal system. I 
will also continue U.S. support for Malta's rule of law reforms and 
implement programs focused on press freedom.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you continue to engage with civil 
society to bolster human rights and human rights defenders in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Valletta's engagement 
with civil society to support human rights and human rights defenders 
across the country. I will also continue Embassy Valletta's work to 
emphasize the importance of a free and independent press, to support 
the work of independent journalists, and to strengthen their profile as 
anti-corruption advocates.

    Question. In this report, there were allegations that the Maltese 
Government delayed safe disembarkation of refugees at sea and then 
forcibly returned them to Libya. If confirmed, do you commit to 
encouraging the Maltese Government to not commit refoulement of 
refugees?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to encouraging the Maltese 
Government to uphold its international non-refoulement obligations. 
Although migrant arrivals by boat have dropped since 2019, Malta 
continues to highlight this issue and its potential impact on the 
country. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Maltese 
Government, international organizations, and NGOs to humanely address 
issues associated with irregular migration.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Maltese Government 
        and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. 
        support of Doreen?

    Answer. Doreen Bogdan-Martin is a forward-looking, inclusive, and 
globally recognized leader, and would be the right leader at the right 
time for the ITU. She is already leading efforts as Director of ITU's 
Telecommunication Development Bureau to transform the global digital 
landscape to improve connectivity, close gaps in infrastructure, 
elevate youth voices, and make the digital future more inclusive and 
sustainable for all. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bureau 
of International Organizations (IO) to support Ms. Bogdan-Martin's 
candidacy and encourage Malta to vote for her for ITU Secretary-
General.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program 
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with all 
stakeholders to promote the employment of qualified U.S. citizens who 
are able to advance American priorities such as innovation, ethical 
standards, transparency, and accountability at international 
organizations, while bringing important skills and specializations. I 
believe the JPO program offers a unique opportunity for the United 
States to invest in the career development of qualified young Americans 
and will make needed progress in expanding the number and distribution 
of Americans working in international organizations. If confirmed, I 
will actively support efforts by the Department of State to identify 
opportunities for JPOs.

    Question. How do you plan on leading the fight against corruption 
in Malta within the U.S. Embassy?

    Answer. Corruption inflicts substantial costs upon the economy, 
society, and security of a country and undermines rule of law and 
citizens' faith in their Government. This directly impacts U.S. 
national security, economic, and foreign policy interests. If 
confirmed, I will work with Embassy Valletta, our partners throughout 
the U.S. Government, and the Maltese Government to combat corruption 
and promote the rule of law.
    On December 22, 2021, the State Department publicly designated two 
former senior Maltese officials, Keith Schembri, Chief of Staff to the 
former Prime Minister, and Konrad Mizzi, former Minister for Energy and 
the Conservation of Water, under Section 7031(c) of the Department of 
State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 
2021, prohibiting them and their immediate family members' travel to 
the United States, due to their involvement in significant corruption. 
These publicly announced designations reinforce the U.S. Government's 
commitment to combatting corruption globally and send a strong signal 
that the United States will continue to act against corruption.
    I am pleased that the Government of Malta has outlined the specific 
goals of fighting corruption, including increasing transparency of 
ultimate beneficial owners, ensuring the integrity of public officials, 
and implementing a national anti-fraud and corruption strategy as part 
of its Summit for Democracy commitments. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Government to support these important efforts to 
counter corruption.

    Question. What can the United States do to support anti-corruption 
efforts in Malta?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. support for Malta's rule 
of law reforms and implement programs focused on tackling corruption in 
all its forms. This includes supporting the work Embassy Valletta is 
doing with our partners in the Maltese Government and civil society to 
promote systemic rule of law reform focused on countering corruption.I 
also understand that the Department of State is using all available 
tools to promote accountability for corruption globally, including 
Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and, in consultation with the 
Department of Treasury, financial sanctions authorities such as Global 
Magnitsky Act. If confirmed, I will fully support the U.S. Government's 
use of all appropriate tools to combat global corruption.

    Question. How will you encourage the Maltese Government to ensure 
its economy is not used as a haven for ill-gotten gains and money 
laundering?

    Answer. In June 2021, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an 
international standard-setting body focused on anti-money laundering 
and combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT), placed Malta on its 
list of Jurisdictions Under Increased Monitoring (also known as the 
grey list), for reasons including its flawed approach to ultimate 
beneficial ownership information and insufficient investigations into 
and prosecutions of financial crimes including tax evasion.
    I understand that Embassy Valletta has welcomed Treasury, 
Department of Justice (DOJ), State Department Bureau of International 
Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL), and U.S. law enforcement experts' 
assistance to address Malta's rule of law deficiencies. This assistance 
aided in Malta's continued implementation of the FATF Action Plan, and 
helped improve Malta's financial regulatory, investigative, policing, 
and prosecutorial mechanisms to tackle evolving money laundering and 
illicit finance related risk. I also understand that a U.S. Department 
of Justice regional legal advisor embedded at Embassy Valletta worked 
with the Maltese authorities to draw up a roadmap for improving 
criminal justice procedures, streamlining critical evidentiary 
procedures, building capacity, and implementing new measures to deter 
money laundering.
    If confirmed, I will lead Embassy Valletta's work harnessing the 
U.S. Government interagency to work with our partners in the Maltese 
Government and civil society to promote systemic rule of law reform to 
strengthen Malta financial regulatory environment and improve Malta's 
efforts to counter money laundering.

    Question. Wealthy Chinese, Russian, and other nationals continue to 
purchase citizenship in Malta, despite protestations from the EU. What 
are your views on this issue, and how would you engage with the 
Government with Malta on it?

    Answer. The potential for abuse by bad actors is concerning. While 
the EU has lodged objections, the Government of Malta insists its 
citizenship by investment program is a matter of national sovereignty 
and has thus far been unwilling to end the program.
    It is my understanding that Malta has recently taken several 
important steps to prevent bad actors from using this program. 
Specifically, I understand Malta has reworked the program, increasing 
the vetting of applicants and raising the financial bar for investment. 
In response to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, Malta also 
publicly announced suspension of applications for citizenship and 
residency by applicants who are nationals of the Russian Federation or 
Belarus. I also understand that Malta has taken steps to strip Maltese 
citizenship from a Russian Federation dual national sanctioned by the 
United States.
    If confirmed, I would work with the Government of Malta to 
highlight the evolving risks of its citizenship by investment program 
and encourage the most rigorous vetting possible of citizenship 
applicants. This includes preventing Russia's elites and their family 
members with ties to the Putin regime or anyone involved in supporting 
Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war against Ukraine from seeking 
loopholes to evade sanctions or other restrictions.

    Question. Malta has not been very forthcoming in offering 
assistance to Ukraine, which was recently invaded by Russia.

   Why do you believe that Malta has not undertaken to support Ukraine 
        more?

    Answer. I understand that Malta has supported strong EU sanctions 
and taken other independent measures to isolate Putin's regime in 
response to Russia's unjustified and unconscionable war against 
Ukraine. In addition, I understand Malta is providing humanitarian aid 
to Ukraine, including medicines and medical equipment, and welcoming 
refugees from Ukraine to Malta in accordance with EU commitments and in 
line with the neutrality clause outlined in their constitution.

    Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to persuade 
Malta to contribute more to the international effort to support 
Ukraine?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Maltese Government to 
ensure that all diligence is taken to prevent anyone involved in 
supporting Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war against Ukraine 
from evading sanctions or other restrictions. I would also encourage 
Malta to offer as much humanitarian assistance as possible to help the 
people of Ukraine.

    Question. Malta continues to be a safe haven for Russian oligarchs 
who seek to evade the international sanctions regime against Russia, 
Putin, and his crony oligarchs. How do you plan to engage with the 
Maltese Government to increase its focus and resources on sanctions 
implementation and enforcement?

    Answer. I understand that Malta has supported strong EU sanctions 
and taken other independent measures to isolate Putin's regime in 
response to Russia's unjustified and unconscionable war against 
Ukraine.
    If confirmed, I will work with the Maltese Government to ensure 
that all diligence is used to prevent anyone involved in supporting 
Russia's brutal, unprovoked, and unjustifiable war from evading 
sanctions or other restrictions. I would ensure that Embassy Valletta 
engages with the U.S. interagency to ensure that we can provide Malta 
with the support it needs to vigorously enforce sanctions against 
Russia.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Constance J. Milstein by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Malta is one of the few countries to maintain a ``golden 
visa'' program, where Maltese citizenship is conferred to anyone who 
invests at least 750,000 euros in the Maltese economy. For the 
millionaires and billionaires that prop up the regimes in Moscow and 
Beijing or the leaders of transnational criminal organizations, this is 
very small sum to pay to enjoy all the benefits democracies confer. 
Immigration into the United States is much easier for Maltese citizens 
than it is for Russian and Chinese citizens. Without serious vetting 
and oversight, golden visa programs mean that war criminals and corrupt 
businessmen could be living here in the United States.

   Do you have concerns with Malta's golden visa program and its abuse 
        by corrupt actors and organized crime? Why or why not?

    Answer. The potential for abuse by corrupt actors and organized 
crime is concerning. While the EU has lodged objections, the Government 
of Malta insists its citizenship by investment program is a matter of 
national sovereignty and has thus far been unwilling to end the 
program.
    It is my understanding that Malta has recently taken several 
important steps to prevent bad actors from using this program. 
Specifically, I understand Malta has reworked the program, increasing 
the vetting of applicants and raising the financial bar for investment. 
In response to Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine, Malta publicly 
announced suspension of applications for citizenship and residency by 
Russian and Belarusian applicants. I also understand that Malta has 
taken steps to strip Maltese citizenship from a Russian dual national 
sanctioned by the United States.
    If confirmed, I would work diligently with our partners in the 
Maltese Government and civil society to champion rule of law to fight 
corruption.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to protect the 
United States so that individuals who have taken advantage of the 
golden visa system are unable to immigrate here?

    Answer. If confirmed, my top priority would be to ensure the safety 
and security of U.S. citizens and of the United States. I would 
continue our strong coordination efforts with our partners in the 
Maltese Government to ensure U.S. consular officers and U.S. law 
enforcement officials have the right information to effectively vet all 
individuals seeking to enter the United States from Malta. I understand 
that the United States has a strong relationship with Maltese law 
enforcement. If confirmed, I would seek to deepen these partnerships.
    Any foreign citizen seeking to enter the United States, whether to 
visit or to immigrate, must meet strict legal requirements and pass 
extensive security vetting.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you encourage Malta to reform its 
golden visa system?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Government of Malta to 
highlight the evolving risks of its citizenship by investment program 
and ensure the most rigorous vetting possible of citizenship 
applicants. This includes preventing Russia's elites and their family 
members with ties to the Putin regime or anyone involved in supporting 
Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war from seeking loopholes to 
evade sanctions or other restrictions.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Jane Hartley by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with our UK 
partners to ensure sufficient burden sharing in response to historic 
levels of food insecurity and for advancing the global health security 
of our respective citizens and partners?

    Answer. The United States has made clear global food security is a 
top priority issue, including for the United States' May presidency of 
the U.N. Security Council. This issue is even more urgent in light of 
Russia's unconscionable war against Ukraine. I understand Secretary 
Blinken will chair a Security Council open debate on May 19 to examine 
the nexus between conflict and food security. While much more remains 
to be done to end the COVID-19 pandemic and manage its impacts, the UK 
spent over $2 billion in 2020 and 2021 on COVID-19 response, and in 
2022 made new commitments and hosted the Global Pandemic Preparedness 
Summit, raising over $1.5 billion for CEPI. If confirmed, I will work 
with our UK partners to ensure burden sharing that enables a robust 
response to food insecurity around the world, and to advance the global 
security of our citizens and partners.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
report, the United Kingdom was again ranked as Tier 1 due to serious 
and sustained efforts to meet the minimum standards to eliminate 
trafficking. However, there were some instances in which the Government 
penalized victims for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them to 
commit.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the UK Government to address 
        these issues?

    Answer. The UK prioritizes the protection of human rights and 
introduced The Modern Slavery Act in 2015 to strengthen laws to 
prosecute and convict human traffickers, increase protections for 
survivors, and impose reporting requirements to prevent forced labor in 
organizations' operations and supply chains. The annual Trafficking in 
Persons report makes clear, however, that countering human trafficking 
around the world requires ongoing effort and progress. The 2021 
recommendations to the UK include ensuring victims are not penalized 
for unlawful acts their traffickers compelled them to commit, and if 
confirmed I would work with UK legislators, law enforcement, and 
immigration authorities to encourage continued improvement on this and 
the other recommendations in the TIP report to combat human trafficking 
and work to create a more fair, equitable world.

    Question. In the prioritized recommendations for the UK, the 
Department emphasized robust prosecutorial and conviction efforts of 
suspected traffickers, especially in Scotland and Northern Ireland. If 
confirmed, do you commit to raising the prioritized recommendations 
with the local Governments in Scotland and Northern Ireland to increase 
their prosecutorial efforts?

    Answer. The Embassy in London and the Consulates General in 
Edinburgh and Belfast have regular contact with both national and local 
officials. If confirmed, I commit to raising the prioritized 
recommendations with appropriate national and local officials across 
the UK, including in Scotland and Northern Ireland, to urge them to 
increase their prosecutorial efforts.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, the U.S. Embassy in the UK had robust engagement with 
government officials, political parties, and religious groups to 
advance religious freedom issues. The 2020 report also observed the 
first decline in religiously motivated hate crimes in England and Wales 
in roughly the last ten years.

   What is your assessment of religious freedom and societal/
        governmental respect for religious freedom in the UK?

    Answer. It is encouraging to see a decline in religiously motivated 
hate crimes in England and Wales in 2020. However, according to the 
2020 International Religious Freedom Report, rates of religiously 
motivated hate crimes remained higher than in recent previous years, 
indicating a need for continued efforts to promote religious tolerance. 
If confirmed as Ambassador, I would work with the UK Government to 
ensure continued progress to advance both societal and governmental 
respect for religious freedom in the UK.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the UK Government on 
these issues?

    Answer. The UK is a strong partner on advancing religious freedom 
issues, and in July 2022 will host a ministerial to promote freedom of 
religion and belief. If confirmed, I would work with the expertise and 
support of the staff of Mission UK, to engage across the UK Government, 
including with the Prime Minister's Special Envoy for Freedom of 
Religion or Belief, the Independent Advisor on Antisemitism, and the 
Equality and Human Rights Commission to advance religious freedom 
issues and ensure continued progress on issues such as reducing 
religiously motivated hate crimes.

    Question. How can you build upon this work to ensure robust 
engagement with civil society?

    Answer. The U.S. Mission to the UK has an important role to play to 
ensure robust engagement with civil society on religious freedom 
matters. Embassy officials regularly meet with representatives from a 
wide variety of religious groups to broaden understanding of and 
messaging on freedom of religion and belief. If confirmed, I will work 
with civil society to advocate for religious freedom for members of all 
religious groups, and support efforts of all faith communities to 
collectively advocate on religious freedom issues.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with 
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious 
freedom?

    Answer. In my previous post as Ambassador, I made it a priority to 
personally meet with members of faith communities and civil society to 
discuss the importance of religious freedom and gain a broad 
understanding of views across the country, including through hosting 
events for significant religious holidays. If confirmed, I commit to 
personally meeting with members of civil society to discuss the 
importance of religious freedom.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, the 
UK had no reports of significant human rights abuses and there were 
mechanisms in place to identify and punish officials who may commit 
them.

   Despite the positive human rights environment, if confirmed, how 
        can you continue to engage with civil society to bolster human 
        rights and human rights defenders in country?

    Answer. The UK is a committed leader on the protection and 
promotion of human rights. For example, the UK is the current co-chair 
of the Equal Rights Coalition, a grouping of 42 countries that work on 
rights of LGBTQI+ persons and will host a global conference on rights 
of LGBTQI+ persons in in June 2022. However, as current events around 
the world make clear, we cannot take human rights for granted. If 
confirmed, I will continue to engage with the UK Government and with 
civil society across the UK to bolster human rights and human rights 
defenders across the country including engaging with NGOs to counter 
discrimination and hate crimes.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the UK Government and any 
        other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. support of 
        Doreen?

    Answer. Doreen Bogdan-Martin is a forward-looking, inclusive, and 
globally recognized leader, and would be the right leader at the right 
time for the ITU. She is already leading efforts as Director of ITU's 
Telecommunication Development Bureau to transform the global digital 
landscape to improve connectivity, close gaps in infrastructure, 
elevate youth voices, and make the digital future more inclusive and 
sustainable for all. If confirmed, I will commit to supporting her 
candidacy wholeheartedly on behalf of the United States, including 
demarching the UK Government and other counterparts as necessary to 
communicate U.S. support for her candidacy.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program 
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. It is imperative the officers of the U.N. maintain strong 
commitments to the U.N.'s founding principles, including respect for 
the international order, resolution of disputes by peaceful means, and 
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I 
would coordinate closely with the IO bureau and other stakeholders to 
support efforts to identify, recruit, and install qualified Americans 
at the U.N., including in positions like the Junior Program Officer 
program.

    Question. How will you coordinate U.S. and UK responses to the war 
in Ukraine with regard to: security assistance, sanctions, humanitarian 
aid, refugees, and diplomacy?

    Answer. The United States has engaged in robust cooperation with 
the UK and other close partners, including bilaterally and 
multilaterally through NATO and the G7 to garner support for and 
coordinate strong united responses to Putin's brutal war in Ukraine. On 
security assistance, the UK has led two separate donor conferences for 
defense colleagues to corral and coordinate assistance and combine the 
U.S. and UK has provided billions of dollars in security assistance. On 
sanctions, the United States and the UK share common views and 
approaches on many sanctions, and the UK has made more than 1,400 
designations since the beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. If 
confirmed, I will work with the Department and Mission UK to continue 
close coordination between U.S. and UK security assistance, sanctions, 
humanitarian aid, refugees, and diplomacy in response to Moscow's war 
against Ukraine.

    Question. Russian oligarchs and officials hold large amounts of 
wealth in the UK. How can the UK limit the Russian influences embedded 
in its economy?

    Answer. I have seen how the UK has been in lockstep with the United 
States on exacting military, economic, and political costs for Putin's 
war in Ukraine, including taking significant steps to root out Russian 
illicit finance and sources of revenue for Putin in the UK. The UK 
Government also has imposed severe financial sanctions on President 
Putin, his inner circle, Russian oligarchs, and all who enable and fuel 
this war of choice--more than 1400 designations. In March, the UK 
enacted the Economic Crimes Act, making it easier to sanction groups of 
corrupt individuals, and harder for them to hide their money in the UK, 
particularly in real estate. Also in March, the UK announced it would 
phase out all imports of Russian oil by the end of 2022. There remains 
more work to be done, and if confirmed, I will advocate strongly for 
further measures to limit Russian influence in the UK economy, such as 
through robust use of the UK's new investment screening law.

    Question. How can the U.S. urge or help the UK to identify and 
appropriately freeze or seize Russian assets in their jurisdiction?

    Answer. While I am not privy to the specifics, I understand the 
United States and the UK maintain robust law enforcement cooperation 
multilaterally, including through the Five Eyes partnership, and 
bilaterally on a broad range of law enforcement matters. In March the 
G7, including the UK, launched the Russian Elites, Proxies, and 
Oligarchs (REPO) Task Force to identify and seize assets, including 
boats, planes, helicopters, real estate, and potentially art or other 
property. Each member jurisdiction uses its respective national 
authorities to collect and share information to enable U.S. and partner 
actions. If confirmed, I will work to maintain and develop cooperation, 
including through the law enforcement agencies represented at Mission 
UK, to provide the appropriate information to help the UK identify and 
appropriately freeze or seize Russian assets in their jurisdiction.

    Question. How can we message that although the UK has made great 
contributions to counter Russia, it still needs to confront the 
difficult problem of the vast Russian wealth in its economy?

    Answer. The UK has made incredible contributions to the effort to 
counter Putin's unjustified and brutal war in Ukraine. UK Prime 
Minister Johnson recognized in his May 3 speech to the Ukrainian 
parliament the West had been ``too slow'' to grasp the threat, 
acknowledging more needed to be done. If confirmed, I will engage 
directly with senior UK officials to advocate for continued and 
amplified efforts to root out illicit Russian finance in the UK through 
tools such as the Economic Crimes Act and to enforce strong protections 
against undue foreign influence, such as through the UK's investment 
screening law, the National Security and Investment Act.

    Question. Brexit has necessitated changes in U.S.-UK relations as 
the UK is longer part of the EU. What challenges do you anticipate in 
maintaining consistency between U.S.-UK and U.S.-EU relations?

    Answer. Transatlantic peace, security, and prosperity are best 
served by a strong UK, a strong EU, and the closest possible 
relationship between the two. The United States has a special 
relationship with the UK and an indispensable partnership with the EU, 
and if confirmed I will work to ensure these allies will continue to be 
the United States' partners of first resort on a range of shared 
priorities. If confirmed, I will work closely with UK officials and 
with Washington to maintain consistency on U.S.-UK relations, which 
continue to provide new opportunities for growth resulting from the 
UK's internationally focused ``Global Britain'' policies. While the 
U.S. Ambassador to the EU will lead on U.S.-EU relations, I will 
consult closely with him to support his efforts to maintain consistency 
in the transatlantic relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working to address the range of global challenges as the UK and the EU 
continue to adjust to their new post-Brexit relationship.

    Question. How will you coordinate diplomatic strategy with the U.S. 
Ambassador to the EU?

    Answer. Close cooperation and coordination between the U.S. Embassy 
in London, U.S. Consulate General in Belfast, and U.S. Mission to the 
European Union are vital to ensure the Department of State and the U.S. 
Government are speaking with one voice and understand the complexities 
of a changing UK-EU relationship and its implications for transatlantic 
relations more broadly. If confirmed, I will consult closely and 
regularly with U.S. Ambassador to the EU Mark Gitenstein on these 
issues and encourage the Embassy team to maintain close contact at all 
levels with their colleagues at the U.S. Mission to the EU.

    Question. The fate of the Northern Ireland Protocol is still 
uncertain, how will you work with the UK's foreign ministry to protect 
U.S. interests in the Irish-UK trade relationship?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Her Majesty's Government to 
encourage all parties to prioritize political and economic stability 
and to resolve their differences through continued dialogue. I would 
emphasize the need to ensure any steps taken do not undermine the 
progress made since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. The United 
States has a special relationship with the UK and an indispensable 
partnership with the EU, and if confirmed I will work to ensure both 
continue to be the United States' partners of first resort on a range 
of shared priorities.

    Question. How will you coordinate diplomatic strategy with the U.S. 
Ambassador to Ireland?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my counterpart at the U.S. 
Embassy in Dublin on a range of issues, including supporting the 
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. I will also coordinate with the U.S. 
Ambassador to the EU on issues such as the Northern Ireland Protocol.

    Question. Britain is facing a severe energy crisis, which has only 
been compounded by the recent decision to phase out Russian imports.

   What are the greatest problems the UK currently faces due to 
        energy?

    Answer. Domestic issues in addition to the spike in energy demand 
as the UK economy opened after the pandemic and disruptions to the 
global energy market caused by Putin's invasion of Ukraine have 
contributed to rising energy prices in the UK. The UK's energy policy 
is driven by its commitment to reaching net zero greenhouse gas 
emissions by 2050 and it has made significant investments in renewable 
energy, including offshore wind. The UK is a net importer of crude oil 
and natural gas and has announced it will stop most overseas oil and 
gas project financial support and advocacy. In March, the UK announced 
it would phase out all imports of Russian oil by the end of 2022. With 
this established, the UK is better positioned than most in the region 
as it only imports five percent of its natural gas supplies from 
Russia. Further, approximately eight percent of UK oil imports came 
from Russia in 2021. While better positioned to phase out Russian oil 
and natural gas, this will not mean the UK is insulated from price 
shocks or demand spikes across the region. Additionally, more than half 
of the UK's operating nuclear reactors are reaching the end of their 
operating life and are set to close by mid-2024, removing a large share 
of zero emissions power generation.

    Question. How can the U.S. help the UK solve this crisis?

    Answer. The UK has been a leader in efforts to mobilize private 
finance for renewable and net-zero energy, including through their 
leadership of COP26. Further, on the UK's aging nuclear fleet, Her 
Majesty's Government (HMG) plans to approve a new reactor each year 
until 2030, with the aim of having all operational by 2050. They will 
be looking for international partners. If confirmed, I will work with 
Mission UK and Her Majesty's Government to continue to identify 
opportunities to mobilize financing for energy generation and identify 
and support alternate sources of energy.

    Question. How will you balance your messaging to Britain on the 
need to invest in clean energy while also maintaining energy stability 
and security?

    Answer. The UK's April 2022 Energy Security Strategy identifies the 
need balance investment in clean energy and maintaining energy 
stability and security. If confirmed, I will work with the UK to 
identify avenues to support additional and expedited investment in 
clean energy and to improve energy stability and security.

Northern Ireland
    Question. There have been reports that the UK will seek to abandon 
the Northern Ireland Protocol as there has so far been no success in 
creating a sustainable solution to trade in the region.

   As Ambassador, how will you protect U.S. trade interests as they 
        relate to Ireland and the UK?

    Answer. The U.S. priority remains protecting the gains of the 
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, and peace, stability, and prosperity for 
the people of Northern Ireland. I understand the UK is concerned about 
the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol and recognize this 
is a bilateral issue between the UK and EU. If confirmed, I will 
encourage all parties to prioritize political and economic stability 
and to resolve their differences through continued dialogue. I would 
emphasize the need to ensure any steps taken do not undermine the 
progress made since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement.

    Question. How will you work to uphold the Northern Ireland Peace 
Process throughout any Brexit and NI Protocol related negotiations?

    Answer. Northern Ireland has made tremendous progress since the 
1998 Belfast/ Good Friday Agreement. I understand the United States has 
encouraged the EU and UK to continue engaging in dialogue that will 
enhance the prospect for longterm and provide positive solutions that 
give Northern Ireland businesses and people the confidence to continue 
to improve their economy. If confirmed, I will do the same.

    Question. What is the status of the W93 warhead program, and its 
relationship with British nuclear modernization?

    Answer. Although I am aware of the W93 modernization program and 
our cooperation with the UK on strategic nuclear deterrence, I am not a 
government official and have not been briefed on the latest 
information. If confirmed I will promote continued close defense 
cooperation with the United Kingdom.

    Question. Russia is increasing its nuclear threats against the UK, 
to include a recent threat on state television to employ the Poseidon 
nuclear drone to cause a radioactive flood across Ireland, the UK, and 
coastal France. How is the U.S. supporting the UK in countering such 
threats? Does U.S. policy guidance to ``reduce the role of nuclear 
weapons in our strategy,'' and budget requests to divest capabilities 
such as the submarine-launched cruise missile--nuclear (SLCM-N) in 
effect reward such threats, and embolden Russia to deliver more?

    Answer. The fundamental role of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter 
nuclear attack on the United States, U.S. allies, and partners, 
including the United Kingdom. Our alliances are a tremendous source of 
strength and a unique advantage for the United States; the 
Administration is reinvesting in them. Provocative nuclear rhetoric is 
dangerous, adds to the risk of miscalculation, and should be avoided. 
If confirmed I would work closely with UK officials to coordinate 
against this threat in a manner that continues to demonstrate the 
transatlantic unity.

    Question. The UK has led the world in pushing to assertively 
support Ukraine, and in doing so has implicitly downplayed the threat 
of Russian escalation. Have they struck the right balance between 
supporting Ukraine and mitigating the threat of escalation? What does 
this imply for other allies and partners?

    Answer. The United Kingdom's strong support has bolstered Ukraine's 
ability to defend against Russia. UK support includes a May 3 
announcement of =300 million to fund electronic warfare equipment, 
heavy lift drones, a counter battery radar system, GPS jamming 
equipment, night vision devices, Brimstone anti-ship missiles, and 
Stormer anti-aircraft systems. At the same time the UK has been an 
active participant at G7, NATO, and trans-Atlantic Quad meetings at 
which it has publicly underscored the importance of trans-Atlantic 
unity as a deterrent against an escalation by Russia. If confirmed I 
will coordinate with UK officials to continue making clear to Russia 
that it will face a swift and strong response to any escalatory actions 
it may take.

    Question. What does the U.S. need from the UK in the event of 
Chinese aggression against Taiwan, the South China Sea, or the East 
China Sea?

    Answer. The United States and UK continue to deepen cooperation in 
the Indo-Pacific region. The UK's renewed focus in the region, outlined 
in the 2021 Integrated Review, provides ample opportunity to increase 
our cooperation and presence in the region. For example, in 2021 the UK 
sent a joint carrier strike group with U.S. and Dutch participation to 
demonstrate freedom of navigation and interoperability. If confirmed I 
will work with UK officials to strengthen our cooperation in the Indo-
Pacific region to deter any PRC aggression.

    Question. What are the practical barriers to progress for increased 
cooperation in the Advanced Capabilities portion of AUKUS? How can the 
U.S. best address those barriers?

    Answer. I understand that AUKUS partners have made strong progress 
in the four advanced capabilities that the President and Prime 
Ministers identified in September 2021, and have recently initiated 
work in four additional areas. The expanded the list of projects now 
includes hypersonics and counter-hypersonics, electronic warfare 
capabilities, information haring, and innovation. These initiatives 
will add to our existing efforts to deepen cooperation on cyber 
capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and 
additional undersea capabilities. The goal of these efforts is to 
foster deeper integration of security and defense-related science, 
technology, industrial bases, and supply chains. I have not been 
briefed on the classified details of these programs or barriers to 
further cooperation; if confirmed, I will work closely with UK 
officials to ensure a smooth and prompt implementation of AUKUS 
advanced capabilities projects.

    Question. The UK joined Russia, China, France and the U.S. earlier 
this year in declaring the ``a nuclear war can never be won and must 
never be fought.'' Given Russia's nuclear threats since then, does the 
UK believe Russia was lying when it signed on to that statement? Or 
does the UK believe that Russia has changed its stance since January?

    Answer. While I have not been part of bilateral discussions and 
cannot know what the UK believes regarding Putin's trustworthiness, I 
can commit to working closely with UK officials, if confirmed, in order 
to sync our deterrence strategies to prevent nuclear war.

    Question. What do you view as the overarching priority areas of the 
United Kingdom's policy towards China, and what are the top areas 
within which the United States and the United Kingdom should cooperate 
with respect to China?

    Answer. The U.S. and UK approaches are closely aligned on policy 
toward the PRC. The UK--like the United States--seeks to counter, 
compete, or cooperate as needed with the PRC. The UK's overarching 
approach to the PRC, as characterized in its Integrated Review, is a 
systemic challenge, and identified the need to do more to adapt to the 
PRC's growing impact. The UK has undertaken measures to address 
Xinjiang forced labor and human rights concerns and has played a 
leadership role in condemning repeated PRC attempts to undermine Hong 
Kong's autonomy as guaranteed in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. 
During its presidency of the G7, the UK was a stalwart supporter of 
``open societies'' and ``open economies'' through its promotion of 
democratic values and free and fair trade. If confirmed, I will deepen 
the already close U.S-UK coordination on the PRC and will seek to 
strengthen our efforts to defend the rules-based international order 
and our respective national security interests and our values.

    Question. Last month, a Chinese investment group received 
Whitehall's approval to purchase one of Britain's few remaining 
semiconductor manufacturing plants.

   What are the risks posed by this purchase, and how should the 
        United States respond?

    Answer. The President has identified semiconductors and their 
supply chains as critical to national security. To my knowledge, the 
purchase occurred last year, and Whitehall has referred the case to 
Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy Kwasi 
Kwarteng for review under new investment screening authorities provided 
by the National Security and Investment Act that took effect at the 
beginning of this year. If confirmed, I will work closely with UK 
officials to sync our efforts to protect critical supply chains for 
foreign interference or economic coercive practices.

    Question. Britain's commissioner for biometrics and surveillance 
cameras has asked the British Government's to clarify its policy with 
respect to purchasing equipment from China's Hangzhou Hikvision Digital 
Technology. Hikvision was blacklisted by the U.S. Government in 2019 
over Beijing's treatment of Uyghur Muslims and other ethnic minorities 
in Xinjiang.

   What are your views on this issue, and how would you engage with 
        United Kingdom on matters related to technology and human 
        rights?

    Answer. The United States has made clear, and I concur entirely, 
that it is essential to support respect for the human rights of members 
of minority groups in the PRC and elsewhere, and to ensure that the 
U.S. financial system and American investors are not facilitating PRC 
Government efforts to persecute ethnic and religious minorities. If 
confirmed, I would work with UK counterparts to develop and promote 
democracy-affirming technologies and to mitigate the risks of 
authoritarian governments using technology to track, intimidate, or 
repress.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Jane Hartley by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Russia's current invasion of Ukraine has caused a severe 
oil shortage in Europe and the world. In the United States, gas prices 
have increased 44 percent since the start of the invasion, while they 
have increased much more in other countries, including the United 
Kingdom.

   If confirmed, how would you work with the British Government to 
        address the inflation and supply chain crisis caused by Putin's 
        war?

    Answer. Domestic issues in addition to the spike in energy demand 
as the UK economy opened after the pandemic and disruptions to the 
global energy market caused by Putin's invasion of Ukraine have 
contributed to rising energy prices in the UK. President Biden has 
issued an executive order to bolster resilient, diverse, and secure 
supply chains. If confirmed, I will work with the UK, one of our 
closest economic partners with approximately $240 billion in trades and 
services, to align our supply chain strategies. Additionally, if 
confirmed I will work closely with our UK partners to find economic 
solutions bilaterally and multilaterally that continue to hold the 
Kremlin to account while ensuring Putin's war of aggression against 
Ukraine has minimal impact on the American people.

    Question. If confirmed, would you recommend that the British 
Government increase oil production in the North Sea?

    Answer. The UK's energy policy is driven by its commitment to 
reaching net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 and it has made 
significant investments in renewable energy, including offshore wind. 
The UK is a net importer of crude oil and natural gas and has announced 
it will stop most overseas oil and gas project financial support and 
advocacy. To that end, if confirmed I would work closely with our 
British counterparts to address the energy security needs of both our 
countries, particularly as we confront the impact of Putin's war of 
aggression against Ukraine on shared energy priorities and security.

    Question. Do you think that increase U.S. oil and gas exports to 
Europe can more immediately counter rising prices than promoting long-
term investments in renewable energy?

    Answer. The United States is working simultaneously on short-term 
and long-term responses to counter Russian attempts to use energy as a 
weapon. The U.S. Government has been engaging U.S. LNG companies and 
working with partners around the world to diversify natural gas supply 
to Europe to address the near-term need and replace volumes that would 
otherwise come from Russia. The President launched a task force with 
the EU in March that prioritizes efforts to increase LNG volumes for 
Europe. This will help replace Russian gas to Europe--decreasing 
Europe's dependence on Russia and Putin's ability to use energy as a 
tool of coercion. The United States is working over both the short- and 
long-term to also reduce the overall demand in Europe for natural gas 
by ramping up energy efficiency measures and accelerating renewable and 
other clean energy deployment.

    Question. The enablers of Putin's regime in Russia--senior 
government officials and oligarchs--all keep their money abroad in 
banks in London and New York. If we really want to punish Putin and his 
regime for the crimes they're committing in Ukraine, then we need to 
target these accounts.

   To date, what is your assessment of the UK's to target and seize 
        these assets?

    Answer. While I am not privy to the specifics, I understand the 
United States and the UK maintain robust law enforcement cooperation 
multilaterally, including through the Five Eyes partnership, and 
bilaterally on a broad range of law enforcement matters. In March, the 
G7, including the UK, launched the Russian Elites, Proxies, and 
Oligarchs (REPO) Task Force to identify and seize assets, including 
boats, planes, helicopters, real estate, and potentially art or other 
property. Each member jurisdiction uses its respective national 
authorities to collect and share information to enable U.S. and partner 
actions. If confirmed, I will work to maintain and develop cooperation, 
including through the law enforcement agencies represented at Mission 
UK, to provide the appropriate information to help the UK identify and 
appropriately freeze or seize Russian assets in their jurisdiction.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the British 
Government and the sanctions offices here to form a coordinated 
sanctions strategy targeting these Russian oligarchs?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would maintain our already robust 
cooperation on sanctions. Since the start of Russia's war against 
Ukraine, more than 30 Allies and partners have joined the United States 
in rolling out sanctions on more than 2,100 Russian and Belarusian 
targets. Our Allies and partners have shown an unprecedented, shared 
commitment to work together to impose costs on Russia. The UK is a 
leader in this group, having introduced the Economic Crime 
(Transparency and Enforcement) Act, which allows the UK to immediately 
designate individuals and entities that have been designated by the 
UK's allies.

    Question. Similarly, how would you combat dirty money coming from 
the Chinese Communist Party?

    Answer. I am heartened by the continued coordination between the 
United States and the UK to hold corrupt regimes accountable and ensure 
our jurisdictions do not serve as havens for illicit finance. If 
confirmed, I am committed to working with our partners in London to 
ensure our two financial systems are not a safe haven for oligarchs, 
government officials and political party members--from any country--who 
empty the public coffers of their citizens for their own gains.

    Question. The U.S.-UK transatlantic market is one of the most 
important aviation markets in the world. This is a market dominated by 
airline joint ventures that have immunity from the U.S. antitrust laws. 
U.S. airlines, especially new entrants to the transatlantic market, are 
having significant difficulty securing access at London-area airports 
thus limiting competition in this important market.

   What are your views on competition in the transatlantic aviation 
        market, and will you commit to help such airlines grow in the 
        UK and ensure that they are treated fairly by the UK 
        Government?

    Answer. American consumers benefit from an open and transparent 
transatlantic aviation market. If confirmed, a key priority of mine 
would be to work with Department of Transportation and Department of 
Commerce colleagues to promote opportunities for American companies, 
including in the commercial aviation sector.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Jane Hartley by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, how would you view your role in promoting 
and strengthening trade ties between the United Kingdom and the United 
States?

    Answer. The UK is one of the United States' strongest trade and 
investment partners. If confirmed, it will be one of my top priorities 
to promote and strengthen trade ties between the United States and the 
UK and to see that economic bonds continue to grow and create American 
jobs. The United States and the UK have resolved numerous trade 
disputes over the past year, including on a June 2021 ``cooperative 
framework'' for large civil aircraft production and a March 2022 
agreement to remove U.S. Section 232 tariffs for certain volumes of UK 
steel and aluminum products. The Section 232 tariff agreement also 
strengthens trade by countering unfair PRC practices that harm our 
industries and workers. If confirmed, I intend to work with the UK, 
across the interagency, and in consultation with Congress, to advance 
free, fair, and balanced trade between the United Kingdom and the 
United States.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you operationalize the New 
Atlantic Charter signed in 2021 that emphasizes ``open and fair 
trade?''

    Answer. The New Atlantic Charter, released by President Biden and 
UK PM Johnson on the margins of the June 2021 G7 Leaders' Summit 
pledges to deepen cooperation on democracy and human rights, defense 
and collective security, science and innovation, and inclusive economic 
prosperity, and renew joint efforts to tackle the challenges posed by 
cybersecurity, climate change, biodiversity loss, and emerging threats. 
If confirmed I would work with the interagency and with Congress to 
strengthen trade with the UK that reflects the Biden-Harris 
administration's commitment to prioritizing America's working families. 
That includes supporting ongoing efforts to promote and strengthen 
trade ties, such as the recent U.S.-UK Dialogue on the Future of 
Atlantic Trade, which explored with a diverse group of stakeholders how 
we can collaborate to advance our shared trade priorities and promote a 
worker-centered, fair, and responsible global economy. I would also 
work to further strengthen our already close cooperation with the UK on 
addressing new and old challenges, as outlined in the Charter, and to 
counter the efforts of those who seek to undermine our values, 
alliances, and institutions.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you see as your role as 
Ambassador in furthering AUKUS, the trilateral security pact between 
Australia, the UK, and the United States?

    Answer. A free and open Indo-Pacific region is critical to the 
security and prosperity of the American people, and the AUKUS 
partnership will help defend and promote U.S. interests there for 
generations. I see my role as Ambassador, if confirmed, as working to 
fulfill our commitment to work with our closest ally to sustain peace 
and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. As Ambassador, I would work 
to promote efforts to strengthen trilateral security cooperation among 
Australia, the UK, and the United States through AUKUS and leverage the 
combined resources of these allies to direct more diplomatic, military, 
economic, and other resources to the region, including by further 
enhancing our cooperation on advanced capabilities.

    Question. One of the elements of this AUKUS partnership is advanced 
capabilities, such as AI, cyber, and quantum technologies. In your 
view, how does this partnership with the UK further U.S. leadership in 
emerging technology?

    Answer. Partnership with the UK and Australia on advanced 
capabilities, such as AI, cyber, and quantum technologies, will further 
U.S. leadership on emerging technology by enhancing our joint 
capabilities, interoperability, and fostering deeper information and 
technology sharing with our closest allies. AUKUS partners have made 
strong progress in the four advanced capabilities that the President 
and Prime Ministers identified in September 2021 and have recently 
initiated new trilateral cooperation on hypersonics and counter-
hypersonics, and electronic warfare capabilities, as well as taken 
steps to expand information sharing and to deepen cooperation on 
defense innovation. Our cooperation will promote deeper information and 
technology sharing and foster further integration of security and 
defense-related science, technology, industrial bases, and supply 
chains. The United States and the United Kingdom both benefit from a 
firm foundation to help grow our economies through high-skill, high-
paying jobs. Each nation also benefits from research centers through 
shared scientific breakthroughs and testing of next-generation military 
capabilities--combining our efforts to help the United States as well 
as its partners stay at the leading edge of technology advances. If 
confirmed, I look forward to representing U.S. interests as a leader in 
emerging technology.



                               __________



      
=======================================================================


            Court Records Submitted by Alan M. Leventhal to

             Expand Upon His Response to Questions Posed by

             Senator Ron Johnson and Senator John Barrasso

=======================================================================


  Energy Capital Corp. v. The United States-- United States Court of 
          Federal Claims. No. 97-293C. Decided August 22, 2000





































































































































































































  Energy Capital Corp. v. The United States-- United States Court of 
          Federal Claims. No. 01-5018. Decided August 14, 2002












































































                              ----------                              





 
                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                         TUESDAY, MAY 10, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:38 p.m., in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, 
Johnson, Romney, Portman, Young, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senator Peters.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order. We are here today to consider 
nominations for three important positions: Ambassador Bridget 
Brink to be the Ambassador to Ukraine, Ambassador Elizabeth 
Richard to be Coordinator for Counterterrorism, and Ambassador 
Alexander Laskaris to be the Ambassador to Chad.
    I understand that Senator Peters will be introducing 
Ambassador Brink, and we have a vote going on the floor so we 
want to accommodate Senator Peters.
    We will recognize you at this point.

               STATEMENT OF HON. GARY C. PETERS, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MICHIGAN

    Senator Peters. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking 
Member Risch. It is, certainly--it is my honor to introduce 
Ambassador Bridget Brink to the committee.
    I also want to recognize Ambassador Brink's family, who are 
with her here today--her husband Nick, who is also serving our 
country as a diplomat, and her two sons, Jack and Cole.
    Like our service members and their families, our diplomats 
do not serve alone, as every member of this committee knows. 
Their families often go unrecognized as our diplomats perform 
their crucial work in foreign lands thousands of miles from 
their country. We want to thank all of them for their service.
    Ambassador Brink was born and raised in East Grand Rapids 
and graduated from East Grand Rapids High School in Michigan. 
Growing up, she remembers driving by a sign that proudly 
recognized her hometown as the home of President Gerald Ford. 
President Ford's decency, integrity, and humility served as a 
marker for the Midwest values that Ambassador Brink lives by.
    And Ambassador Brink still keeps Michigan very close to her 
heart, visiting family in west Michigan every year. Although 
she has lived all across the globe through her career, she will 
tell you that her favorite place in the entire world to visit 
is back along the shoreline of Lake Michigan, and that makes 
sense. As I have always said, the Great Lakes are more than a 
national treasure to Michiganders. They are actually--they are 
ingrained in our DNA, and, clearly, the Great Lakes, are in 
Ambassador Brink's DNA as well.
    Now Ambassador Brink will have the opportunity to uphold 
those Michigan values at a time of incredible upheaval in 
Ukraine and I know Ambassador Brink is ready for the challenge.
    She is a seasoned diplomat who first joined the State 
Department in 1996 and has spent her career in places like 
Georgia, Serbia, Slovakia, Uzbekistan--places where she learned 
the intricate dynamics that underpin much of the post-Soviet 
order in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, and where she learned 
early on how Russia chooses to treat its neighbors.
    Ambassador Brink will be in charge not just with supporting 
our Ukrainian partners in the immediate fight against the 
Russian invasion but also in the recovery and rebuilding phases 
after.
    As someone who was working in the U.S. embassies during the 
conflict in the Balkans and in Tbilisi after the Rose 
Revolution, Ambassador Brink knows what it takes. Her 
leadership is more vital than ever and her service across five 
administrations is fitting tribute to the apolitical service to 
country that we expect from our civil servants.
    I am proud to recognize Ambassador Brink for her 
extraordinary professional achievements and to congratulate her 
on this opportunity to serve her country. Her success will be 
our country's success, and I cannot think of anyone more 
equipped for this position, and that is why I would encourage 
her swift confirmation.
    And thank you for this opportunity to introduce an 
absolutely extraordinary woman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Peters, for that glowing 
introduction. We appreciate your insights, and I know that 
there is a vote on the floor so feel free to leave when you 
choose to do so.
    More than two months into Russia's horrific war against 
Ukraine it seems clear that the battle for the future of 
Ukraine is far from over. While Ukraine has impressed the world 
with its bravery, a bloody fight continues as we sit here 
today.
    Just yesterday missiles hit as a top European diplomat met 
with the Ukrainian prime minister. Missiles have struck in Lviv 
where U.S. diplomats commute from Poland. The Russian military 
has destroyed towns and cities, and people are suffering. But 
the Ukrainian people continue to fight and defend their 
country.
    At the same time, American and European diplomats are 
working diligently to reopen diplomatic posts while ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel.
    And so, Ambassador Brink, thank you for accepting this 
critical posting. You will be more than a wartime ambassador. 
Your appointment and, I hope, expedient confirmation, along 
with the return of American diplomats, sends a powerful message 
to the world--we stand with Ukraine and the free world will not 
abandon those fighting to protect it.
    Once confirmed, you will face multiple complex diplomatic 
challenges: navigating relations with NATO and our partners in 
Europe, helping refugees find food and shelter, maintaining 
Russian sanctions while meeting Europe's energy needs, 
documenting Russian war crimes, and supporting policies and 
institutions to be ready for reconstruction efforts.
    With all this in mind, I am pleased that the Administration 
has identified the right person for such a difficult job, and I 
am pleased that we are considering a diplomat with extensive 
experience, who, as ambassador to Slovakia, has worked with a 
large Ukrainian refugee community and ensured the transfer of 
critical air defense systems to Ukraine, someone with 
experience tackling the security challenges of eastern and 
central Europe, who served in Belgrade during the Balkan Wars, 
and was a student in Europe when the Berlin Wall fell.
    Having said all of that, Ambassador Brink, we are going to 
look forward to hearing your thoughts on how you plan to tackle 
the challenges that await and about your priorities for the 
first few months. It is a difficult challenge and I think you 
will be up to it, and we wish you well and your mission.
    We are also hearing today from the nominee for the 
Coordinator for the State Department Counterterrorism Bureau, 
Ambassador Elizabeth Richard. The Coordinator is responsible 
for harmonizing the actions of U.S. Government counterterrorism 
agencies to support partnering arrangements with state, 
nonstate, and multilateral entities.
    Ambassador Richard has a long and impressive record of 
service as our Ambassador to Lebanon, Deputy Chief of Mission 
in Yemen, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near East Asia 
Affairs, just to name a few, in her 36 years of dedicated 
service to United States foreign policy.
    I look forward to hearing from you about what new 
initiatives and directions you will take the Counterterrorism 
Bureau upon your confirmation.
    Finally, we are considering Ambassador Alex Laskaris for 
Chad, a country which for decades was run by strongman Idriss 
Deby. It is one of three countries in the Sahel that has 
recently experienced a coup, further undermining stability in 
an already fragile region. But there is now a chance, however 
slight, for Chad to undergo a transformation.
    Ambassador Laskaris, I will be interested in hearing now 
from you what you will do to support efforts for Chad's 
transition to democracy.
    In addition, I look forward to hearing from you your plans 
for improving U.S. policy balance between defense, diplomacy, 
and development, something called for in legislation that I led 
in the Senate with Ranking Member Risch, the Trans-Sahara 
Counterterrorism Partnership Program Act of 2021.
    And with that--and welcome to your respective families, 
because as Senator Peters said in his introduction of 
Ambassador Brink this is a commitment by families and sacrifice 
by them as well, and we appreciate their willingness to 
sacrifice as well on behalf of the nation.
    Let me turn to Senator Risch for his opening statement.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to 
all three of you and your families for your willingness to 
serve. It is a sacrifice--we know that--and the American people 
appreciate it.
    In this time of war and turmoil, the U.S. has not had a 
confirmed ambassador on the ground in Ukraine for nearly three 
years. I wish it could have been sooner and we would be further 
along, but it is what it is and I am glad we were able to 
quickly bring Ambassador Brink before us for a hearing today.
    Ambassador Brink, if you are confirmed, this job will not 
be an easy one. I think that comes as no surprise to you. You 
will be responsible for moving the embassy back into our 
facilities in Kyiv, helping to shepherd U.S. military, 
financial, and humanitarian aid in the right places, and the 
war--and when the war is over, and it will be, assisting 
Ukraine in rebuilding its country.
    There will be a lot of scrutiny from Washington on all of 
this. Assuming you are confirmed, and I assume you will be, I 
would urge you to take a proactive role in pressing Ukraine to 
remain true to its reform path and not allow the fog of war 
that has happened to derail that.
    I expect you to be a strong advocate for whatever military 
assistance Ukraine needs in order to win, and we all have an 
expectation that you will remain in close contact with this 
committee. We need it. The advice of people on the ground is 
vital to shaping decisions in Washington and we need to hear 
from you as we continue to support Ukraine in its fight against 
the Russian invasion.
    Turning to Ambassador Richard and your nomination for 
Counterterrorism Coordinator, while we shattered the Islamic 
State's grip on Iraq and Syria, problems remain.
    Just this morning, the Chairman and I were briefed in depth 
on the thousands of foreign terrorists that are languishing, 
sometimes in makeshift prisons, in Syria. This is a really 
serious problem. It is an unreported problem but it is an 
enormous problem.
    While a handful of our partners have repatriated their 
foreign fighters to face justice, others have not. I welcome 
your thoughts on the resolution of this very significant 
problem, that ensuring that these fighters do not pose a threat 
to U.S. interests.
    Finally, I am happy to see--regarding Chad, I am happy to 
see an ambassador with a range of experiences working in Africa 
as the nominee for ambassador has.
    Your record is outstanding, really. You have got a 
difficult road ahead of you, of course. U.S. relations with 
Chad are complicated by our security partnership, notably, to 
counter the terrorist threats in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin, 
and Chad's notoriously undemocratic domestic politics.
    This is made more challenging by the coup that occurred 
following the battlefield death of the authoritarian president, 
Idriss Deby, in April of 2021.
    The dissolution of parliament and other institutions and 
the installation of his son as head of the Transitional 
Military Council all cause serious issues.
    It is a critical time for the U.S. relationship with Chad 
and it is equally critical we have a confirmed U.S. Ambassador 
on the ground. I look forward to hearing what you have to say 
in regards to the challenges you face.
    With that, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    We will start off with you, Ambassador Brink. We would ask 
you each to summarize your statements in about five minutes or 
so so we could have an opportunity to have a conversation with 
you.
    Your full statements will all be included in the record, 
without objection.
    And, Ambassador Brink, you are recognized.

  STATEMENT OF HON. BRIDGET A. BRINK, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE 
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
              UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO UKRAINE

    Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking 
Member Risch, and distinguished members of the committee for 
this opportunity to appear before you today.
    I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the 
position of Ambassador to Ukraine. I am grateful for the trust 
and confidence the President and the Secretary have placed in 
me. If confirmed, I commit to work with you to advance U.S. 
interests in Ukraine.
    I am a career Foreign Service Officer with 25 years of 
experience. My career focus has been supporting the freedom and 
independence of the countries of Europe and greater Europe. I 
view this work to which I have dedicated my professional life 
as fundamental to our own security.
    Our collective effort has created more stable and capable 
allies and partners, opened markets to U.S. goods, and advanced 
strategic priorities which protect and defend the people of the 
United States.
    I am deeply proud to have advanced the long-standing 
strategic goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace over five 
U.S. administrations. I appreciate the leadership of this 
committee and our work to resolve conflicts in the Balkans, 
push back against Russian aggression in Eastern Europe and the 
Caucasus, and support reforms in young democracies on the edge 
of Europe.
    I know America is its most powerful overseas when we have 
bipartisan support at home with regard to our core national 
interests. I appreciate this bipartisan support as we face the 
biggest threat to peace and security in Europe in decades.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to continue our 
commitment to a sovereign, democratic, and independent Ukraine, 
free to choose its own future.
    To paraphrase the President, in this battle between 
democracy and autocracy, between freedom and repression, 
between a rules-based order and one governed by brute force, 
freedom must prevail. Ukraine must prevail.
    If confirmed, my number-one priority would be to advance 
the United States' strategic interests which includes a 
democratic, sovereign, independent, and prosperous Ukraine. The 
courage and heroism of President Zelensky and the people of 
Ukraine has inspired us all.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work with Congress to help 
Ukraine succeed on the battlefield and at the negotiating 
table. We will ensure that Russia's effort to dominate Ukraine 
is a strategic failure.
    I also commit to working with you to continue to provide 
humanitarian assistance, economic assistance, and to pursue 
accountability for war crimes in Ukraine. In supporting 
Ukraine, we are defending the principles of sovereignty and 
independence and the international rules-based order.
    My second priority would be to help Ukraine rebuild. We 
support the decision of the people of Ukraine to integrate more 
closely with Europe and to undertake the serious and difficult 
internal reforms needed to achieve that goal.
    It will require Ukraine to seize this historic opportunity 
with the eyes of the world upon it. A democratic, sovereign, 
and independent Ukraine is also in the interests of the United 
States.
    Finally, I take as my most solemn responsibility the safety 
and security of the people of our embassy. While we will not be 
able to conduct diplomacy in a war zone without risk, I pledge 
to work with my leadership and our team to balance risk against 
our goals in a way that advances U.S. national interests in 
Ukraine.
    Coming from Grand Rapids, Michigan, I entered public 
service with the values I learned from my family and community. 
I want to relay how proud I am to be a part of our career 
Foreign Service, underscore the vital role it plays in 
promoting U.S. interests and values, and pay tribute to the 
people and their families who sacrifice so much to serve our 
great country.
    I want to salute the current charge d'affaires, Kristina 
Kvien, for her exceptional service, and the team of dedicated 
Americans and Ukrainians who make up the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv. 
If confirmed, it will be an honor of a lifetime to join this 
team and lead our collective effort there.
    I want to conclude by recognizing those who have made it 
possible for me to be here today. First, I want to thank my 
husband and fellow Foreign Service Officer, Nicholas Higgins, 
who is here today, for his love and support for over 29 years.
    We are so proud of our children, also here, Jack and Cole. 
As part of a diplomatic family that has moved every few years 
for their entire lives, I want to thank them for their own 
service to our country.
    I would also like to thank my mother, Gwen Brink, father 
and stepmother John and Judy Brink; sister Joanna Brink; 
nephews Andrew and Andre Brink; Aunt and Uncle Mary and Patrick 
Sayne; my in-laws, Adrienne and Kingsley Foster, and all of my 
brothers- and sisters-in-law for being bedrocks of support 
every step of the way.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this 
committee, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before 
you today. I welcome your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Brink follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Bridget A. Brink

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
distinguished members of this committee for the opportunity to appear 
before you today. I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the 
position of Ambassador to Ukraine. I am grateful for the trust and 
confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. If 
confirmed, I commit to work with you to advance U.S. interests in 
Ukraine.
    I am a career Foreign Service officer with 25 years of experience. 
My career focus has been supporting the freedom and independence of the 
countries of Europe and greater Europe. I view this work to which I 
have dedicated my professional life as fundamental to our own security. 
Our collective effort has created more stable and capable allies and 
partners, opened markets for U.S. goods, and advanced strategic 
priorities which protect and defend the people of the United States.
    I am deeply proud to have advanced the longstanding strategic goal 
of a Europe ``whole, free, and at peace'' over five U.S. 
administrations. I appreciate the leadership of the members of this 
committee and our work to resolve conflicts in the Balkans, push back 
against Russian aggression in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus, and 
support reforms in young democracies on the edge of Europe. I know 
America is its most influential overseas when we have bipartisan 
support at home with regard to our core national interests.
    I appreciate this bipartisan support as we face the biggest threat 
to peace and security to Europe in decades. If confirmed, I pledge to 
work with you to continue our commitment to a sovereign, democratic, 
and independent Ukraine, free to choose its own future. To paraphrase 
the President: in this battle between democracy and autocracy, between 
freedom and repression, between a rules-based order and one governed by 
brute force, freedom must prevail. Ukraine must prevail.
    If confirmed, my number one priority would be to advance the United 
States' strategic interests, which includes a democratic, sovereign, 
independent, and prosperous Ukraine. The courage and heroism of 
President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine has inspired us all. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work with Congress to help Ukraine succeed on 
the battlefield and at the negotiating table. We will ensure that 
Russia's effort to dominate Ukraine is a strategic failure. I also 
commit to working with you to continue to provide humanitarian 
assistance and to pursue accountability for war crimes. In supporting 
Ukraine, we are defending the principles of sovereignty and 
independence and the international rules-based order.
    My second priority would be to help Ukraine rebuild. We support the 
decision of the people of Ukraine to integrate more closely with Europe 
and to undertake the serious and difficult internal reforms needed to 
achieve that goal. It will require Ukraine to seize this historic 
opportunity with the eyes of the world upon it. A democratic, 
sovereign, and independent Ukraine is also in the interest of the 
United States.
    Finally, I take as my most solemn responsibility the safety and 
security of the people of our Embassy. While we will not be able to 
conduct diplomacy in a war zone without risk, I pledge to work with my 
leadership and our team to balance risk against our goals in a way that 
advances our national interests in Ukraine.
    Coming from Grand Rapids, Michigan, I entered public service with 
the values I learned from my family and community. I want to relay how 
proud I am to be a part of our career Foreign Service, underscore the 
vital role it plays in promoting U.S. interests and values, and pay 
tribute to the people and their families who sacrifice so much to serve 
our great country. I want to salute the current Charge d'Affaires, 
Kristina Kvien, for her exceptional service and the team of dedicated 
Americans and Ukrainians who make up the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv. If 
confirmed, it will be an honor of a lifetime to join this team and lead 
our collective effort there.
    I want to conclude by recognizing those who have made it possible 
for me to be here today. First, I want to thank my husband and fellow 
Foreign Service officer, Nicholas Higgins, for his love and support for 
over 29 years. We are so proud of our children, Jack and Cole. As part 
of a diplomatic family that has moved every few years for their entire 
lives, I want to thank them for their own service to our country. I 
would also like to thank my mother, Gwen Brink; father and stepmother, 
John and Judy Brink; sister, Joanna Brink; nephews, Andrew and Andre 
Brink; aunt and uncle, Mary and Patrick Sayne; my in-laws; Adrienne and 
Kingsley Foster and my brothers and sisters-in-law for being bedrocks 
of support every step of the way.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank 
you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome 
your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Richard?

 STATEMENT OF HON. ELIZABETH H. RICHARD OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER 
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, 
NOMINATED TO BE COORDINATOR FOR COUNTERTERRORISM, WITH THE RANK 
               AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR AT LARGE

    Ambassador Richard. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and 
Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of the 
committee. It is an honor to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be Coordinator for 
Counterterrorism at the State Department. I am deeply grateful 
to the President and the Secretary for their support and 
confidence.
    Over the course of my 36 years as a Foreign Service 
Officer, I have had the privilege of serving in some of our 
most challenging posts, including Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan, and 
Afghanistan.
    During that time, I have taken part in robust efforts by 
the U.S. and our partners and allies to confront the challenges 
to our security from terrorist groups in these regions and 
beyond.
    We have prevented another terrorist attack on the homeland 
and greatly weakened ISIS and al-Qaeda, though both groups 
continue to try to expand their geographic reach, creating new 
challenges.
    Terrorist groups threatening the United States and our 
partners today are more geographically diverse, more 
ideologically diverse, and more technologically adept than ever 
before. We must remain vigilant in addressing this complex and 
dynamic terrorist landscape.
    Iran, the world's largest state sponsor of terrorism, and 
its proxies continue their destabilizing behavior in the Middle 
East and beyond. I have seen firsthand the results of Iran's 
malign influence and I fully understand the need to keep the 
pressure on.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners to 
do just that.
    Terrorist groups in Africa, exploiting poor governance and 
economic despair, are growing more destructive by the day.
    Groups like Boko Haram, Al Shabaab, and, increasingly, ISIS 
thrive in this environment and they threaten our interests in 
the region. If confirmed, I will work to increase international 
attention to these areas.
    There is also a rising danger from racially or ethnically 
motivated violent extremists, which FBI Director Wray elevated 
in 2020 to a threat on par with ISIS and al-Qaeda.
    In addition to the increasing organizational 
decentralization of these groups, challenges to detecting and 
disrupting terrorist attacks include the exploitation of social 
media to radicalize and recruit, the use of commercially 
available encrypted communications, the deployment of 
commercially available drones, and the employment of 
sophisticated financial schemes.
    The State Department plays an integral role in the overall 
U.S. Government counterterrorism effort by fostering 
international consensus as well as by helping build the 
capacity of partners and allies.
    U.S. counterterrorism efforts are shifting from a U.S.-led 
partner enabled approach that relies heavily on military power 
to one in which our partners have to have the will and 
capability to lead in addressing threats on their own soil.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize efforts to reduce the 
continuing threat that ISIS poses around the world. Under U.S. 
leadership, the 84-member Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS has 
made major strides against the group in Iraq and Syria. It is 
now also focused on addressing ISIS threats in Africa and 
emanating from Afghanistan.
    As part of that effort, I would prioritize the following: 
repatriating foreign terrorist fighters and their families from 
Syria to their countries of origin; strengthening the detention 
facilities in which they are now housed; and improving 
conditions in displaced persons camps in Syria to prevent them 
from becoming incubators for the next generation of ISIS 
fighters.
    While countering terrorism is vital to U.S. national 
security, there are many other priorities and finite resources. 
While it is critical that the United States maintains its 
leadership role in international counterterrorism efforts, our 
partners should also shoulder a greater share of the burden.
    Finally, I commit to working with you to ensure that the 
Congress is regularly informed and consulted on all our 
counterterrorism efforts.
    With that, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, I 
really appreciate your consideration today and I thank you for 
the opportunity to appear before you, and look forward to your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Richard follows:]


            Prepared Statement of Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
distinguished members of the committee. It is an honor to appear before 
you today as President Biden's nominee to be Coordinator for 
Counterterrorism at the Department of State. I am deeply grateful to 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their support and confidence 
in me.
    Over the course of my 36 years as a Foreign Service Officer, I have 
had the privilege of serving in some of our most challenging posts, 
including Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. During that time, 
I have taken part in robust efforts by the U.S. and our partners and 
allies to confront the challenges to our stability and security from 
terrorist groups in these regions and beyond. We have prevented another 
terrorist attack on the homeland and greatly weakened ISIS and al-
Qa'ida, though both groups continue to work to expand their geographic 
footprint, creating new challenges.
    Terrorist groups threatening the United States and our partners 
today are more geographically dispersed, more ideologically diverse, 
and more technologically adept than ever before. We must remain 
vigilant in addressing this dynamic and complex terrorist landscape.
    Iran--the world's largest state sponsor of terrorism--and its 
proxies continue their destabilizing behavior in the Middle East and 
beyond. I have seen, first-hand, the results of Iran's malign influence 
and use of proxies and fully understand the need to keep the pressure 
on and, if confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners, to do 
the same.
    Terrorist groups in Africa exploiting poor governance and economic 
despair are growing more destructive by the day. Groups like Boko 
Haram, al-Shabaab and Jama'at Nusratul Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), and 
increasingly ISIS, thrive in this environment and threaten our 
interests in the region. If confirmed, I will work to increase 
international attention to this region. There is also a rising danger 
from racially or ethnically motivated violent extremists, which FBI 
Director Wray elevated in 2020 to a threat on par with ISIS and al-
Qa'ida.
    In addition to the increasing organizational decentralization of 
these groups, challenges to detecting and disrupting terrorist attacks 
include the exploitation of social media to radicalize and recruit, use 
of commercially available encrypted communications, deployment of 
commercially available drones, and employment of sophisticated 
financial schemes.
    The State Department plays an integral role in the U.S. 
Government's counterterrorism efforts by fostering international 
agreement on the need to confront these terrorist groups as well as by 
helping build the counterterrorism capacity of our partners.
    U.S. counterterrorism efforts are shifting from a U.S.-led, 
partner-enabled approach that relies heavily on military power to one 
in which our partners have the will and capability to lead in 
addressing terrorist threats on their soil. As U.S. efforts become more 
focused on building partner capacity, the Counterterrorism Bureau's 
work will be vital.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize efforts to reduce the continuing 
threat that ISIS poses around the world. Under U.S. leadership, the 84-
member Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS has made major strides against 
the terrorist group in Iraq and Syria and is now also focused on 
addressing ISIS threats in Africa and emanating from Afghanistan.
    As part of that effort, I will prioritize repatriating foreign 
terrorist fighters and their family members from Syria to their 
countries of origin, strengthening the detention facilities in which 
they are now housed and improving conditions in displaced persons camps 
in Syria to prevent them from becoming incubators for the next 
generation of ISIS fighters.
    While countering terrorism is vital to U.S. national security 
interests, there are many other priorities and finite resources. While 
it is critical that the United States maintains its leadership role in 
international counterterrorism efforts, our partners should shoulder a 
greater share of the burden.
    If confirmed, I will work both bilaterally and multilaterally to 
spur all those threatened by terrorism to do more to address these 
threats. I will also work to ensure that our foreign assistance 
resources are spent wisely on programs that help partners develop the 
capability to secure their borders, investigate and disrupt terrorist 
plots, track terrorist financing, bring terrorists to justice, prevent 
and counter violent extremism, and rehabilitate and reintegrate former 
terrorists.
    I will also promote a counterterrorism approach that upholds the 
rule of law and respect for human rights. Finally, I commit to working 
with you to ensure that Congress is regularly informed and consulted on 
counterterrorism efforts.
    With that, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, I appreciate 
your consideration and thank you for the opportunity to appear before 
you today. I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you. A career foreign service officer 
who does not use all five minutes, that is extraordinary.
    Ambassador Laskaris?

 STATEMENT OF HON. ALEXANDER MARK LASKARIS OF THE DISTRICT OF 
COLUMBIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS 
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY 
  AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
                        REPUBLIC OF CHAD

    Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 
Member. It is a deep honor to appear before the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee for the second time in my career.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for their support and, if confirmed, for the 
opportunity to continue my 31-year career in the Foreign 
Service in the Republic of Chad.
    To an Africanist, the word Chad conjures up memories of 
great kingdoms rooted in storied civilizations going back more 
than a thousand years in recorded history. Today's Chad is a 
rich mosaic of peoples, cultures, languages, and religions 
encompassing the worlds of the desert, the savanna, and the 
forest in an area three times the size of California.
    A rich past notwithstanding, however, today's Chad is also 
one of the poorest countries in the world, ranking 187th out of 
189 countries in the U.N.'s Human Development Index.
    It has some of the highest rates of maternal and infant 
mortality in the world and some of the lowest incomes, life 
expectancies, and literacy rates. It is within both our 
interests as a nation and our values as a people that we work 
to address these conditions.
    There are security issues that require our attention, but 
they should never divert us from the fundamental development 
challenges that call for greater action and which, I believe, 
define our work in Chad and will define my work in Chad, if 
confirmed.
    We have been partners with Chad since its earliest days as 
an independent republic and we helped defend its national 
sovereignty and territorial integrity against armed Libyan 
irredentism in the 1980s.
    Perhaps this memory of an attempt by Colonel Qaddafi to 
forcibly seize the northern third of its territory contributed 
to Chad's strong and welcome denunciation of the Russian 
invasion of Ukraine.
    Two battalions of Chadian peacekeepers have long served in 
the U.N. Mission in Mali, and Chadian soldiers have joined the 
regional and international coalitions against violent extremist 
organizations in the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin.
    U.S. military personnel have always been welcome in Chad, 
and today some 75 American service members deploy to N'Djamena 
where they support the Multinational Joint Task Force in the 
Lake Chad Basin and support our French and African partners in 
the Greater Sahel.
    Chad and its people have also been superb hosts to refugees 
from Sudan, the Central African Republic, and Cameroon. The 
people have welcomed their brothers and sisters fleeing 
violence, and the Government has ensured that humanitarian 
assistance from the international community, led by the United 
States, has reached its intended beneficiaries.
    Mr. Chairman, Chad gained its independence in 1960 and has 
had six presidents in the last 62 years. None of the incumbents 
left power voluntarily and none of the successors assumed power 
via constitutional processes.
    In its modern history, Chad has been governed by and for 
narrow regional and ethno linguistic interests. It has also 
been governed more by the force of arms than by the force of 
law.
    Following the death of President Idriss Deby in April of 
2021 and under Chad's constitution, the president of the 
National Assembly should have assumed the powers of the 
presidency on an interim basis and led the country quickly to 
new elections.
    But he refused and that did not happen. Instead of the 
process laid out in the constitution, Chad has a Transitional 
Military Council led by one of the late president's sons that 
has pledged a national dialogue leading to new elections.
    After the death of President Deby, the United States called 
for a peaceful, timely, and civilian-led transition of power to 
a democratically-elected government. The predialogue 
negotiations underway in Qatar are a critical step.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work with the African 
Union and our international partners and Chadians of goodwill 
to support an inclusive, peaceful, and timely transition to a 
democratic and civilian-led government.
    The goal and the hope that we share with the people of Chad 
is the first democratic transfer of power in the country's 
history, one that empowers a new government to tackle the 
profound development challenges it will face on inauguration 
day.
    Unique in Chad's history, Transitional Military Council 
President Mahamat Deby has said publicly that he has no 
intention of running in the ensuing elections, the timing of 
which depends on a successful national dialogue.
    Effective elections alone will not guarantee the success of 
the transition but is an important signal to the people of Chad 
and to Chad's international partners that political power must 
be contested at the ballot box and not on the battlefield.
    As I begin to formulate my own thinking on how I will 
advance U.S. interests in Chad, if confirmed, I go back to my 
two wonderful years on the faculty of the National War College, 
where we teach our students to formulate strategy by defining 
their ends, ways, and means.
    Our end state in Chad must be a stable country at peace 
with itself and able to contribute to peace building in the 
region. Our ways consist of our portfolio of assistance and 
engagement programs and those of our interagency and 
international partners.
    Our means are the hard work under challenging conditions of 
our small embassy and the generosity of the American people 
acting through their elected, executive, and legislative 
branches.
    Thank you again, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, and I am 
happy to answer any questions either now or for the record.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Laskaris follows:]


           Prepared Statement of Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris

    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member. It is an honor to appear 
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for a second time.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
their support, and--if confirmed--for the opportunity to continue my 31 
year-career as a foreign service officer.
    To an Africanist, the word ``Chad'' conjures up memories of great 
kingdoms rooted in storied civilizations dating back to some 1,000 
years of recorded history. Today's Chad is a rich mosaic of peoples, 
cultures, languages, and religions encompassing the worlds of the 
desert, the savannah, and the forest in an area three times the size of 
California.
    A rich past notwithstanding, today's Chad is also one of the 
poorest countries in the world, ranking 187th out of 189 countries in 
the U.N.'s Human Development Index. It has some of the highest rates of 
maternal and infant mortality in the world, and some of the lowest 
incomes, life expectancies, and literacy rates.
    It is within both our interests as a nation and our values as a 
people that we work to address these conditions. There are security 
issues that require our attention, but they should never divert us from 
the fundamental development challenges that call for greater action and 
must define our work in Chad.
    We have been partners with Chad since its earliest days as an 
independent republic, and we helped defend its national sovereignty and 
territorial integrity against armed Libyan irredentism in the 1980s. 
Perhaps this memory of an attempt by Colonel Qadhafi to forcibly seize 
the northern third of its territory contributed to Chad's strong and 
welcome denunciation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
    Two battalions of Chadian peacekeepers have long served in the U.N. 
Mission in Mali and Chadian soldiers have joined the regional and 
international coalitions against violent extremist organizations in the 
Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. U.S. military personnel have always been 
welcomed in Chad, and today there some 75 American service members 
deployed to N'Djamena, where they support the Multinational Joint Task 
Force in the Lake Chad Basin, as well as our African and French 
partners in the Sahel.
    Chad and its people have also been superb hosts to refugees fleeing 
violence in Sudan, the Central African Republic, and Cameroon. The 
people have welcomed their brothers and sisters fleeing violence, and 
the Government has ensured that humanitarian assistance from the 
international community, led by the United States, has reached its 
intended beneficiaries.
    Mr. Chairman, Chad gained its independence in 1960 and has had six 
presidents in the last 62 years. None of the incumbents left power 
voluntarily, and none of their successors assumed power via 
constitutional processes. In its modern history, Chad has been governed 
by and for narrow regional and ethno-linguistic interests. It has also 
been governed more by the force of arms than by the force of law.
    Following the death of President Idriss Deby in April 2021 and 
under Chad's 2020 constitution, the President of the National Assembly 
ultimately should have assumed the powers of the presidency on an 
interim basis and led the country quickly through to new elections.
    But he refused and that did not happen.
    Instead of the process laid out in the constitution, Chad has had a 
Transitional Military Council led by one of the late President's sons. 
It has pledged a national dialogue leading to new elections.
    After President Deby's death, the United States called for a 
peaceful, timely, and civilian-led transition of power to a 
democratically elected government. The pre-dialogue negotiations 
underway in Doha are a critical step.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work with the African Union and 
our international partners to support an inclusive, peaceful, and 
timely transition to a democratic and civilian-led government. The 
goal--and the hope--that we share with the people of Chad is the first 
democratic transfer of power in the country's history, one that 
empowers a new government to tackle the profound development challenges 
it will face on inauguration day.
    Unique in Chad's history, Transitional Military Council President 
Mahamat Deby has said publicly that he has no intention of running in 
the ensuing elections, the timing of which depends on a successful 
national dialogue. Effective elections alone will not guarantee the 
success of the transition, but it is an important signal to the people 
of Chad and to Chad's international partners that political power must 
be contested at the ballot box, and not on the battlefield.
    As I begin to formulate my own thinking on how I will advance U.S. 
interests in Chad--if confirmed--I go back to my two wonderful years on 
the faculty of the National War College, where we teach our students to 
formulate strategy by defining their ends, ways and means.
    Our end state in Chad must be a stable country at peace with itself 
and able to contribute to peacebuilding in the region. Our ways consist 
of a small embassy; our portfolio of assistance and engagement 
programs; and our interagency and international partners. Our means are 
the hard work under challenging conditions of some 600 American and 
Chadian staff, including just 36 U.S. direct hires, and the generosity 
of the American people acting through their elected executive and 
legislative branches.
    Thank you again, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, and I am happy to 
answer any questions, either now or for the record.


    The Chairman. All right. Thank you as well.
    We will start a round of questions. Let me start with 
questions on behalf of the committee as a whole, and these 
really go to the nature of what we expect on responsiveness by 
officials in the executive branch and that we expect and will 
be seeking from you. A simple yes or no would be responsive to 
the question.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keeping the committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your 
portfolio?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. And, lastly, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Okay. The record will know that all of the 
nominees responded yes to all of the questions posed. The Chair 
will recognize himself to start off with.
    Over the weekend, Charge d'Affaires Kristina Kvien took a 
small team to our embassy in Kyiv. Can you give us a sense, 
Ambassador, of how you envision, upon confirmation, bringing 
back our diplomatic presence in Ukraine?
    Ambassador Brink. Yes, Senator. Thank you for the question. 
I think it is a really important one. I was delighted myself to 
see Charge Kvien in Kyiv on Sunday.
    I think it is really important for us to be there in person 
and present. She is there now, and I know she is laying the 
groundwork to return our embassy operations in coordination 
also with Congress and the steps that need to be taken.
    We will have to look at the security situation. But I have 
great confidence in our security experts, including those on 
the ground, to give us advice that allows us to continue to 
advance our strategic interests, which means being present to 
work with the Ukrainians, work with other embassies, and also 
coordinate back with Washington from Kyiv.
    I do not know exactly how fast we will be able to do this 
process. But I know we are trying to do it as fast as possible 
and it is, certainly, my hope and plan, if confirmed, to be 
able to start my mission in Kyiv.
    The Chairman. Yeah. And would it be fair to say that 
however physical form it might take that your goal is to have 
robust engagement with the Ukrainian Government?
    Ambassador Brink. Yes, absolutely.
    The Chairman. Along with the overwhelming majority of my 
colleagues who are working hard to support the Administration's 
latest requests for more assistance to Ukraine, it is 
absolutely critical that we work with our partners to provide 
Ukraine the military assistance it needs to defend against 
brazen Russian aggression while also ensuring delivery of 
critical humanitarian relief for Ukrainians, their neighbors, 
who have welcomed refugees with open arms, and address the 
global implications for food security and energy security.
    Let me ask you, will you commit to the committee that upon 
your confirmation you will work with the Ukrainian Government 
to, ultimately, ensure that we have the information and 
accelerate the delivery of lethal assistance for Ukraine?
    Ambassador Brink. Yes, absolutely.
    The Chairman. And can you also work with us? We are very 
much expeditiously doing everything we can to promote this 
assistance to Ukraine but we are talking about billions of 
dollars, how they are going--making sure they are truly needed 
where they are going, how they are being used.
    In this regard, can I get your commitment to frequently 
consult with me and our committee staff on our oversight 
efforts with respect to security assistance, with respect to 
humanitarian assistance, as we move forward?
    Ambassador Brink. Yes, Senator. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. And then I know that we are in the midst of 
the war but I also think--thinking about the future, hopefully, 
the not too distant future about reconstruction in Ukraine 
helps light the way so that there is light at the end of a very 
long, harrowing period of time.
    Do you see part of your role as thinking about working with 
the Ukrainians about what reconstruction and rebuilding looks 
like?
    Ambassador Brink. Yes, absolutely.
    The Chairman. Okay. We look forward to working with you on 
all of those elements.
    Let me turn to Ambassador Richard. Senator Risch alluded to 
it. We heard from the king of Jordan today in a meeting we had 
with him about these ISIS fighter camps in Syria 70,000, 75,000 
strong.
    Sounds like it is a great breeding ground for the next 
generation of ISIS fighters. What is your thinking about how we 
deal with that challenge?
    Ambassador Richard. Yes, sir. I agree. It is a serious, 
serious problem and it is fundamentally unsustainable, and we 
saw this with the attack in Hasakah just a couple of months 
ago.
    We have worked up till now, as far as I understand, with 
partners and allies, trying to get countries to take some of 
these people back. I think it is, clearly, not enough and we 
need to redouble our efforts and really insist because keeping 
them here in this limbo is a total incubator for more 
terrorism.
    Also, on the issue of the humanitarian camps where families 
are, the conditions are horrific and also potentially a 
breeding ground for more terrorism.
    The Chairman. Let me ask you, the 21st century challenges 
of where the battles are, including in the context of 
terrorism, are, in one dimension, cybersecurity. What do you 
see as the current and prospective role of the bureau with 
respect to addressing international cybersecurity terrorism?
    Ambassador Richard. I think you are absolutely right that 
one of the big challenges for us on--especially on terrorism in 
the future is this information domain. It is cyber, it is 
encrypted communications, and it is social media.
    I am very, very happy to see that the State Department has 
created, finally, a bureau to deal with cyber issues and 
information, and I hope that CT, if I were to be confirmed, 
would be part of a very robust interagency coordination on 
these issues because every agency in the Government, really, is 
focusing on this now.
    The Chairman. All right.
    Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Brink, have you spoken with the Charge since 
they have been back in Kyiv?
    Ambassador Brink. I have not spoken but I have communicated 
with her.
    Senator Risch. What did she tell you about the status of 
our infrastructure there?
    Ambassador Brink. I only saw one message that she had sent 
back, which just said it was jarring how close the Russians 
came to Kyiv.
    Senator Risch. The suggestion was that our infrastructure 
is sufficient to reopen. Is that what you are gathering over 
this?
    Ambassador Brink. I did not see details on that and I would 
not necessarily at this point be involved in that. But I did 
see a couple pictures which showed there was some damage to the 
outside of our embassy building.
    Senator Risch. Significant damage or superficial or what?
    Ambassador Brink. I could not tell. It looked superficial. 
But I do not have information on more than that.
    Senator Risch. Do you--we tried to bring the Secretary of 
State down the other day when he was here. Do you have any 
expectation of a time frame when you think you might be able to 
get back?
    Ambassador Brink. Sir, I can say, if confirmed, as soon as 
possible.
    Senator Risch. That is what we got out of the Secretary of 
State. Not very helpful. I get that, though. The security issue 
has got to be resolved and at least deeply assessed before that 
happens. I get that.
    How would you compare the challenges that you are going to 
face there to the other postings that you have had? You have 
had considerable experience in this regard. How would you 
compare this, if you are able to?
    Ambassador Brink. Sir, if I just might say on your last 
question, I know that the team that is there on the ground 
right now is actively doing everything possible to return 
embassy operations as soon as possible. I expect that they will 
be able to do that very soon.
    Senator Risch. And I am told--there is other countries that 
are up and operating there already, I am told. Is that correct? 
Is that your understanding?
    Ambassador Brink. I understand that, too.
    Senator Risch. We sure do not want to be last to the party 
so we need to move along as best we can. But back to the 
question that I asked, how would you assess the challenges you 
are going to face here to some of the other postings that you 
have had? You have, certainly, had a lot of experience in this 
area.
    Ambassador Brink. Sir, I would assess the challenge to be 
enormous. But I would also assess that, from what I have seen, 
one of the most remarkable things about this effort is the 
President's, the Secretary's, and others bringing together this 
remarkable coalition to push back against Russia's war of 
choice in a way I do not think I have ever seen in my 25 years 
in the service.
    I feel that we have the commitment and the motivation and 
the drive, and with your support and with your funding and 
congressional support and the support of almost all of the 
world, I think we can face this very enormous challenge.
    But I do not underestimate how much challenge the 
ambassador on the ground will have. But I also believe I have 
an excellent team of people working across the entire 
administration who are fully committed to succeeding in our 
goal, which is to help Ukraine defend itself.
    Senator Risch. Thank you.
    Ambassador Richard, I share the same concerns that the 
Chairman has regarding what we heard today about these 
thousands of people that are in prison camps. I do not know how 
you are going to address that.
    One of the suggestions was, of course, getting them 
repatriated. I am not sure that that resolves the problem. I 
mean, simply being repatriated to where they came from does not 
seem to me--it sounds like you are just letting them out of 
prison. And what are your thoughts on that?
    Ambassador Richard. Thank you, sir. Repatriation, for me, 
is a shorthand for repatriation, reintegration, if possible, or 
incarceration. What I think some of the countries of origin do 
not want to deal with is that exact problem.
    The best outcome, if we have evidence that people are 
fighters, is for a legal process that keeps them in jail and 
that is going to be difficult to do. But it is what we have to 
press for because the current situation is unsustainable and 
just sending them somewhere and letting them go is also not a 
solution.
    Senator Risch. There is no question about that and it is, 
certainly, an unreported problem. There are not people talking 
about this. I have no doubt you will resolve it once you get 
confirmed.
    Thank you.
    Ambassador Richard. Yes, sir.
    Senator Risch. Ambassador Laskaris, the Military Council 
promised an 18-month election after they took power, and 12 of 
those 18 months are already gone. What is your assessment as to 
whether they make the 18-month deadline to hold an election?
    Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you. Thank you, sir. As I 
mentioned in my statement, there have been predialogue 
negotiations going on in Qatar. It looks like that is going to 
slip to the right.
    I think one of the key determinations I will have to make, 
if confirmed, when I arrive at post is the quality of process 
such that a delay is understandable if not acceptable.
    If it is not, then I think we have to work with our 
partners to push the process back into the right direction. But 
to answer your question, I think 18 months probably will slip.
    Senator Risch. Yeah. I cannot see how--where the 12 months 
have gone by with little progress it seems to me that there is 
no question that it is going to slip.
    I would hope, and I know you will, urge them to move this 
along as rapidly as possible because, as we know, the people in 
power are just going to drag their feet, hoping to be able to 
stay in power.
    Good luck at that, and I thank all of you again for your 
service. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Let me 
reiterate the Chairman's thanks to you and your families for 
your willingness to serve some of the most important posts that 
currently exist in the Foreign Service.
    Ambassador Brink, I wanted to draw upon your experience 
working in Slovakia. Slovakia is presently one of the countries 
that is raising some of the most vocal objections to the EU's 
plans to wean itself off of Russian oil and the reason is 
pretty evident. This is a country that is almost wholly 
dependent on Russian energy.
    I want to make sure that as a committee we see the full 
picture of how you defend Ukraine. Certainly at the top of the 
list is sending the weapons they need to fight this fight and 
win it.
    But in order to keep Europe united, in order to press 
against the revenue sources that Russia uses to perpetuate this 
war, we have to be in the business of helping countries like 
Slovakia become energy independent.
    And so I wondered if you just might share with us a few of 
your thoughts, given your broad experience in a country that 
has remained dependent, as to the focus we should have not just 
on the war in Ukraine but also in this project to try to dry up 
Russia's revenue source in Europe.
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you so much, Senator Murphy.
    I am so proud to be the President's representative in 
Slovakia at this time, a country of 5 million people on the 
frontlines right now of Russia's war of choice in Ukraine, and 
you are correct that there is debate--an active debate--within 
the Government of Slovakia about how to become less dependent 
on Russia.
    But I would say and what I know is that the political 
leadership has decided across the board in government that 
Slovakia must become less dependent on Russia and it is a 
question of how to do it in a way that causes the least pain to 
the population.
    Slovakia is nearly 100 percent dependent on Russia for all 
of its energy--for nuclear, for oil, and for gas. It is a big 
challenge. There are U.S. companies trying to help Slovakia 
reduce this burden and we ourselves have been raising this for 
quite a long time.
    You, Senator Shaheen, and others, I know, have long 
expressed interest in trying to do this, I, myself, as a policy 
priority, and it is now that we have this opportunity.
    Supporting countries like Slovakia, I think, is critical. I 
would just say a couple other things. Slovakia has received 
over 400,000 refugees from Ukraine, which is about 7 percent of 
the population, and as the First Lady saw just on Sunday when 
she was there, the Slovaks have opened their arms, their 
hearts, and their homes to these refugees in a way that is 
really remarkable.
    Refugees can come to Slovakia for a year and they get full 
benefits from the Government--educational benefits. They are 
able to work. They are able to live in Slovakia.
    And also I just want to highlight that Slovakia has been an 
enormous outsized donor of security assistance and I am really 
proud to have been part of this effort on the U.S. side with 
the Secretary of Defense and others and, ultimately, our 
President to provide Slovakia the backfill so that Slovakia 
could provide S-300 anti-air systems.
    In a nutshell, Senator, it is really important to keep 
supporting the frontline states and they need help in various 
ways. But states like Slovakia have really stepped up, in my 
opinion.
    Senator Murphy. Ambassador Richard, good to see you again. 
Thank you for your tremendous service in Lebanon. Thanks for 
welcoming me and a delegation there recently.
    I wanted to ask you a question about a January directive 
from Secretary Austin to strengthen efforts to prevent civilian 
deaths and improve the way the DOD investigates claims of 
civilian harm in U.S. combat operations, and this is 
specifically relevant to drone strikes.
    You have served in Yemen. You know the reports of pretty 
significant civilian casualties of our drone operations. You 
have also probably seen research suggesting that in areas where 
we have had the highest level of drone activity often terrorist 
groups have the highest level of recruitment success.
    Just want your commitment that you are going to work with 
the Department of Defense to ensure that we minimize civilian 
harm and also in a very short amount of time get your takeaways 
as to the upside and downside of our drone activities as a 
mechanism to combat terrorism.
    Ambassador Richard. Thank you for that question and it is, 
as you know, an obviously very complex and fraught issue.
    I have worked with my DOD colleagues very closely in every 
assignment I have been in since--in the last 15 years and I 
have seen firsthand how hard this is because there is the need 
to deal with an imminent threat, often against our own troops 
or our own American citizens, and the need to balance the 
civilian casualties, and I really welcome DOD's ability to look 
at this, accept that there is a problem, and really going after 
trying to figure out how to do it better.
    And so if I am confirmed I would really welcome working 
with them from the civilian side of the house on how to do 
that.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Portman is next.
    Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate 
your having this hearing today on some really critical 
nominations, particularly the nominee for Ukraine.
    I have been pushing for us to get an ambassador nominated 
for a long time now at the end of the last administration and 
into this administration, and I think it is absolutely crucial 
that we get someone there.
    I am glad the Administration has nominated someone and I am 
glad they chose a career ambassador who has experience in the 
area both in Eastern Europe generally and specifically in 
Ukraine.
    This nomination of Ambassador Brink is really critical. We 
have got to move her quickly. I know the Chairman and Ranking 
Member agree with that. I appreciate your moving her so quickly 
to a hearing.
    Over the weekend, the President announced that we have 
withdrawn another $150 million from the presidential drawdown 
authority, which means there is probably less than $100 million 
left, and here we are in Congress not yet acting on this 
supplemental request.
    Literally, munitions, in addition, of course, to new 
weapons are potentially going to be stalled. It is critical 
that we act and act quickly so we do not have a gap in these 
munitions and deliveries right now, which is a crucial time, 
obviously, in what is going on in the eastern and southern part 
of Ukraine.
    I just wonder, Ambassador Brink, if you could talk a little 
about that. Why is it so important that we get this legislation 
passed quickly? What would it mean if we did not?
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator Portman.
    I just wanted to start by thanking you and also Senator 
Murphy for your support of the Global Engagement Center in 
Disinformation. I know that has been a big effort of yours and 
it is really important for Ukraine but also for Slovakia and 
all these other countries that face this huge challenge.
    Senator Portman. You answered my second question already.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Portman. I am going to get back to that a little 
bit. Thank you.
    Ambassador Brink. Okay. It is incredibly important that the 
supplemental move fast. I do not know the latest, perhaps, but 
I understand it is moving.
    But what we are trying to do as an administration is move 
security items as fast as possible to Ukraine. While we have 
already provided some $3.8 billion worth of security 
assistance, the needs are large. We are working closely with 
allies and partners on those needs and with the Ukrainians, 
obviously, and also with you and your staffs.
    But it is really important that we are able to continue 
that. I think most people assess that these next few weeks and 
maybe longer are critical to the ultimate result of this war of 
choice.
    Senator Portman. Yeah. Let me ask a little about how you 
intend to conduct yourself as ambassador. I have gotten the 
pleasure of working with a few ambassadors when we had a 
nominated and confirmed ambassador, and different styles a 
little bit--Geoffrey Pyatt and Marie Yovanovitch.
    Do you know Lieutenant General Terry Wolff, who is the 
Ukraine security coordinator?
    Ambassador Brink. I do not, but I will look forward to 
meeting him.
    Senator Portman. Would you intend to work closely with him?
    Ambassador Brink. Of course. Yes.
    Senator Portman. I think that is important that you view 
this role not just as a diplomatic role but, really, as a way 
to deal with the pressing issue of their defense of their 
country and with things being on the line currently. I think 
General Wolff is going to need your help, and vice versa.
    Do you know General Dayton?
    Ambassador Brink. No, I do not know General Dayton.
    Senator Portman. He was the coordinator previously for the 
training efforts and also someone who I hope you will get to 
know and work with because I think that is an important part of 
your function, should you be confirmed, which I believe you 
will be, hopefully quickly.
    What do you think they currently need militarily that they 
are not getting?
    Ambassador Brink. I think the needs are evolving. I would 
need to come back to on what the precise needs are at this 
moment. But I know they are changing.
    What they needed to defend Kyiv is different than what they 
need now to try to defend the east and the south. I think it is 
an evolving situation and we need to work closely with the 
Ukrainians on this.
    I can say, having served in the Balkans in many of the 
places where these protracted conflicts are around the region, 
that it is my great pleasure to work with our military and I 
feel I have long worked well and closely with them and would 
see us as absolute partners in this effort.
    Senator Portman. Excellent. There is also, obviously, a 
humanitarian crisis and an economic crisis for the country 
right now so all these issues are important. But I do think 
that you will be the voice of our country over there and 
critically you have engaged in all those issues.
    On the Global Engagement Center we did talk about that last 
week. I appreciate your saying that you have seen the GEC work 
in Slovakia. We are outgunned here, just as Ukrainians are 
outgunned by a much larger Russian force and more weapons. With 
regard to disinformation, Russia, China, other countries are 
engaged deeply in this and spend billions of dollars on it.
    Can you tell us what the Global Engagement Center can do 
better to counter Russia's efforts to justify its invasion and 
trying to delegitimize the Ukrainian Government?
    Ambassador Brink. Sir, thank you. Again, I think we can 
just do more--more, more, more is what I would want because you 
are absolutely right. I agree with you. We are outgunned. We 
are outresourced. We are outmaneuvered. We have to do as much 
as we can.
    It is a challenge. Disinformation is something that is 
pervasive in Europe and elsewhere and so we have to do as much 
as we can. We have to be creative and innovative and 
something--sometimes bureaucracies are not. But that is what we 
need to do to deal with this. It is a very big threat to us and 
our way of life.
    Senator Portman. Thank you, Madam Ambassador. Thank you, 
Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen, I had told Senator Coons--I did not see 
you sitting there--that he could go next because he has an 
engagement. Would you yield to him?
    Senator Van Hollen. Absolutely.
    Thank you. Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. And I will let Senator Murphy preside as I go 
vote.
    Senator Coons. And thank you to my colleague from Maryland.
    Ambassadors, wonderful to see you. Thank you for your 
service to our nation. I am looking forward to seeing you 
confirmed in the various places where you will serve that are 
all important areas of engagement.
    If I might, Ambassador Brink, we are finalizing what I hope 
will be a $40 billion emergency supplemental package for 
Ukraine that will include military, economic, and humanitarian 
assistance.
    I am particularly focused on the humanitarian assistance 
because I am the chair of the State and Foreign Operations 
Subcommittee. Ukraine is, was, and should be, again, the 
breadbasket of Eastern Europe rather than a country now known 
to have thousands in bread lines.
    What do you think will be the biggest challenges, moving 
forward, in terms of providing humanitarian assistance to the 
people of Ukraine?
    And I am particularly concerned about the ongoing blockade 
of the port of Odessa. My sense of the future for Ukraine is 
that we will genuinely struggle to have a vibrant Ukraine 
without a vibrant economy, and a vibrant economy will not 
happen until the 98 percent of Ukrainian grain exports that 
went out of the port of Odessa before the conflict are able to, 
once again, transit freely and then be that great source of 
revenue that they have been in the past.
    I would be interested in your thoughts about how we get 
assistance into Ukraine during this war and how we get 
Ukrainian food and oil and other critical products out of the 
port of Odessa.
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator. This is an excellent 
question. In addition to the some 5 million refugees in 
surrounding states of Ukraine, there are approximately 7.7 
million IDPs within Ukraine. A huge humanitarian crisis is 
happening right now.
    We have had some luck, as I understand, in--and some 
success and a lot of success, I think, in working with our 
international organizations that we fund, and they are 
implementing partners that are also working in Ukraine to move 
humanitarian assistance into Ukraine.
    I think the last tranche is something like $565 million in 
humanitarian assistance. It is not easy. This is wartime 
environment. I would guess it can happen in the same as it 
would in any other environment. But these are also 
professionals and experts in such situations and we are relying 
very heavily on them to get humanitarian assistance where it is 
intended to go.
    On the question of moving things out of the ports, this is 
a big challenge right now because Russia is blocking the ports 
that--in the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov.
    We are trying to work with international partners and 
others to help find alternative routes for grain and corn out 
of Ukraine as well as to work with the other relief 
organizations to supplement those countries that had depended 
upon these exports.
    It is an enormous challenge. I think the benefit we have, 
as I mentioned before, is President Biden's and this 
administration's success in galvanizing a coalition of like-
minded people who together condemned this war of choice and are 
ready to work together and that is exactly what I will, if 
confirmed, be glad to jump in and help do.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. I look forward to your swift 
confirmation as well as your colleagues'.
    If I might, Ambassador Richard, briefly, I am very 
concerned about the Sahel, about the instability in Mali and in 
other countries in the region and the ongoing actions of the 
Wagner Group and the ways in which they have really 
destabilized several nations--a recent coup d'etat in both Mali 
and Burkina.
    Senator Graham and I worked on getting the Global Fragility 
Act signed into law and it had overwhelming bipartisan support. 
Mozambique and coastal West Africa have been targeted as areas 
for this strategy to try and strengthen them as bulwarks 
against terrorism and instability.
    If confirmed, would you work with me and others in this 
committee on the Global Fragility Act and ensure that it is 
actually used as a tool?
    Ambassador Richard. Yes, Senator, I absolutely would and I 
really think the Global Fragility Act is a very creative and 
interesting new approach to some of the problems we have been 
struggling with, especially in Africa.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    And if I might, Ambassador Laskaris, I have visited Chad 
once and am watching some of the developments there with grave 
concern.
    How has this unconstitutional transfer of power following 
Idriss Deby's death affected our security cooperation and how 
do you think we might be able to more successfully influence 
movement towards genuinely free and fair elections in October 
of this year?
    Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you, Senator, and you were in 
the chair 10 years ago when I appeared before this committee as 
the nominee for Guinea so I deeply appreciate your presence and 
your enduring interest in Africa.
    I think we need to work with our African Union partners, 
our international partners, to continue to apply pressure on 
all the Chadian parties to advance this transitional process 
towards the free and fair elections, and I think one of the 
critical tasks will be to break the monopoly of the armed 
groups on seats at the table.
    The more seats we have at the table for unarmed political 
parties, for civil society, for women's groups, the better the 
outcome will be. I think it is time, after 62 years of having 
Chad ruled by the gun, to have it ruled by unarmed 
democratically-elected political actors.
    Our security assistance right now is, largely, suspended 
because of the aftermath of the death of President Deby. Our 
assistance--our security assistance focuses on a couple things.
    One is the Chadian deployments to the multinational 
stabilization mission in Mali where the two battalions have 
performed reasonably well. It also helps the Multinational 
Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin in the foreign nation 
fight against Boko Haram in the Islamic State of West Africa.
    I think our challenge is to get the political transition 
back on track to improve governance, and the Global Fragility 
Act, as well as the Trans-Sahelian Partnership Act, focus on 
governance and the lack thereof as the driver of conflict in 
the region.
    Once we--if and when we can take care of the governance 
challenges, I think the security assistance should follow.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you all very much, and I 
would like to thank my colleague, again, from Maryland for his 
graciousness.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you to the senator 
from Delaware. I am not sure I would have had you jump the line 
if I knew you are going to take my last question.
    But anyway, with all seriousness, Ambassador Laskaris, I 
thank you for that answer with respect to the situation in 
Chad. Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
    And with respect to the situation in Ukraine, Ambassador 
Brink, first of all, thank you for your service in Slovakia and 
let me just say I look forward to working with you, when 
confirmed, and I expect that will happen, on all the issues 
that unite us in our fight to defeat Putin and make sure that 
we stand with the people of Ukraine.
    Ambassador Richard, I thought I would continue the 
conversation with respect to ISIS and I wanted to start with 
the situation in northeast Syria because while we have, of 
course, made great progress over the years in the fight against 
ISIS, we continue to see active cells and my question is what 
do we need to be doing right now in working with our Syrian 
Kurdish allies, in particular, to prevent the resurgence of 
ISIS in the region?
    Ambassador Richard. I think--and I am going to caveat this 
that I have been out of the active duty part of the State 
Department for two years now, but as I look at it, certainly, 
reading open source, it is clear that they are holding that 
area pretty well.
    They are preventing ISIS from starting a new caliphate and 
then going out from there. But, again, it is not a stable 
situation and so I, honestly, do not know what the answer is 
and I look forward to consulting, if I am confirmed, with our 
Middle East colleagues to say what manner of Syria issues, 
counterterrorism issues, military issues, Iraq, and that whole 
area, can we better work on to break out of the kind of stasis 
that we are in now.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I know in your 
opening statement you mentioned the issue of these camps--some 
camps with ISIS fighters, some camps with family members--and 
this is a problem we have all identified.
    But as you probably know, nobody has come up with a good 
solution. A number of us were just meeting with King Abdullah 
from Jordan and, again, thanking Jordan for taking in many 
Syrian refugees. He raised this issue, as many of us did.
    But and I do not expect you to come in right now with a 
clear answer. But this is something that we have been talking 
about for a long time. I do not know if you have any thoughts 
to share now as to the best way to tackle it. But I would be 
interested if you have some preliminary ideas.
    Ambassador Richard. I join you in saying this is a huge 
problem, and I have a little bit of experience from Lebanon 
where we had Palestinian refugee camps that had been there for 
30 years. The longer it goes unresolved, the harder it is to 
resolve.
    And so I would really--I think one thing I might bring, if 
I were to be confirmed, is maybe a little fresh energy to the 
problem because the counterterrorism bureau at State, as other 
offices, has been without a permanent leadership for a while 
now, and that might be the first thing I would be able to bring 
to the party.
    Senator Van Hollen. I think, and I am hoping--and I 
understand there is some consideration of providing some 
additional U.S. resources within our umbrella of Syrian 
assistance, assistance to the Syrian people in the northeastern 
part of Syria. I hope that is the case and look forward to 
working with you on that.
    Turning to Afghanistan, as you indicated, you also have an 
ISIS presence. We now have the situation where the Taliban has 
control--in control--but they are fighting ISIS. What is your 
assessment of where ISIS stands and its strength in Afghanistan 
today?
    Ambassador Richard. Again, I do not have visibility on much 
of the hard intelligence and information, but it is very 
distressing to see them--this Khorasan group having been able 
to establish a presence and then execute attacks recently both 
in Afghanistan and in Pakistan.
    Clearly, the Taliban assurances that they were going to 
take care of this problem of safe havens in Afghanistan have 
not been met.
    That is one part of it, and I know our special 
representative is working on that issue. But, clearly, I think 
we have an opportunity to pay a little more attention to that 
now before it metastasizes any further and gets out of hand.
    Senator Van Hollen. And what is your assessment--just to 
pick up a little on Senator Coons' questions in the Sahel, what 
is your assessment right now of ISIS' growth in Africa?
    Ambassador Richard. I think and I--again, I defer to my 
Africa colleagues and I am looking forward to learning a little 
more about that region--what I see is ISIS affiliates, people 
inspired by ISIS, associating themselves with ISIS rather than 
a hard command and control--you go here and you go there--and 
that is a lot harder to fight and it is a lot harder to see 
sometimes, and poor governance and economic despair in the 
region is a big cause of this.
    I would look forward, if I am confirmed, to working with 
Africa Bureau to understand the underlying dynamics so, again, 
we might get ahead of this.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate it. As you well know, the 
conversation in the foreign policy community has swung from 
counterterrorism to so-called great power competition, and I 
understand that, appreciate it, and agree that we did not focus 
enough on that.
    But I do not want to swing back entirely in the other 
direction and see ISIS and other terrorist organizations use 
this opportunity while everybody is focused on other parts of 
the world to regain their strength.
    I look forward to working with you and all of you when 
confirmed.
    Ambassador Richard. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. I guess I am--oh, Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy [presiding]. I am going to fill the gap 
before Senator Menendez gets back and maybe ask one additional 
question awaiting Senator Menendez's return from the floor and 
that is to you, Ambassador Richard, again, drawing back on your 
experience in Lebanon.
    No two terrorist organizations are the same, right. Al-
Qaeda is a very different animal than Hezbollah. Al-Qaeda, 
generally, operates in the shadows whereas in Lebanon Hezbollah 
operates out in the open. They are a political force.
    They run human services operations and it means that, 
whether we like it or not, when it comes to a more socially 
embedded group like Hezbollah, you have to meet them where they 
are, right. You have to have an answer for the services that 
they are providing.
    I think since you have left there has been a debate about 
energy security in Lebanon. Hezbollah is showing up with 
shipments of oil from Iran and we are busy at work trying to 
find an alternative.
    But this is sort of the corollary to the question about the 
drone strikes, right. There is an element of combating 
terrorist organizations that involves killing terrorists.
    There is also an element of fighting terrorist 
organizations that acknowledges that they often provide human 
services that you have to create, that you have to be able to 
supply as a government--as an ally of a government--in order to 
make people less reliant on those terrorist organizations.
    Just asking you to draw upon your experience dealing with 
Hezbollah in Lebanon.
    Ambassador Richard. Thank you for the question. Thank you 
for your interest, by the way, in Lebanon and all your support 
for the time I was there until now.
    I think the hardest--what you just put your finger on is 
the hardest thing, and what happens with terrorist groups, in 
my experience, is they fill vacuums, and if--the quickest and 
easiest vacuum to fill is security. People turn up and they 
have weapons and they calm the people down and say, do not 
worry--we will take care of security.
    When these groups move into that next level of services and 
jobs and benefits, it is much, much harder to combat them and 
what needs to happen in Lebanon is a functioning government 
that can execute those same services in a noncorrupt and fair 
way is the solution to Hezbollah having filled that gap 
already.
    Senator Murphy. I was just--I was asking an extra question 
just to fill the gap before you got back. But I think Senator 
Hagerty is next.
    The Chairman [presiding]. Okay. Very good. Well, I did not 
know where the flow was going at this point. But I am glad that 
you did that.
    Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. All right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I would like to turn my remarks to Ambassador Brink.
    Ambassador, I am pleased to see you before the committee 
today. I am looking forward to meeting with you tomorrow and I 
am pleased that you have finally been nominated.
    You are going into a very critical zone. You are going into 
a position I wish you had been nominated for some time ago, 
well before Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
    I want to let you know that I am very supportive of seeing 
our diplomatic presence back in Ukraine. My colleague, Senator 
Cardin, and I both signed a letter to Secretary Blinken 
underscoring our support for that just in the past several days 
and I am pleased to see things moving as they are at this 
point.
    But I would just like to take this opportunity to say the 
following. Having a Senate-confirmed chief of mission in place 
is absolutely critical to our ability to execute our foreign 
policy.
    This is a matter of priorities. I, myself, have gone 
through the same process that you are going through. I was 
actually put through 30 hours of cloture to get through this 
process. Yet, I was able to get confirmed and into my position 
within a couple of months of getting through the OGE process. I 
was at my post the summer of 2017.
    It is taking far too long to get our diplomats at post, and 
I just want to underscore the priority that I see here and 
underscore for the department and for this administration that 
I hope that they will begin to accelerate the process very soon 
of getting our nominees in front of us.
    Thank you very much again. I look forward to seeing you 
tomorrow.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. I understand that Senator Booker is with us 
virtually. Senator Booker?
    Senator Booker. Senator Menendez, thank you very much. I 
just want to ask two quick questions, if I may. The first is to 
Ms. Brink.
    I am really grateful that you are before us, and I know 
that the port of Odessa was already brought up and some of the 
issues going on there. I am very, very concerned about global 
food insecurity and the crisis that we see globally with one of 
the points in the U.S., excuse me, world history where we have 
the most food insecure people, and this has been aggravated by 
COVID-19 and been aggravated by other global shocks to our 
supply chain, and I know that from Yemen to Afghanistan to the 
Horn of Africa we have a lot of challenges.
    I am hopeful, with the current negotiations, it looks like 
we might be able to get about $5 billion from the United States 
into the World Food Programme or other efforts to meet some of 
this crisis.
    But I just want to ask you, from your own opinion, given 
what is going on in Ukraine and the shocks to their ability to 
provide food as they do for many places around the world, 
especially those that are facing food insecurity, I just think 
that it is really important more than ever for the United 
States to be stepping up to this crisis.
    And I am wondering if you are concerned that this global 
food crisis, similar to food crises in the past, could--if we 
do not address it could lead to social unrest, lots of 
conflict, potentially stressing governments, creating more mass 
migration, only to make the overall security crisis in Europe 
even greater.
    Ambassador Brink. Senator, first of all, thank you so much 
for your question. It is an excellent question.
    I have to say I am married to a Foreign Service officer 
with USAID so I am by interest but by marriage and long 
discussion very interested in all of the humanitarian aspects 
of this particular conflict.
    I think what you say is exactly right. I think it shows why 
this is a global conflict, why this is one that is in the 
interests of the United States to do everything we can to help 
Ukraine defend itself and then to rebuild, and I can tell you 
with regard to the food insecurity issue it is one of the big 
issues that I will be looking at and doing everything I can to 
assist with.
    I know we have a new envoy in the State Department who is 
also seized with this and we will be working and are working 
together with the U.N., with USAID, with other organizations to 
do everything we can to alleviate some of the second order 
consequences of Russia's war of choice.
    Senator Booker. Thank you very much. And then my last 
question to Laskaris, going back to Africa and some of the 
challenges there, one of which has just been the remarkable 
level of coups that we are seeing in Africa.
    Since 2020 in Mali, there have been six attempted military 
coups, as I am sure you are aware of, five of which have been 
successful with the latest in--we have seen a coup in Burkina 
Faso this past January, and it is frustrating.
    I was in Burkina Faso myself with--a few years back. But 
seeing these military coups spreading around the region is 
really challenging, and so the--we know that the folks are 
calling this an epidemic of coups. But on top of this, we have 
a lot of military--excuse me, democratic backsliding in general 
in Africa beyond the even coups itself. We have seen this 
backsliding in Uganda and in Ethiopia.
    And so I appreciate the important security role that Chad 
plays in the region and the moves by the TMC to open the 
political space. But at the same time, it is important to 
ensure the full transition to a civilian-led democratic system.
    This is not just essential in terms of sending a message to 
any other regimes about our continued support for democracy and 
our concerns about democratic backsliding but it is also 
critical, I think, for sustainable long-term stability in that 
region.
    What is the State Department doing and could be doing more 
so to encourage and assist Chad with such a transition?
    Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you, Senator. I agree with you 
wholeheartedly. I would also point out that military rule has, 
generally, been catastrophic for Africa.
    When people support coups, the body of evidence suggest 
that these are governance catastrophes that impoverish 
countries further and also bring human rights and humanitarian 
catastrophes on them. For that reason alone, we should be 
pushing back as hard as possible.
    In the case of Chad, there is a democratic backsliding 
because, frankly, there really has not been any democratic 
front sliding since Chad's independence. Chad has been ruled by 
the gun since independence. It has been ruled by people who 
took power generally by force so I think it is time to break 
that paradigm.
    I think it is time to put seats around the table for the 
unarmed political actors and to prioritize them. I do not think 
we can do this from the outside. I do not think we can impose 
this on Chad but we can listen to the overwhelming majority of 
Chadians of goodwill, particularly, the young people who do not 
have the memories of the older generations, who are calling for 
it.
    I think we need to empower to the best extent possible the 
unarmed political class including civil society in modern Chad, 
which I think is a bright spot in the political prospects of 
this country.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Booker. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Markey?
    Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very 
much. Thank you, Ms. Brink, for your long career, and I think 
you are much needed and are going to do a great job in Ukraine.
    Could I just talk a little bit, if I could, about the ban 
on oil imports for the EU from Russia and the role that Hungary 
is playing? You are an expert on Slovakia, other countries.
    Could you talk a little bit in general about the consensus 
that exists right now except for Hungary and what, from your 
perspective, the incentives could be to have Hungary join into 
this?
    They have already been offered a two-year extension in 
terms of their ability to comply with the oil ban. Do you have 
any insights in terms of what could be done in order to ensure 
that Hungary join so that this new regime goes into place as 
quickly as possible?
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you very much, Senator, and thank 
you for our conversation earlier.
    As I am not the accredited diplomat to Hungary, I do not 
have direct knowledge. What I understand with regard to the EU 
and all of the EU member states is that there is a strong 
willingness or an interest to move this issue very quickly, and 
what I have seen from my position in Slovakia and, I believe, 
probably also applies to Hungary is that if there are ways to 
provide substitution with regard to any of the energy sources 
for European countries, ways where the U.S. can be helpful, 
that is extremely--an extremely helpful situation for them to 
be in.
    Obviously, they have a challenge of their publics and 
rising prices on the energy side, and so any ways where we can 
help such as we have been--we are doing, which is increasing 
our LNG, and with regard to oil I would assume it is a similar 
situation, and we are also helping on nuclear fuel as well in 
Ukraine and also in other places.
    Senator Markey. Yeah, and I appreciate that. But just, in 
general, I appreciate your expertise in this region, in 
general.
    Prior to Russia's assault on Ukraine, at the top of the 
list of things that were holding Ukraine back was its endemic 
corruption from top to bottom. Ukraine was 122nd out of 180 
countries on Transparency International's rankings in 2021. 
Russia was 136th.
    And so what do you think the United States can do in this 
situation where we are going to be the principal assistance 
that is provided to Ukraine for the duration of this conflict 
in terms of encouraging transparency, encouraging a change in 
the culture in their country?
    Ambassador Brink. Yeah. Thank you, Senator, for this 
question. It is crucial.
    For Ukraine to actually prevail in this situation, it is 
not only necessary for Ukraine to prevail in defending itself 
against the Russian attack but also to prevail in creating the 
kind of Ukraine that Ukrainians have been fighting for for 
years after the Orange Revolution, after the Revolution of 
Dignity, and that is for Ukraine that is free of corruption, 
that follows the rule of law, that allows for democratic 
rights.
    That is one that is a--something that will be the biggest 
challenge, I think, next-step challenge for the Ukrainian 
Government, and I think what I really am grateful for--the 
congressional support and the appropriations to help us support 
Ukraine--I think we must be mindful of that being such a 
challenge and we must offer assistance in ways that is going to 
help the Ukrainians meet that challenge.
    Senator Markey. Yeah. My fear is that Ukraine is going to 
win the war and lose the peace.
    Ambassador Brink. Exactly.
    Senator Markey. Their principal obstacle to accession to 
the EU has been their corruption top to bottom in their 
government, in their society. We want them to be admitted to 
the EU. We want them to be able to meet the transparency 
standards which the rest of the EU, in fact, does comply with.
    I just think it is imperative for us to figure out how to 
square that circle, that there is two discussions going on at 
the same time, because as soon as this war is concluded we want 
them to be able to join the EU.
    But we will not if they then revert to the very same 
pattern of behavior which they have had throughout modern times 
including, by the way, their total addiction to natural gas 
from Russia, which had them be one of the bottom five in terms 
of energy efficiency. They just got addicted to this old way, 
this--I will ultimately say, this corrupt way of operating.
    Again, we are glad to have you there and I think that 
message--that is, we are going to assist them during the war, 
but they have to be prepared for the peace as well and their 
culture, their political system, has to change. And so we are 
just so glad to have you there. Thank you.
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to 
our witnesses. Congratulation for your nominations. Good to be 
with you today.
    Ambassador Brink, I know you have been asked a number of 
questions about, should you be confirmed, assuming the role--a 
very important role--in a nation at war. I want to ask you--
kind of drill down into that and ask you about a pretty 
specific one and that is morale issues.
    You have been an ambassador. You know how important morale 
of both our own FSOs but also local staff is to the strong 
functioning of an embassy.
    Should you be confirmed, how will you address sort of 
morale and stress issues for the U.S. and local staff in Lviv 
and Kyiv?
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator.
    I think it is very important that we reestablish our 
embassy mission and that will be a very important first step, 
not only because it sends the right signal to Ukrainians and to 
our own staff, because it is necessary for us to be there on 
the ground, and I think that will help.
    I can tell you that paying attention and understanding that 
our mission is made up of Americans and local staff and local 
staff being the backbone of every single embassy around the 
world--we cannot function without them--is really important for 
any chief of mission.
    And I think also rallying people around our goal and our 
goal is going to be to--and is to help Ukraine defend itself 
and to use every bit of experience and effort and support we 
can garner to do that on the ground in Ukraine.
    And then, of course, we need to take care of our staff and 
do everything we can to do so. I think it is an unprecedented 
situation that our embassy found itself. I have been a part of 
an embassy that had to close very early in my career and it is 
heartbreaking, and also to be a part of a wartime situation 
where people are--stay behind or are unable to accompany is 
also an unimaginably hard thing for those of us who do this 
work to go through.
    I do not underestimate the challenge that our mission has 
faced. I salute our leadership there, Kristina Kvien, and also 
all of the embassy staff, and I can just say I will look 
forward very much to joining this team and helping every way I 
can in leading our effort there in the best way possible so 
that we can affirm and use all of the great resource we have to 
achieve our goals.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you.
    Ambassador Richard, the Department of State's Office of the 
Inspector General documented several key findings in its 2020 
inspection of the CT Bureau, including nearly 20 of its 92 
authorized civil service positions. About 22 percent were 
vacant at the time of the inspection.
    The report also indicated the CT Bureau allowed nearly $52 
million dollars in appropriated funds to expire and then cancel 
from fiscal year 2016 to 2019 an average of about $13 million a 
year, meaning that these funds went unused and they were 
returned to the Treasury Department due to bureau, quote, 
``weakness in funds control.''
    OIG also found that the CT Bureau regularly submitted 
congressionally mandated country reports on terrorism well 
beyond the required deadline of April 30 for the previous eight 
years. The most recent report, 2020, was submitted on December 
2021.
    What would you do, should you be confirmed, to fill 
positions, control use of funds and invest them wisely, and get 
the bureau in a place where they are submitting the required 
terrorism reports on a timely basis?
    Ambassador Richard. Thank you for that question because it 
is oftentimes we do not pay enough attention to those very 
issues, which, as my colleague just said, sometimes are the 
backbone of your operation.
    If I were to be confirmed--look, I spent three years in the 
Middle East Bureau creating and then directing the Office of 
Assistance to the Middle East and I really learned some 
valuable skills there in program management, in money 
management, in personnel management, especially in a bureau 
with a large civil service population.
    And so I think I can bring some lessons learned from that 
experience to the CT Bureau and, hopefully, get them 
functioning at the high rate that I know that they can do.
    I keep in mind that they have been without leadership for 
quite some time now and so many people are acting and filling 
two and three jobs at the same time, and I really hope to have 
the opportunity to get after that problem, too, because it is a 
great staff.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Richards. You are 
right to draw a line between vacancies and actings and then 
internal disorganization.
    I mean, you just cannot operate at the efficiency and the--
not just efficiency but the quality that you need to if there 
is too many vacancies or people are in positions and they are 
not sure that they are going to be able to continue in those 
positions.
    Thank you for making the connection between some of the 
IG's assessments and the importance of getting people confirmed 
and in the positions.
    Mr. Chair, I yield back.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you and 
congratulations to each of our nominees this afternoon.
    I want to begin with you, Ambassador Brink, because as 
everyone has said, Ukraine is, of course, uppermost in our 
minds, and very much appreciate your willingness to be 
considered for this critical post at this time.
    I also want to echo your opening thanks to Charge 
d'Affaires Kristina Kvien for her continued service there. I 
know it has been a difficult time for everyone who has been 
part of our embassy.
    As we look at the hundreds of thousands of refugees from 
Ukraine, obviously, the majority of them have been women and 
children, and I am particularly concerned about how we support 
the women and address potential trafficking issues.
    And can you speak to that and to how we can ensure that the 
women and girls and the children who have fled the war in 
Ukraine do not become victims again because of sex trafficking?
    Ambassador Brink. Thanks a lot, Senator Shaheen.
    At the beginning of the war I had the chance to go to the 
border between Ukraine and Slovakia and it struck me--the thing 
that struck me the very most was that everyone coming across 
the border was a woman or a child or even children on their 
own.
    I can say that throughout my career the issue of 
trafficking in persons has been one of my personal priorities 
and I am very happy it is your priority and also one of the 
Congress', and every time I have served in a country I have 
focused in on helping to--helping each country become better 
able to stop trafficking and recognize trafficking.
    And so I have worked very closely with our office of anti-
trafficking coordinator--we call them J/TIP--and I will look 
forward to working with them in particular because Ukraine has 
long been a source country.
    I know that the problem there--it is a big country and I 
know the problem there is also, potentially, quite large. It 
would be an area that I have a personal interest in and would 
want to work very closely with our authorities but then, of 
course, with the Ukrainians because the challenge with 
trafficking it is a whole-of-government effort. No one agency 
is able to do it on its own, and I completely agree it is an 
incredibly important issue and especially right now for people 
who are refugees already and other compounded things that they 
have to face.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you for that.
    I had the opportunity to meet with some of the women 
parliamentarians from Ukraine who were here a month or so ago, 
and one of the things we talked about was women, peace, and 
security legislation that we have passed here in the United 
States, and they were very interested in that from Ukraine's 
perspective and then possibly doing something to partner around 
that legislation.
    I would just ask you to put that on your list as we are 
thinking about what we might do together to address what is 
happening in the country.
    Ambassador Richard, it is nice to see you again in a 
different capacity and I should thank you publicly for your 
help with us when we had a New Hampshire resident who was 
detained illegally in Lebanon, and very much appreciated your 
efforts.
    And while, sadly, he is no longer with us, it was very 
important to get him out of the country and get him home. Thank 
you for that.
    I wanted to ask you about the ISIS detainee coordinator 
because that is a role that was signed into law as part of the 
Robert Levinson Hostage Recovery and Hostage Taking 
Accountability Act.
    The creation of this role was originally recommended by the 
Syria Study Group in response to what is happening in Syria, 
and I am sad to say that the situation in Syria has not gotten 
better with respect to ISIS detainees. It has gotten worse, and 
as I understand in your new role you would have that 
coordinator as part of your responsibility.
    Can you talk a little bit about what you think the priority 
is there and what we can do to address what is becoming--has 
the potential to be a huge nightmare in the region as we look 
at what is happening in the detainee camps?
    Ambassador Richard. Thank you very much for the kind words 
about Lebanon and it is a pleasure to see you, too, and may I 
also say here on the record that I have so valued the 
collaboration between yourself and us and the country team for 
many, many months and I have used that so many times with 
younger officers to say this is how it can work and how 
beautiful it is when we work together. Thank you for that.
    On the foreign fighters issue, the foreign terrorist 
fighters issue is in my office and I have mentioned earlier in 
this hearing that it is really one of the top one or two issues 
on the plate because it is an inherently unstable situation 
that does get worse by the day, and it is a problem with 
fighters and it is also problem with the families who are--tens 
of thousands of them, many, many children as well, who are 
detained in situations that just cries out for recruitment by 
radicals. It is very unsustainable.
    I think we have to bring new energy to that problem. If I 
understood you correctly, you are also talking about Syria and 
the issue of hostages. Am I right? Or you were talking about 
the foreign fighters?
    Senator Shaheen. No, I was really talking about foreign 
fighters, the----
    Ambassador Richard. Yeah. This is a key issue and I think 
we--all of us, including our partners in the international 
community, have gotten a little bit complacent because if it is 
not on fire we are not paying attention to it. But we cannot be 
complacent anymore.
    And so if I am confirmed this definitely will be one of my 
top agenda items.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I look forward to working with 
you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
    Senator Cardin. And let me thank all three of our nominees 
for their continued service to our country. I appreciate it 
very much.
    Ambassador Brink, we had a chance to talk and I just really 
want to underscore a couple points. First, thank you for taking 
on this assignment. Obviously, it is so critically important at 
this moment for our presence in Ukraine, and has been 
mentioned, we look forward to you personally being in Kyiv and 
the reestablishment of our mission in embassy in Kyiv.
    I want to go over two things that we talked about sort of 
to underscore the point. First, we need to have the capacity in 
country to help in regards to the information necessary to 
pursue war crimes or crimes against humanity or genocide 
against those responsible, and Mr. Putin and Russia, for what 
has happened in Ukraine.
    Your work in the Balkans gives me great confidence that you 
understand the magnitude of the task in order to get evidence 
that can be used for accountability and you recognize also that 
the world is looking at what happens in regards to 
accountability for the atrocities in Ukraine.
    Can you just talk a moment about how you see the U.S. role 
in assisting those that will be responsible for preserving the 
evidence and moving forward with accountability?
    Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator.
    Justice and accountability for war crimes and atrocities is 
incredibly important to Ukraine and to us and to me personally, 
and as you mentioned, I had the chance when I served very early 
on in the Balkans to witness atrocities first hand and also was 
able to contribute to, ultimately, the justice to Radovan 
Karadzic and Ratko Mladic. It took 17 years and 26 years, but 
they are facing justice and I think that is really important.
    The world has to know and those who commit these atrocities 
has to know that we will not stop. We will be relentless in our 
pursuit. We are using every tool at our disposal to support the 
documentation of atrocities and to enable their use in 
prosecutions.
    So we are doing this in many different ways but including 
through support of the Prosecutor General's office, through 
support of the U.N. Council for Human Rights, and also through 
the OSCE Moscow mechanism.
    We are also supporting the ICC in its efforts. We are going 
to use every tool at our disposal. I can tell you it will be a 
personal priority of mine as well.
    Senator Cardin. And I will be underscoring that tomorrow. 
There is a meeting of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly dealing 
with----
    [Technical issue.]
    The Chairman. Senator Cardin, I do not know if you are 
still with us. We had a freeze for a moment. Modern marvels of 
technology have their limitations.
    All right. We will try to contact his office and see if he 
still had some time and he may have one or two final questions.
    In the interim, let me just go over a couple of final 
things.
    Ambassador Richard----
    Senator Cardin [continuing]. The role of the country.
    The Chairman. Are you back with us, Ben?
    Senator Cardin. I am sorry.
    The Chairman. Okay.
    Senator Cardin. I was just urging the Ambassador to have 
capacity to deal with the democratic institutions within 
Ukraine as they rebuild, particularly in fighting the 
corruption that has been so prevalent in their country over 
such a period of time, just so we have the capacity to deal 
with that as we move forward.
    Ambassador Brink. Yes, Senator. I completely agree. 
Ensuring that Ukraine is able to seize this opportunity to 
rebuild and reform and take an opportunity that has been passed 
by previously is incredibly important if we are going to devote 
these resources and energy and U.S. taxpayer money, and thank 
you to the Congress for providing it.
    We need to make sure that it is done in a way that helps to 
realize the aspirations of the Ukrainian people and also the 
values we share of an independent, democratic, prosperous, 
sovereign Ukraine.
    Senator Cardin. And let me just point out to Mr. Laskaris, 
we know that Chad has significant challenges in regards to 
institutions that protect the rights of its citizens. Yet, it 
has mineral wealth.
    I will be asking you for the record your commitment as to 
how you are going to deal with those types of challenges in 
Chad.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Let me close up 
here.
    Ambassador Richard, at the end of the last year we passed 
legislation that I and Senator Risch sponsored, the Trans-
Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Program Act, which calls 
for the Administration to develop a counterterrorism strategy 
for the region.
    Can we get your commitment to submit this strategy in a 
timely fashion if you are confirmed--upon your confirmation?
    Ambassador Richard. Yes, absolutely.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I have a series of letters in 
support of Ambassador Richard from colleagues and I ask 
unanimous consent to include them in the record. Without 
objection, so ordered.


    [The information referred to above is located at the end of 
this transcript.]]


    The Chairman. And then, finally, Ambassador Laskaris, over 
the last 10 years U.S. security assistance to Chad 
significantly outpaced U.S. support for democracy and good 
governance and contributed, in my view, to the militarization 
of the former Deby regime.
    Even after the 2021 coup the Administration continued to 
pursue a security assistance relationship with Chad. As I noted 
in a March 18th letter to Assistant Secretary of State for 
Africa, Molly Phee, I have serious concerns about this 
approach.
    I believe there needs to be a comprehensive plan that 
includes robust support for good governance and strengthening 
institutions. Military juntas responsible for seizing power 
through unconstitutional means should not, in my view, benefit 
from U.S. security assistance.
    This committee has jurisdiction over security assistance. I 
want to ask you do you believe that we should be advocating for 
a pause on security assistance until a new civilian-led elected 
government is in place?
    Ambassador Laskaris. Senator, I think that when it comes to 
the deployments of Chadian troops into Mali and to the 
peacekeeping operation there, which we fund through our 
peacekeeping support activities, I think that is a high enough 
priority that we should continue that, obviously, with great 
oversight to their conduct in the field.
    I do think, however, that the security assistance that 
could be used to repress internal political dissent, I think, 
it is prudent to pause that pending the outcome of the dialogue 
and, hopefully, the transition to a democratically-elected 
government.
    The Chairman. Let me ask you, do not we need to, going 
forward, ensure that our relationship with Chad better balances 
defense, diplomacy, and development? I think it is heavy on the 
security side and incredibly light on the other.
    Are we willing to look away from the core? I mean, these 
are about continental messages and global messages as well, 
right? At what point are we willing to pursue such a road 
without thinking about the consequences of a government that is 
there by force and by coup, not by the electorate of--the will 
of the electorate?
    Ambassador Laskaris. Senator, thank you for the question.
    By far, our largest line item assistance to Chad is 
humanitarian assistance, mainly, food assistance. That is 
running about $90 million a year. Our second largest form of 
assistance in the last year has been COVID, about $17 million 
dollars a year including half a million vaccine doses.
    Our military assistance is actually a distant third in 
terms of the dollar value. But I agree with you that the 
narrative is out there that we have securitized the 
relationship and, if confirmed, one of things I have to do is 
make sure that the actual data of our assistance is out there.
    At the same time, I do--with all respect, do think that our 
democracy and governance activities have been underfunded in 
Chad, particularly as this committee has made it clear that it 
values very much the movement towards democratic elections and 
the building of an unarmed political system.
    If I think there is progress in the national dialogue, I 
expect my colleagues and I will come back and ask for an 
increase in our democracy and governance assistance programs in 
Chad.
    The Chairman. Yeah. Security assistance may be third in 
those categories but one of the reasons we have as much 
humanitarian assistance is because of the instability that 
exists in the country and its governance in the country.
    If the junta led by Deby fails to adhere to core 
transitional benchmarks articulated last year by the African 
Union, it will be my hope that you, as a sitting ambassador 
speaking to the department, will be looking at visa bans and 
Global Magnitsky sanctions where applicable because, at some 
point, we just cannot live on the aspiration that this is going 
to get better and we are going to continue to fuel these 
entities.
    Ambassador Laskaris. Yes, sir. I agree with you.
    The Chairman. All right. This record will remain open to 
the close of business tomorrow for members' questions. I would 
urge the nominees to answer the questions as expeditiously as 
possible so we can consider your nomination at the next 
business meeting.
    With the thanks of the committee for your willingness to 
serve, this hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that any individual who 
reports a suspected Anomalous Health Incident will be responded to 
promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported incident 
        is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
        appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive 
        prompt access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals will receive 
prompt access to medical care.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the Regional 
        Security Officer (RSO) at post to discuss any past reported 
        incidents and ensure that all protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO at 
post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What are U.S. policy goals in Ukraine right now?

    Answer. The United States aims to help Ukraine defend itself and 
then help Ukraine rebuild. If confirmed, I would uphold our commitment 
to a sovereign, independent, democratic, and prosperous Ukraine. I 
would continue the United States' goal of rallying the world to stand 
with Ukraine and ensuring that our NATO Alliance and global partners 
emerge stronger and more unified than before. The United States aims to 
end this war as swiftly as possible by imposing severe costs on Russia, 
strengthening Eastern Flank Allies, and providing security and other 
assistance to Ukraine.

    Question. The majority of internally displaced people (IDPs) within 
Ukraine and refugees fleeing Ukraine are women and children. What steps 
will the U.S. Government take to ensure the protection of these 
vulnerable populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will aim to accelerate the already strong 
support the United States is providing for internally displaced people 
and vulnerable groups. This includes over $1 billion in humanitarian 
assistance to refugees, the displaced, vulnerable populations, and 
communities in the region since Russia first invaded Ukraine eight 
years ago, including more than $688 million this year. Our assistance 
covers critical needs, such as safe drinking water, shelter, emergency 
health supplies, human trafficking prevention, support for victims of 
gender-based violence, and protection services to meet the needs of 
millions of people including vulnerable groups, as well as emergency 
food assistance. The United States plans to welcome up to 100,000 
Ukrainian citizens and others fleeing Russia's aggression as part of 
these efforts, and if confirmed I pledge to support this program and 
others like it.

    Question. As almost 6 million Ukrainians have become refugees, the 
U.N. and international community has had to set-up a response quickly 
to address the growing needs. How will you work with the U.N. and other 
donors on coordination for the humanitarian crisis?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue work to coordinate our 
humanitarian response to Ukraine's refugee crisis. This could include 
but would not be limited to increasing our operational footprint in 
neighboring countries to better coordinate aid delivery and 
dissemination; working in partnership with host governments on cash 
programs providing refugees with temporary assistance for food, 
accommodations, and medical care, including support services for 
victims for gender-based violence; and deploying refugee coordinators 
to the region to work with governments, the U.N., and other 
humanitarian organizations.

    Question. How will you work to ensure that the U.N. and host 
countries are properly counting and tracking refugees to ensure the 
proper delivery of humanitarian assistance?

    Answer. The State Department regularly meets with UNHCR to discuss 
refugee operations, including data gathering. Given the ease of travel 
for Ukrainians in Europe, some figures represent an estimate. If 
confirmed, I will work with our Bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration (PRM) teams, who rigorously monitor and evaluate humanitarian 
partners' delivery of assistance to refugees from Ukraine and engage 
host government counterparts to track their delivery of assistance and 
benefits. I understand host countries have a responsibility to 
accurately register refugees who have fled from Ukraine to prepare for 
their provision of services, as allowed under the European Union's 
Temporary Protection Directive, and that UNHCR makes every effort to 
ensure statistical information is verified and triangulated.

    Question. What mechanisms have been established to limit fraud and 
diversion of assistance?

    Answer. I believe maintaining the uninterrupted flow of security, 
economic, and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is essential to make 
this war a strategic failure for Moscow and reduce the suffering of 
Ukrainian citizens. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring this 
assistance meets these goals by working with our trusted network of 
partners and by utilizing existing procedures for both humanitarian and 
security sector assistance, to include vetting mechanisms. For economic 
support, I would continue working with partners and allies to ensure 
that assistance is deployed in a rapid, targeted, and secure manner. I 
would also support leveraging reputable international financial 
institutions to ensure oversight through their established audit 
procedures and mechanisms.

    Question. Prior to the latest Russian invasion, in the State 
Department's Trafficking in Persons Report, the Government of Ukraine 
had been placed on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum standards 
for the elimination of trafficking, but was attempting to make 
significant efforts to do so. How will you encourage the Government of 
Ukraine to continue its efforts to promote awareness of the potential 
for human trafficking?

    Answer. Ukraine was ranked Tier 2 in the 2021 TIP Report. The 
Government of Ukraine is aware of the necessity of progress on 
trafficking, especially in a wartime context, and if confirmed I will 
continue to work with them to raise awareness, vigorously prosecute and 
sentence traffickers to significant prison terms, and increase 
protection efforts for trafficking victims. I would also work to ensure 
that anti-trafficking mechanisms are embedded in our humanitarian 
assistance programs.

    Question. How will you assist in increasing the identification of 
trafficking victims?

    Answer. I understand the refugees leaving Ukraine more recently 
have been doing so in much more difficult circumstances with greater 
needs. Human trafficking is an increasing threat and has been noted by 
many international organizations. If confirmed, I will work to ensure 
that the United States continues to urge host governments to integrate 
anti-trafficking measures into their emergency and humanitarian 
response mechanisms to prevent trafficking and protect any victims. 
Over 90 percent of the refugees are women and children, and our U.N. 
partners are pressing host governments to work together to address 
their protection needs. The U.S. Government also is funding 
international organizations and NGOs to identify trafficking victims.

    Question. Anti-Trafficking work was integrated into the first batch 
of Ukrainian humanitarian assistance. Will you continue this effort to 
ensure that those fleeing to safety do not become victims of 
trafficking?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to ensure that anti-
trafficking mechanisms are integrated into our humanitarian assistance. 
I would also encourage the Government of Ukraine and other donor 
countries and U.N. partners to implement similar safeguards to prevent 
human trafficking.

    Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance 
priorities over the next 6 months?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our robust support for 
Ukraine's defense, economy, government, and people. Over the next six 
months, I would continue prioritizing the continuity and functionality 
of the Ukrainian Government; food security and health services; 
essential needs of civilian security forces, including clearing 
landmines and ordnance; and support for human rights, including holding 
Russia accountable for its actions, including reports of conflict-
related sexual violence. We will work with international partners to 
ensure Ukraine can meet essential budgetary expenses. Assistance 
related to the European Democratic Resilience Initiative (EDRI) will 
support pro-democracy activists, journalists, human rights defenders, 
and anti-corruption crusaders.

    Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance 
priorities over the next twelve months?

    Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be helping Ukraine defend 
itself and then helping Ukraine rebuild. Assistance to Ukraine must 
continue to flow across all sectors--including security, economic, 
governance, and humanitarian assistance--even as needs may shift once 
Ukraine prevails. I would support independent media and counter-
disinformation efforts, civil society, accountability, and peace and 
reconciliation efforts as well as continue help reestablish reliable 
essential services, including in the field of healthcare, education, 
and agricultural production. I would also help advance the initiatives 
of the European Democratic Resilience Initiative. Together, with the 
help of our Allies and partners, we will work with Ukraine to rebuild 
in a way that supports its aspirations for greater Euro-Atlantic and 
European integration.

    Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance 
priorities over the next two years?

    Answer. U.S. assistance for Ukraine will continue to develop its 
economy, strengthen democratic governance and rule of law, counter 
corruption, promote stability and transparency, and fortify resilience 
to counter Russia's aggression. Funding will support energy and cyber 
security investments and technical assistance; efforts to counter 
disinformation; initiatives to hold perpetrators accountable for human 
rights abuses and potential war crimes and build a basis for peace and 
reconciliation efforts; and contributions to reconstruction. Assistance 
will ensure the food security of Ukraine by rebuilding the agricultural 
sector following the conflict. The administration will work to ensure 
assistance is creating an inclusive economy built on a level playing 
field.

    Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance 
priorities over the next two years?

   Where does combatting corruption fit into those priorities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to make sure combatting 
corruption remains a critical component of our foreign assistance to 
Ukraine, which is also in line with the Administration's prioritization 
in countering corruption globally. Anti-democratic forces have 
weaponized corruption, misinformation, and disinformation to exploit 
perceived weaknesses and sow division within and among free nations, 
erode existing international rules, and promote alternative models of 
authoritarian governance. I believe we cannot afford to watch Ukraine 
prevail in this war, only to see it fail in its fight against 
corruption.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to fostering an environment 
conducive to expeditionary diplomacy and development, whereby members 
of the U.S. country team are able to get out from behind Embassy walls 
and engage directly with interlocutors in the government, private 
sector, and civil society?

    Answer. Yes. Getting beyond the Embassy walls and engaging directly 
with the government, private sector, and civil society is one of the 
principal reasons we need our country team diplomats in Kyiv.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Ukraine has strong support for religious freedom. 
However, there are concerns about targeting of specific minority 
religions including Jews and Jehovah's witnesses. What is your 
assessment of religious freedom and societal/governmental respect for 
religious freedom in Ukraine?

    Answer. I believe Ukraine has made great progress on religious 
freedom issues. A 2019 survey found Ukrainians had the lowest negative 
attitudes toward Jews of all the Eastern European countries polled, 
with 83 percent having favorable view toward Jews--an increase of 15 
percentage points since 2009. Nevertheless, antisemitism exists in 
Ukraine, as it does is many countries, and if confirmed I pledge to 
continue Embassy engagement with Jewish leaders and other stakeholders 
on ways we can combat this scourge. I would also continue U.S. efforts 
to address ongoing abuses by Russia's proxies in the Donbas and by 
occupation authorities in Crimea, including the persecution of Crimean 
Tatars and Jehovah's Witnesses.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Ukraine has strong support for religious freedom. 
However, there are concerns about targeting of specific minority 
religions including Jews and Jehovah's witnesses.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the Ukrainian Government on 
        these issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work to reinforce the Government's 
work protecting religious freedom and religious minorities.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with 
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious 
freedom?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would be pleased to meet regularly 
with members of Ukraine's robust civil society to discuss the 
importance of religious freedom.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, the 
Ukrainian Government was identified as not taking adequate steps to 
prosecute or punish most officials who committed abuses resulting in a 
climate of impunity. As the war in Ukraine continues, how will you work 
to ensure that those in the Ukrainian Government who commit human 
rights abuses will be identified, punished, and prosecuted?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to promoting accountability for 
those responsible for human rights abuses, through all mechanisms made 
available and in partnership with Ukraine's criminal justice 
institutions. The Government of Ukraine has focused closely on law 
enforcement reform since the 2014 Revolution of Dignity, and despite 
incidents of abuses, has made considerable progress, including holding 
accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses.

    Question. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, international 
adoption from Ukraine has been paused. Numerous American families were 
in process or beginning the process of adoption of Ukrainian orphans. 
What steps will you take to work with the Ukrainian Government to re-
start international adoption processing in a safe manor?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Ukrainian Government to 
safely re-start the intercountry adoption process, in a manner 
consistent with Ukrainian and U.S. law. The Ukrainian Government is 
justifiably concerned about the trafficking of children, and concerned 
that children who are not eligible for intercountry adoption could be 
separated from their families. The Ukrainian Government recently 
confirmed that courts in some parts of Ukraine have resumed judicial 
adoption hearings. As adoption decrees are issued, I will ensure we 
continue to complete visa processing as quickly as possible, so that 
children can go home with their parents.

    Question. How will you work with Ukrainian officials to address the 
Ukrainian orphans who been have evacuated to Poland to continue their 
delayed adoptions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Ukrainian and Polish 
Governments to find solutions to any impediments for processing the 
adoptions for these children. There are multiple steps in the 
intercountry adoption process, and each provides critical safeguards 
for the children and families involved. While these steps must be 
completed in every case, I look forward to working with the Ukrainian 
and Polish Governments to identify ways to complete these pending 
adoption cases.

    Question. Before the war, China was extremely interested in 
cultivating Ukraine as a partner. It was looking to bring Ukraine into 
the new Silk Road by investing in Ukraine's Black Sea ports, buying up 
key pieces of Ukraine's military industry like MotorSich, and 
installing Chinese-made technology and surveillance equipment in 
Ukraine's cities. If confirmed, how do you propose to work to keep 
China from making potentially harmful inroads into a country that will 
be desperate for any and all investors to help it rebuild?

    Answer. The courage of the people of Ukraine and the stalwart 
support of the United States and our allies and partners has inspired 
people around the world striving for peace, democracy, human rights, 
and freedom. Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China has been absent 
in time of Ukraine's greatest need, providing diplomatic cover for 
Russia's brutal, unprovoked war and amplifying Russian disinformation 
related to Ukraine, the United States, and NATO. We will work with 
Ukraine to encourage a sustainable and transparent approach to 
reconstruction, built upon mutually beneficial relationships, trusted 
vendors, and national security.

    Question. During the course of the Russia-Ukraine war, many 
Ukrainian officials have taken on a heroic air. And indeed, they have 
undertaken actions that are heroic. But before the war, many of these 
same officials were engaged in activities that were sometimes corrupt, 
sometimes unethical.

   If confirmed, what steps do you believe should be taken to prevent 
        these officials from capitalizing on their newly-laundered 
        reputations and returning quietly to their old ways?

    Answer. We cannot afford to watch Ukraine prevail in this war only 
to see its democratic aspirations fall victim to corruption. If 
confirmed, I would work to strengthen independent anti-corruption 
authorities and institutions, and strongly push for needed judicial 
reforms to ensure that Ukraine continues the democratic and European 
trajectory its people are fighting to preserve.

    Question. Much of the U.S. and allied assistance packages to 
Ukraine include financial assistance to fund governments and 
infrastructure operations. As Ambassador, how will you conduct 
oversight to ensure that both U.S. and allied assistance is used 
appropriately and not lost to corruption or misuse?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that delivery of 
assistance meets strict oversight and accountability and anti-
corruption measures by working with our trusted network of partners. In 
providing financial support, we are leveraging reputable international 
financial institutions to ensure oversight through established audit 
procedures, due diligence, and other mechanisms. I would continue work 
with our partners to ensure similar oversight mechanisms are in place 
to implement transparent infrastructure projects.

    Question. What anti-corruption mechanisms remain intact and could 
be used to conduct oversight?

    Answer. The anti-corruption mechanisms Ukraine formed with support 
from the United States and other partners, such as the National Anti-
Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the National Agency for the Prevention of 
Corruption, and the High Anti-Corruption Court, continue to function, 
as does Ukraine's vibrant civil society, which has played an 
instrumental role in publicizing corrupt acts. If confirmed, I will 
work with Ukrainian institutions and civil society, and international 
partners (e.g., IMF, EU), to support the continuation and strengthening 
of anti-corruption reforms. As it has in the past, the United States 
can continue to use tools like Global Magnitsky sanctions and 7031(c) 
visa restrictions to help Ukraine hold corruption actors accountable.

    Question. How can the U.S. help create new anti-corruption 
mechanisms to handle this challenge if needed?

    Answer. Since Ukraine's 2014 Revolution of Dignity, the United 
States has worked closely with the Ukrainian Government and 
international partners to develop and strengthen anti-corruption laws 
and institutions, such as the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU). 
If confirmed, I pledge to continue this work and identify new 
opportunities for reform, as needed, as part of our overall commitment 
to combatting corruption, preventing fragility, and promoting democracy 
and the rule of law in Ukraine.

    Question. Many of the anti-corruption tools that the U.S. has 
worked with Ukraine to build have been taken offline because of the 
war. For example, the system through which Ukrainian public servants 
are required to annually report their holdings has been taken offline 
so Russia cannot use it to target certain people in occupied areas. How 
will you work with Ukraine to ensure that these tools are returned to 
service, while also safeguarding the personal information of Ukraine's 
Government employees from potential Russian actions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to work with Ukraine to continue 
progress on anti-corruption reforms, including corporate governance and 
supervisory board autonomy, which have been critical goals of U.S. 
policy and assistance since 2014. These reforms are key to helping 
Ukraine achieve the Euro-Atlantic aspirations expressed during the 
Revolution of Dignity with regard to asset disclosure by public 
servants. I will endeavor to support anti-corruption actions which also 
safeguard personal information from misuse by Russia.

    Question. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, political parties and 
media outlets supporting Russia and pro-Russian narratives have been 
banned in Ukraine. The transatlantic communities' tolerance of these 
actions contrasts the international disapproval of Ukraine's ban on 
ZIK, NewsOne, and 112 Ukraine in February 2021. Once Russia's war on 
Ukraine comes to an end, how should the U.S. approach these matters of 
free speech and expression as Ukraine transitions back into peacetime?

    Answer. The United States remains a steadfast champion of media 
freedom. Ensuring freedom of expression will be critical for Ukraine as 
it pursues its democratic and Euro-Atlantic trajectory. It is important 
for the people of Ukraine to continue to have access to reliable 
information from multiple independent sources. As Ukraine continues to 
combat Russia's aggression, if confirmed I also pledge to continue our 
work in differentiating between defending media freedom and allowing 
revenues to flow to Russia-controlled disinformation outlets.

    Question. Do you believe that the United States should resume 
training Ukrainian servicemen on equipment, tactics, and techniques 
inside of the borders of Ukraine? Why or why not?

    Answer. The United States currently provides training outside 
Ukraine, as needed, depending on security conditions on the ground. 
Provided we can adequately train Ukrainians outside of Ukraine, I think 
it is preferable to inside, as the security situation in the country 
makes such training difficult.

    Question. As Ambassador, what role would you play in in the 
transferal of military assistance to Ukraine?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure U.S. security assistance to 
Ukraine continues to support the President's policy of assisting 
Ukraine in its defense of its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and 
independence against Russia's ongoing aggression. I would ensure my 
team works expeditiously to help fulfill Ukraine's priority security 
assistance requests and continues to assist in the coordination of 
military aid deliveries, which are continuing daily and at an 
unprecedented speed. I would also ensure my team continues to mitigate 
the risk of misuse of U.S. security assistance, for example, through 
the adherence to laws governing vetting security forces receiving U.S. 
assistance and end-use monitoring.

    Question. Due to logistical issues, much of the humanitarian 
assistance being sent to Ukraine has not reached the eastern and 
southern parts of the country where it is most needed. As Ambassador, 
what role would you play to improve the delivery of humanitarian 
assistance to Ukraine?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our calls to allow 
immediate, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access for humanitarian 
agencies and actors to continue their vital work across Ukraine. Since 
February 24, the United States has already provided more than $565 
million in humanitarian assistance to support people inside Ukraine. I 
would continue our work with the Government of Ukraine and coordination 
with neighboring states, the United Nations, and other international 
organizations and NGOs assessing the evolving humanitarian needs of the 
people of Ukraine and liaising with partners to ensure that 
humanitarian assistance reaches the most vulnerable individuals.

    Question. Mission Kyiv has been under enormous stress leading up to 
and following the Russian invasion. What is your understanding of 
morale throughout Mission Kyiv?

    Answer. I want to salute the team of dedicated Americans and 
Ukrainians who make up the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv for their exceptional 
service in the buildup to and throughout Russia's brutal war. In my 
experience as a diplomat, closing an Embassy under the stress of war is 
heartbreaking--and has a negative impact on morale. If confirmed, I 
would try to build on the work of my predecessors to ensure that our 
people have all possible resources and focus on looking forward to our 
goals of helping Ukraine defend itself and helping Ukraine rebuild.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kyiv?

    Answer. If confirmed, my first step would be to get on the ground 
to listen to the advice of the team in place and assess where I can be 
helpful. Early on, I would try to bring us all together in the vision 
and the goals we need to pursue to get there. I would then focus on 
rewarding effort and results and helping those who may need more 
resources or information. I have found that with clear consistent and 
fair leadership, morale rises. If confirmed, I would approach our goals 
with an understanding and empathy for the context of working in a war 
environment, both for our American and for our Ukrainian staff.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Kyiv?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will bring together our sections and 
agencies on our overall mission--to help Ukraine defend itself--and 
agree on the goals we need to pursue to achieve the mission. I will 
work with my Deputy and Washington to ensure we have the resources and 
personnel necessary to advance our goal. Periodically, I will ask the 
DCM to assess progress and adjust our goals as needed. My approach is 
to tie these goals to awards and ensure they are embedded in 
performance appraisals to keep us unified in achieving them as a 
country team.

    Question. On April 28, 2022, U.S. Embassy Kyiv announced the 
passing of one of its locally-employed staff, Volodymyr, who took leave 
from his role as a bodyguard to join the army. Are you aware of 
staffing issues that may hinder reopening Embassy Kyiv?

    Answer. If confirmed, my top priority will be the safety and 
security of everyone in my Embassy. Safety concerns and the overall 
security environment in Ukraine continue to impact Mission Ukraine and 
will be our primary consideration for staffing the Embassy for the 
foreseeable future. I look forward to working with the exceptional 
American and Ukrainian staff members of Embassy Kyiv. I am humbled by 
the patriotism and sacrifice of Volodymyr Kapelka and join the 
Secretary in extending the United States' condolences to his family.

    Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take to address 
staffing issues while remaining conscious of the desire for Ukrainians 
to defend their country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will offer maximum flexibility, as allowed 
by Department policy and local regulations, including for the many 
Ukrainian citizens who have taken up arms to defend their country. If 
we have gaps to fill, I will request additional support from the 
Department and fill those gaps.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you support staff following the 
death of a staff member?

    Answer. Sadly, Embassy Kyiv is already mourning the death of a 
local staff member killed defending his country from Russia's brutal 
war. I appreciate the outpouring of support for his family from the 
mission community and from the entire State Department, including 
Secretary Blinken. Offering compassion, support, and resources during 
such difficult times is a key function of the chief of mission and one 
I take extremely seriously.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. We work under the direction of the President and on behalf 
of the American people to advance the Administration's foreign policy 
goals. My leadership style is to bring the country team together on a 
vision--a Ukraine that is democratic, independent, sovereign, and 
prosperous--and come up with the goals we need to achieve to realize 
that vision. My management style is to delegate the strategy to achieve 
each goal to sections and agencies as overseen by the DCM and then come 
in with top level support and advocacy to help us advance them. This 
approach has helped us achieve a number of top foreign policy goals in 
Slovakia during my tenure and if confirmed, I would adapt it as needed 
to the context of Ukraine.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. There is no more important relationship in the Embassy than 
that between the Ambassador and Deputy Chief of Mission. If confirmed, 
I will work to ensure that there is a strong and close leadership team 
that speaks with one voice to the country team and to DC while also 
encouraging the Deputy Chief of Mission to be frank and open with me, 
especially if he disagrees or thinks we are going in the wrong 
direction. I believe this relationship, especially in a conflict 
environment, must be one of trust and total confidence to ensure the 
effective operation of the Embassy.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would lead my Embassy as the policy vision 
and execution and ask my Deputy Chief of Mission to be my alter ego. I 
expect the Deputy Chief of Mission will be more focused on the internal 
management of the mission but, because of the magnitude of the job in 
Ukraine, I believe he will also need to be someone who can do the 
external work. I would see the Deputy Chief of Mission as my top 
advisor on all issues and ask him to take on some of the most sensitive 
and important tasks that cut across the mission such as ensuring 
appropriate oversight over the funds allocated by Congress to Ukraine.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for foreign service officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. Yes. I believe it is important to provide employees with 
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage 
improvement and reward success.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. I commit to supporting and encouraging clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and 
reward high achievers.

    Question. You mentioned during your hearing that you have seen 
photos of damage to the U.S. embassy in Kyiv that seems superficial. 
Have you received more detailed information regarding the state of the 
infrastructure in Kyiv since the hearing?

    Answer. No, I have not received more detailed information regarding 
the state of the infrastructure in Kyiv since the hearing.

    Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take to address 
infrastructure issues at Mission Kyiv?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
infrastructure issues receive immediate and appropriate attention and 
are addressed in a timely manner through appropriate channels.

    Question. Several other countries already re-opened their embassies 
in Kyiv. What qualifications have prohibited the U.S. from re-opening 
our embassy?

    Answer. The Department and the Administration are undertaking 
security assessments and working through the required congressional 
notifications process to safely reopen our Embassy in Kyiv as soon as 
possible.

    Question. Does reopening our Embassy in Kyiv send a signal to the 
Ukrainian people? If so, what signal?

    Answer. Yes, our physical presence in Kyiv sends a strong signal of 
solidarity with the Ukrainian Government and people and underscores the 
enduring U.S. commitment to Ukraine's success.

    Question. Do you believe the Embassy should be reopened full-time, 
with a permanent presence?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that if the security situation permits, we 
should continue to increase and make permanent our presence so we can 
effectively carry out the wide array of work needed to protect U.S. 
interests and help Ukraine prevail in this war.

    Question. How would reopening the Embassy in Kyiv assist the State 
Department's activities in Ukraine?

    Answer. Resuming Embassy Kyiv operations would help us work 
directly with the Government on requests, improve security, economic, 
and humanitarian assistance oversight, and provide a platform to 
conduct a number of services that advance our strategic goals.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and safety of the people who work with me. I commit to 
making sure our staff is aware of the potential danger and the signs to 
recognize it, and to working with health and security officials as well 
as other parties as recommended.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Kyiv personnel?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If you have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit 
to receiving a briefing on the incidents before you depart for your 
post?

    Answer. I have received the briefing although will ask for an 
update as it relates to Ukraine, if confirmed.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to maintain detailed records an 
incident, and share the information with the State Department and other 
embassies to contribute to the investigation of how these reported 
incidents are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the world.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
employees who report a possible anomalous health incident receive 
immediate and appropriate attention and care and the incident is 
reported through appropriate channels.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. We all want to see Ukraine win this war against Vladimir 
Putin's Russia. Ukrainians do not need funding for international COVID-
19 relief or radical immigration provisions to win the war and funding 
for these issues should not be tied to assistance to Ukraine.

   Included in the Administration's request for supplemental 
        appropriations for Ukraine is legislation to provide a path to 
        citizenship for the Afghans evacuated out of Kabul last year--
        can you explain how that will help Ukraine win the war?

    Answer. It is an administration priority in both Afghanistan and 
Ukraine to provide individuals who are more at risk because of the 
interests and values they share with us with paths to safety. In both 
these countries, locally employed staff of our embassies and other U.S. 
affiliated groups are at risk of becoming targets of violence because 
of their relationships with us. A path to citizenship for Afghans, and 
access to refugee programming for Ukrainians, send critical signals of 
support to those still fighting for security, stability, prosperity, 
and democracy in both countries.

    Question. Given your deep experience working in the former Soviet 
states, including in Tbilisi immediately before Putin's 2008 invasion 
of Georgia, what in the Administration's request is critical to support 
Ukraine's defense and what is not?

    Answer. The administration's request to Congress for additional 
assistance to Ukraine includes additional resources for security and 
military assistance, economic assistance, humanitarian assistance; and 
assistance to uphold human rights and support efforts to hold Russian 
officials accountable for atrocities. Based on my experience and 
knowledge of the situation on the ground, I regard all of this 
assistance as critical. Continuing the flow of security, economic, and 
humanitarian assistance is essential to ensuring that a sovereign, 
independent, and secure Ukraine prevails, and that Russia's invasion 
results in strategic failure.

    Question. During his visit to Kyiv last month, Secretary of State 
Blinken announced the United States' intention to follow other 
countries' lead and return the U.S. Embassy to Kyiv. This is an 
important show of support for the Ukrainian people's fight against 
Putin's forces, but we must prioritize the security of American 
diplomats and service members in what is likely to remain a warzone for 
the foreseeable future. In your assessment, is it currently safe enough 
to reopen the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv?

    Answer. I have no higher priority than the safety and security of 
everyone under Chief of Mission authority. The Department continues to 
assess the security situation in Ukraine on a daily basis, with the 
goal of resuming operations at Embassy Kyiv as soon as possible 
following completion of congressional notification procedures and as 
security conditions permit.

    Question. What is the status of the return of diplomatic operations 
in the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv?

    Answer. During the Secretary's April trip to Kyiv, he announced 
that we will soon resume embassy operations. The Department and 
interagency have been coordinating on risk assessments and our Charge 
d'Affaires has visited Kyiv with a security detail. Our goal is to 
resume limited Embassy Kyiv operations as soon as possible following 
completion of congressional notification procedures and as security 
conditions permit.

    Question. If confirmed, what security measures will you put in 
place to ensure that Americans assigned to the Embassy are not put in 
harm's way?

    Answer. I have no higher priority than the safety and security of 
everyone under Chief of Mission authority. Diplomatic Security, the 
Defense Department, and the intelligence community have been 
coordinating risk assessments to ensure we have the security measures 
needed to return our diplomats to Kyiv. While conducting diplomacy in a 
war zone entails risks, if confirmed, I pledge to work with my 
leadership and our team to balance these risks against our goals in a 
way that advances our national interests in Ukraine.

    Question. If confirmed, what factors would lead you to decide to 
evacuate the Embassy again?

    Answer. Any suspension of operations would be done in close 
consultation with Department leaders and the White House, and would 
depend on a number of factors. If confirmed, my highest responsibility 
will be the safety and security of everyone serving under Chief of 
Mission authority. I believe we need to be in Kyiv to effectively 
advance U.S. interests.

    Question. Vladimir Putin's airstrikes and artillery attacks on 
Ukrainian cities have landed dangerously close to Poland and other NATO 
states, while in recent weeks, Russian state-owned media have started 
to talk about how this conflict is becoming a full-fledged war between 
Russia and NATO. If confirmed, what would your recommendation to the 
President be in order to deter a Russian attack on NATO personnel 
delivery assistance to Ukraine?

    Answer. The United States remains concerned about Russia's threats 
and have planned for contingencies, but as the Pentagon has said, we 
have no indications that any weapons or equipment shipments have been 
hit or blocked by Russia. U.S. forces are not in Ukraine, but remain in 
neighboring, NATO countries, and President Biden has been clear that we 
will defend every inch of NATO territory. If confirmed, my 
recommendation would be to continue this policy.

    Question. If confirmed, and if Putin does try to push a NATO member 
country to invoke Article 5, what would your response be?

    Answer. The President has been clear: we will defend every inch of 
NATO territory with the full force of U.S. and Allied power. NATO is 
united and determined to defend our collective security. Together, 
allies have reinforced NATO's Eastern Flank to reassure frontline 
allies and deter Russia's aggression. If confirmed, I will work with 
Congress to continue this ironclad commitment to Article 5.

    Question. Since February, we have seen an unprecedented show of 
support for Ukraine among our European allies. Countries that 
previously were reluctant to meet NATO's 2 percent of GDP military 
spending requirement have now pledged to do so. Finland, Sweden, 
Germany, and others have broken longstanding policy against providing 
lethal assistance by providing rifles, rocket launchers, and other 
equipment to the Ukrainian people. However, fractures are already 
appearing in this pro-Ukraine coalition. German Chancellor Scholz has 
spent weeks delaying delivery of anti-aircraft weapons and other heavy 
weapons to Ukraine, despite announcing a reversal of Germany's old pro-
Russia policies. Do you believe the pro-Ukrainian coalition that has 
emerged in Europe can remain united through the end of the war in 
Ukraine?

    Answer. Yes. U.S. leadership and a commitment to working with our 
allies and partners has led to an unprecedented level of international 
cooperation in response to Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war in 
Ukraine. If confirmed, I pledge to continue close consultation with all 
allies and partners to maintain this momentum.

    Question. Can this coalition last beyond the war and assist the 
United States in confronting the long-term security threats in the 
region?

    Answer. We have never been more united with allies and partners, as 
demonstrated by the unified and immediate response to Putin's war. 
Collectively, we are committed to Ukraine's long-term success as a 
sovereign, independent, and secure state. NATO Allies are taking 
lessons learned from this experience into the Madrid Summit in June, 
where we will shape a common understanding of Transatlantic security 
that will further unify us for the next decade. If confirmed, I am 
ready to work with allies, partners, and Congress to rebuild Ukraine 
and continue to strengthen our alliances and partnerships.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to work with your 
counterparts in the other Embassies in Kyiv to ensure the European 
countries continue to take the threat of Russia seriously?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regular, close consultation with 
all our allies and partners based in Ukraine on this and other areas of 
mutual interest. As long as Russia threatens global stability and 
security through its violations of the sovereignty, territorial 
integrity, and independence of other states, I commit to working with 
other countries who share our goals to repel this aggression.

    Question. For the last few weeks, the Chinese Communist Party has 
duplicitously tried to present itself as a supporter of Ukraine's 
sovereignty, while also providing material aid to Putin's invasion--
through financial assistance and even cyber-attacks on Ukraine's 
Government. We should not be mistaken--the CCP under Xi Jinping is 
fully complicit in Putin's war against Ukraine and we should hold it 
accountable. If confirmed, how will you direct U.S. efforts to counter 
CCP narratives that China is a friend of Ukraine?

    Answer. The courage of the people of Ukraine and the stalwart 
support of the United States and our allies and partners have inspired 
people around the world striving for peace, democracy, human rights, 
and freedom. Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China has been absent 
in the time of Ukraine's greatest need, providing diplomatic cover for 
Russia's brutal, unprovoked war and amplifying Russian disinformation 
about Ukraine, the United States, and NATO. The people of Ukraine will 
not forget which countries stood up for them.

    Question. Before the war, Ukraine's Government had once looked to 
China as a source of much needed funding for port and infrastructure 
development. Do you support China having a role in Ukraine's 
reconstruction? Why or why not? If you do not support China having a 
role, what can you do to ensure they are not a part of this effort?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Ukraine to encourage a 
sustainable and transparent approach to reconstruction, built around 
mutually beneficial relationships, trusted vendors, and national 
security. This will help develop a level playing field capable of 
accelerating inclusive economic growth throughout the reconstruction 
process. The United States is always ready to share best practices with 
our closest partners, but the democratically elected government of 
Ukraine will choose its own path.

    Question. As you well know, Russia's invasion of Ukraine has 
created an urgent humanitarian crisis, particularly for vulnerable 
orphaned children. There are roughly 300 Ukrainian orphans with unique 
ties to the United States that makes travel to the United States an 
immediately viable tool for their protection. These children deserve to 
be cared for in the safest environment available while the situation in 
Ukraine remains dangerous and unstable.
   If confirmed, would you work to provide these children with 
        authorization for temporary travel to the United States so they 
        may stay with their prospective host families away from harm?

    Answer. The Government of Ukraine is deeply concerned about the 
risk of separation of children from their families and of child 
trafficking in wartime, especially for vulnerable groups like orphans. 
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Ukraine to 
make sure vulnerable groups are afforded the best legal and diplomatic 
options for getting to a safe environment. I believe these options 
should include safe pathways to the United States for those with 
legitimate ties, including Humanitarian Parole or the Uniting for 
Ukraine program as applicable, and be consistent with Ukraine's 
protections of these children.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator Todd Young

    Question. What can be done to assist Ukraine in exporting its 
grains and agricultural goods so critical to addressing global food 
needs? Are there alternative routes to help transport the food?

    Answer. Ukraine's ports, which were used to export 95 percent of 
its grains and agricultural goods prior to Russia's full-scale 
invasion, are not operational due to Moscow's effective naval blockade. 
Ukraine is attempting to export grains via its EU neighbors but is 
limited by numerous factors--including different rail gauges between 
the countries, lack of railcars and port capacity on the EU side, and 
bottlenecks at borders. If confirmed, I will work closely with our 
partners to improve the situation, and with the Government of Ukraine 
to ensure they are putting into place the necessary processes to 
quickly comply with EU customs and regulations.

    Question. How can we and the international community support 
Ukraine's agricultural sector now to ensure that crops can be planted, 
grown, and harvested even in the midst of this war?

    Answer. Ensuring Ukraine's agricultural sector has access to export 
markets and to inputs such as fuel and fertilizer will be crucial. 
Ongoing assistance programs as well as funds from the Ukraine 
Supplemental Appropriations Act are addressing the acute needs of the 
agricultural sector. This goes beyond merely providing foreign 
assistance, however. If confirmed, I pledge to continue to work with 
our partners and allies to overcome the challenges presented by 
Russia's hostile naval presence in the Black Sea. I will continue to 
work to ensure that fuel and fertilizer arrive where they are needed, 
when they are needed.

    Question. I understand the Ukrainian Government has understandably 
put in place export restrictions to prioritize its war efforts. If 
confirmed, how would you coordinate with the Government of Ukraine to 
ensure that restrictions are tailored to support the Ukrainian people 
while ensuring surplus foods are able to be exported?

    Answer. Ukraine's economy depends on exporting food around the 
world. While Ukraine has introduced strict new export quotas on some of 
its most critical domestic agricultural and food needs (meat, oats, 
buckwheat, and sugar), it did not do so for most globally--significant 
exports--these include wheat, corn, poultry, and sunflower oil. 
Instead, it introduced a new system that will allow its Ministry of 
Economy to manage more directly Ukraine's agricultural commodities and 
food supplies. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of 
Ukraine as it seeks to balance domestic consumption and agricultural 
sector exports.

    Question. As we support Ukraine's Government in the war, we also 
need to think carefully about long-term sustainability. What tools do 
we have to ensure accountability and continued democratic reforms in 
Ukraine?

    Answer. The people of Ukraine have twice taken to the streets to 
get rid of corrupt leaders--in the 2004 Orange Revolution and the 2013-
2014 Revolution of Dignity--and are now bravely defending against 
Russia's full-scale invasion in order to have a democratic, European 
future. If confirmed, I will support the Ukrainian aspiration for this 
future through the re-establishment and strengthening of institutions 
with integrity and procedures that help eliminate corruption, build 
resilience, and meet international best practices. I will also continue 
support efforts that aim to hold Russian officials accountable for war 
crimes and atrocities.

    Question. How concerned should we be about the relationship between 
President Zelensky and the sanctioned Ukrainian oligarch Ihor 
Kolomoyskyy? Does the war change the risks to Ukrainian democracy and 
rule of law from its own oligarchs?

    Answer. Given the tremendous sacrifices made by the people of 
Ukraine as they defend their country and the commitment by the 
international community to help Ukraine defend itself, I believe there 
is an historic opportunity to be seized to break a legacy of endemic 
corruption in Ukraine. If confirmed, I intend to ensure that our 
policies are fully geared toward helping Ukraine achieve this goal.
    More specifically on Ihor Kolomoyskyy, I would note that last year 
the Department of State announced a visa restriction on him, along with 
his immediate family members, for involvement in significant 
corruption. This was a clear message from the United States that no one 
is above the law as Ukraine works to counter corruption and hold 
corrupt actors accountable. If confirmed, I will reaffirm this 
position.

    Question. Prior to the war, Ukraine had started to backslide on 
reforms in its judiciary, energy sector, and central banking. If 
confirmed, how would you approach having tough conversations with the 
Government of Ukraine about continued progress on democratic reforms?

    Answer. If confirmed, combating corruption, and advancing much-
needed institutional reforms will remain one of my top priorities. 
Anti-democratic forces have weaponized corruption, misinformation, and 
disinformation to exploit perceived weaknesses and sow division within 
and among free nations, erode existing international rules, and promote 
alternative models of authoritarian governance. We cannot afford to 
help Ukraine win this war, only to lose its democratic future by 
failing to reform. I will regularly communicate this to the Ukrainian 
Government and underscore the importance of reform to Ukraine's 
European future.

    Question. There were over 300 Ukrainian children in process of 
being adopted by American families when the invasion began in February. 
Now these children face a deeply uncertain future. If confirmed, how 
would you work with the Government of Ukraine to identify and support 
Ukrainian children in limbo in the adoption process?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Ukrainian 
Government to ensure these children are united with their adoptive 
families as soon as it is safe and legally feasible. The United States 
also recognizes and respects Ukraine's jurisdiction over decisions 
about the safety and welfare of children in its care. This includes 
their jurisdiction over requests to move the children to a different 
country. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our close cooperation with 
the Ukrainian Government in order to complete these adoptions, in 
accordance with U.S. and Ukrainian law.

    Question. As the Embassy reopens operations, how would you 
prioritize consular services in the country, if confirmed?

    Answer. Initially, we will prioritize emergency services for U.S. 
citizens. The Department of State continues to advise U.S. citizens not 
to travel to Ukraine. Routine passport and visa services will continue 
to be provided at U.S. Embassies in neighboring countries.

    Question. What would be your message to our European allies on the 
importance of coordinated actions to counter Russia's aggression in 
Ukraine?

    Answer. If confirmed, my message would be that Putin's war is a 
threat to all countries that believe in the sovereign right of states 
to choose their own futures. The United States and our European allies 
and partners have never been more united in imposing severe costs on 
Russia for its aggression in Ukraine.

    Question. What could the United States do to help allies reduce 
their dependence on Russian energy supplies?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Kyiv supports this 
administration's commitments to help our allies and partners diversify 
away from Russian energy. The joint U.S.-EU Task Force on Energy 
Security seeks to address this challenge by helping Europe reduce its 
dependence on Russian fossil fuels by diversifying liquified natural 
gas supplies for the EU market and reducing overall demand for natural 
gas. It also commits to working with our European allies to accelerate 
the deployment of clean energy, support energy efficiency measures, and 
increase our cooperation on renewable energy projects and technologies. 
If confirmed, I will make sure Embassy Kyiv supports these efforts to 
break our allies' dependence on Russian energy.

    Question. How would you characterize the current solidarity and 
cooperation among Eastern European countries in the face of Russia's 
war?

    Answer. The United States, our allies, and our partners have never 
been more united in our support of Ukraine, and in our determination to 
impose severe costs on Russia for its aggression. We continue to 
fortify the NATO Alliance by enhancing our force posture on the Eastern 
Flank and working to build resiliency against Russia's aggression. 
There is broad support among our allies and partners in eastern and 
central Europe for cutting off Putin's economy and countering the 
weaponization of Russian energy exports. If confirmed, I will work to 
ensure the United States and partners remain united in our effort to 
help Ukraine defend itself against Russia's war of choice.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How will the Counterterrorism Bureau deal with a more 
decentralized and localized terrorist threats against our friends and 
allies in a post-Al Qaeda, post-ISIS environment?

    Answer. Terrorist groups threatening the United States and our 
partners today are more geographically dispersed, more ideologically 
diverse, and more technologically adept than ever before.
    If confirmed, I commit to sustaining our efforts to disrupt 
terrorist plots, eliminate terrorist safe havens, sever terrorist 
groups' access to financing, materiel, and recruits, and prevent and 
counter violent extremism in communities so that these groups cannot 
further mobilize or inspire others to commit acts of violence. This 
includes encouraging allies and partners to assume a greater share of 
the burden, which is particularly critical in a decentralized threat 
environment. If confirmed, I will work closely with Congress on 
engaging allies and partners to use their resources and comparative 
advantages in terms of relationships and geographic proximity to help 
us combat global and regional terrorist organizations.

    Question. Do you believe that the resources and funding dedicated 
to U.S. counterterrorism programs at the State Department are adequate? 
If not, how much more is needed and for what programs?

    Answer. Counterterrorism remains a priority for the State 
Department and the Administration. If confirmed, one of my first jobs 
will be to assess resources planned in previous years and ensure they 
are meeting the needs of the counterterrorism mission.
    I will fully engage in the budget planning process with Department 
leadership, OMB, and Congress to ensure the resources are aligned with 
our priorities and able to address the growing threats of ISIS and 
other terrorist actors that seek to destabilize security.

    Question. What should be done to win the ``hearts and minds'' of 
individuals and groups that may be susceptible to the influences and 
teachings of violent Islamist extremism fundamentalists?

    Answer. Outreach to individuals and groups that may be susceptible 
to terrorist and violent extremist influences and teachings is a 
priority for the Biden-Harris administration and the State Department.
    The comprehensive ``whole-of-society'' U.S. approach focuses on 
building long-term resilience to these messages in order to prevent--as 
well as counter--terrorism and violent extremism online and offline, 
while respecting human rights and fundamental freedoms such as freedom 
of expression.
    I understand that the CT Bureau partners with community leaders, 
religious leaders, and NGOs to increase their capacity to intervene 
effectively in the lifecycle of a potential terrorist, and supports 
community-level, social-service-based intervention initiatives and law 
enforcement programs to create ``off-ramps'' for those individuals on 
their way to becoming radicalized to violence and/or recruited by 
terrorist organizations.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with these partners 
on this issue.

    Question. What is your view of current U.S. approaches to threats 
posed by transnationally active violent right-wing extremists?
    What changes, if any, to existing efforts do you believe are 
appropriate?

    Answer. Countering racially or ethnically motivated violent 
extremism (REMVE), including violent white supremacist ideologies and 
actors, has been a top priority for the Biden-Harris administration and 
the State Department.
    I understand that the Biden-Harris administration released the 
first-ever National Strategy for Countering Domestic Terrorism in June 
2021.
    I also understand that the State Department uses a broad range of 
tools to counter the transnational dimensions of the REMVE threat, 
including diplomatic engagement, information sharing, and capacity 
building.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with interagency 
partners, foreign partners, and multilateral organizations on this 
issue.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Ambassador Richard, our Chiefs of Mission provide 
concurrence for Department of Defense counterterrorism activities in 
their respective areas of responsibility--what we call 127 echo 
programs. However, I'm concerned that once our Chiefs of Mission 
provide concurrence, we have no opportunity to revisit based on 
changing conditions. Worse, the Foreign Relations Committee has little 
visibility on where our Chiefs of Mission are providing concurrence. Do 
I have your commitment to work with this committee to ensure we have 
adequate visibility?

    Answer. I commit to work with the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee on this matter, if confirmed. I will coordinate closely with 
the Secretary of State and critical State Department stakeholders to 
review the current State Department practices and procedures related to 
Section 10 USC 127e. I will also work closely with the Department of 
Defense to address the changing global threat environment.

    Question. While we shattered the Islamic State's grip on Iraq and 
Syria, problems remain. Thousands of foreign terrorist fighters 
languish in sometimes makeshift prisons in Syria. While a handful of 
our partners have repatriated their foreign fighters to face justice, 
others have refused. How do we accelerate repatriations and ensure 
these fighters don't pose a threat to United States' interests?

    Answer. The United States encourages countries of origin to 
repatriate, rehabilitate, reintegrate, and, where appropriate, also 
prosecute foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and associated family 
members. If confirmed, I will intensify diplomatic engagement in 
bilateral and multilateral channels, including through the Global 
Coalition to Defeat ISIS, to press governments around the world to 
return their nationals and fulfill their responsibilities.

    Question. Recent press reporting argues that you refused a EUCOM 
QRF and subsequently left the Embassy ``exposed.'' Please respond to 
those criticisms.

    Answer. The Embassy did not refuse the EUCOM QRF. It did deploy to 
Beirut. In addition, the Embassy maintained an extremely robust 
security presence of U.S. and host nation security elements at all 
times. All of the Embassy's security-related decisions were made in 
close consultation with security professionals and other relevant 
officials in the Embassies and in Washington.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. The Biden administration has assigned the role of ISIS 
Detainee Coordinator to the Counterterrorism Coordinator for the 
purposes of fulfilling the Robert Levinson Hostage Recovery and 
Hostage-Taking Accountability Act. If confirmed, how will you work 
across the interagency to ensure that the complex challenges of both 
ISIS detention and the displacement of families with perceived and 
possible ISIS affiliation will be adequately addressed?

    Answer. The U.S. Government encourages countries of origin to 
repatriate, rehabilitate, reintegrate, and, where appropriate, 
prosecute foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and associated family 
members. The United States also provides, on a case-by-case basis, 
logistical support for countries of origin willing to repatriate their 
nationals. These efforts involve not just the CT Bureau but other State 
Department bureaus and offices, U.S. embassies abroad, and elements of 
the Department of Defense, among others. If confirmed, I will expand 
our existing repatriation efforts, reinvigorate our dialogue with other 
countries, and redouble our efforts to ensure the welfare of FTF-
associated family members.

    Question. The Government of Iraq has indicated a greater 
willingness to take back its 30,000 residents in the Al Hol camp. How 
should the U.S. Government utilize this important window of opportunity 
to assist with the repatriation of the Al Hol camps Iraqi citizens who 
comprise a large number of the camp's residents?

    Answer. If confirmed, the repatriation of displaced persons out of 
northeast Syria would be one of my top priories. In addition to 
diplomatic efforts, I understand that the United States is currently 
working with international humanitarian organizations to enable Iraqi 
returns and reintegration into areas of origin. If confirmed, I will 
inject new energy to these efforts to ensure that we are adequately 
engaging with partners to repatriate all citizens out of northeast 
Syria.

    Question. ISIS sleeper cells in northeast Syria appear to have 
increased the tempo of attacks--possibly exploiting a pivot in global 
attention towards Europe. ISIS elements have also stated publicly their 
intention to continue attacks on prisons (such as in Al Hasakeh this 
past January) and camps as part of their overall strategy to replenish 
their ranks. How will you work with others in the U.S. Government to 
ensure that ISIS detention sites and displacement camps are secure and 
not vulnerable to external attack?

    Answer. This is a complex issue. As I understand it, overcrowding 
in predominantly makeshift detention facilities and displaced persons 
camps in northeast Syria exacerbates the security challenges and 
diverts resources from the counter-ISIS mission. I believe we must work 
quickly to reduce the number of people in detention and ensure ISIS 
detainees are held humanely and securely.
    We must also work quickly to reduce the number of displaced persons 
in IDP camps in al-Hol and elsewhere in northeast Syria. I also 
understand that getting countries to repatriate their foreign fighter 
citizens and families is only one part of the solution. If confirmed, I 
will work within the Department of State and with interagency partners, 
including DOD, to identify and fill gaps in local partner capacity to 
support improved security at these locations.

    Question. How should the United States address the repatriation of 
foreign women and children living in the displacement camps, 
particularly with our European allies who remain opposed to 
repatriating their citizens?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the current situation with 
regard to detained ISIS fighters and their family members in Syria is 
not sustainable. The best way to counter this challenge is to increase 
support for and availability of education and psychosocial services, 
and for countries to repatriate their nationals, which the CT Bureau 
helps facilitate.
    If confirmed, I will press governments around the world to 
repatriate their nationals through intensive diplomatic engagement in 
bilateral and multilateral channels, including through the Global 
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. I will continue to make the case to countries 
around the world that repatriation, rehabilitation, reintegration, and, 
where appropriate, also prosecution provide the only durable solution 
to the humanitarian and security challenges posed by FTFs and 
associated family members in displaces persons camps in northeast 
Syria.

    Question. Many liken the displacement camps to a ``ticking time 
bomb'' that potentially holds the next generation of ISIS fighters if 
the situation in the camps is not addressed. If confirmed as the CT 
Coordinator also serving as the ISIS Detainee Coordinator, how will you 
utilize both roles to address the need to prevent the radicalization of 
the camp's children?

    Answer. As I understand it, there are thousands of family members 
in displaced persons camps in northeast Syria, many of whom are under 
the age of 18. I understand the United States, through its partnerships 
with U.N. humanitarian agencies and NGOs, provides life-saving 
humanitarian assistance to displaced persons camps such as al-Hol and 
Roj, including funding for camp management, food assistance, health 
care, education, psychosocial support services, and clean water and 
sanitation.
    Ultimately, the best solution for residents and the only durable 
solution is the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of Syrians to 
their areas of origin or another location of their choosing, and the 
repatriation of non-Syrians to their countries of origin. If confirmed, 
I will prioritize international cooperation on repatriation to ensure 
that ISIS does not exploit these vulnerable populations or reconstitute 
itself in the region.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with other stakeholders 
at State and USAID to address the need to prepare communities in Iraq 
and northeast Syria for the return of their residents in the camp? What 
type of programming, resources and coordination do you envision to 
address this piece of the challenge?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with other stakeholders 
at State and USAID to identify and, where practical, develop capacity-
building programs for the Government of Iraq to support the return, 
rehabilitation, and reintegration of Iraqis from Syria. In the case of 
CT Bureau, assistance may focus on training Iraqi officials to 
independently complete risk and needs assessments to effectively 
connect returnees with the psychosocial and economic support they need 
to rehabilitate and reintegrate successfully into society. If 
confirmed, I will also leverage my role as the Special Envoy to 
encourage Coalition members to fund and implement programming toward 
such efforts in a coordinated manner.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. At a time when Shi'ite militias are stepping up attacks 
on U.S. facilities and personnel in Iraq, when the Houthis are 
massacring innocent civilians in Yemen, and where Hamas and Hezbollah 
are launching attacks on Israel, the Biden administration is 
contemplating lifting sanctions on these terrorists' prime sponsor: the 
Islamic Republic of Iran. This is certainly the biggest obstacle to 
negotiating a flawed deal on Iran's nuclear program and will certainly 
impact the national security of our partners across the Middle East.

   Do you agree that Iran is the region's largest supporter of 
        terrorist movements in Lebanon, Israel, Iraq and Yemen? Why or 
        why not?

    Answer. Iran continues to be the foremost state sponsor of 
terrorism and facilitates a wide range of terrorist activity, both in 
the region and around the world. It continues to support Hezbollah, 
Palestinian terrorist groups, and various groups in Iraq, Bahrain, 
Syria, and Yemen with funding, training, weapons, and equipment. It 
also harbors senior, veteran al-Qa'ida leaders in Iran. Iran's support 
for terrorism destabilizes the region and threatens U.S. forces, 
diplomatic personnel, and our partners in the region and elsewhere. If 
confirmed, I would strengthen cooperation with our allies and partners 
to address the threats posed by Iran.

    Question. If Iran is provided $100 billion in sanctions relief, 
this would be a boon to terrorists who seek to destabilize these 
countries and threaten American national security. If confirmed, and if 
the Biden administration secures a nuclear deal with Iran, how would 
you ensure the U.S. counters the inevitable increase in terrorist 
operations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to hold the Iranian 
Government accountable for its actions, including its longstanding 
support for terrorism. I commit to using the appropriate CT tools at 
our disposal, including sanctions, and working in close coordination 
with our allies and partners, to counter the terrorist threat posed by 
Iran.

    Question. Last year, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, both 
groups designated as terrorist organizations by the United States, 
launched more than 4,000 rockets into Israel and this year instigated 
anti-Israeli attacks in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. To protect our ally 
Israel and reduce the threat to Americans traveling to the Holy Land, 
it makes sense that we should sanction any organization or entity that 
provide money to these terrorists.

   Do you agree that the United States should impose sanctions on all 
        entities that provide financial and material support to Hamas 
        and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, including Iran?

    Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to 
Israel's security. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with 
Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of financial 
and material support to Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups 
like Palestinian Islamic Jihad. We will continue to use all tools at 
our disposal to counter these groups, including imposing financial 
sanctions, bolstering law enforcement cooperation with allies, and 
engaging in diplomatic engagement with partners to encourage action 
against the groups and those who support them.

    Question. Do you support my Palestinian International Terrorism 
Support Prevention Act, which would impose these sanctions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with partners across the 
Administration, including the Department of the Treasury, to use all 
tools at our disposal, including targeted financial sanctions, to 
counter Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the individuals, 
entities, and groups who provide them with financial and material 
support.

    Question. On May 9, reports indicated that your former colleagues 
in the Trump administration accused you of insubordination. They claim 
you went against State Department orders and sent back a U.S. military 
quick response force sent to Beirut in 2020 to defend against a 
potential terrorist attack the month after the death of Iranian leader 
Qassem Soleimani. Given Embassy Beirut's tragic history of terrorist 
attacks, this decision potentially endangered American diplomatic 
personnel in Lebanon. Do you believe your decision in 2020 to not 
extend deployment of the quick response force could have endangered the 
lives of American diplomats in the Embassy?

    Answer. While serving as Ambassador to Lebanon, ensuring the safety 
and security of the Embassy team was my first concern, which is why my 
team and I coordinated with the relevant stakeholders, including all 
involved security personnel, and reached this decision. We reached this 
decision based on the best interests and security of all U.S. personnel 
at Embassy Beirut.

    Question. When making this decision, did you consult with your 
superiors in Foggy Bottom, as required by normal State Department 
protocol?

    Answer. I believe the safety and security of my personnel is 
paramount, and my team and I coordinated with all the relevant 
officials, including in Washington.

    Question. At a time when Shi'ite militias are stepping up attacks 
on U.S. facilities and personnel in Iraq, when the Houthis are 
massacring innocent civilians in Yemen, and where Hamas and Hezbollah 
are launching attacks on Israel, the Biden administration is 
contemplating lifting sanctions on these terrorists' prime sponsor: the 
Islamic Republic of Iran. This is certainly the biggest obstacle to 
negotiating a flawed deal on Iran's nuclear program and will certainly 
impact the national security of our partners across the Middle East.

   Do you agree that Iran is the region's largest supporter of 
        terrorist movements in Lebanon, Israel, Iraq and Yemen? Why or 
        why not?

    Answer. Iran continues to be the foremost state sponsor of 
terrorism and facilitates a wide range of terrorist activity, both in 
the region and around the world. It continues to support Hezbollah, 
Palestinian terrorist groups, and various groups in Iraq, Bahrain, 
Syria, and Yemen with funding, training, weapons, and equipment. It 
also harbors senior, veteran al-Qa'ida leaders in Iran. Iran's support 
for terrorism destabilizes the region and threatens U.S. forces, 
diplomatic personnel, and our partners in the region and elsewhere. If 
confirmed, I would strengthen cooperation with our allies and partners 
to address the threats posed by Iran.

    Question. If Iran is provided $100 billion in sanctions relief, 
this would be a boon to terrorists who seek to destabilize these 
countries and threaten American national security.

   If confirmed, and if the Biden administration secures a nuclear 
        deal with Iran, how would you ensure the U.S. counters the 
        inevitable increase in terrorist operations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to holdt he Iranian 
Government accountable for its actions, including its longstanding 
support for terrorism. I commit to using the appropriate CT tools at 
our disposal, including sanctions, and working in close coordination 
with our allies and partners, to counter the terrorist threat posed by 
Iran.

    Question. Last year, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, both 
groups designated as terrorist organizations by the United States, 
launched more than 4,000 rockets into Israel and this year instigated 
anti-Israeli attacks in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. To protect our ally 
Israel and reduce the threat to Americans traveling to the Holy Land, 
it makes sense that we should sanction any organization or entity that 
provide money to these terrorists.

   Do you agree that the United States should impose sanctions on all 
        entities that provide financial and material support to Hamas 
        and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, including Iran?

    Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to 
Israel's security. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with 
Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of financial 
and material support to Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups 
like Palestinian Islamic Jihad. We will continue to use all tools at 
our disposal to counter these groups, including imposing financial 
sanctions, bolstering law enforcement cooperation with allies, and 
engaging in diplomatic engagement with partners to encourage action 
against the groups and those who support them.

    Question. Do you support my Palestinian International Terrorism 
Support Prevention Act, which would impose these sanctions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with partners across the 
Administration, including the Department of the Treasury, to use all 
tools at our disposal, including targeted financial sanctions, to 
counter Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the individuals, 
entities, and groups who provide them with financial and material 
support.

    Question. On May 9, reports indicated that your former colleagues 
in the Trump administration accused you of insubordination. They claim 
you went against State Department orders and sent back a U.S. military 
quick response force sent to Beirut in 2020 to defend against a 
potential terrorist attack the month after the death of Iranian leader 
Qassem Soleimani. Given Embassy Beirut's tragic history of terrorist 
attacks, this decision potentially endangered American diplomatic 
personnel in Lebanon. Do you believe your decision in 2020 to not 
extend deployment of the quick response force could have endangered the 
lives of American diplomats in the Embassy?

    Answer. While serving as Ambassador to Lebanon, ensuring the safety 
and security of the Embassy team was my first concern, which is why my 
team and I coordinated with the relevant stakeholders, including all 
involved security personnel, and reached this decision. We reached this 
decision based on the best interests and security of all U.S. personnel 
at Embassy Beirut.

    Question. When making this decision, did you consult with your 
superiors in Foggy Bottom, as required by normal State Department 
protocol?

    Answer. I believe the safety and security of my personnel is 
paramount, and my team and I coordinated with all the relevant 
officials, including in Washington.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Todd Young

    Question. What is the Administration's current counter-terrorism 
strategy in Yemen?

    Answer. I understand the Administration's counterterrorism strategy 
in Yemen aims to degrade the presence and capabilities of Yemen-based 
terrorist groups that pose a threat to the interests of the United 
States and our partners in the Gulf region. Al-Qa'ida in the Arabian 
Peninsula (AQAP) and ISIS-Yemen continue to exploit the political and 
security vacuum in much of Yemen's territory. Counterterrorism 
operations, battlefield losses to the Houthis, and internal divisions 
have degraded AQAP capabilities in Yemen. The group, however, remains a 
significant threat to the region and to the United States. A small ISIS 
group also operates in Yemen but poses a lesser threat than AQAP at 
this time. Destabilizing actions by the Houthis have undermined the 
security of Yemen and our regional partners; terror groups have taken 
advantage of this instability. If confirmed, I will work across the 
U.S. Government and with foreign partners to utilize all appropriate 
tools to counter the activities of terrorist actors in Yemen, including 
efforts to build the counterterrorism capabilities of our Yemeni 
partners.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach to combatting 
terrorism in and from Yemen?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to actively monitor the full 
range of threats emanating from Yemen and work with colleagues across 
the U.S. interagency to ensure that the U.S. Government has the 
resources and capabilities in the region to address them. If confirmed, 
I will utilize all the appropriate counterterrorism tools at our 
disposal to degrade the capabilities of terrorist actors operating in 
Yemen. This includes using appropriate sanctions tools to apply 
pressure on the networks that support the financing of terrorist 
activities in Yemen, supporting coordinated action at the United 
Nations to demonstrate international resolve against threats to Yemen's 
stability, and providing training and assistance to strengthen the 
capabilities of civilian counterterrorism partners in Yemen.

    Question. How do you view the role of Iran in funding and 
facilitating terrorism in Yemen? More broadly, what is your view of the 
role of Iran in funding terrorism throughout the Middle East?

    Answer. Iran was designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism in 1984 
and continues to support a range of designated terrorist groups with 
funding, training, weapons, and equipment. These include Hezbollah; 
Hamas; Palestinian Islamic Jihad; Kata'ib Hezbollah and Asa'ib Ahl al-
Haq in Iraq; and Al-Ashtar Brigades and Saraya al-Mukhtar in Bahrain. 
In Yemen, Iran continues to exploit the conflict to expand its 
influence; Iran has provided weapons and advanced equipment such as 
unmanned aircraft systems, training, and other support to the Houthis, 
who have engaged in attacks against regional targets. The U.S. 
Government has taken a broad range of steps to counter Iran-backed 
terrorist activity, including sanctions, and if confirmed, I will 
strengthen cooperation with our allies and partners to address the 
threats posed by Iran.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for 
activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah during your 
tenure as ambassador? A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.

    Answer. Our assistance to Lebanon is intended to build a sovereign 
Lebanese state that can govern justly and fairly, and that is the sole 
defender of the country. As long as Hezbollah maintains its arms and 
embraces the use of terrorism, Lebanon cannot succeed. U.S. assistance 
to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF) 
is focused on developing these organizations' capabilities and 
professionalism. This assistance--including the support provided during 
my tenure as Ambassador to Lebanon--increases LAF capacity as the sole 
legitimate defender of Lebanon's sovereignty, enables the LAF to 
counter violent extremist organizations, bolsters the LAF as an 
institutional counterweight to Hezbollah's narrative and desired 
influence, and protects U.S. regional security interests. For example, 
during the May 2021 conflict between Israel and Gaza-based militants, 
when rockets were launched from Lebanon toward Israel, and pro-Hamas 
and pro-Hezbollah demonstrators protested along the Blue Line dividing 
Lebanon from Israel, the LAF responded rapidly to the rocket launches 
and deployed along the boundary to support UNIFIL peacekeepers and 
mitigate Lebanon-based threats against Israel and regional stability. 
In August 2021, when Hezbollah claimed credit for launching several 
rockets from Lebanon toward Israel, the LAF arrested several Hezbollah 
suspects and took into its possession a rocket launcher. The suspects 
were later released by state authorities.

    Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for 
activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah military 
activities other than through disarming them during your tenure 
ambassador, e.g. through roadblocks? A rough estimate or a range will 
be sufficient.

    Answer. A government that reflects the will of the Lebanese people, 
is able to meet their needs, and controls the security institutions 
that will defend Lebanon's sovereignty and enforce the law will curtail 
Hezbollah's ability to pursue its malign agenda both in Lebanon and in 
the region. U.S. assistance to Lebanon is one of the many tools the 
Department uses to support the Lebanese people, civil society, and 
institutions critical to building a sovereign state responsive to its 
people's legitimate needs. U.S. security assistance also supports 
partners, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security 
Forces (ISF), that are critical to stability and security.
    This assistance--including the support provided during my tenure as 
Ambassador to Lebanon--has helped build up LAF and ISF capabilities. In 
recent years, the LAF and ISF have imposed increasing costs on criminal 
syndicates, including groups potentially linked to Hezbollah, by 
arresting smugglers engaged in the illicit movement of drugs, weapons, 
and goods in areas of eastern Lebanon where Hezbollah wields influence. 
In October 2021, Hezbollah and Amal party protests devolved into armed 
clashes with supporters of the Lebanese Forces party in Beirut. The LAF 
deployed to calm sectarian tensions, evacuate civilians, restore order, 
and arrest perpetrators.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment, 
Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control over the Beirut-Rafic 
Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the airport.

    Answer. The U.S. Government has been and remains concerned about 
Hezbollah's influence at ports of entry into Lebanon, including the 
airport. During my tenure as Ambassador to Lebanon, Hezbollah was known 
to engage in a wide range of illicit business activities in Lebanon, 
including abuse of the airport. Under Prime Minister Mikati's current 
cabinet, a Hezbollah minister leads the Ministry of Public Works and 
Transport.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment, 
Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control over the Port of 
Beirut or facilities located within the port?

    Answer. I do not have access to information on the current 
situation at the Port. However, I know that the influence Hezbollah 
exerts over ports of entry remains of considerable concern and denies 
the Lebanese people the benefit of customs revenue, which is 
significant given the large budget deficits Lebanon continues to face. 
The current Minister of Public Works and Transport was appointed by 
Hezbollah to the Cabinet. I understand that to combat Hezbollah's 
influence, the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign 
Assets Control (OFAC) designated under Executive Order 13224 Hezbollah 
security official Wafiq Safa for acting for or on behalf of Hezbollah. 
As head of Hezbollah's security apparatus, Safa exploited Lebanon's 
ports and border crossings to smuggle contraband, enable Hezbollah 
travel, and facilitate the passage of illegal drugs and weapons into 
the seaport of Beirut, routing certain shipments to avoid scrutiny.

    Question. Did you or any other officials from U.S. Embassy Beirut 
convey concerns to the Lebanese Armed Forces or the Lebanese Government 
that their level of coordination or cooperation with Hezbollah during 
their 2017 Arsal operations risked compromising American support, 
including but not limited to security assistance?

    Answer. During my time as Ambassador to Lebanon, I regularly met 
with the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) Commander to emphasize U.S. 
expectations for LAF conduct and operations. In 2017, the LAF 
demonstrated its counterterrorism capability in Operation ``Dawn of the 
Hills,'' when it expelled hundreds of ISIS fighters from northeastern 
Lebanon. The LAF is independent of Hezbollah and retains operational 
autonomy.

    Question. Is the Politico report accurate that your move not to 
extend the QRF's deployment was not coordinated with then-Secretary of 
State Pompeo?

    Answer. The State Department has a process for making decisions on 
security. That process was followed. This decision, as with every 
security-related decision I have been a part of, was made in close 
consultation with security professionals and other relevant officials 
in the Embassy and between Embassy officials and relevant offices in 
Washington. I cannot speak to the internal coordination in Washington.

    Question. Is the Politico report accurate that your move not to 
extend the QRF's deployment was not coordinated with then-Under 
Secretary of State David Hale?

    Answer. The State Department has a process for making decisions on 
security. That process was followed. This decision, as with every 
security-related decision I have been a part of, was made in close 
consultation with security professionals and other relevant officials 
in the Embassy and between Embassy officials and relevant offices in 
Washington. I cannot speak to the internal coordination in Washington.

    Question. Did you, in official or unofficial capacities, argue that 
keeping the force in country might increase the threat posed by 
Hezbollah? If so, please elaborate on why you believed the extending 
the QRF on Lebanese soil would increase the threat posed by Hezbollah.

    Answer. This decision was informed by input from knowledgeable 
officials. We reached this decision based on the best interests and 
security of all U.S. personnel at Embassy Beirut.

The Amer Fakhoury Case
    Question. The Lebanese Government's unjust detention of American 
citizen Amer Fakhoury marked a particularly troubling recent incident 
in U.S.-Lebanese relations. According to the Amer Fakhoury Foundation, 
he ``was a U.S Citizen who was kidnapped by the Hezbollah-backed 
Lebanese Government on September 12th, 2019, while on a family vacation 
in Beirut, Lebanon. He was abused, tortured, and forced to sign false 
documents which were then used to illegally detain him for 7 months. 
After tremendous pressure from the U.S Government, the Lebanese 
Government admitted to the illegal arrest of Amer Fakhoury.''
    Several dynamics related to this incident are entangled with 
counterterrorism challenges faced globally, including the complicity of 
state institutions in terrorist activities and the use of hostage-
taking as a tool of coercion.

   To what extent did you assess at the time that the Lebanese 
        Government was acting under the influence of Hezbollah?

    Answer. Although designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization and 
Specially Designated Global Terrorist by the United States, Hezbollah 
has acted as a political party in Lebanon since 1992. Since then, it 
has exercised both its formal political influence as well as informal 
influence, through its well-known maintenance of an active militia and 
terrorist apparatus. At the time when Mr. Fakhoury was detained in 
September 2019, Hezbollah controlled 12 out of 128 seats in Parliament 
and three ministerial positions. The structure of the Lebanese state 
essentially ensures that no party is able to gain a majority, which 
means that every party will be able to exert some influence, though no 
party can exert complete control. Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan 
Nasrallah said publicly the group did not believe Mr. Fakhoury should 
have been released. The fact that he was released speaks to the 
Government's ability to make decisions that Hezbollah does not support.

    Question. To what extent did U.S. Embassy Beirut assess at the time 
that the Lebanese Government was acting under the influence of 
Hezbollah?

    Answer. The structure of the Lebanese state essentially ensures 
that no party is able to gain a majority, which means that every party 
will be able to exert some influence, though no party can exert 
complete control. Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah said 
publicly the group did not believe Mr. Fakhoury should have been 
released. The fact that he was released speaks to the Government's 
ability to make decisions that Hezbollah does not support.

    Question. At what point, if any, did you conclude that the Lebanese 
Government's detention of Fakhoury constituted an unjust detention?

    Answer. During my tenure as Ambassador to Lebanon, the Levinson 
Act--which includes a requirement that the Secretary of State review 
U.S. national detentions for wrongfulness--was not yet in effect. 
However, as Ambassador, any detained American was always a top concern 
for me and the entire embassy team, and in this case, I worked closely 
with Mr. Fakhoury's legal team, my colleagues in Washington, and 
advocates in Congress to press for his expeditious release. In fact, in 
my last meeting with President Aoun, I raised only one substantive 
issue: Mr. Fakhoury's continuing imprisonment. I was pleased to see him 
released and reunited with his family just weeks later.

    Question. At what point, if any, did U.S. Embassy Beirut conclude 
that the Lebanese Government's detention of Fakhoury constituted an 
unjust detention?

    Answer. My assessment of the situation was developed in conjunction 
with and informed by the full country team at Embassy Beirut. I would 
refer you to my previous answer.

    Question. To what extent do you assess that the Lebanese Government 
was holding Fakhoury with the expectation of releasing him in exchange 
for a Lebanese person or persons held by the United States, i.e., a 
ransom?

    Answer. During my tenure, the Lebanese Government, of which 
Hezbollah was a part, never formally sought to exchange Mr. Fakhoury 
for any person held by the United States.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How much democracy and governance funding have we 
provided to Chad over the past five fiscal years, and what types of 
programs and activities has that funding supported? Are there security 
assistance programs still underway in Chad? What are they?

    Answer. I understand that since Fiscal Year 2017, the State 
Department has allocated a total of $8.5 million in Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Governance assistance for Chad. Specifically, I understand 
that the State Department has typically provided approximately $500,000 
annually to support democracy and governance programming in Chad since 
FY 2016 through the Africa Regional Democracy Fund (ARDF). Some 
examples of current and previous programming include national and local 
civic education, training traditional leaders to promote good 
governance and increase engagement in public policy development and 
strengthening the National Assembly's institutional and operational 
capacity. Additionally, USAID supports civil society strengthening 
through activities that increase engagement of women and youth during 
the current transition period. This four-year project was approved for 
$8.5 million and recently received complementary funding of $3,025,000 
specifically for transition activities.
    If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with you and your 
appropriations colleagues on expanding this support and agree with you 
that our democracy and governance activities have been underfunded in 
Chad. This democracy and governance funding is in addition to the tens 
of millions of dollars the United States provides in humanitarian 
assistance, especially food aid, and providing COVID-19-related 
assistance.
    U.S. military assistance to Chad is intended to increase 
counterterrorism capabilities, improve the general professionalization 
of the military, and increase Chad's peacekeeping capabilities. I 
understand that you have placed a hold on various security assistance 
funds and that only military assistance that was notified and obligated 
prior to your holds has continued. Of those programs that remain 
ongoing Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funded support provides 
sustainment for existing PKO-funded equipment, embedded advisors within 
various branches of the Chadian armed forces, construction of a medical 
facility, and counter-IED training. The PKO-funded Security 
Professionalization Program is also ongoing. In addition, there are 
previously obligated Foreign Military Financing funded programs that 
support C-208 and C-130 related training and sustainment, vehicle 
sustainment, and small boat training and sustainment. There are also 
several International Military Education Training (IMET) students 
currently in the United States finishing courses that were funded prior 
to these holds. Our assistance enables us to support the Chadian 
military to conduct much needed security and counterterrorism efforts 
across the Sahel and Lake Chad regions, while also supporting greater 
professionalization of the Chadian military in areas such as human 
resources management, logistics and sustainment, and increased respect 
for human rights. I understand the State Department has routinely 
engaged your office about the importance of this assistance and, if 
confirmed, I look forward to discussing further.

    Question. Has the United States publicly supported the African 
Union's call for Chad's transitional leaders to (1) abide by the 
transitional timeline and (2) refrain from running as candidates in the 
elections they are responsible for organizing? If confirmed, will you 
commit to calling for these things publicly? What other concrete steps 
will you take to support a democratic transition in Chad, if confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, the United States publicly supported the African 
Union's call for Chad's transitional leaders to (1) abide by the 
transitional timeline and (2) refrain from running as candidates in the 
elections they are responsible for organizing. The Assistant Secretary 
for African Affairs issued a public statement on March 22, 2022, during 
her visit to N'Djamena expressing support for an 18-month transition as 
well as for the African Union's May 2021 call for CMT members to 
abstain from taking part in national elections. If confirmed, I would 
publicly and privately urge the Chadian transitional government to 
signal genuine commitment to the political transition by reaching a 
thorough and swift resolution to politico-military negotiations in 
Doha, leading to an inclusive national dialogue in Chad, followed by a 
constitutional referendum and free and fair elections. ansitional 
Military Council President Mahamat Deby has previously publicly stated 
his intentions not to stand for election.  confirmed, I would continue 
to encourage the Transitional Military Council to amend the 
transitional charter to commit that none of its members will be 
eligible to stand for election, as called for in the May 2021 African 
Union communique.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I do.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes, I do.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes, I do.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Do you consider the transition of power that occurred 
following the death of President Idriss Deby constitutes a coup d'etat? 
If not, why? If yes, why hasn't the United States Government called the 
2021 transition in Chad a coup?

    Answer. My understanding is that the Department carefully reviewed 
the events in Chad and concluded that the military coup restriction in 
section 7008 of the annual appropriations act had not been triggered 
with respect to Chad. I understand that the Department assessed that 
then-President Idriss Deby was not duly elected as the head of 
government of Chad as per section 7008, nor were his designated 
constitutional successors in the National Assembly. Separately, the 
African Union carefully examined the events in Chad and determined that 
the actions that lead to the formation of a Transitional Military 
Council taking power in the aftermath of the battlefield death of the 
former president was not a coup d'etat. The African Union continues to 
monitor the situation and support Chad's transition.

    Question. What are the realistic and essential benchmarks for the 
Chadian military junta as the country works toward achieving the 
``inclusive, peaceful, and timely transition to a democratic and 
civilian-led government'' you cite in your testimony?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would urge the Chadian transitional 
government to signal genuine commitment to the political transition by 
reaching a thorough and swift resolution to politico-military 
negotiations in Doha, leading to an inclusive national dialogue in 
Chad, followed by a constitutional referendum and free and fair 
elections. Transitional Military Council President Mahamat Deby has 
previously publicly stated his intentions not to stand for election. If 
confirmed, I would continue to encourage the Transitional Military 
Council to amend the transitional charter to commit that none of its 
members will be eligible to stand for election, as called for in the 
May 2021 African Union communique. While it is critical to maintain 
momentum in the transition, there needs to be a balance between rigidly 
adhering to the original timeline and ensuring a credible process with 
quality results that meet the needs of the Chadian people and will help 
guarantee a genuinely inclusive transition to a democratically elected 
civilian-led government.

    Question. How can the U.S. integrate our security interests 
regarding Chad, to include our security assistance opportunities and 
needs, with our interest in Chadians seeing a citizen-led government 
and developing democracy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will endeavor to support Chad across 
defense, development, and diplomacy activities. I understand that the 
State Department, including during the Assistant Secretary for African 
Affairs visit to N'Djamena, has communicated to the Chadian 
transitional government that our security assistance and cooperation 
rests on seeing a firm commitment to a transparent process for free and 
fair elections and a transition to a democratically elected government. 
If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with you and your 
appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and governance 
support to Chad. The United States remains a credible and attractive 
peace and security cooperation partner to Chad, engaging a wide variety 
of Chadian political, military, and civil society actors to promote 
peace, democracy, and governance reforms. American military expertise 
and collaboration constitute a positive incentive to secure democratic 
and governance reforms. My understanding is the training provided 
through our security assistance emphasizes the Geneva convention and 
human rights. This will help the military adjust to civilian rule after 
a successful transition.
    Chadian units serve in the U.N. Multidimensional Integrated 
Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), and U.S. support has been 
critical to their deployment. If confirmed, I will give weight to the 
views of my counterparts in Mali and the U.S. Mission to the U.N., if 
they believe that the presence of the two Chadian battalions is 
critical to the mission, I will urge support for continued capacity-
building programs. Chad's military is a major player in the fight 
against violent extremism in the Sahel. In 2021, Chad deployed 
approximately 1,050 soldiers to the Liptako-Gourma region of Burkina 
Faso, Mali, and Niger as part of the G5 Sahel Joint Force and continues 
to support G5 Sahel Joint Force operations across the Sahel. Chadians 
also participate in the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) 
operations against Boko Haram and ISIS-West Africa in the Lake Chad 
Basin.

    Question. France remains an important and dominant factor in U.S. 
interests in Chad. In your view, where do U.S. interests in Chad 
converge with France?

    Answer. In my view, the United States and France share interest in 
seeing concrete and consistent progress toward long-term stability in 
Chad and in the region, and civilian-led and democratically elected 
government and increased economic opportunity is the best path to long-
term stability. The United States also shares France's interest in 
seeing Chad remain an exporter of regional security, as the situation 
in the Sahel would undoubtedly worsen if Chadian forces withdrew. I 
understand that U.S. Embassy N'Djamena has coordinated with France and 
other likeminded partners on joint public messaging to emphasize the 
importance of a peaceful, inclusive, democratic transition. If 
confirmed, I hope to continue this coordination.

    Question. Where do U.S. interests in Chad diverge from France?

    Answer. Chad is a critical security partner for France, and a 
longtime center of gravity for the French military in West/Central 
Africa. France has in the past intervened in Chad's leadership contests 
and believes that security in the Sahel has a direct impact on the 
French homeland. If confirmed, I will coordinate with France and other 
likeminded partners to align messaging and diplomatic engagement in 
urging the Chadian transitional government to pursue a peaceful 
transition to civilian rule in Chad, for a stable country that benefits 
the Chadian people and wider Sahel region.

    Question. The U.S. mission in Chad is relatively small, and its 
remoteness at times commands significantly less attention from 
Washington than many of its close neighbors, including Sudan and 
Ethiopia.

   As Chief of Mission, if confirmed, how will you operate in such a 
        post to manage the staff and lead U.S. policy on the ground?

    Answer. Embassy N'Djamena is a strong team in a tough environment. 
Having led this team and other small missions in the past, I am 
cognizant of the particular challenges such missions face regarding 
resources and workload. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions 
with all agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies 
and tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I will engage 
all employees and stakeholders to conceive and articulate clearly what 
we will do, how we will do it despite our size and resource 
limitations, and why it matters--to Chadians, Americans, and global 
citizens alike. As appropriate and necessary, if confirmed, I will work 
with the Department to identify resource gaps and seek ways to address 
those when possible. If confirmed, I will also create a culture of 
inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.

    Question. How will you work with your colleagues at Main State to 
increase the attractiveness of Chad as a post for recruitment?

    Answer. For an Africanist like me, Chad is a fascinating and 
enticing assignment; the country has a rich history of 1,000 years of 
recorded history, a mosaic of peoples, cultures, languages, and 
religions, and a geography encompassing the worlds of the desert, the 
savannah, and the forest in an area three times the size of California. 
This is also, in my view, an exciting time to be working on African 
affairs. The trend lines are clear that the African continent will play 
a major role in the direction of our highest priorities, and we have a 
chance now to work with African partners to influence the direction of 
that role. We are launching important initiatives to benefit the people 
of Africa and continuing to work toward democracy, transparency, and 
good governance. If confirmed, I would work with my colleagues at Main 
State to highlight the significance of a posting to N'Djamena for our 
relationship with Chad during a pivotal time in its history, the 
increasing importance of Africa in U.S. foreign policy, and our global 
strategic goals.
    One challenge to staffing our embassy in N'Djamena is the lack of 
an American-standard, English-medium school. A post without at least a 
viable elementary school has a hard time attracting bidders. If 
confirmed, I hope to begin a long-term process of getting a new school 
up and running; that will take the work of more than one chief of 
mission, but it is critically important.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. I think there is significant value in the United States 
supporting independent international election observations, especially 
in nascent democracies or regions experiencing democratic backsliding, 
like in the Sahel. If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with 
you and your appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and 
governance support to Chad.

    Question. Would you be supportive of a U.S.-funded independent 
international election observation mission for Chad's next elections, 
whenever that may be?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with the Chadian transitional 
government, international partners, nongovernmental organizations, and 
civil society to understand conditions on the ground in Chad in the 
lead up to presidential and legislative elections to determine options 
for the holding of elections that are genuinely free and fair. Domestic 
and international observation on election day is an important tool, but 
the critical decisions that impact the quality of the process happen 
well before voters head to the polls. Indigenous civil society has a 
critical role to play throughout the process and if confirmed, I hope 
to be able to support a robust civil society involvement in all aspects 
of the electoral process.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach to using the 
U.S.'s tools to hold Chadian officials accountable for corrupt 
behavior?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support U.S. Government programs and 
consider leveraging visa restrictions and sanctions to promote 
accountability and strengthen democratic institutions, promote good 
governance and transparency, and combat corruption in Chad. If 
confirmed, I will advocate for increased development assistance to help 
Chad develop a stronger economy and meet the health and education needs 
of the population, provided that we have partners who share our vision 
of good governance and service delivery. I understand that we are also 
working to mitigate civilian harm by Chadian military forces to 
encourage a greater focus on accountability and protecting civilians 
during operations.

    Question. What is your view on political dynasties and long-serving 
rulers who, like in the case of Chad, manipulate constitutional and 
electoral processes to give the facade of democratic legitimacy?

    Answer. Chadians have never experienced a democratic transfer of 
power. As I outlined in my opening statement, Chad has had six 
presidents in the last 62 years, none of the incumbents left power 
voluntarily, and none of their successors assumed power via 
constitutional processes. In its modern history, Chad has been governed 
by and for narrow regional and ethno-linguistic interests. It has also 
been governed more by the force of arms than by the force of law. Chad 
is also one of the poorest countries in the world, ranking 187th out of 
189 countries in the U.N.'s Human Development Index. It has some of the 
highest rates of maternal and infant mortality in the world, and some 
of the lowest incomes, life expectancies, and literacy rates. Questions 
of legitimacy of state authority can lead to fragility, insecurity, and 
development challenges. The current transition period offers a unique 
opportunity for Chad to reform itself, for the Chadian people to 
reconcile their differences and move to a more democratic system that 
will open the way for the social, economic, and political development 
so desperately needed.

    Question. U.S. diplomats must get outside of posts abroad to meet 
with local actors, including host government officials, non-government 
organizations, and everyday citizens. While conditions in Chad may be 
challenging, equally challenging is conducting diplomacy exclusively 
from within the Embassy compound or the capital city.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish their missions fully?

    Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively 
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the 
country to which they are assigned. I understand U.S. diplomats 
throughout the mission safely completed multiple trips out of N'Djamena 
in the last six months, including to the far north and Lake Chad--
places U.S. diplomats had not visited in years. These visits have 
enriched our public diplomacy narratives, bolstered our reporting, and 
enlightened our efforts to craft a more effective strategy to support 
Chad's democratic transition. If confirmed, I will continue to promote 
such important travel. In my previous assignments, I have similarly 
sought opportunities for the U.S. Embassy team to experience life and 
outreach outside embassy walls and outside of capital cities.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed and as health and safety conditions permit, I 
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person 
with local populations in and outside N'Djamena. If confirmed, I will 
encourage active engagement through social and virtual media to 
supplement this outreach. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit 
people throughout Chad and use those visits to facilitate contacts for 
the rest of my team.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with European 
        countries to build on likeminded interests in Chad and counter 
        the influence of China and other malign actors?

    Answer. I am concerned about the PRC's influence across the African 
continent. If confirmed, I would continue to work with European and 
other likeminded nations and the Chadian transitional government to 
strengthen Chad's resilience to external influence and highlight the 
advantages of cooperation with U.S., European, and likeminded countries 
on areas of common strategic interest including in the economic and 
security realms. This may at times include speaking up against the 
PRC's malign actions and attempts to undermine the international rules-
based system and/or advocating for Chadian support of U.S. positions in 
the U.N. system.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission N'Djamena?

    Answer. U.S. Embassy N'Djamena is a strong team in a tough 
environment. Periods of transition in Embassy leadership can be 
particularly challenging, and this mission has not seen a confirmed 
ambassador since 2018. N'Djamena is a challenging and historically 
difficult post to staff. Staff members face security threats, physical 
and mental health hazards, isolation, and loneliness. Embassy staff, 
including locally employed staff, have shown great resilience and 
dedication to duty despite COVID-19's toll. Infrastructural challenges 
like telecommunications are very real, for both U.S. and local 
personnel. Travel times to/from the United States also have the 
potential to affect our staff's well-being. I understand Embassy 
N'Djamena prioritizes Embassy morale through tools such as a community 
liaison office, town halls, and social events for staff to connect with 
leadership. I understand the new Community Liaison Officer is 
implementing a robust menu of social activities to appeal to our entire 
staff--both American and local.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission N'Djamena?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the Embassy 
community will be of primary importance. I will seek to support 
American employees and their families to create an inclusive and 
welcoming culture where individuals are safe and can achieve 
professional and personal goals. The welfare of our local Chadian and 
third-country staff members is also of great importance to me, and I 
commit to meeting regularly with the local staff committee in a spirit 
of open and constructive dialogue. If confirmed, I will work to ensure 
that employees and families have safe and acceptable housing, and that 
embassy services for employees are efficiently delivered to maintain 
quality of life. In a high-threat environment such as N'Djamena, if 
confirmed, I will devote extra attention to assuring the physical 
safety of employees and family members. In addition, if confirmed, I 
will clearly communicate the nature of the embassy's mission and 
strategic direction so that employees and family members understand how 
their work and presence in such an isolated and difficult place serves 
the national security interests of the United States.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission N'Djamena?

    Answer. Having led small missions in the past, I am cognizant of 
the particular challenges such missions face regarding resources and 
workload. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all 
Mission agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies 
and tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I will engage 
all employees and stakeholders to conceive and articulate clearly what 
we will do, and how we will do it despite our size and resource 
limitations. As appropriate and necessary, I will work with the 
Department to identify resource gaps and seek ways to address those 
when possible. If confirmed, I will also create a culture of inclusion 
in which all employees' contributions are valued.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I aspire to create a leadership culture in which all are 
encouraged to contribute, create, and grow. If confirmed, I would like 
to create the ideal workplace in which people achieve shared objectives 
while respecting and valuing everyone's contributions. This requires 
from leadership and employees a recognition of individuals' strengths 
and areas of development, and a respect for shared values, inclusion, 
and our institutions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe there is an acceptable place for 
`berating' subordinates, either in public or in private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I expect to collaborate closely with the 
Deputy Chief of Mission to conceive goals, then implement and oversee 
tactics and activities to achieve those goals. If confirmed, I will 
work with the Deputy Chief of Mission to articulate and maintain high 
ethical standards and create a culture of inclusion and respect. I 
believe Deputy Chiefs of Mission are most effective, productive, and 
valued when they are permitted to work with independence, while 
understanding that the chief of mission is ultimately responsible in 
all ways for the work of the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the Deputy Chief of Mission to 
lead our mission-wide efforts to train, develop, and empower our small 
but dedicated staff to serve effectively in a challenging environment 
while promoting U.S. interests. I will also ask the Deputy Chief of 
Mission to lead recruitment efforts for our Foreign Service positions 
and work with other agencies to ensure that their personnel feel fully 
integrated into Embassy N'Djamena's policy formulation and 
implementation.
    If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission on policy implementation, engagement with the Chadian 
transitional government, and outreach to key groups, like civil society 
and youth, through traditional and social media. The Deputy Chief of 
Mission at any mission must be able to stand in for the ambassador as 
needed and potentially on short notice; if confirmed, I will ensure 
that my Deputy Chief of Mission has the knowledge, skills, and 
awareness to stand in for me with confidence.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for foreign service officers are imperative, though often lacking.
    Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes, I do.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Chad.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively 
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the 
country to which they are assigned. Embassy N'Djamena has actively left 
the capital to engage civil society, local government, media, and 
members of the international community throughout the country. In my 
previous assignments, I have similarly sought opportunities for the 
U.S. Embassy team to experience life and outreach outside embassy 
walls. Travel within Chad is difficult and time-consuming, but it is 
also critical to our work as diplomats. Chad is three times the size of 
California and has very few paved roads; if confirmed, we are going to 
put hard miles on our vehicles and our bodies, but we will be a 
presence outside of N'Djamena.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed and as health and safety conditions permit, I 
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person 
with local populations in and outside N'Djamena. If confirmed, I will 
encourage active engagement through social and virtual media to 
supplement this outreach. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit 
people throughout Chad and use those visits to facilitate contacts for 
the rest of my team.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Chad?

    Answer. The Chadian public is receptive to both U.S. Government 
programs and messaging on our policy priorities. Chad's demographics 
pose a range of challenges and opportunities for U.S. public diplomacy 
engagement: 65 percent of the population is under 25 years of age; the 
median age is 16.8 years; but reaching this dynamic population can 
prove difficult for our small mission. For example, as the transition 
in Chad gains momentum, we have at times found our ability to fully 
engage constrained by the lack of consistent staffing in our public 
diplomacy section. We currently have a temporary duty Public Affairs 
Officer and do not have a full-time, U.S. direct hire employee arriving 
until Summer 2023 to help fill this gap. As is the case in many public 
diplomacy sections across Africa, inadequate and inconsistent staffing 
inhibits broader public diplomacy efforts. Nonetheless, I am fully 
committed to proactive recruitment for this and other important 
positions at Mission N'Djamena.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Chad's population is overwhelmingly young, which means most 
people are in their primary or secondary school years. Many young 
people either do not have access to quality education or must leave 
school because of economic hardship. This difficult educational 
landscape also impacts the acquisition of English. While these are 
public diplomacy challenges--bolstering education and English 
acquisition--they are also opportunities for us to gear our efforts to 
these necessary endeavors, that will attract a new, large generation to 
our standard.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with Main State and 
respect the interagency process on policy formation. Our public 
diplomacy messaging will reflect this in amplifying messaging on the 
political transition.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes, I do.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission N'Djamena personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to transparent communication with Mission 
N'Djamena personnel as it relates to anomalous health incidents and any 
other matters that would have an impact on the health and safety of 
Mission N'Djamena personnel and their families.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, I do.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will pay close and continued attention to 
the welfare and morale of embassy staff and identify opportunities to 
prioritize Embassy morale through tools such as regular town halls or 
social events for community members and their families.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris by Senator Todd Young

    Question. How do you view recent developments in Chad in regard to 
democracy and a restoration of constitutional order?

    Answer. In the aftermath of then-President Idriss Deby's death in 
April 2021, the United States called for a peaceful, timely transition 
of power to a democratically elected and civilian-led government. If 
confirmed, I will continue to stand with the people of Chad in 
advocating for a democratic and representative government as the best 
path to long-term peace and prosperity in the country, as well as the 
region. If confirmed, I will encourage the Transitional Military 
Council to hold an inclusive national dialogue as soon as feasible, 
followed by a constitutional referendum and free and fair elections.
    If confirmed, I will continue our coordination with like-minded 
embassies in Chad to stand with the Chadian people and support the 
transition. Since April 2021 when then-President Idriss Deby was killed 
by rebel forces, both the Government of Chad and the rebel groups have 
respected the cease fire. As it has now been over a year, the longest 
time Chad has known without internal armed conflict, this should be 
seen as a demonstration of the will of all--the Chadian people, the 
military leaders, the transitional government leaders, and the rebel 
leaders--to bring peace and reconciliation to the country through an 
inclusive National Dialogue and elections. If successful, these 
elections would mark the first time there has been a peaceful 
transition of power since independence.
    If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with you and your 
appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and governance 
support, as I believe these activities have been underfunded in Chad.

    Question. Is it time to call the ``military transition government'' 
what it was, namely a coup? If not, how is the situation in Chad not a 
coup?

    Answer. My understanding is that the Department carefully reviewed 
the events in Chad and concluded that the military coup restriction in 
section 7008 of the annual appropriations act had not been triggered 
with respect to Chad. I understand that the Department assessed that 
then-President Idriss Deby was not duly elected as the head of 
government of Chad, nor were his designated constitutional successors 
in the National Assembly. Separately, the African Union carefully 
examined the events in Chad and determined that the actions that lead 
to the formation of a Transitional Military Council taking power in the 
aftermath of the battlefield death of the former president was not a 
coup d'etat. The African Union continues to monitor the situation and 
support Chad's transition.

    Question. What should be the consequences if Chad fails to hold 
elections by October 2022 as the Administration has publicly called 
for?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Administration's pressure 
on the Transitional Military Council to adhere to a peaceful, timely 
transition process leading to free and fair elections, resulting in a 
democratically elected and civilian-led government. If this happens, it 
would mark the first time since independence that Chad will experience 
a peaceful transition of power. It is important that we continue to see 
progress in the steps that will lead to elections, but it is equally 
important that these are done well and not rushed to ensure that there 
is a genuinely inclusive transition and movement toward democracy in 
Chad. Absent consistent and concrete progress on this transition 
timeline over the next few months, if confirmed, my Embassy N'Djamena 
team and I would explore options within the interagency to strengthen 
democratic institutions and promote good governance in Chad while 
holding accountable those responsible for delays or efforts to 
undermine democracy. If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with 
you and your appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and 
governance support to Chad.



                               __________

 Correspondence Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Elizabeth Richard to 
                  be Coordinator for Counterterrorism


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            be Coordinator for Counterterrorism--continuing



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           be Coordinator for Counterterrorism--(continuing)



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           be Coordinator for Counterterrorism--(continuing)



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                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        WEDNESDAY, MAY 18, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m., in 
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine 
presiding.
    Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Menendez, Cardin, 
Shaheen, Murphy, Markey, Schatz, Portman, and Hagerty.

             OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Good morning. This hearing of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
    We are here to consider four important nominees for 
critical positions: Elizabeth Bagley to be Ambassador to 
Brazil, Mari Aponte to be Ambassador to Panama, Dr. Frank Mora 
to be Permanent Representative to the Organization of American 
States, and Michelle Kwan to be Ambassador to Belize.
    I want to congratulate each of the four of you on these 
nominations. Thanks for your willingness to serve. Thanks to 
family and friends who will also bear the burdens of service.
    My distinguished colleague, Senator Markey, will introduce 
Ambassador Bagley. He is a member of this committee and is not 
here yet, and so I think what I will do is I will introduce the 
other three members of the panel and cross my fingers that just 
as I finish Senator Markey will walk in the door.
    Senator--so we will begin with Mari Carmen Aponte. She is a 
former ambassador to El Salvador and the Acting Assistant 
Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. She served 
on the board of directors of Oriental Financial Group in San 
Juan, Puerto Rico, and as executive director of the Puerto Rico 
Federal Affairs Administration at the Commonwealth Federal 
Agency in Washington D.C. Welcome, Ambassador Aponte.
    She currently works as a consultant in Washington, D.C., 
has previously worked as a consultant and also a law 
practitioner in both New York and Washington. She earned a BA 
at Rosemont College in Pennsylvania, a master's degree at 
Villanova University, and a JD at Temple University Law School. 
Welcome.
    Dr. Francisco Mora is the professor of politics and 
international relations, and a senior researcher at the Jack D. 
Gordon Institute for Public Policy at Florida International 
University.
    Earlier in his career, he was the director of the Kimberly 
Green Latin American and Caribbean Center and FIU's U.S. Green 
School of International and Public Affairs.
    Dr. Mora served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Defense 
for the Western Hemisphere. He has held several teaching 
positions, including professor of national security strategy 
and Latin American studies at the National War College.
    At the National Defense University he earned his BA in 
international affairs, at George Washington an MA in inter-
American studies, and Ph.D. in international affairs from the 
University of Miami. Welcome.
    Michelle Kwan has had a distinguished career in public 
service, diplomacy, and sports. She is the most decorated 
figure skater in U.S. history, having won 43 championships, 
including five world championships, nine national titles, and 
two Olympic medals.
    In addition to that successful career, Ms. Kwan has 
excelled in foreign affairs. She became the first public 
diplomacy envoy in 2006, and for a decade travelled extensively 
on behalf of the Department of State to engage youth around the 
world on social and educational issues.
    She earned a BA from the University of Denver with a focus 
on international relations, an MA from Tufts University's 
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, and then became a senior 
advisor at the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs at 
the U.S. Department of State.
    Senator Markey is not yet here. I think what I will do, 
Senator Portman, is I will go ahead and provide my opening 
remarks and have you provide your opening remarks, and we hope 
at the last sentence of your opening remarks Senator Markey 
will walk in the room ready to do introduction, and then we 
will turn to the witnesses for their opening statements.
    I now turn to my ranking member for the day, Senator 
Portman.
    Senator Portman. Great. Thank you very much.
    Senator Kaine. Actually, let me make my opening remarks 
first. How about that?
    Senator Portman. Andele.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Kaine. Andele. Andele, as he said.
    Senator Portman. We decided to speak in three languages 
simultaneously.
    Senator Kaine. Yeah. We are going to speak in Portuguese, 
Spanish, and English today because of the nations that you are 
here to serve.
    Senator Portman. Yes.
    Senator Kaine. Congratulations on all the nominations. 
Representing the U.S. and the American people abroad is an 
honor and a privilege. I know you know that from your previous 
experience serving the American people, and with your 
impressive professional backgrounds you will serve with 
distinction.
    I am pleased to chair this nomination for four very 
critical nations in the Western Hemisphere: Brazil, Panama, 
Belize, and not a nation but an organization, the Organization 
of American States.
    The hearing is timely. In fact it could not be more timely. 
We approach the ninth Summit of the Americas next month in Los 
Angeles. The U.S. will host it for the first time in more than 
30 years, and we confront a wide range of challenges but also 
opportunities in the Western Hemisphere.
    Having our best team in the field is critical to advancing 
U.S. interests with our neighbors. Brazil is Latin America's 
largest country with over 212 million people and will hold 
presidential elections this November.
    Having an ambassador in place to lead our efforts in 
strengthening the bilateral relationship on trade, environment, 
human rights, and security issues with Latin America's largest 
democracy will be critical.
    What Panama lacks in physical size it makes up in 
geostrategic importance as a vital global trade hub connecting 
the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. Panama is an important partner 
on trade, migration, counter narcotics, and has also sought 
U.S. support for the Alliance for Development in Democracy.
    This Alliance, together with Costa Rica and the Dominican 
Republic, is a welcome and important development. I hope the 
Biden administration will continue its support of the Alliance.
    The OAS is a critical institution for our region in 
promoting democracy, human rights, economic and social 
development, anti-corruption, transparency, and regional 
security cooperation.
    In March, I joined a bipartisan group of my colleagues from 
this committee and sent a letter to Secretary Blinken to 
support the efforts to revoke Russia's permanent observer 
status at the OAS, and I applaud the State Department for 
taking that step.
    The U.S. remains the largest contributor to the OAS, and 
having a confirmed permanent representative will advance our 
leadership in this important institution.
    Finally, Belize, with which the United States has a close 
relationship in part due to a strong Belizean community in the 
United States estimated at more than 85,000, a friendly 
relationship, though, does not mask some of the real challenges 
that the people of Belize have faced over the past several 
years--an economic downturn due to COVID, ensuing high levels 
of public debt, and like most nations in the region, the flow 
of migrants through the country.
    We can only help Belize effectively address these 
challenges with a confirmed ambassador in place. The United 
States has not had a confirmed ambassador in Belize for five 
years.
    The committee looks forward to hearing from each of you 
today and I look forward to supporting your nominations.
    With that, I now--I will give it back to Senator Portman 
and ask him to make his opening statement.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO

    Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks to all 
four of you for your willingness to step up and serve our 
country in capacities that you--some of you have done before.
    This is an important opportunity for us to hear from you. I 
have been asked to do this at the request of Tim Kaine and I 
never say no to Tim Kaine. We are happy to have this hearing 
and then, hopefully, move you along quickly to the floor of the 
Senate and for getting you in place in these countries, who are 
in need of someone badly.
    Brazil, as we talked about, Ambassador Bagley, in our 
conversation has so much potential and so much untapped 
potential. So that will be an interesting opportunity for you, 
having served in Portuguese, I am sure your Portuguese is up to 
the task.
    COVID-19 has hit Brazil so hard and reversed a lot of the 
economic gains that they had made. It will be having elections, 
as you know, on October 2nd. My understanding is those will be 
intensely contested and I would like to hear what your 
priorities would be as Ambassador to Brazil, if confirmed.
    We have talked about some issues that relate to work in 
this committee, including the wildlife trafficking legislation 
we are trying to get passed and how it would be effective in 
Brazil, and we would love to hear more from you about that 
today.
    Ambassador Aponte, after 40 years Panama is a strong 
example of a country that has thrown off its authoritarian past 
and move forward with democracy in an impressive way, but they 
still struggle on a number of fronts, including controlling 
corruption, and I hope that we can talk to you a little about 
that.
    In June 2019, the Financial Action Task Force added Panama 
to its Gray List of countries with weak anti-money laundering 
provisions, as an example. Hopefully, you can tell us how you 
would help with regard to that issue.
    Dr. Mora, in March, Senator Kaine and I signed a letter to 
Secretary Blinken urging him to work with like-minded countries 
to strip Russia of its observer status at the OAS.
    I was pleased to see the OAS finally take this step last 
month--what I said earlier, when Senator Kaine says something 
people tend to do it, at least in this example. But that is 
very positive.
    I think it is precisely the kind of diplomatic isolation 
that must be occurring globally right now if we have any chance 
of getting Russia to pull back on its brutal assault on Ukraine 
and withdraw its forces from their sovereign territory.
    I would say Russia is not the only country of concern for 
me with regard to the OAS. For example, I am curious as to how 
you think the OAS should address human rights challenges in 
Cuba, democratic backsliding, of course, in Nicaragua, also 
what is going on in Venezuela, and what you would do to support 
President Guaido's efforts in Venezuela.
    Finally, Ms. Kwan, I am eager to hear about your plans and 
priorities as Ambassador to Belize. What a beautiful country 
and strong ties to the United States but also a country that 
has challenges, obviously, on the economic front, COVID and 
tourism challenges still.
    But it also is a country, again, that we care a lot about 
and are strong allies of ours. One of my concerns about Belize 
today is what I hear about the traffickers. The drug cartels 
now are using Belize as a stopping point and that has not been, 
is my understanding, a big issue in the past but it is now and 
would like to hear from you about that and what we should be 
doing.
    Also, I think it is interesting that Brazil--I am sorry, 
Belize, is one of the few countries in the hemisphere that 
still recognizes Taiwan. I was just in Taiwan recently and they 
very much appreciate that and want to talk to you a little 
about that.
    I am sure Belize is under a lot of pressure from the 
Chinese to change its allegiance and what can we do to support 
Belize as they support our allies in Taiwan would be a question 
I would ask today.
    Again, thank you all four for being here, for three of you 
a rich tradition of public service. For Ms. Kwan, you have been 
serving in your own way, representing the sport and 
representing us at the Special Olympics and other important 
ways to serve. We are, again, pleased that all four of you have 
agreed to step up and serve in those new capacities.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Portman.
    He is too kind when he says he agreed to co-chair this 
because I asked him. He also has a real interest in the 
Americas. We took a bipartisan delegation of senators to 
Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia, Ecuador about 10 months ago that 
was very valuable. So thank you, Senator Portman.
    And the impeccable timing of our colleague, Senator Markey, 
who is a friend and a colleague and a valued member of the 
committee.
    Senator Markey, you are up to introduce Ambassador Bagley.

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much, and it 
is my pleasure to introduce Ambassador Elizabeth Bagley to be 
our next ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil.
    Mr. Chairman, I have proudly lost track of the number of 
nominees who have come before this committee who are educated 
in the brain state of Massachusetts, and Elizabeth Bagley is 
yet the latest example of excellence.
    She graduated with honors from Regis College in Weston, 
Massachusetts. She is also an honors graduate of the Georgetown 
Law Center and earned a juris doctorate in international law.
    Joining Elizabeth today is her talented son Conor, son-in-
law, Ben, sister, Ellen. Her daughter, Vaughan, could not be 
here in person today because she is at the White House right 
now participating in the First Ladies Youth Mental Health 
Action Forum, carrying on the tradition of health service that 
her mother has dedicated her career to. But we know that 
Vaughan shares pride in [inaudible] there.
    Looking down proudly from Heaven, no doubt, is Elizabeth's 
mother, Rosemary, and her father, John--Judge John Frawley, who 
would have turned 100 years old today, and I know how proud--on 
this day. Dedication to public service is really a family 
affair.
    Elizabeth's diplomatic career spans four different 
administrations. She has participated in some of the most 
significant diplomatic milestones of the last century.
    She served as congressional liaison to the Panama Canal 
treaties. She backstopped senior officials negotiating the Camp 
David Accords, which set the framework for an enduring peace 
between Israel in Egypt, and she was on the U.S. delegation to 
the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe at a time 
that the United States and much of Europe was united against 
the Soviet Union's invasion of a sovereign country, 
Afghanistan.
    The role of managing a U.S. mission in a Portuguese-
speaking country is not new to Elizabeth. The Senate confirmed 
Elizabeth unanimously to serve as Ambassador to our NATO ally, 
Portugal, in 1994, the first woman to ever fill that role.
    In Elizabeth, the men and women of the Foreign Service as 
well as locally employed staff in Portugal had a committed 
advocate. She established a daycare service at the embassy, one 
that has seen hundreds of children come through its doors ever 
since.
    Upon her return to Washington, former Secretary of State 
Madeleine Albright entrusted Elizabeth to stand up the Office 
of Media Acquisition to help the newly independent Balkan 
states establish a free media--a cornerstone of any democracy--
and years later, Elizabeth returned to Foggy Bottom to serve in 
a number of other key senior roles, including as Special 
Representative for Global Partnerships and as our 
representative to the United Nations General Assembly, a 
position for which she was unanimously confirmed again by the 
Senate.
    Our bilateral relationship with Brazil will require a 
forceful spokesperson in Brasilia, particularly as the country 
prepares for contentious presidential elections in October.
    Elizabeth's background in public diplomacy and journalism, 
along with her proven and effective diplomatic skill, give her 
an undeniable voice. We need that voice to put climate 
diplomacy at the forefront and win stronger commitments from 
Brazil to protect the Amazon rainforest, the lungs of the 
world, from deforestation, and we will need to continue to help 
the country recover from the COVID-19 pandemic and its 
compounding economic effects.
    And Elizabeth's perfeito command of Portuguese means that 
she will enter the role with a voice that all of her colleagues 
will understand.
    Mr. Chairman, Elizabeth's experience and unmatched 
experience makes her a tremendous pick, a perfect pick, to 
serve as our Ambassador to South America's most populous 
country and one of the world's most powerful economies.
    I urge swift confirmation for my friend, Elizabeth Bagley. 
She will serve our country very well in this time of great need 
for diplomatic envoys around the world.
    I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Markey.
    And we will now have opening statements of the nominees and 
we will begin with Ambassador Bagley, then Ambassador Aponte, 
Dr. Mora, and Ms. Kwan.

    STATEMENT OF HON. ELIZABETH FRAWLEY BAGLEY OF FLORIDA, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
  THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF 
                             BRAZIL

    Ambassador Bagley. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Senator Markey, for 
those laudatory remarks. It was very, very nice of you. We go 
back I cannot tell you how many years, probably 40 years, but 
appreciate all you have done especially on the subject of 
climate change, and if confirmed, that would, certainly, be one 
of my top priorities. I thank you for that.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, it 
is my distinct honor to appear before you today as the nominee 
to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Federative Republic of 
Brazil. I am deeply grateful that President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken placed their trust in me to take on this important 
role.
    I want to thank my daughter, Vaughan, who as Senator Markey 
said, is at the White House as we speak, her husband, Ben, who 
is here, my son, Conor, for their love and unwavering support. 
My sister, Ellen, the youngest of the eight children--I am 
number two, she is number eight--she is also here with me.
    Twenty-eight years ago in June of 1994, I came before this 
committee as President Clinton's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador 
to Portugal and it was the highest privilege of my life to 
represent my country there. My children were then four years 
old and 10 months old. So we have all come a long way since 
then, and I know my beloved husband and parents are smiling 
down from above.
    As Senator Markey said, today would have marked the 100th 
birthday of my father, who, with my mother, taught me and my 
seven brothers and sisters that to whom much is given much is 
expected, as they themselves led a life of purpose--my father 
as a lawyer and a judge for 50 years and my mother as a social 
worker.
    If given the opportunity, serving as the U.S. Ambassador to 
Brazil would be the capstone of my career in public service, 
diplomacy, and law, which spans over four decades.
    I have learned from and advised Secretaries of State John 
Kerry, Hillary Clinton, and the late Madeleine Albright over 
more than 20 years of service to the Department of State.
    I was deeply honored to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to 
Portugal from 1994 to 1997, a period in which we made great 
strides in our bilateral relationship as well as with NATO.
    I am cognizant of the importance of our deep and historic 
relationship with Brazil, which has the largest population, 
economy, territory, and military in Latin America. This year 
marks the 200th anniversary of Brazil's independence and of the 
United States becoming the first country to recognize Brazil.
    Today, we are building on our long history of cooperation 
to take on shared challenges and priorities. A country with 
strong democratic institutions, an open economy and a regional 
and multilateral leadership role, Brazil is a strategic partner 
and, if confirmed, I plan to build on that partnership to 
further enhance our bilateral ties.
    If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the 
continued safety and security of the approximately 200,000 U.S. 
citizens who reside in or travel to Brazil each year. I would 
also work to protect the interests of the more than 1,400 
American and Brazilian professionals who comprise the U.S. 
mission in Brazil.
    Our relationship with Brazil is grounded in shared 
commitments to democracy and human rights, economic prosperity, 
security, and the rule of law.
    The United States engages Brazil through the U.N. Security 
Council, the U.N. Human Rights Council, and many regular 
bilateral dialogues on a full range of issues highlighted by 
the U.S.-Brazil High Level Dialogue held in Brasilia on April 
25th and co-chaired by Undersecretaries of State Nuland and 
Fernandez.
    If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen this wide-
ranging dialogue. I also will affirm our confidence in Brazil's 
democratic institutions and electoral system, and the 
importance of maintaining public trust in that system ahead of 
Brazil's October national elections.
    Our support for Brazil as it combats threats from 
transnational criminal organizations should be based on a 
foundation of respect for human rights for all Brazilians.
    I will reinforce the U.S. commitment to strengthening 
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in Brazil and 
throughout the hemisphere. Our bilateral trade has rebounded 
from the pandemic, demonstrating the enormous potential of our 
commercial relationship.
    Brazil represents a vital market for a range of U.S. 
industries. We are Brazil's largest foreign investor and its 
second largest trading partner and, if confirmed, I intend to 
broaden these economic ties and expand our bilateral trade.
    The steps Brazil has taken to join and align with the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development signal 
its commitment to sustainable economic growth and financial 
stability.
    Brazil is home to 30 percent of the world's tropical 
rainforests, including 60 percent of the Amazon, the largest 
and most biodiverse tropical rainforest in the world, and as 
Senator Markey said, the lungs of the world.
    If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to encourage 
efforts to increase climate ambition, dramatically reduce 
deforestation, protect forest defenders, and prosecute 
environmental crimes and related acts of violence.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, committee members, if I am 
confirmed, it would be my honor to represent the people of the 
United States of America to the Government and people of 
Brazil.
    I would look forward to collaborating with this committee 
and with your professional staff to further U.S. interests in 
Brazil. I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today and I welcome your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Bagley follows:]


          Prepared Statement of Hon. Elizabeth Frawley Bagley

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee--It is my 
distinct honor to appear before you today as the nominee to serve as 
the U.S. Ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil. I am deeply 
grateful that President Biden and Secretary Blinken placed their trust 
in me to take on this important role.
    I want to thank my daughter, Vaughan, her husband Ben, and my son 
Conor for their love and unwavering support. Twenty-eight years ago in 
June 1994, I came before this committee as then President Clinton's 
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Portugal, and it was the highest 
privilege of my life to represent my country there. My children were 
then four years old and 10 months old, so we have all come a long way 
since then, and I know my beloved husband and parents are smiling down 
from above. In fact, today would have marked the 100th birthday of my 
father who, with my mother, taught me and my 7 brothers and sisters 
that to whom much is given, much is expected as they themselves led a 
life of purpose: my father as a lawyer and judge for 50 years and my 
mother as a social worker.
    If given the opportunity, serving as the U.S. Ambassador to Brazil 
would be the capstone of my career in public service, diplomacy, and 
law, which spans over four decades. I have learned from and advised 
Secretaries of State John Kerry, Hillary Clinton, and the late 
Madeleine Albright over more than 20 years of service at the Department 
of State I was deeply honored to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to 
Portugal from 1994 to 1997, a period in which we made great strides in 
our bilateral relationship as well as with NATO.
    I am cognizant of the importance of our deep and historic 
relationship with Brazil, which has the largest population, economy, 
territory, and military in Latin America. This year marks the 200th 
anniversary of Brazil's independence--and of the United States becoming 
the first country to recognize Brazil's independence. Today, we are 
building on our long history of cooperation to take on shared 
challenges and priorities. A country with strong democratic 
institutions, an open economy, and a regional and multilateral 
leadership role, Brazil is a strategic partner and if confirmed, I plan 
to build on that partnership to further enhance our bilateral ties.
    If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the continued 
safety and security of the approximately 200,000 U.S. citizens who 
reside in or travel to Brazil each year. I would also work to protect 
the interests of the more than 1,400 American and Brazilian 
professionals who comprise the U.S. Mission in Brazil.
    Our relationship with Brazil is grounded in shared commitments to 
democracy and human rights, economic prosperity, security, and the rule 
of law. The United States engages Brazil through the United Nations 
Security Council, Human Rights Council, and many regular bilateral 
dialogues on a full range of issues, highlighted by the U.S.-Brazil 
High-Level Dialogue held in Brasilia on April 25 and co-chaired by 
Under Secretaries of State Nuland and Fernandez. If confirmed, I will 
work to further strengthen this wide-ranging dialogue.
    If confirmed, I will affirm our confidence in Brazil's democratic 
institutions and electoral system and the importance of maintaining 
public trust in that system ahead of Brazil's October national 
elections. Our support for Brazil as it combats threats from 
transnational criminal organizations should be based on a foundation of 
respect for human rights for all Brazilians. I will reinforce the U.S. 
commitment to strengthening democracy, human rights, and the rule of 
law in Brazil and throughout the hemisphere.
    Our bilateral trade has rebounded from the pandemic, demonstrating 
the enormous potential of our commercial relationship. Brazil 
represents a vital market for a range of U.S. industries. We are 
Brazil's largest foreign investor and its second-largest trading 
partner and if confirmed, I intend to broaden these economic ties and 
expand our bilateral trade. The steps Brazil has taken to join and 
align with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 
signal its commitment to sustainable economic growth and financial 
stability.
    Brazil is home to 30 percent of the world's tropical rainforests, 
including 60 percent of the Amazon, the largest and most biodiverse 
tropical rainforest in the world. If confirmed, one of my top 
priorities will be to encourage efforts to increase climate ambition, 
dramatically reduce deforestation, protect forest defenders, and 
prosecute environmental crimes and related acts of violence.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and committee members, if confirmed, 
it would be my honor to represent the people of the United States of 
America to the Government and people of Brazil. I would look forward to 
collaborating with this committee and your professional staff to 
further U.S. interests in Brazil.
    I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today and 
welcome your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Thank you. Thank you, Ambassador Bagley.
    Ambassador Aponte?

 STATEMENT OF HON. MARI CARMEN APONTE OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF PANAMA

    Ambassador Aponte. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 
Members, and all members of the committee. I am accompanied 
this morning by my younger and only sister, who has been a 
bedrock of my support; and also with me, I am deeply honored to 
have Felix Rodriguez, who is an icon in the Cuban-American 
community, not only because of his role in capturing Che 
Guevara but also because of his steadfast support for democracy 
throughout the continent.
    So I am very pleased to have been nominated. I also feel 
honored and grateful for the trust and confidence President 
Biden and Secretary Blinken placed in me by nominating me to 
serve as United States Ambassador to the Republic of Panama.
    It is an honor to appear before you for the second time, 
after having served as Ambassador to El Salvador and as 
Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere. I look 
forward to discussing my view of the bilateral relationship and 
how I will make it even more productive and dynamic, if 
confirmed as Ambassador.
    The United States and Panama have a long history of 
partnership and cooperation to advance mutual goals. We remain 
Panama's largest trade partner and its number-one source of 
foreign direct investment.
    Panama's location and growing global trade due to the 
Panama Canal makes its success important to both U.S. 
prosperity and national security. Traffic to or from the United 
States represents nearly 70 percent of all Panama's transit.
    Panama's strategic location of major land and sea transit 
routes makes it critical in the interdiction of illicit drugs 
destined for the United States and a vital partner in 
addressing irregular migration.
    As a carbon negative country, Panama has the potential to 
serve as an environmental model not only for the region but 
also for the world.
    While Panama and the United States have our own historical, 
cultural, and economic ties, challenges exist in regard of our 
relationship. Each year, thousands of migrants take a perilous 
journey through the Darien Gap, many passing through Panama on 
their way to the United States.
    We must find more ways to work together to manage 
migration, provide protection, and give potential irregular 
migrants incentives to remain in their home countries.
    We must also continue to promote democratic governance and 
rule of law. Corruption, a serious challenge in Panama, has a 
corrosive effect on many layers of the state. We must not allow 
it to progress further.
    The Government efforts to enforce recent anti-money 
laundering reforms and to correct efficiencies acquired for 
Panama's removal from the Financial Action Task Force's Grey 
List will determine Panama's financial stability and 
attractiveness to investors.
    Panama also suffers from organized criminal activity, which 
threatens to undermine democratic institutions and economic 
prosperity. If confirmed, I will use my position as Ambassador 
to strengthen our relationship with Panama and build the 
security and prosperity of the entire region.
    This includes our engagement with Panamanian Government 
ministries, civil society, and the private sector to showcase 
our strong partnership and hedge against problematic PRC 
influence on activities.
    We need a stable, strong, and secure Panama and Panama 
needs the United States as a friend, ally, and partner. 
Effective implementation of U.S. foreign policy in Panama 
requires a cohesive, diligent, and effective whole of U.S. 
Government team and we have an extraordinary interagency 
embassy team in Panama.
    The mission's efforts center on the strategic work of 
ensuring the United States remains a valued partner, 
collaboratively managing migration through the Darien and the 
battle against corruption, which threatens the foundations of 
institutional democracy.
    Just as I did in El Salvador as U.S. Ambassador there, I 
want to empower and listen to the embassy team to make the 
bilateral relationship stronger, more effective, and more 
dynamic.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize strengthening diversity and 
inclusion. I commit to ensuring our workplace remains a safe, 
fair, and just space for all.
    The challenges we face now more than ever call for strong, 
smart, and vibrant diplomacy. Panama can and should serve as a 
key player in confronting Central America's challenges.
    We will strengthen bilateral ties by reaching out to the 
complete spectrum of Panamanian society, not just to government 
leaders and the country's elite but to community leaders, 
minority and women's groups, youth, and all facets of civil 
society. We are going to do this with Panama hand in hand so 
that, together, we can move forward stronger.
    If confirmed, I will lead our embassy team in Panama City 
with pride and dedication. I look forward to keeping you 
appraised of our progress. I will prioritize protecting U.S. 
citizens in Panama while championing the interests of the 
United States in cooperation with our Panamanian friends.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you and I 
look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Aponte follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte

    Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the committee, I 
feel honored and grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken placed in me by nominating me to serve as United 
States Ambassador to the Republic of Panama. It is an honor to appear 
before you for the second time, after having served as Ambassador to El 
Salvador and Acting Assistant Secretary of State for the Western 
Hemisphere. I look forward to discussing my view of the bilateral 
relationship and how I will make it even more productive and dynamic if 
confirmed as ambassador.
    The United States and Panama have a long history of partnership and 
collaboration to advance mutual goals. We remain Panama's largest trade 
partner and its number one source of foreign direct investment. 
Panama's location and role in global trade, due to the Panama Canal, 
make its success important to both U.S. prosperity and national 
security. Traffic to or from the United States represents nearly 
seventy percent of all Canal transits.
    Panama's strategic location along major land and sea transit routes 
makes it critical in the interdiction of illicit drugs destined for the 
United States and a vital partner in addressing irregular migration. As 
a carbon negative country, Panama has the potential to serve as an 
environmental model not only for the region but for the world.
    While Panama and the United States have ample historical, cultural, 
and economic ties, challenges exist in the bilateral relationship. Each 
year, thousands of migrants take a perilous journey through the Darien 
Gap, many passing through Panama on their way to the United States. We 
must find more ways to work together to manage migration, provide 
protection, and give potential irregular migrants incentives to remain 
in their home countries.
    We must also continue to promote democratic governance and rule of 
law. Corruption, a serious challenge in Panama, has a corrosive effect 
on many layers of the state; we must not allow it to progress further. 
The Government efforts to enforce recent anti-money laundering reforms 
and to correct deficiencies required for Panama's removal from the 
Financial Action Task Force's Grey List will determine Panama's 
financial stability and attractiveness to investors. Panama also 
suffers from organized criminal activity, which threatens to undermine 
democratic institutions and economic prosperity.
    If confirmed, I will use my position as ambassador to strengthen 
our relationship with Panama and build the security and prosperity of 
the entire region. This includes continuing our engagement with 
Panamanian Government ministries, civil society, and the private sector 
to showcase our strong partnership and hedge against problematic PRC 
influence and activities. We need a stable, strong, and secure Panama, 
and Panama needs the United States as a friend, ally, and partner.
    Effective implementation of U.S. foreign policy in Panama requires 
a cohesive, diligent, and effective whole-of-U.S.-Government team, and 
we have an extraordinary interagency embassy team in Panama. The 
Mission's efforts center on the strategic work of ensuring the United 
States remains a valued partner, collaboratively managing migration 
through the Darien, and the battle against corruption that threatens 
the foundations of institutional democracy. Just as I did in El 
Salvador as U.S. Ambassador there, I want to empower and listen to the 
Embassy team to make the bilateral relationship stronger, more 
effective, and more dynamic. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
strengthening diversity and inclusion. I commit to ensuring our 
workplace remains a safe, fair, and just space for all.
    The challenges we face, now more than ever, call for strong, smart, 
and vibrant diplomacy. Panama can and should serve as a key player in 
confronting Central America's challenges. We will strengthen bilateral 
ties by reaching out to the complete spectrum of Panamanian society, 
not just to government leaders and the country's elite, but to 
community leaders, minority and women's groups, youth, and all facets 
of civil society. We are going to do this with Panama, hand-in-hand, so 
that together we can move forward stronger.
    If confirmed, I will lead our Embassy team in Panama City with 
pride and dedication and look forward to keeping you apprised of our 
progress. I will prioritize protecting U.S. citizens in Panama while 
championing the interests of the United States in cooperation with our 
Panamanian friends.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look 
forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Aponte.
    Dr. Mora?

STATEMENT OF DR. FRANCISCO O. MORA OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE 
PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
  ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Mr. Mora. Thank you, Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member 
Portman, and members of the committee. I am honored to appear 
before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the United 
States Permanent Representative to the Organization of American 
States.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for the support and confidence they have placed in me.
    I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to members 
of my family: my wife, Ivette, of 28 years and children, 
Daniella and Frankie, without whose love and constant support I 
very much likely would not be here today, and my wife, Ivette, 
and daughter, Daniella, join me here today.
    To my parents watching from home, Nivardo and Mirka, who 
recently celebrated their 60th wedding anniversary, thank you 
for your unwavering love and support, for the many sacrifices 
you made after fleeing from communist Cuba so that my brother, 
Jorge, and I could have the opportunity to fulfill our dreams 
and give back to a country that so generously provided for our 
family.
    The countries of the Western Hemisphere are facing 
unprecedented challenges, as this committee knows. The COVID-19 
pandemic has wrought incalculable human and economic cost.
    The climate crisis threatens the health and well being of 
the people of the Americas. Inequity, corruption, poor 
governance, public security challenges, irregular migration, 
democratic backsliding are limiting individuals' ability to 
build better futures in the region.
    The OAS, I believe, provides the only effective regional 
forum for coordinating multilaterally on issues that concern 
our hemisphere. From the climate crisis to supporting 
marginalized and vulnerable communities and championing 
democracy and human rights, the OAS can implement solutions 
more efficiently and effectively with regional political buy-
in.
    The participation of the United States at the OAS 
reinforces our commitment to multilateralism as the most 
appropriate vehicle to address our shared governance and 
development challenges, to promote regional economic 
prosperity, to ensure the safety and security of our peoples, 
and to hold countries accountable for their treatment of 
citizens.
    The answer to so many of these challenges involves 
improving government's ability to effectively provide for their 
people. I believe democracy is the best system for providing 
that governance and, if confirmed, I am committed to vigorously 
promoting democracy and human rights at the OAS, the premier 
regional forum to advocate for our cherished shared values.
    As we all know, democratic institutions and civil liberties 
are under attack throughout the hemisphere. We have witnessed 
backsliding in many countries and are deeply concerned about 
the systemic repression and lack of free and fair elections in 
Nicaragua and Venezuela.
    In Cuba, the Cuban regime continues to deny its citizens 
even basic freedoms, as we saw during the July 11th and 
November 15th, 2021, protest and the subsequent mass 
imprisonment of dissidents, human rights activists, and, more 
recently, children, for insisting on the right to live in 
freedom. The OAS must respond in a concerted way to these 
massive abuses of human dignity.
    If confirmed, you can be sure that I will forcefully 
highlight the struggle of Cubans on the island in their fight 
for freedom and human rights. The Inter-American Democratic 
Charter remains a critical document at the OAS for the defense 
of democracy in the Americas.
    If confirmed, I will continue to be a strong advocate for 
the values and principles enshrined in this and in other 
guiding documents and institutions, such as the Inter-American 
Commission on Human Rights, which I will strongly support.
    One of my priorities as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, will 
be to continue to advocate for OAS reform consistent with the 
OAS Revitalization and Reform Act of 2013. It is essential this 
be a shared priority for each member state and the OAS 
leadership, as it is in our collective interest to ensure a 
strong OAS remains focused on its core competencies.
    I also want to assure that we will remain committed to 
advancing the objectives of the OAS Legislative Act of 2020. If 
confirmed, I also will work to support the United States 
leadership of the Ninth Summit of the Americas. I look forward 
to working with the OAS to implement our leaders' commitment at 
the summit that will be held in June in Los Angeles.
    In closing, I would like to underscore the critical 
importance of the OAS Permanent Council suspending Russia's 
permanent observer status over its war in Ukraine and gross 
violations of human rights. It has sent an important message 
from this hemisphere of our solidarity with the people of 
Ukraine.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the 
committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear 
before you today. If confirmed, I very much look forward to 
working closely with you and other members of the Congress to 
advance U.S. interests.
    I welcome your comments and look forward to answering your 
questions. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Mora follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Dr. Francisco O. Mora

    Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to be the United States Permanent Representative to the 
Organization of American States. I'm deeply grateful to President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken for the support and confidence they have placed 
in me.
    I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to members of my 
family: my wife of 28 years Ivette, and children, Daniella, and 
Frankie, without whose love and constant support I very likely would 
not be here today. To my parents watching from home--Nivardo and 
Mirka--who recently celebrated their 60th wedding anniversary, thank 
you for your unwavering love and support and for the many sacrifices 
you made after fleeing from Communist Cuba, so that my brother Jorge 
and I could have the opportunity to fulfill our dreams and give back to 
a country that so generously provided for our family.
    The countries of the Western Hemisphere are facing unprecedented 
challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic has wrought incalculable human and 
economic costs. The climate crisis threatens the health and well-being 
of people in the Americas. Inequity, corruption, poor governance, 
public security challenges, irregular migration and democratic 
backsliding are limiting individuals' ability to build better futures.
    The OAS provides the only effective regional forum for coordinating 
multilaterally on issues that concern our hemisphere. From the climate 
crisis to supporting marginalized and vulnerable communities, and 
championing democracy and human rights, the OAS can implement solutions 
more efficiently and effectively with regional political buy-in.
    The participation of the United States at the OAS reinforces our 
commitment to multilateralism as the most appropriate vehicle to 
address our shared governance and development challenges, to promote 
regional economic prosperity, to ensure the safety and security of our 
peoples, and to hold countries accountable for their treatment of 
citizens.
    The answer to so many of these challenges involves improving 
governments' ability to effectively provide for their people. I believe 
democracy is the best system for providing that governance. If 
confirmed, I am committed to vigorously promoting democracy and human 
rights at the OAS, the premier regional forum to advocate for our 
cherished shared values.
    As we all know, democratic institutions and civil liberties are 
under attack throughout the hemisphere. We have witnessed backsliding 
in many countries and are deeply concerned about the systemic 
repression and lack of free and fair elections in Nicaragua and 
Venezuela.
    In Cuba, the regime continues to deny its citizens even basic 
freedoms, as we saw during the July 11 and November 15, 2021, protests 
and the subsequent mass imprisonment of dissidents, human rights 
activists and, more recently, children for insisting on their right to 
live in freedom. The OAS must respond in a concerted way to these 
massive abuses of human dignity. If confirmed, you can be sure that I 
will forcefully highlight the struggle of Cubans on the island in their 
fight for freedom and human rights.
    The Inter-American Democratic Charter remains a critical document 
at the OAS for the defense of democracy in the Americas. If confirmed, 
I will continue to be a strong advocate for the values and principles 
enshrined in this and other guiding documents and institutions, such as 
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which I will strongly 
support.
    One of my priorities as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, would be to 
continue to advocate for OAS reform consistent with the ``OAS 
Revitalization and Reform Act of 2013.'' It is essential this be a 
shared priority for each member state and OAS leadership--as it is in 
our collective interest to ensure a strong OAS remains focused on its 
core competencies. I also want to assure that we will remain committed 
to advancing the objectives of the ``OAS Legislative Engagement Act of 
2020.''
    If confirmed, I also will work to support the United States' 
leadership of the Ninth Summit of the Americas and look forward to 
working with the OAS to implement our leaders' commitments at the 
Summit in Los Angeles in June.
    In closing, I would like to underscore the critical importance of 
the OAS Permanent Council suspending Russia's Permanent Observer status 
over its war in Ukraine and gross human rights violations. It sent an 
important message of our region's solidarity with the people of 
Ukraine.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the committee, 
thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you today. If 
confirmed, I very much look forward to working closely with you and 
other members of Congress to advance U.S. interests. I welcome your 
comments and look forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Dr. Mora, thank you very much.
    Finally, Ms. Kwan?
    Welcome.

   STATEMENT OF MICHELLE KWAN OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
                  STATES OF AMERICA TO BELIZE

    Ms. Kwan. Thank you so much.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members 
of the committee, it is an honor to be here today as President 
Biden's nominee as the U.S. Ambassador to Belize. I want to 
thank President Biden for placing such trust in me and I would 
like to thank my friends, my family, and my colleagues for all 
their support. I want to give a special thank you to my 
parents, Danny and Estella Kwan, for sacrificing so much for 
me.
    Throughout my life, I have worn many different hats, and I 
believe there is no higher honor than serving our country. As 
an athlete, I was proud to win five world championships and two 
Olympic medals while representing the United States.
    I also served as a Special Olympics board member, an 
author, and a diplomat, having worked as a senior advisor and 
public diplomacy envoy with the Department of State.
    Service has always been a calling and, if confirmed, it 
will continue to be what guides me as I serve our country as 
the U.S. Ambassador to Belize.
    The United States and Belize share strong bilateral 
relations. Over 1 million tourists from the United States visit 
Belize annually and approximately 30,000 U.S. citizens live in 
Belize and more than 85,000 Belizeans live in the United 
States.
    The roots of both our government and people-to-people ties 
run deep. Belize is a vibrant democracy with a commitment to 
upholding shared democratic values. Its geostrategically 
important position bridges Central America and the Caribbean.
    Belize has challenges exacerbated by the ongoing pandemic. 
The economy shrank by about 16 percent in 2020, particularly 
hitting the tourism sector, Belize's lifeblood.
    The Belizean Government works to manage the spread of 
COVID-19 effectively, and it has contained the spread of the 
virus better than most countries. Still, Belize has felt its 
crippling effects. We are working together to tackle this and 
other challenges.
    The United States has donated 228,150 doses of vaccine to 
Belize, provided $300,000 in COVID-19 assistance, and has 
assisted Belize with more than $4 million worth of COVID 
mitigation projects together with Baylor University.
    Belize joined the United States on May 12th in co-hosting 
the second Global COVID-19 Summit as the CARICOM chair, 
demonstrating the Government of Belize's success in managing 
the COVID-19 pandemic.
    And here is another example of working together. In 
December 2021, the Millennium Challenge Corporation selected 
Belize to develop a five-year compact, a partnership that could 
inject hundreds of millions of dollars to improve 
infrastructure, reduce poverty, and create a brighter future 
for all Belizeans.
    In November 2021, the U.S. International Development 
Finance Corporation provided $610 million in political risk 
insurance in support of an innovative debt conversion that not 
only cut Belize's sovereign debt burden in half but also 
supported projects to protect 30 percent of its ocean through a 
Blue Bond financial deal.
    Belize and the United States enjoy a strong partnership on 
security cooperation and Belize cooperates closely with the 
United States in efforts to deter and disrupt narcotics and 
human trafficking and other illicit activities by transnational 
criminal organizations.
    The United States assists Belize through programs to 
improve border security, professionalize police, and strengthen 
the rule of law. If confirmed, I will work to continue and 
expand these efforts for the benefit of Belizean citizens and 
the many U.S. citizens who reside in and visit Belize.
    Building upon shared regional efforts to address migration, 
I will work to strengthen cooperation with Belize on humane 
migration management and protection. While we work with Belize 
to confront the challenges the country faces, we should also 
seize opportunities to advance our mutual interests.
    Belize's ties with Taiwan are an example. If confirmed, I 
will continue to encourage strong ties to Taiwan, a significant 
partner that shares our democratic values.
    The United States and Belize also have mutual interest in 
bolstering its energy sector, which presents opportunities for 
U.S. investment that can benefit both our countries.
    With the average age of Belizeans as 25 years, we must work 
together to create new learning and economic opportunities. I 
plan to lean on my international experience to encourage robust 
educational, sporting, and other exchanges between the United 
States and Belize to enhance the bilateral relationship on all 
levels.
    In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of 
the committee, if confirmed, I will take my role as the 
Ambassador with the same work ethic, persistence, and 
determination I have used to achieve results for my country.
    I will advance U.S. interests and promote American 
democratic values and I will be a strong champion of service to 
others while working to advance this important bilateral 
relationship.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this 
committee and I look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Kwan follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Michelle Wingshan Kwan

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is an honor to be here today as President Biden's nominee 
as the U.S. Ambassador to Belize. I want to thank President Biden for 
placing such trust in me, and I would like to thank my friends, family, 
and colleagues for all their support.
     want to give a special thank you to my parents Danny and Estella 
Kwan, who have sacrificed so much for me.
    Throughout my life, I have worn many different hats and I believe 
there is no higher honor than serving our country. As an athlete, I was 
proud to win five world championships and two Olympic medals while 
representing the United States. I also served as a Special Olympics 
board member, an author, and a diplomat, having worked as a senior 
advisor and public diplomacy envoy with the Department of State. 
Service has always been a calling and, if confirmed, it will continue 
to guide me as I serve our country as the U.S. Ambassador to Belize.
    The United States and Belize share strong bilateral relations. Over 
one million tourists from the United States visit Belize annually and 
approximately 30,000 U.S. citizens live in Belize. More than 85,000 
Belizeans live in the United States. The roots of both our government 
and people-to-people ties run deep. Belize is a vibrant democracy with 
a commitment to upholding shared democratic values. Its geo-
strategically important position bridges Central America and the 
Caribbean.
    Belize has challenges exacerbated by the ongoing pandemic. The 
economy shrank by about 16 percent in 2020, particularly hitting the 
tourism sector--Belize's lifeblood. The Belizean Government works to 
manage the spread of COVID-19 effectively, and it has contained the 
spread of the virus better than most countries. Still, Belize has felt 
its crippling effects.
    We are working together to tackle this and other challenges. The 
United States has donated 228,150 doses of vaccine to Belize, provided 
$300,000 in COVID-19 assistance and has assisted Belize with more than 
$4 million worth of COVID mitigation projects together with Baylor 
University. Belize joined the United States on May 12 in co-hosting the 
Second Global COVID-19 Summit as the CARICOM Chair, demonstrating the 
Government of Belize's success in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. And 
here's another example of working together: in December 2021, the 
Millennium Challenge Corporation selected Belize to develop a five-year 
compact, a partnership that could inject hundreds of millions of 
dollars to improve infrastructure, reduce poverty, and create a 
brighter future for all Belizeans. In November 2021, the U.S. 
International Development Finance Corporation provided $610 million in 
political risk insurance to support an innovative debt conversion that 
not only cut Belize's sovereign debt burden in half, but also supported 
projects to protect 30 percent of its ocean through a ``Blue Bond'' 
financial deal.
    Belize and the United States enjoy a strong partnership on security 
cooperation, and Belize cooperates closely with the United States in 
efforts to deter and disrupt narcotics and human trafficking and other 
illicit activity by transnational criminal organizations. The United 
States assists Belize through programs to improve border security, 
professionalize police, and strengthen the rule of law. If confirmed, I 
will work to continue and expand these efforts for the benefit of 
Belizean citizens and the many U.S. citizens who reside in and visit 
Belize. Building upon our shared regional efforts to address migration, 
I will also work to strengthen cooperation with Belize on humane 
migration management and protection.
    While we work with Belize to confront the challenges the country 
faces, we should also seize opportunities to advance our mutual 
interests. Belize's ties with Taiwan are an example. If confirmed, I 
will continue to encourage strong ties with Taiwan, a stalwart partner 
that shares our democratic values.
    The United States and Belize also have mutual interest in 
bolstering its energy sector, which presents opportunities for U.S. 
investment that can benefit both our countries.
    With the average age of Belizeans as 25 years, we must work 
together to create new learning and economic opportunities. If 
confirmed, I plan to lean on my international experience to encourage 
robust educational, sporting, and other exchanges between the United 
States and Belize to enhance the bilateral relationship on all levels.
    In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the 
committee, if confirmed, I will take on my role as Ambassador with the 
same work ethic, persistence, and determination I have used to achieve 
results for my country. I will advance U.S. interests and promote 
American democratic values. I will be a strong champion of service to 
others while working to advance this important bilateral relationship.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working closely with this committee. I look forward to 
your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Ms. Kwan, thank you very much.
    Before we begin questions, I have housekeeping matters. 
These are questions that we ask of all nominees, and I would 
ask them to you to gauge your responsiveness as potential 
executive branch employees to congressional oversight, and I 
would ask that each of you just provide a yes or no answer to 
these questions.
    First, do you agree to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed and not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefing and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for those answers. We will now 
proceed with questions, and the norm on this committee is we 
proceed and alternate between Democrats and Republicans in 
order of seniority, beginning with everyone who was here at the 
gavel either in person or by WebEx, and then we represent more 
later--we recognize more later arrivals later in the order.
    I am going to make two alterations to the norm that will 
not disadvantage any of my colleagues who want to ask 
questions. I am going to save my questions for the end, since I 
am going to be here the entire hearing, and I am going to 
recognize Senator Menendez, the chair of the committee, when he 
arrives when it is next time for a Democrat to question.
    So with that, I will ask Senator Portman to begin.
    Senator Portman. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I 
thought your answers to those questions that the Chairman posed 
were very succinct--yes, no.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Portman. I am not going to ask you to be quite that 
succinct in response to these but try to be succinct because I 
am going to attempt in five minutes to get to everybody.
    First, Ambassador Bagley, you and I talked about the 
Wildlife Trafficking Act and Brazil has been designated as a 
focus country by the U.S. Government's Presidential Task Force 
on Trafficking. As you know, we have legislation to try to make 
that permanent--Senator Coons and I--before this committee, in 
fact.
    Will you commit to working with this Presidential Task 
Force to ensure we have an effective strategic plan with Brazil 
and help facilitate U.S. efforts in Brazil to address the 
illegal wildlife trade?
    Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely, Senator, and thank you for 
all your work and all your efforts on that and also on the 
tropical rainforest bill that you authored and continued to 
sponsor.
    I believe they have--you have succeeded in having more 
funding for that, as well as renewal. So, absolutely, I will do 
that. Wildlife trafficking is a huge problem in the Amazon, 
especially.
    Senator Portman. I think with your commitment to this 
Brazil could be a model country.
    Ambassador Bagley. I hope so.
    Senator Portman. And with regard to the Tropical Forest 
Conservation Act, which is a debt for nature swap, we have done 
deals with Brazil under that legislation. We cannot any longer 
because they do not have any other concessional debt from the 
United States. However, would you work with us to look at other 
debt including the IMF debt?
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes, absolutely.
    Senator Portman. Yeah. I think that that could be an 
interesting opportunity to make Brazil a model country on 
preserving tropical forests.
    You and I have talked about Russia and its presence in 
Brazil. We appreciated Brazil voting with us at the U.N. to 
condemn Russia's assault on Ukraine. They do still get a lot of 
stuff from Russia, including fertilizer.
    Will you work with Brazil to try to be even tougher with 
regard to sanctions on Russia?
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes, absolutely. In fact, we are working 
with them on the fertilizer issue and there is a U.N. 
conference today that is headed by Secretary Blinken on food 
security and the agriculture minister of Brazil is attending. 
So they are already working, and I will continue.
    Senator Portman. Great. Thank you.
    Ambassador Aponte, one of the concerns I have about Panama 
is the increasing presence of China. I noticed that President 
Varela switched the diplomatic relations from Taiwan to the 
People's Republic of China. And what are your views regarding 
China's presence in Panama, the Panama Canal, and Central 
America in general and why should the average person in Panama 
care about Chinese behavior in their country?
    Ambassador Aponte. I think that pursuing and making sure 
that the United States' influence is preserved in Panama as a 
reliable partner, based on the shared democratic values as well 
as the long track record of working on successful projects 
together, is important.
    The influence of the PRC is being seen now more fluidly not 
only in Panama but all over. The reason why Panamanians should 
care is because as the PRC comes in and starts working on 
infrastructure projects, which will be used by all Panamanians, 
they need to take a look and be vigilant as to the quality of 
the construction and the quality of the projects and compare 
that to the quality of projects that are built with the United 
States.
    I also think that, in general, the--if confirmed, I will 
keep a very close eye as to whether the PRC is following 
through in all the promises they make. They seem to over 
promise but not necessarily to deliver on what they have 
promised.
    Senator Portman. Thank you. I would agree with that. Also, 
the debt that is incurred and, ultimately, affects the people 
of Panama.
    Dr. Mora, I have lots of questions for you but no time to 
ask them. So I would just say would you agree that Russia 
should not become an observer again until they are out of 
Ukraine altogether?
    Mr. Mora. That is correct. Thank you, Senator. And in fact, 
the resolution that was passed by 25 members is clear as to 
what are the conditions under which possibly they could come 
back.
    But it is unlikely. There is a broad coalition within the 
OAS to condemn. It says something about the hemisphere and 
about the number of states who have stood by the Ukrainian 
people in their struggle.
    Senator Portman. Thank you for continuing to help them 
stand strong with our ally in Ukraine.
    Ms. Kwan, we have 17 seconds. I had three questions for you 
but now I will just ask one that I was not going to ask. Why 
Belize?
    Ms. Kwan. I am honored to be nominated by President Biden 
to Belize. If confirmed, I will ensure that I will continue to 
build better bilateral relations between the two countries and 
ensure that Belize continues to be a champion of democracy.
    And I know we only have 11 seconds, but border security, 
citizens security, and ensuring the safety of American citizens 
and residents, reinforce and strengthen the rule of law, combat 
transnational criminal organizations and build commercial ties 
between the United States and seek opportunities for Americans 
to invest in Belize that are eco-friendly, sustainable, and 
pro-growth to tax and investment laws in Belize.
    Senator Portman. Great. And you did not even mention you 
are interested in increasing cooperation in the sports world. 
So it sounds like you have done your homework and we appreciate 
your willingness to step up and serve in this capacity.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Kwan. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank all 
of our nominees for their willingness to serve our country, in 
some cases, to continue to serve our country.
    We appreciate that very, very much and we thank you for 
your families as well, as we know that this is going to be a 
sacrifice that a family needs to make in regards to public 
service. Thank you all.
    Dr. Mora, I want to start, if I might, on the OAS. We had a 
conference call yesterday, Senator Wicker and I, with 
parliamentarians in our hemisphere. The Congress passed a 
little over a year ago legislation to have our mission 
institute a stronger parliamentary dimension within OAS similar 
to what is in OSCE with the Parliamentary Assembly.
    Can you just tell me your views as to how you would attempt 
to implement the parliamentary--a stronger parliamentary 
dimension within the OAS?
    Mr. Mora. Thank you, Senator, and I appreciate your 
interest and your leadership on this role. We had an 
opportunity to talk about it briefly.
    I know that that the OAS mission and your staff and others 
have been working very hard to launch a meeting of legislators 
in the Western Hemisphere.
    I think, Senator, this is critical at a time, as I 
mentioned in my opening statement, of democratic backsliding, 
of lack of trust in democratic institutions, and I think this 
level of cooperation, coordination, and dialogue among 
legislators across the hemisphere is coming at a critical time 
in the region when democratic governance is being threatened.
    I applaud your efforts and your initiative on this. I will 
make sure that, if confirmed, that the mission continues to 
work with your office and the office of other senators to 
enhance and deepen those kinds of ties among legislators and 
legislatures throughout the hemisphere.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Ms. Kwan, in Belize there is issues--one issue that really 
has me concerned on human rights and that is trafficking. It is 
a destination country for trafficking many--because of the 
immigration issues. It is been on a Tier Two list for a long 
period of time. Can you tell me how you will prioritize dealing 
with the trafficking challenges within that country?
    Ms. Kwan. Thank you, Senator, for that question. The recent 
assessment shows that trafficking in persons--that Belize has 
made incredible efforts but Belize needs to continue 
demonstrating that they will make deeper efforts in this area.
    Belize has met only minimum standards and Belize struggles 
with enforcement, investigation, and prosecution of crimes 
across the board and, if confirmed, I would support U.S. 
Government's programs to improve the judicial system and help 
process and prosecute crimes.
    Senator Cardin. I would just point out this is the third 
year that they have been on the Tier Two watch list. Belize may 
be making progress but not fast enough. The victims here--it is 
an extremely important priority for the Congress in the 
legislation that we passed and we want it to be a high priority 
within our mission.
    The challenges in this country are more regional than they 
are local but here is one that is local that needs to be dealt 
with. I would just point that out.
    Ms. Kwan. Thank you.
    Senator Cardin. I appreciate you keeping us informed as to 
your strategies to get Belize off of the Tier Two watch list 
and elevate their status.
    Ms. Bagley--Ambassador Bagley, I know you well. I have a 
great deal of respect for your service to our country.
    There was an oral history interview that was done in 1999 
that raises certain questions. The language you used in regards 
to the Jewish community, Israel's influence in our election, 
and Jewish money have me concerned. I want to give you a chance 
to respond either here or if you would prefer to do it by 
writing, that is fine. But I want to make sure you have a 
chance to respond to that interview.
    Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate that 
chance to respond and I will provide more details as you wish. 
That happened, I think, 24, 25 years ago.
    It was a free-flowing discussion and I regret that you 
would think that it was a problem. I certainly did not mean 
anything by it. It was a poor choice of words. But it was 
something that the interviewer had asked me prompted by 
something about politics.
    I can go in further detail, but I can tell you that I am 
very sorry about that choice of words and I--none of them 
reflect any of my thinking then or now.
    Senator Cardin. I think what I will do, Mr. Chairman, I 
think I will ask some specific questions for the record and 
give you a chance to respond. The choice of words were--fit 
into the traditional tropes of antisemitism and I know you----
    Ambassador Bagley. That is just not me.----
    Senator Cardin [continuing]. I know your background. I know 
who you are----
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes.
    Senator Cardin [continuing]. And it is just language that 
we would think that, as a diplomat--you had then been 
ambassador to Portugal--but those--your language would have 
been more guarded than that.
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes. I regret that and it was not a 
thoughtful analysis, and I am happy to respond in writing to 
any other questions.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Menendez?
    The Chairman. I will wait.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. I am very happy if you would like to go, 
Senator Menendez.
    The Chairman. I will--thank you. I did not want to--I know 
you have been waiting.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you for holding this 
hearing--holding hearings on nominations as part of the 
responsibilities we have so we appreciate you doing them. 
Congratulations to all the nominees.
    Mr. Mora, what would you consider the biggest challenge we 
have in the Western Hemisphere today?
    Mr. Mora. Democratic erosion, democratic backsliding, the 
lack of trust among citizens of the Americas of their 
governments and of their institutions. That has a ripple 
effect, has second and third order effects on issues related to 
migration, security, and so on and so forth, and I think the 
OAS, Chairman Menendez, is in a unique position because of its 
core competencies to continue highlighting and underscoring 
this particular challenge and to find mechanisms that exist to 
address this issue in a collective manner.
    The Chairman. I agree with you, probably more so than ever 
before. We have three now dictatorships in the Western 
Hemisphere where we only had one in Cuba. Venezuela--we talked 
about the migration of Ukrainians. There are 5 million 
Venezuelans that have fleed Maduro in Venezuela.
    Of course, we have the long-standing dictatorship of Cuba 
where we see a new group of Cubans fleeing the island through 
Nicaragua into--attempting to come to the United States and, of 
course, the newest fermented dictatorship in Nicaragua with 
Ortega, and that is without talking about other backsliding in 
other parts of the hemisphere. So your work at the OAS is going 
to be very important.
    Ambassador Bagley, in that regard, I want to visit some of 
the comments that you have made in the past because you are 
going to a country where democratic backsliding is a real 
concern as well, in Brazil, where we are concerned about its 
present leader trying to undermine the essence of the election 
process that is taking place and it is one of those countries, 
along with Mexico, who are suggesting that we must insist on 
having dictatorships in the Western Hemisphere come to the 
Summit of the Americas, which I thought was a summit of 
democracies. I thought our alignment was an alignment of 
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. So Brazil is an 
important place in this regard.
    In 1998, you made a series of remarks. You said there was, 
quote, ``no reason for Democrats to think that they could get 
the Cuban vote but they still thought they could get money from 
them, and they did. It was also in New Jersey, where they now 
say that the 55 Cuban population there is even more radical 
against Castro than the ones in Miami. The real hardliners are 
in Newark, New Jersey, which has the second largest Cuban 
population in the United States. Again, it is not numbers. It 
is like the Jewish factor. It is money.''
    So I guess I am one of those hardliner radicals who live in 
New Jersey, although you are wrong about Newark. Is happens to 
be Union City in western New York. But explain to me what you 
meant by that.
    Is it a suggestion that one group of Americans do not have 
the right to engage in the political process as others do?
    Ambassador Bagley. No, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate the 
opportunity to clarify that, as I did with the question about 
the Jewish community. It was the same interview. It was, again, 
a poor choice of words. I am very sorry that we ever had the 
interview. It did not really make sense to do as an oral 
history. But it, certainly, does not reflect my views on Jewish 
Americans or Cuban Americans or anyone else.
    I absolutely strongly support the right of Jewish 
Americans, Cuban Americans, Irish Americans, all Americans, to 
be part of the political process, to be politically active, to 
raise money, give money to those that they support, as I have 
done myself.
    So it was, again, a poor choice of words and I did say 
``they say'' because I had heard this from someone in New 
Jersey. That was the only thing. I did not have a particular 
view.
    The Chairman. Yeah. President Trump is famous for saying 
``they say.'' I do not know who the ``they'' are----
    Ambassador Bagley. That is right. But that is not me.
    The Chairman:--but ``they say.''
    Ambassador Bagley. I know.
    The Chairman. And so words, especially for those who are 
going to be ambassadors of the United States to other 
countries, are incredibly important, probably more significant 
than maybe in our individual daily lives, although I think they 
are always important.
    I do not know if Senator Cardin raised this but you also 
said the Democrats always tend to go with the Jewish 
constituency on Israel and say stupid things. I am a firm 
supporter of the state of Israel.
    I think it is an incredibly important relationship we 
have--the one democracy in a sea of autocracy, a major security 
ally of the United States, a significant trading partner of the 
United States.
    Do you believe that when Democrats talk to Jewish 
constituency they are saying stupid things?
    Ambassador Bagley. Not at all, Senator. Again, it was a 
poor choice of words but it does not reflect any of my 
thinking. What I said, and it was really referring to the 
discussion on whether Jerusalem should be the capital of 
Israel, and that is something I worked on a number of 
initiatives and one was the Camp David Accords.
    We negotiated for Palestinian autonomy, and one of the--the 
holy grail was Jerusalem, and the idea was that the concept, 
which has gone through all administrations until President 
Trump's administration, that we keep Jerusalem as part of the 
overall negotiations over the two-state solution.
    So that is--it was--as I say, it was a stupid thing to say. 
It was, and I regret those comments and they do not--absolutely 
do not reflect my thinking on any of these issues or on Jewish 
Americans or Cuban Americans.
    I have worked with both politically. I have worked with--
from the NDI. I have been on the board for over 30 years. We 
have done democracy and human rights and trainings in Cuba. 
So----
    The Chairman. Just as you had at one period of time the 
right as any citizen had to lobby to change our policy towards 
Cuba, Cuban Americans have the right to lobby and exercise 
their view of what our policy should be as we all do.
    Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. I have some other questions but I want to let 
Senator Shaheen----
    Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator. I 
totally agree with that.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Menendez.
    Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to each of our nominees this morning. Thank you 
for your service to the country and for your willingness to 
continue to serve.
    Ms. Kwan, I want to begin with you because Belize has a 
connection to New Hampshire. We have a former ambassador to 
Belize who is from New Hampshire and so we have paid--I have 
paid a little more attention to issues there than I might 
otherwise have, and one of the things that I am very concerned 
about, in addition to the trafficking in persons that Senator 
Cardin raised, is drug trafficking issues.
    In New Hampshire, we have a significant challenge with an 
opioid epidemic and with illicit drugs coming into the state of 
New Hampshire, and many of those are coming from--through 
Belize.
    And I wonder if you can talk about how we can better 
partner with Belize to stop the drug trafficking trade that is 
affecting the United States.
    Ms. Kwan. Thank you so much for that question, Senator, and 
I look forward to working with you and your team.
    Porous borders, unmonitored borders, make Belize very 
vulnerable to illicit activities, and to prevent Belize from 
being a haven of transnational criminal organizations and 
illicit activities, the INL--International Narcotics Law 
Enforcement--through the Central America Regional Security 
Initiative, funds programs to support Belize's defense force 
and its capacity to prevent, address, and combat drug 
trafficking by transnational criminal organizations, to help 
strengthen the rule of law, to enforce, investigate, and 
prosecute crimes.
    Belize is a willing partner in countering narcotics and, if 
confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Belize to 
help deepen and expand this cooperation, and I look forward to 
working with you and your team.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I appreciate that.
    Ambassador Bagley, there have been several references to 
the backsliding that has happened in Brazil that is of huge 
concern, because, as everyone has pointed out, it is a very 
important country in Latin America--a lot of resources that are 
important to the world, the rain forests--and we have seen 
significant inroads on the part of Russia and China into Brazil 
and influencing Brazil and President Bolsonaro.
    Can you talk about how, as ambassador, you would work to 
mitigate the influence of China and Russia and encourage 
further moves towards democracy on the part of Brazil?
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes, I am happy to, Senator. Thanks for 
the question.
    It is a concern. I would say that China is more of a 
concern because they are the first--the number-one trading 
partner with Brazil now. We are number two. They have been in 
Brazil for 20 years but 2012 is when they became the major 
trading partner.
    We were concerned about 5G rollout with Huawei and we are 
really asking them, encouraging them, to look very closely and 
to examine the implications of what would happen if they ended 
up working with Huawei as a supplier--as a sole supplier.
    We are encouraging them to have multiple suppliers, and 
they have this--the Open RAN network that would help with 
interoperability and multiple partners. We have a number of 
programs public diplomacy programs--at the embassy. We have 
several dialogues.
    Of course, with Brazil--we have over 20 dialogues with 
Brazil, the most recent being the High Level Dialogue that 
happened on April 25th in Brasilia with two of our under 
secretaries and their counterparts and they raised that issue 
both of China, Russia to a lesser extent because there is not a 
lot of commercial interest at this point. There is a fertilizer 
issue.
    But, as you know, it has not been part of the U.S. 
sanctions yet. But there is a dependence on Russia--fertilizers 
from Belarus and Russia, and that is something that, hopefully, 
will be discussed--I am sure it will be discussed at the U.N. 
conference today. And something that we will be working with 
Brazil on as well.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. When confirmed, I 
hope you will stay focused on that issue because I think there 
is a real concern about the potential for influence on the part 
of China, in particular.
    I am out of time but, Dr. Mora, I do want to raise one 
issue that I think is really critical for the OAS because one 
of the challenges that we have seen in Latin America has been 
the role of women and the rights of women that, I think, we 
would all like to see are reaffirmed, and I think the OAS has 
an important role to play there.
    And I would hope that you would take a very strong stand in 
encouraging the OAS to take a very strong position to support 
the rights of women because one of the--I mean, there is a 
reason--again, I think it is important to remind people that we 
talk about an Office of Global Women's Issues and look at our 
foreign policy through a lens of how are women and girls 
treated because what we know is that societies that empower 
women, that have rights for women and girls, tend to be more 
stable societies. They are more democratic societies, in 
general.
    So I would really urge you to make that a focus of your 
work there.
    Mr. Mora. Thank you. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 
Yes, absolutely. The OAS, I should say, Senator, has done some 
good work on women's empowerment through the Commission on 
Women.
    I will focus my attention on that commission and the work 
that it is doing. As I said, it is doing some good work but my 
sense is that it could do better.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Schatz?
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you all for 
being here.
    Ambassador Bagley, I want to talk to you about 
deforestation. The President signed at the last COP the 
Declaration on Forest and Land Use and set a goal for no global 
deforestation by the year 2030.
    That will not get done unless we solve commodity-driven 
deforestation. So the--just a quick primer. The Lacey Act 
covers forest products, right. We are not allowed to import 
stuff from the forest. Fine. That works reasonably well. I know 
the ranking member has worked very hard on additional Lacey Act 
enforcement and all the rest of it.
    But the truth is that most of the deforestation happening 
is for commodities. Beef is not a forest product, therefore, 
not covered. Soy is not a forest product, therefore, not 
covered.
    And so I would like your thoughts on how we deal with the 
primary driver, right, which is PRC demand for Brazilian forest 
product, United States demand for Brazilian--excuse me, not 
forest product but commodities that are that are derived from 
clear cutting or lighting the rainforest on fire. What do we do 
about this?
    Ambassador Bagley. Thank you for the question, Senator. I 
think legislation is really important. There was a big article 
in the Washington Post about--exactly about this and kind of 
blaming the United States for eating so much beef that we 
would, you know, contribute to this problem.
    Certainly--as Ambassador I would, certainly, be working 
with the Government of Brazil. We are now. They have committed 
at COP26 to ending deforestation by 2025, which is quite an 
ambitious goal and one that they have not really yet taken 
steps to fulfill.
    They have also committed to ending greenhouse gas emissions 
completely by 2050. It is something that we have been working 
with them on, kind of encouraging them to take more steps. This 
would be part of it as well.
    They did sign a global methane pledge also, which goes to 
your question. I do think that there is--and a forest pledge, 
Glasgow Leaders' Declaration on Forests, that they signed at 
Glasgow.
    So I think legislation would be really important. But also, 
along with legislation, we have a responsibility as diplomats. 
I will have responsibility, if confirmed, to work with the 
Government to encourage them. We have a number of agencies that 
are involved.
    USAID is involved with public-private partnerships, the 
business community, especially the United States business 
community is very charged with this. There are a lot of things 
that we could do.
    Senator Schatz. A couple of thoughts. First of all, I am 
glad you mentioned legislation. I have legislation.
    Ambassador Bagley. Oh, good.
    Senator Schatz. It creates a framework for--it is called 
the FOREST Act. It creates a framework for the federal 
government to stop commodity-driven illegal deforestation 
around the world.
    And so, yes, we need legislation but we also need to--
because commitments are commitments, and I am almost worried--
look, 2050 is so far out into the future that nobody can be 
held accountable for any progress because 2050 you can always 
draw a line and say, well, you know, starting in the mid 2030s 
we are going to make a ton of progress. 2025 is equally 
alarming because there is no way--there is no way they meet 
those goals.
    We need to work with USAID to improve transparency, 
reporting and enforcement, because the challenge--and I have 
interacted with the Brazilian Government on this issue and 
there are legitimate sort of supply chain transparency 
questions and I think sometimes folks hide behind those 
legitimate questions to sort of throw their hands up and say, 
we think it is all fine.
    And I would just like you to--I do not want us--I do not 
want the legislative branch to punt this to the executive 
branch and I do not want the executive branch to punt it back, 
and we go back and forth and then we--here we are. We have 
pledged to eliminate deforestation but month by month, tick 
tock, and we are not making any progress.
    I want to hear a sense of urgency, not just around 
declarations and announceables but on the mechanics of getting 
this to happen.
    Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely, Senator. I could not agree 
more. I know the Presidential Special Envoy John Kerry is 
working very hard on this issue.
    I will be working with him as well, and I am happy to work 
with you on all of these issues but especially this. I think it 
is existential. It will be my primary responsibility, I 
believe, if I am confirmed as Ambassador.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Schatz. I will now start 
with questions.
    Ambassador Bagley, we are friends, and I just want to 
follow up on the questions that Senator Menendez and Senator 
Cardin asked.
    The interview surprised me. I have known you for a while 
and----
    Ambassador Bagley. Surprised me, too.
    Senator Kaine [continuing]. You treat people very fairly 
and I have seen you treat people in all circumstances very 
fairly. And I sort of read it and it reminded me of something 
that one of my campaign managers once told me. Be more careful 
in a friendly interview than a hostile one, because in a 
hostile when you are prepped for hostile questions but when you 
are in a setting that is a friendly setting you sometimes go 
with the questioner's lead, and I got to tell you, the 
transcript--whoever was questioning you was really asking you 
pretty outrageous questions, and if you read the whole 
transcript sometimes you would sort of go along with the 
premise but sometimes you would push back on the premise.
    The opening question, again, for an interview with an 
ambassador this was the question--``I would think one of the 
big things of any campaign would be the Israeli influence.'' 
That was not your question. That is what you were asked, and 
that is almost insulting.
    I mean, Jewish Americans get involved in campaigns like all 
Americans do. But the Israeli Government does not push 
candidates around. I have been on 10 ballots and I have never 
had the Israeli Government push me on anything. But with a 
questioner who was probably a friendly interviewer starting the 
question that way, I can kind of see why you would go down that 
path. You also pushed back.
    Here is another question that was outrageous: ``I would 
think raising money--without trying to sound fascist almost but 
a lot of the free money floating around for good causes or 
political causes is Jewish money. Did you find that the 
candidates had to act in a certain way or you as a fundraiser 
had to say certain things?'' And here was your answer: ``Not 
really. It was more the effect of the primaries or the 
politics, not the money.''
    So you were, basically, saying, no, Jewish Americans, like 
all Americans, have policy interests and you want to appeal to 
constituencies. It was not about money. It was about trying to 
appeal to constituencies based on issues that matter to them. 
That is an entirely appropriate answer.
    I will say the transcript kind of goes a little bit all 
over the board. But you had a leading questioner. I would have 
been objecting; had it been in court, I would be objecting that 
the questioner was leading the witness.
    And sometimes you would go with the premise of the 
question, sometimes you would not. But I feel a high degree of 
confidence in your fairness in that interview from 24 years 
ago. I think if you put it in context there are some troubling 
pieces of it. But I think I get what was going on and you had 
a----
    Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Kaine [continuing]. Somebody in a friendly 
interview who was trying to lead you.
    Let me ask you this. I am puzzled by Bolsonaro's attraction 
to Putin--the visit to Russia shortly before the Ukraine 
invasion, the fact that they are not willing to call it out for 
what it is.
    I know that there is an election going on. He declared 
solidarity with Russia. In the OAS, Brazil has repeatedly 
abstained on votes regarding Russia's invasion of the Ukraine.
    Now, you have had to deliver friendly messages, but also 
some maybe unfriendly messages when you were an ambassador 
before. How would you--should you be confirmed--how would you 
deal with Brazil, particularly on this issue of not being 
willing to call out Putin for what he is and what he is doing?
    Ambassador Bagley. I would be very direct with them because 
I think a lot of his--Bolsonaro's--statements belie what his 
diplomats--what his Government is doing. Foreign Minister 
Franca has actually been very moderate. Treasury Secretary 
Minister Guedes is also very moderate, and they have actually 
been very good in terms of the U.N. votes.
    They are, as you know, part of the Security Council now for 
the next two years as nonpermanent members. They have voted 
twice against the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, and once in 
the General Assembly.
    There was one vote that they abstained because they felt, 
for procedural reasons, that there should be more of an 
investigation. This is on expelling Russia from the U.N. Human 
Rights Council. So they abstained on that.
    But they are part of BRICS and BRICS is not an easy group 
to be part of at this point, and they are the only country that 
has supported the United States' position on Russia and 
Ukraine.
    But I would continue to press them on that. Absolutely.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Aponte, tell me your assessment of this Alliance 
for Development in Democracy. The foreign ministers of the 
three nations--Panama, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic--met 
recently with Senators Risch, Menendez, Rubio, and me to talk 
about what they are trying to do, to kind of have a little bit 
more mass together than they might individually, to stand 
strong for democracy in a region where there is backsliding in 
democracy.
    Assess the opportunities of the Alliance and how the U.S. 
could work together with the Alliance to amplify their effect.
    Ambassador Aponte. Senator, I am so glad you brought that 
up because as Senator Menendez alluded in his comments, there 
is a troika of Nicaragua and Cuba and Venezuela.
    But this is the good news--the troika of Costa Rica, 
Panama, and the Dominican Republic, who have joined forces to 
address the issue of--not only of democracy but strengthening 
institutions and improving trade relations, and it is a step in 
the right direction.
    It is very exciting and a great opportunity for the United 
States to work with them. It also provides them a platform to 
talk to us at another level.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much for that.
    Dr. Mora, I want to ask you this. Why are member states of 
OAS, including close U.S. partners, often so reluctant to take 
stronger stands against democratic backsliding, particularly 
with respect to Venezuela and Nicaragua, and what could you do, 
should you be confirmed, that might help inject some spine?
    Mr. Mora. Thank you for that question, Chairman.
    There are several reasons or explanations for that. But let 
me start by saying that that reality that you just explained is 
unfortunate because all members subscribed and signed on to the 
Inter-American Democratic Charter, right, and the charter 
enshrines the values, the principles, the practices, of what 
free democratic societies should function, and how and why they 
should protect individuals or citizens' human rights.
    And I would argue that the citizens of Nicaragua, citizens 
of Venezuela, Cuba, deserve the right, freedoms, dignity, that 
every other citizen in the Americas.
    And so it is important and, if confirmed, I will insist 
that we go back and remember what we subscribed or what we 
signed up to in that democratic--we have to be consistent with 
the values and principles that are embodied in that document 
and I think, frankly, the OAS has done a good job with respect 
to Nicaragua, to Venezuela.
    There are a series of resolutions--important resolutions--
that condemn and have taken very strong actions, and that I 
think the OAS needs to be applauded.
    Unfortunately, that is not true of Cuba. I think that on 
the basis of noninterference--you hear that a lot--and 
sovereignty--you hear that a lot. That is the explanation 
given, for example, which was very unfortunate, Senator Kaine, 
when after the July protests in Cuba there was an opportunity 
for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to come 
before the Permanent Council to make its assessment of what had 
occurred on the island in light of the protests and the brutal 
repression on the part of the dictatorship.
    Unfortunately, some member states said no, and that was 
very unfortunate because, as I said, the Inter-American 
Democratic Charter just does not apply to Nicaragua and 
Venezuela and the rest.
    It applies to Cuba as well and as the first article of the 
Charter states, every citizen of the Americas has a right to 
live in democracy and to have their human rights respected, and 
every government has an obligation to defend and promote 
democracy and human rights, and that applies to every state.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Dr. Mora.
    I am going to recognize Senator Hagerty for a first round 
of questions and then we will go to a second round of 
questions. And Ms. Kwan, do not worry, I have questions for 
you. So you are not getting off easy.
    Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. The light is not functioning. Does that 
work now? Okay. Thank you.
    Ambassador Bagley, I would like to start with you, if I 
might, and particularly to talk with you about the 5G 
infrastructure of Brazil. I have a feeling that you will feel 
the same way as me but I want to ask you directly if you feel 
that the United States should press our allies to keep Huawei 
and other similarly situated national champions--CCP affiliated 
companies--out of our telecommunications infrastructure. I 
would like to hear your thoughts.
    Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator. We have already 
discussed that and that is exactly what I said. We worry about 
Huawei being the sole supplier. We are really encouraging them 
to look with eyes open at the repercussions of that on privacy 
grounds, on grounds of national security, and grounds of debt 
sustainability, interoperability.
    So there are all those issues that would come into play if 
it were just Huawei. We are really working very hard with them 
and if I am confirmed I will work even harder to make sure that 
they have--if they have Huawei at all that they have multiple 
suppliers.
    Senator Hagerty. Yes, I would say this. During my time 
serving as ambassador to Japan I worked very closely with the 
government of Japan to ensure that their network became clean.
    In fact, we put in place something called the Clean Network 
Initiative. I have spoke with a number of your colleagues at 
the State Department about this.
    It is an initiative that Brazil, I think, has actually 
supported the principles contained in the Clean Network 
Initiative, and it talks about safe, transparent, and 
compatible environment in telecommunications and infrastructure 
that is compatible with our democratic values and our 
fundamental freedoms.
    And, again, I think that Huawei is taking--and when I say 
Huawei I mean that ilk of company is taking a posture very 
different from that. Unfortunately, in March of this year, 
Huawei has signed an agreement with TIM Brazil to develop a 5G 
city in Brazil, and it is deeply troubling, particularly when 
we think about the broader national security implications that 
you and I have discussed.
    And I look forward to working with you and I look forward 
to your leadership, if you are confirmed, to continue to work 
hard to push back against this with the government of Brazil.
    Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much.
    Next, if I might, Ambassador Aponte, I would like to turn 
to you to talk about some concerns I have, again, regarding 
China and their activity regarding the Panama Canal.
    The Panama Canal is, arguably, one of the most important 
geostrategic locations for the United States. It annually 
registers nearly 14,000 transits. That is a value equal to 6 
percent of all global trade.
    The United States remains the top user of the canal. In 
2019, 66 percent of the cargo traffic transiting the canal 
either began or ended its journey at a U.S. port. Despite the 
importance of the Panama Canal to United States national 
security and our economic security, the trends that I see in 
Panama are deeply concerning.
    In 2016, then President Carlos Varela severed diplomatic 
ties with Taiwan to recognize China. Since then, Chinese 
companies have been heavily involved in infrastructure-related 
contracts both in and around the canal. They are involved in 
Panama's logistics, their electricity, construction sectors, 
all part of China's One Belt, One Road Initiative.
    In 2020, U.S. Southern Command expressed concern that 
China's investment in numerous deepwater ports and 
infrastructure on both sides of the Panama Canal could enable 
the Chinese military to threaten sea lanes vital to global 
commerce and to the movement of U.S. forces.
    Ambassador Ponte, if you are confirmed to this new 
position, what is your assessment of the increasing Chinese 
involvement in the Panama Canal region?
    Ambassador Aponte. Thank you very much. I am glad you 
brought up the issue of the Chinese influence around the canal. 
Since President Cortizo came to power in 2019, we have seen the 
cancellation and the withdrawal of some projects around the 
canal for the right reasons, meaning for--because there was 
noncompliance of the contracts.
    There is a port on the Atlantic side where the contract is 
being--is in the process of being withdrawn. We assume that it 
will eventually come back on the market and then it will be 
open for all other corporations to bid on it.
    But that is just one of them. There is also--on natural 
gas, there was a withdrawal of a contract to the Shanghai 
Electric Power and it is now--it went to the AES.
    So we have seen some progress, and what is really exciting 
to see is that it is being done because there is noncompliance. 
If you do not comply with the terms of the contract you are 
out.
    Senator Hagerty. This is not surprising, and I am sorry to 
cut you short but it is not surprising. It is actually very 
typical of the way the CCP behaves in this sort of environment, 
particularly these Belt and Road projects. They are predatory, 
they are aggressive, and they are detrimental to our national 
security.
    I would encourage you, if you are confirmed, to develop a 
plan, a specific plan of how you will work with the government, 
the Panama Canal, to help offset and move our interests forward 
and help educate them on the challenges.
    I have seen this happen in other countries. I worked very 
closely in my previous position to deal with China's predatory 
behavior in the Subic Bay, for example, in the Philippines when 
I was serving in that region. We need to be alert at every 
level and I encourage you to undertake this with utmost haste.
    Ambassador Aponte. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Kaine. For a second round of questions, Senator 
Menendez?
    The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I just want to conclude with Ambassador Bagley, and I got a 
gist of your questions. And yes, a questioner can be leading.
    But I assume, as a U.S. Ambassador, we do not necessarily 
follow the leading questions. We answer them in conformance 
with U.S. policy. Would that be a fair statement, Ambassador?
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes, Senator. It was not an interview, 
per se. It was an oral history. It was actually a so-called 
friend of mine who asked me to do it and it was one of these 
very free-flowing conversations that were--I was supposed to 
approve later, as was the State Department. I do not really 
understand how it became in the public.
    But, again, it was in my remarks where it was a poor choice 
of words and they were not well thought.
    The Chairman. As I have said to other nominees, you are not 
the only person who has ever fallen in these categories.
    What we say all of the time, especially when we are not in 
the garish light of a confirmation hearing or actually in the 
midst of a position, is very important because what we say when 
we are not under the light is often what we feel, and we all 
have the right to our personal feelings but not if they are in 
conflict with U.S. policy.
    Let me ask you one question about President Bolsonaro's 
attempts to undermine the credibility of Brazil's electoral 
system. If you are confirmed, what steps would you take to 
ensure support for the integrity and outcome of democratic 
elections in Brazil?
    Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator, for the question, 
Mr. Chairman. Bolsonaro has said a lot of things. But, 
basically, they--Brazil has been a democracy. They have 
democratic institutions. They have a democratic electoral 
system. They have an independent judiciary, an independent 
legislature. They have freedom of speech and assembly.
    So they have all the democratic institutions that they need 
in order to have a free and fair election. As you, I think, 
know I have been on the board of NDI for over 30 years and I 
have done a lot of election monitoring and I know it is not 
going to be an easy time because of a lot of his comments.
    But underlying all those comments is the real institutional 
background and I think what we will continue to do is to show 
our confidence and our expectation that they will have a free 
and fair election, and we are doing that at every level.
    The Chairman. When a leader of a country tries to 
undermine, as we have experienced here in the United States, 
the validity and veracity of an election, it undermines the 
democratic process in that country.
    Ambassador Bagley. Yes.
    The Chairman. I hope we will not be fearful to challenge 
that, at the end of the day.
    Dr. Mora, you and I have had a couple of conversations 
about a series of previous comments. I want to just focus on 
one. During a 2019 conference call with the Council on Foreign 
Relations, you discussed U.S. sanctions on Cuba and stated, 
quote, ``The United States continues with those sanctions, even 
though there is no evidence of effectiveness. It begs the 
question why are we doing it. And there, we get into domestic 
politics.''
    So the question is, clearly, there is a handful of peaceful 
diplomacy tools that we have as a nation--the use of our aid 
and our trade to induce countries to act a certain way, 
international public opinion to the extent that that country or 
its leader is willing to be moved by it--dictators, generally, 
do not care--or the denial of aid, trade, or access to our 
financial system, which we generally consider sanctions.
    That is our arsenal of peaceful diplomacy tools. If you are 
to be confirmed to the OAS, and it is the policy of the United 
States to enforce sanctions on Cuba or, for that fact, 
Venezuela or Nicaragua, which I hope the Administration will 
do. What position will you take at the OAS among your 
colleagues from countries in the hemisphere in this regard?
    Mr. Mora. Thank you, Chair Menendez, and for the 
opportunity to address that question.
    First, I would say and, if confirmed, I want to be very 
clear that I will be a strong, forceful advocate for the Biden 
administration's sanctions policy in Cuba and elsewhere in the 
hemisphere.
    I will do so in public--in public forums, if confirmed, but 
also in private conversations with colleagues.
    As you know, and we have spoken about this, Chair Menendez, 
I have struggled all my life thinking about how are best ways 
to bring democracy, dignity to the Cuban people after decades 
of a brutal dictatorship, repression, systemic abuse, that was 
highlighted in July and November of last year.
    This is not a professional or moral imperative for me. It 
is a personal one, and I have struggled with this issue. But I 
am committed and I will reiterate this again, if confirmed, 
that--to Senator Kaine's question--it is important that the OAS 
focus more of its attention on Cuba. It has done a great job, I 
think, in Nicaragua, in Venezuela, but it has fallen short in 
Cuba.
    We have a great partner, I think, in the Secretary General, 
who has been very supportive of these initiatives. But, 
frankly, we need to do more and it was unfortunate that the 
Permanent Council refused to listen to the Inter-American 
Commission's assessment of the repression in July of last year.
    And I think we need to do more, not just in the Permanent 
Council, Chairman Menendez, but in informal meetings with like-
minded countries with the Secretary General to continue shining 
a light on the tragedy in that island.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, if I have your indulgence, the Biden 
administration made decisions a day or so ago but it still 
retained the restricted list, which is the main vehicle of 
sanctioning the regime.
    Even it understands the consequence, especially what was 
the regime's answer to put forth a new penal code that includes 
the death penalty for acts of freedom of speech--the death 
penalty for acts of freedom of speech.
    Ms. Kwan, I know you have retweeted some things in the 
past. You might want to think about that.
    Finally, Ambassador Aponte, it is good to see you back 
before the committee. You did a fantastic job for us in El 
Salvador when you were our ambassador previously. I am sure you 
will do so again in Panama--a different country, different set 
of issues.
    But the Panamanians have joined the Costa Ricans and the 
Dominican Republic to launch an Alliance for Development in 
Democracy, something that we applaud and embrace.
    These kinds of regional activities are rare and, in my 
view, worthy of U.S. attention and support. What steps will you 
take to strengthen the U.S. partnership with the Alliance for 
Democracy in Development in order to catalyze economic 
development and encourage alternatives to Chinese investments? 
Senator Hagerty was correctly pointing out the challenge that 
we have with China in the hemisphere and the region.
    Ambassador Aponte. Thank you very much for bringing the 
Alliance for Development in Democracy, Senator. It is an 
exciting development and I think it affords us the opportunity 
to work together, especially in bringing projects to the three 
countries that are big infrastructure projects that can be done 
in partnership with other countries.
    I think that we need to urge other countries to also be 
supportive along with us in investing and in calling for 
investment in the three countries.
    In the end, what I think we are seeking is the stability of 
not only Panama but of the members of the Alliance, and the one 
place--one solid place--where we can demonstrate our support is 
precisely in those kinds of infrastructure--big infrastructure 
development projects.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I also have migration questions; I 
will submit something for the record in that realm.
    Mr. Chairman, thank you. You know my passion for the 
Western Hemisphere is joined by yours as well. So I appreciate 
the courtesy.
    Senator Kaine. Absolutely. It took me eight years on the 
committee to finally get to be the chair and ranking of the 
subcommittee. So patience rewards those who are willing to 
wait.
    Just comments for Ambassador Aponte and Dr. Mora, and then 
a question and topic for Ms. Kwan.
    On the Alliance, the senator, I think, said he would follow 
up with some written questions about migration. But it does 
strikes me that that is an interesting topic for us to engage 
with the Alliance on.
    Dominican Republic has significant immigration issues from 
Haiti. Panama has significant immigration issues through the 
Darien Gap from all over South America, and then Costa Rica has 
these immigration issues because Nicaraguans fleeing the 
brutality there are maybe a little more likely to go south into 
Costa Rica than to transit north.
    And so I think there is economic development opportunities. 
There is standing strong for democracy and rule of law and 
human rights but there is also the challenges that we are all 
facing on the migration front, and we may be able to share some 
best practices and learn from each other.
    Dr. Mora, one of the things that I am a little bit 
encouraged by in the hemisphere now is the emergence of some 
governments on the left who are willing to criticize abuses of 
the left. The challenge is not just in the Americas but around 
the world as you have a charter that sets up these principles 
but then if governments on the left abuse them other 
governments on the left are silent. If governments on the right 
abuse them governments on the right are silent.
    Although it is still nascent, the new governments in 
Honduras and Chile are governments from the left who have shown 
some willingness--some willingness--to speak out against the 
Russian invasion and speak out against other abuses of left-
leaning governments and I would say that that is a really 
positive trend.
    Again, it is new in both of these governments but, 
hopefully, that could continue. And I hope that the U.S. which, 
in my view, has often been more willing to speak out by--
against abuses by governments on the left than governments on 
the right.
    I hope we are even handed in the way we stand for those 
principles in the charter, regardless of what is the flavor of 
the government that might be committing violations of the 
charter.
    Ms. Kwan, you mentioned in your opening statement the 
vaccine issue, and here is my observation from the trip that I 
took with Senator Portman and others a year ago. We went in 
July and just coincidentally it was right at the time that the 
U.S. was engaging in major deliveries of vaccines throughout 
the world.
    I give credit to President Biden by, basically, saying, 
look, the U.S. is going to be the most generous donor of 
vaccines.
    We did not go to Belize on that trip, but in the foreign 
nations that we went this was what we heard: you are giving us 
the best vaccines in the world and if we say something nice 
about Taiwan or bad about Beijing you do not suddenly cancel 
the contract.
    China or Russia are offering to sell us vaccines that are 
substandard. They are not as good as the American vaccines and 
the timing of the delivery when we make a contract is up in the 
air, and if we say something nice about Taiwan then the 
contract goes away.
    I think this vaccine diplomacy issue has been one of the 
best things the United States has done in the region and in the 
world during this very difficult time. In the Americas, we 
often hear from heads of state, oh, the Chinese are here. We 
would rather deal with you but you are not here. The Chinese 
are here. So we are going to deal with China.
    What we have done on the vaccine side has really earned us 
some goodwill, not just in dealing with COVID but the United 
States is back, really wants to be a partner. We see the value 
of the alliance.
    So we are having this battle right now about what will be 
in the COVID bill that we will likely do before Memorial Day, 
and one of the points of contention--I think we will get a bill 
done--one of the points of contention is whether there is going 
to be a robust vaccine diplomacy piece of the bill.
    I think our vaccine diplomacy was one of the best things 
that we have done on the diplomatic front, and so I was pleased 
to hear you reference the vaccine delivery to Belize for a 
nation of that population.
    That is a sizable amount of high-quality vaccines, and I 
would just like you to, if you could, go further into that. You 
have done a lot of public diplomacy.
    Vaccine diplomacy is that kind of public diplomacy that 
builds goodwill. What is your assessment of the effectiveness 
of what we have done in Belize around the vaccine and what 
might you suggest to us as we think about how to build on that?
    Ms. Kwan. Thank you so much for the opportunity to answer 
that question.
    In 2021, as I mentioned, there was 228,150 vaccines 
donated. If confirmed, as you mentioned, diplomacy would be a 
major priority for me, as well as health security. Fifty 
percent of the population in Belize is fully vaccinated.
    In my opening remarks, I mentioned $300,000 in supplemental 
assistance, $4 million in partnership with Baylor University, 
$2 million of which went with CDC research with Baylor 
University.
    I believe that, if confirmed, I will work very hard in 
finding opportunities for engagement. As I mentioned in my 
opening remarks, educational sporting exchanges, I will 
definitely lean on my experience and background and also 
recover from the pandemic, understanding that governments all 
around the world have been hit severely by the pandemic and 
understanding that Belize's main industry is tourism. Forty-two 
percent of imports to Belize comes from the United States.
    My priority is to make sure that we are able to work 
closely with the government of Belize and to build back better 
and stronger from the pandemic.
    Senator Kaine. I thank you for that. I will just stay on my 
soapbox for a minute about vaccines. Eight percent of the 
vaccines that--this was the last measure I saw--it could have 
been slightly changed, but 8 percent of the vaccines that the 
U.S. delivered to other nations were delivered to Latin 
America, Central Mexico, Central and South America and the 
Caribbean and that region has 8 percent of the world's 
population but has had 30 percent of the world's deaths to 
COVID.
    I do not think we allocated the vaccines correctly. I think 
we--just as we do in our own country, we should be allocating 
vaccines to areas of great risk.
    There is also a geopolitical reality about trying to be 
maybe a little more forward leaning on distributing vaccines in 
the Americas and that is the migration and travel and family 
connections between U.S. citizens and those living in Mexico, 
Central South America, and the Caribbeans are so close that 
leaning forward into delivery of vaccines in this region will 
have a disproportionately positive effect on health here at 
home.
    And this is something that the Chairman and I are really 
strong believers in. We wrote a letter early before the 
vaccines really started to roll out saying that there are a 
whole series of reasons why prioritization of vaccine delivery 
in the Americas makes a lot of sense for our own public health 
and also for the needs of that population.
    The work is on our shoulders, I think, to try to come up 
with a COVID bill that will continue what has been a positive 
diplomatic coup for us, really, in terms of this vaccine 
delivery of high-quality vaccines and I hope we will do it.
    But I just wanted to take advantage of your recognizing 
that as an important aspect of the relationship, particularly 
in the last year plus.
    Thank you all for your willingness to serve, for your 
service before you got to the committee, for going through the 
hearing.
    I am going to ask that the hearing record remain open till 
5:00 o'clock on Friday, two days from now, so that if members 
either who were here or who were not able to attend want to 
submit questions in writing they can do that by 5:00 o'clock 
Friday, May 20.
    If those questions are submitted, I would encourage all of 
you to provide answers promptly and thoroughly as quickly as 
you can and that will expedite then the ability of the 
committee to take up your nominations.
    The hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:48 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Robert Menendez

Cuba
    Question. In a 1998 interview with The Association for Diplomatic 
Studies and Training, you discussed the Cuban-American vote and noted 
``The Cuban-American Foundation president and the founder, Jorge Mas 
Canosa, was a really strong Republican. There was no reason for the 
Democrats to think they could get the [Cuban vote], but they still 
thought they could get some money from them, and they did. It was not 
just Florida; it was also New Jersey where now they say the Cuban 
population there is even more radical against Castro than the ones in 
Miami. The real hardliners are in Newark, New Jersey, which has the 
second largest Cuban population in the United States. So, it is still a 
factor. Again, it is not numbers, it is like the Jewish factor, it's 
money.''

   Please clarify for the committee your suggestion about the 
        relationship between the Democratic Party and the Cuban-
        American community, as well as your comment about the Jewish 
        community.

    Answer. I apologize and deeply regret the poorly considered remarks 
on Cuban Americans and Jewish Americans I made as part of a 1998 oral 
history project about foreign affairs. Those comments in no way reflect 
my views then or now about the important political, economic, and 
cultural contributions of both communities to the fabric of our society 
and to the democratic institutions of our great country.
    Throughout my career spanning over four decades of service to the 
United States, I have supported the rights of all people to have a 
voice in U.S. policy. I worked side-by-side with Cuban Americans and 
Jewish Americans during my years of political advocacy, in and out of 
the United States Government. For more than 30 years, I have been an 
active member of the Board of the National Democratic Institute, which 
has worked with the Cuban-American community and with Cuban democracy 
activists since 1991, sharing information and building capacity among 
civil society actors seeking meaningful political and economic reforms 
and peaceful democratic change.
    As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State 
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi 
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious 
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative 
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for 
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama 
to promote religious freedom, equity and social justice, and I continue 
to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and Community 
Engagement.
    Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans. 
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every 
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that 
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the 
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary, 
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom 
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an 
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many 
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the 
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically 
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
    If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act 
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban 
people to freedom of speech, religion, and assembly in a democratically 
elected government. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these 
fundamental American values.

Israeli Influence in Campaigns
    Question. In the same 1998 interview, in response to a question 
about Israeli influence in campaigns: you stated, ``There is always the 
influence of the Jewish lobby because there is major money involved.''

   What did you mean by that comment?

    Answer. That response reflected a poor choice of words and not my 
thinking of Jewish Americans, either in public or in private. I 
apologize and deeply regret my comments. I understand antisemitism as a 
prejudice rooted in irrational conspiracies, and if confirmed, I pledge 
to forcefully condemn antisemitism in all its forms.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and 
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed. 
The interagency community continues its examination of a range of 
hypotheses. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to 
Anomalous Health Incidents (AHI), setting clear goals for the Health 
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected 
employees and family members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people working at the U.S. Mission in 
Brazil. I commit to working with health and security officials and 
other parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate 
protocols and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans 
and local staff.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator James E. Risch

Russia
    Question. Brazil relies heavily on Russian fertilizer imports and 
continues to receive shipments of fertilizer from Russia despite 
sanctions. Although Brazil voted to condemn Russia's aggression against 
Ukraine, Bolsonaro has supported.

   If confirmed, what efforts would you take to encourage Brazil to 
        support international sanctions related Russia's invasion of 
        Ukraine?

    Answer. We engage Brazil as a member of the U.N. Security Council 
to address Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Brazil has voted in favor of 
U.N. Security Council, U.N. General Assembly, and Human Rights Council 
resolutions to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
    If confirmed, I would advocate with Brazil to respond to Russia's 
aggression, including through international sanctions. Despite economic 
ties between Brazil and Russia, President Bolsonaro has consistently 
said that he places paramount importance on Brazil's relationship with 
the United States, and I plan to build on this relationship to 
encourage Brazil's support for sanctions. As U.S. Representative to the 
United Nations Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has said, neutrality in the 
face of atrocities is unacceptable.

China
    Question. China is Brazil's largest trade partner and has invested 
over $66 billion into its infrastructure.

   Please explain how you would recommend the United States work to 
        address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and 
        security influence in Brazil and Western Hemisphere.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would build on our strong bilateral 
relationship to encourage Brazil to examine the full implication of the 
PRC's practices, including the malign influence it exercises in the 
region. Our nearly two dozen regular dialogues and high-level 
engagements with Brazil provide ample opportunities to show PRC's 
negative influence, whether it is the decrease in Brazil's export of 
high value-added products due to trade with the PRC, the risks 
associated with civil nuclear cooperation with the PRC, or the security 
risks of incorporating equipment from PRC companies in 5G 
infrastructure in Brazil.

    Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Brazil-
China relations?

    Answer. The United States needs to continue encouraging the 
Brazilian Government to exercise due diligence in doing business with 
China, in terms of national security, privacy rights, debt 
sustainability, and transparency.
    I understand the PRC has been an important source of trade and 
investment for Brazil for nearly 20 years. Since 2012, it has been 
Brazil's top trading partner in terms of total volume, which is 
primarily commodities from Brazil and manufactured goods from the PRC. 
However, the PRC's engagement has also threatened several Brazilian 
industries and the intellectual property of Brazilian companies. 
Brazilian industry representatives have complained that inexpensive 
PRC-based products have harmed Brazil's industrial sector. Brazil's 
exports of higher value-added products have decreased since the PRC's 
2001 WTO entry. The PRC is a relatively small but growing investor in 
Brazil, the fifth largest investor in Brazil, after the United States, 
Spain, France, and Belgium. PRC FDI stock amounted to about 4 percent 
of Brazil's total foreign direct investment in 2020. Most PRC direct 
investment in Brazil is in the power sector and extractive industries 
where PRC state-owned firms play a major role. These firms have also 
invested in port and logistics infrastructure.
    Telecommunications firms like Huawei and ZTE have been active in 
Brazil for more than 20 years. Huawei is a telecommunications equipment 
market leader in Brazil. PRC-based companies also have won tenders to 
provide ``Smart City'' surveillance, law enforcement bodycams, and 
facial recognition technology across Brazil.
    Brazil participates in the BRICS grouping and the Sino-Brazilian 
High-Level Consultation and Cooperation Commission, headed by both 
countries' vice presidents.
    Academic exchange programs and research between Brazil and China 
are growing. The PRC state-owned news service Xinhua is building 
affiliations with local news outlets which now publish daily Xinhua 
content in Portuguese. Brazil is home to 12 Confucius Institutes and 
three Confucius classrooms. The PRC also funds think tanks and research 
centers at Brazilian universities.

    Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the 
Brazilian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of 
China to international norms.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would raise with government and private 
sector leaders the security, human rights, economic, and other risks 
involved in some of the PRC's practices in Brazil and the rest of the 
region. Public opinion in Brazil leans significantly towards support 
for the United States and democratic values. If confirmed, I intend to 
strengthen that support through public outreach directly to the 
Brazilian people by expanding Mission Brazil's public diplomacy efforts 
in this area.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about 
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Brazil?

    Answer. I understand the U.S. Government has engaged with the 
Government of Brazil and with the telecommunications companies directly 
to raise awareness about the true costs and implications of using 
untrusted suppliers, which include widespread security risks and 
interoperability issues. I would continue these efforts.
    In addition to presenting the true costs of Huawei's role in the 
telecommunications sector, I would present alternatives. The industry-
led global movement towards open, interoperable approaches, such as 
Open Radio Access Networks, or Open RAN, has the potential to increase 
market competition, lower costs, and improve security. Providers and 
operators in Brazil are bringing forward Open RAN architecture 
solutions for mobile communications networks, and the United States 
should continue to support those efforts. The United States and Brazil 
can be partners in building open, reliable, and secure 
telecommunications networks.

Internal Politics
    Question. Former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, convicted and 
jailed for corruption, is the leading opposition candidate for Brazil's 
October presidential elections.

   How would the return to his leftist policies effect our bilateral 
        relations?

    Answer. Relations between Brazil and the United States have 
transcended many administrations because of our strong historic, 
economic, cultural, and people-to-people ties. For its part, Brazil has 
strong democratic institutions, including an independent judiciary, 
that have made great strides in creating a higher standard of 
accountability and thorough and impartial investigations into 
allegations of corruption. Anticorruption is also a core U.S. national 
security priority. If confirmed, I will advance this national security 
priority by encouraging continued cooperation with government, law 
enforcement, and civil society partners in Brazil on tackling 
corruption, promoting greater transparency, and fostering good 
governance.

Cuba
    Question. In a 1998 interview with conducted on the behalf of the 
Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training while you were the U.S. 
Ambassador to Portugal, you stated ``it was also New Jersey where now 
they say the Cuban population there is even more radical against Castro 
than the ones in Miami.''

   Who is the ``they'' you are referencing in this statement?

    Answer. I do not recall the specific source of the comment that I 
referred to in that conversation from 1998. Regardless of the source I 
was referencing, I apologize and deeply regret the poorly considered 
remarks on Cuban Americans I made as part of that interview. Those 
comments in no way reflect my views then or now about the important 
political, economic, and cultural contributions Cuban Americans make to 
the democratic institutions of our great country.
    Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans. 
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every 
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that 
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the 
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary, 
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom 
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an 
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many 
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the 
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically 
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
    If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act 
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban 
people to freedom of speech, religion, and assembly in a democratically 
elected government. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these 
fundamental American values.

    Question. Please provide a detailed explanation of your 
understanding of human rights conditions in Cuba in 1998?

    Answer. Cuba was then, and is now, neither free nor democratic and 
human rights conditions were poor, as they are now. The Cuban regime 
denied its citizens basic human rights. Among other abuses, it 
routinely threatened, harassed and arbitrarily arrested human rights 
advocates, journalists and political opposition; severely restricted 
freedoms of expression and assembly; and physically abused political 
prisoners and detainees. These acts continue today. I regret that my 
comments from a 1998 interview for the oral history project could be 
interpreted to suggest otherwise. Those remarks in no way were intended 
to minimize the hardship and abuse of Cubans in Cuba or deny the right 
of political participation of Cuban Americans here. If confirmed as 
Ambassador to Brazil, I will ensure my work and my communication embody 
fundamental American values.

    Question. Why did you believe that it was radical to oppose the 
Castro regime in 1998?

    Answer. I believed then and believe today that there was nothing 
radical in opposing the Castro regime in 1998. My comments from my 1998 
oral history project were poorly considered and did not reflect my 
views either about Cuba at the time or the right of Cuban Americans to 
voice their views on Cuba in our democracy. I sincerely apologize for 
those remarks. I strongly believe in our democratic values, including 
the right of political participation of all Americans.

    Question. Please provide a detailed explanation of your 
understanding of human rights conditions in Cuba under the Diaz-Canel 
regime in Cuba.

    Answer. Cuba under President Diaz-Canel is an authoritarian state 
that commits widespread abuses of human rights. Cuba is a one-party 
state with no fair or competitive elections. Cuba's security forces, 
controlled by national leadership, commit numerous abuses and hold 
political prisoners in harsh and degrading conditions. The Cuban 
Government violently suppresses protests, including the spontaneous, 
peaceful demonstrations in July 2021. The Government commits 
extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, arbitrary 
arrests, and other serious violations of basic human rights with 
impunity.
    If confirmed as Ambassador to Brazil, I will work in that role to 
defend the rights of the Cuban people against the abuses committed by 
the Cuban Government.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage with the Brazilian 
people about human rights conditions in Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise the issue with 
Brazil, which has publicly voiced concerns over human rights in Cuba.

    Question. In 2020, the Brazilian Government readmitted 1,800 Cuban 
doctors after a previous promise from President Bolsonaro to expel this 
group of medical workers.

   Would you agree the Cuba's overseas medical missions amount to 
        human trafficking?

    Answer. I understand the Department continues to have serious and 
ongoing concerns about the allegations of forced labor in Cuba's 
international labor programs. Since 2010, the State Department has 
identified indicators of forced labor in Cuba's labor export programs, 
including medical missions overseas. Over the last two years, in the 
Trafficking in Persons Report, the Department found a policy or pattern 
that Cuba profited from the labor export program amid strong 
indications of forced labor. The Department's 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons report listed Cuba as Tier 3. If confirmed, I will urge my 
counterparts in Brazil to take steps to prevent forced labor and seek 
transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban Government and 
Cuban overseas workers, to screen those associated with this program 
for trafficking indicators, and to protect victims identified.

    Question. Please discuss how you would engage, if confirmed, the 
Brazilian Government on concerns about state-sponsored human 
trafficking?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would oppose any state-sponsored human 
trafficking and raise those concerns with counterparts in Brazil.

Jewish Relations
    Question. Brazil has the 11th largest Jewish population in the 
world, estimated at approximately 180,000 individuals of Jewish 
heritage. In the 1998 interview referenced above, you are quoted 
saying: ``The Democrats always tend to go with the Jewish constituency 
on Israel and say stupid things, like moving the capital to Jerusalem 
always comes up. Things that we shouldn't even touch.''

   Can you explain your views on Jerusalem being the capital of 
        Israel?

    Answer. I support the U.S. policy that Jerusalem is the capital of 
Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through 
direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I understand 
the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to the national 
visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
    Additionally, if confirmed, I am committed to engaging Brazil's 
Jewish community, particularly in the face of rising levels of 
antisemitism in the region and around the world, as part of the U.S. 
Mission to Brazil's active and vital efforts to engage religious 
minority communities.

    Question. Please explain what you meant by equating ``moving the 
capital to Jerusalem'' with ``stupid things.''

    Answer. I apologize for and deeply regret the poorly considered 
remarks I made as part of a 1998 oral history project about foreign 
affairs. At that time, the policy of all prior U.S. administrations was 
that the status of Jerusalem would be part of broader negotiations. 
Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and I support the U.S. policy that 
our embassy will remain in Jerusalem.

    Question. Do you support the U.S. policy to locate the U.S. Embassy 
in Jerusalem?

    Answer. Yes. I support the U.S. policy that our embassy will remain 
in Jerusalem.

Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Brazil was identified as Tier 2 due to overall lack of 
prosecutions and convictions of traffickers.

   How will you work with the Brazilian Government to address these 
        issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the success of, and take away 
lessons learned from, the more than $20 million worth of programing we 
are funding with congressional support to combat trafficking in persons 
in Brazil. If confirmed, I will actively engage the Government of 
Brazil on victims' identification, prosecution of perpetrators, and 
comprehensive victims' assistance, and target the reach of 
transnational criminal organizations of the most vulnerable of Brazil's 
society into forced labor and sex trafficking.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
Brazil operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the 
TIP report?

    Answer. Congress has supported funding crucial initiatives to 
operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the 
trafficking in persons report to combat forced labor and sex 
trafficking in Brazil. With congressional support, the State 
Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/
TIP) has invested over $20 million since Fiscal Year 2020 to prevent, 
research, and combat trafficking in persons in Brazil. Similarly, U.S. 
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)'s Homeland Security 
Investigations (HSI) office in Brasilia partners with and builds the 
capacity of Brazil's Federal Police to combat child exploitation and 
human smuggling. Information sharing allows the United States and 
Brazil to respond to warnings and tips in real time to combat crime.
    For example, under J/TIP's Program to End Modern Slavery in 2021, 
the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) received $8.5 million, 
and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) received $2.5 million in 
multi-year grants to conduct research, awareness-raising campaigns, 
capacity building efforts, and interagency collaboration to reduce 
forced labor in the cattle and gold mining industries in Brazil. The 
Freedom Fund also received $1.3 million to reduce child sex trafficking 
in Northeastern Brazil by facilitating government and civil society 
coordination in prevention efforts and survivor-informed care.
    If confirmed, I will continue to expand on these important 
initiatives.

Religious Freedom
    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Brazil was identified as not particularly tolerant of 
religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
        International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
        in-country?

    Answer. Freedom of religion or belief is among the United States' 
and Brazil's most important founding principles, and it is central to 
the Biden-Harris Administration's commitment to upholding and advancing 
human rights. At the U.S.-Brazil Human Rights Dialogue in February, we 
recognized Brazil's work as part of the International Religious Freedom 
or Belief Alliance and beyond to advance this right bilaterally and 
globally.
    As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State 
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi 
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious 
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative 
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for 
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama 
to promote religious freedom, equity and social justice, and I continue 
to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and Community 
Engagement.
    Both of our countries are experiencing societal intolerance and 
rising antisemitism, and we must stand together against these 
challenges. The U.S. Mission to Brazil actively engages with religious 
minority communities, including by hosting annual iftars in Consulate 
General Sao Paulo to engage with Muslim religious leaders and by 
preserving religious sites for Afro-descendant religious minority 
groups throughout the country.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain and with the Special 
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism Deborah Lipstadt to build on 
existing efforts to expand our cooperation with Brazil to promote 
religious freedom and combat antisemitism and intolerance in Brazil and 
around the world.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. Throughout my career spanning over four decades of service 
to the United States, I have worked side-by-side with Americans of all 
religious beliefs and nonbelief.
    If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil I will vocally defend 
religious freedom and work with civil society on ways to make progress 
on this vital issue.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
Brazil increase their societal and governmental respect for religious 
freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly and consistently raise 
religious freedom in my engagements with officials and other 
counterparts to bring attention to and encourage resolution of 
religious freedom issues in Brazil, including those identified in the 
annual International Religious Freedom Report.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, 
Brazil was identified as having significant human rights abuses 
including impunity and a lack of accountability for security forces. 
Inefficient judicial processes also delayed justice for perpetrators 
and victims.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The promotion and defense of human rights for all people is 
central to U.S. national security and prosperity. The Department raises 
the issues described in the State Department's Human Rights Report 
regularly with federal, state, and municipal officials and will 
continue to support the work of civil society; promote human rights, 
public security, and social inclusion, while promoting accountability 
for human rights abuses.
    If confirmed, I will advance and build on Mission Brazil's vigorous 
efforts to curtail the influence of violent transnational criminal 
organizations, such as Primeiro Comando do Capital (PCC) and Comando 
Vermelho (CV).
    In addition, I understand the International Narcotics and Law 
Enforcement Affairs (INL) bureau provides Brazilian law enforcement in 
all 26 states and the federal district with capacity building training. 
A new INL-Security Forces Professionalization initiative will provide 
body cameras and human rights training for Leahy-vetted Rio de Janeiro 
police, a program designed to increase their transparency and 
accountability and improve their tactics and controls on the use of 
lethal force.
    The U.S. Government maintains a robust interagency law enforcement 
presence through the mission in Brazil that provides ongoing and 
continual support to Brazilian law enforcement on investigative 
matters, including to build capacity to investigate allegations of 
police involvement in extrajudicial killings. If confirmed, I would 
strongly support these efforts.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society and community 
leaders to promote human rights in Brazil.
    Secretary Blinken discussed human rights issues with his Brazilian 
counterpart Foreign Minister Franca and welcomed the relaunch of the 
U.S.-Brazil Human Rights Working Group, which met in February.
    Using Fiscal Year 2021 Democracy Fund/Human Rights and Democracy 
Funds, the Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau supports local 
organizations working for racial justice and indigenous rights in Latin 
America, including Brazil.
    The State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in 
Persons (J/TIP) has invested over $20 million since Fiscal Year 2020 to 
prevent, research, and combat trafficking in persons in Brazil. 
Similarly, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)'s Homeland 
Security Investigations (HSI) office in Brasilia partners with and 
builds the capacity of Brazil's Federal Police to combat child 
exploitation and human smuggling. Information sharing allows the United 
States and Brazil to respond to warnings and tips in real time to 
combat crime.
    For example, under J/TIP's Program to End Modern Slavery in 2021, 
the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) received $8.5 million, 
and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) received $2.5 million in 
multi-year grants to conduct research, awareness-raising campaigns, 
capacity building efforts, and interagency collaboration to reduce 
forced labor in the cattle and gold mining industries in Brazil. The 
Freedom Fund also received $1.3 million to reduce child sex trafficking 
in Northeastern Brazil by facilitating government and civil society 
coordination in prevention efforts and survivor-informed care.

International Organizations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Brazilian 
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their 
support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to delivering demarches and 
otherwise advocating with the Brazilian Government and any other 
counterparts necessary to secure support for the upcoming September 
election of Ms. Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the International 
Telecommunication Union (ITU).
    With nearly 30 years of experience at the ITU, including as 
director of its development bureau, Ms. Bogdan-Martin is the most 
qualified candidate to advance our shared priorities at the ITU, 
including promoting universal connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and 
affordable, as well as strengthening the ITU's partnerships with 
stakeholders and its governance and accountability. As a member of the 
ITU Council, Brazil's voice on ICT issues and on this election is 
critical.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program 
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. I am committed to increasing the representation of 
independent, qualified American citizens in international 
organizations. If confirmed, I will work actively with the IO bureau 
and other stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and 
installing more Americans in positions, including Junior Professional 
Officer (JPO) positions, at the U.N.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
     to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. You participated in an oral history interview in 1999, 
and some of your responses concern me deeply, particularly the language 
you used in regards to the Jewish community, Israel's influence on our 
elections, and what you described as ``Jewish money.'' Please explain 
the following statements that you made in that interview:


          Interview Question: ``I would think one of the big things of 
        any campaign would be the Israeli influence. How did that 
        play?''

          Your response (in part): ``There is always the influence of 
        the Jewish lobby because there is major money involved.''


          Interview Question: ``Bush had taken the rather courageous 
        stand of calling back credits for housing because the Israelis 
        were building houses on the Left Bank on Arab land. Did that 
        come up at all?''

          Your response: Yes, Clinton criticized them on that. The 
        Democrats always tend to go with the Jewish constituency on 
        Israel and say stupid things, like moving the capital to 
        Jerusalem always comes up. Things that we shouldn't even 
        touch."


          Interview Question: ``One always hears about how important 
        the Cuban vote is in south Florida, at least until recent times 
        it has been secure in the pocket of the Republicans.''

          Your response (in part): ``It was not just Florida; it was 
        also New Jersey where now they say the Cuban population there 
        is even more radical against Castro than the ones in Miami. The 
        real hardliners are in Newark, New Jersey, which has the second 
        largest Cuban population in the United States. So, it is still 
        a factor. Again, it is not the numbers, it is like the Jewish 
        factor, it's money.''


   Finally, overall, do you understand the concerns that statements 
        like these raise, especially for the Jewish American and the 
        Cuban American communities?

    Answer. I apologize for and deeply regret the poorly considered 
remarks on Cuban Americans and Jewish Americans I made as part of a 
1998 oral history project about foreign affairs. Those comments in no 
way reflect my views then or now about the important political, 
economic, and cultural contributions of both communities to the fabric 
of our society and to the democratic institutions of our great country.
    Throughout my career spanning over four decades of service to the 
United States, I have supported the rights of all people to have a 
voice in U.S. policy. I worked side-by-side with Cuban Americans and 
Jewish Americans during my years of political advocacy, in and out of 
the United States government.
    As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State 
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi 
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious 
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative 
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for 
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama 
to promote religious freedom, equity and social justice, and I continue 
to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and Community 
Engagement.
    Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans. 
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every 
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that 
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the 
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary, 
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom 
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an 
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many 
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the 
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically 
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
    If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act 
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban 
people to freedom of speech, religion, and assembly in a democratically 
elected government. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these 
fundamental American values.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Brazil is one of our major non-NATO allies in Latin 
America and one of our strongest relationships. Our trade with Brazil 
has grown in the last few years, despite the pandemic. Brazil regularly 
participates in military exercises and law enforcement cooperation. 
Despite all the reasons for maintaining this critical relationship, 
President Biden has reportedly refused to take any calls from Brazil's 
President Bolsonaro since taking office. This is a decisive break from 
past policy. President Reagan met with Brazilian presidents who did not 
share some of his views while President W. Bush still worked with 
President Lula, even though Lula supported Fidel Castro. This policy is 
having disastrous effects for American national security--)Brazil has 
stopped backing U.S.-led initiatives.

   If confirmed, will you commit to work with the Bolsonaro 
        administration on initiatives that advance American national 
        security and enhance the U.S.-Brazil Relationship? 
        Specifically, what initiatives will you prioritize?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will expand on the many bilateral 
initiatives through which we engage Brazil related to security and 
other priority issues. The United States maintains an active engagement 
with Brazil through over 20 regular dialogues and forums on the full 
range of political, economic, and security issues. For example, the 
State Department held the U.S.-Brazil High-Level Dialogue in late April 
and an inter-agency cybersecurity roundtable in May. At the U.S.-Brazil 
High Level Dialogue, Under Secretary Fernandez and Under Secretary 
Nuland discussed peacekeeping operations, cyber security, and expanding 
our security cooperation relationship. There will be a Political-
Military Dialogue and the Space Security Dialogue in June, and 
Strategic Defense Talks in August.
    Moreover, Mission Brazil maintains a robust interagency law 
enforcement presence that provides ongoing and continual support to 
Brazilian law enforcement on investigative matters, including to build 
capacity to investigate allegations of police involvement in 
extrajudicial killings. They also maintain an excellent working 
relationship with Brazilian law enforcement to combat international 
drug trafficking and money laundering organizations that affect the 
United States. For example, Brazilian law enforcement welcomed 
President Biden's recent Executive Order against the drug trade and 
Treasury's imposition of financial sanctions on the Primeiro Comando da 
Capital (PCC). U.S. assistance is actively advancing Brazil-led efforts 
to disrupt TCO expansion. For example, Brazilian officials trained by 
the FBI and International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) 
bureau supported the transfer of 22 PCC leaders from Sao Paulo state 
prisons to three higher-security federal prisons.

    Question. How will you repair the damage President Biden has 
inflicted on the U.S.-Brazil relationship?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will build up our broad and long-standing 
positive relationship with Brazil based on shared commitments to 
democracy, human rights, economic prosperity, the rule of law, and 
security.
    In addition to the more than 20 regular dialogues and forums like 
the U.S.-Brazil High-Level Dialogue in late April, we have had several 
other high-level visits. U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan 
visited Brazil and hosted his counterpart in Washington, for example. 
Secretary Blinken has spoken with his Brazilian counterpart several 
times, as have other U.S. cabinet-level officials, and Brazil's 
Ambassador Nestor Forster Jr. was at the White House. We also welcome 
Brazil's participation at the Summit of the Americas, which the United 
States will be hosting in June in Los Angeles and where President Biden 
will have several opportunities to engage with President Bolsonaro if 
he attends.
    The case of Elian Gonzalez was and continues to be deeply felt in 
the Cuban-American Community, especially in South Florida. So many 
Cuban Americans worked to escape the cruelty and oppression of the 
Castros in order to take part in the American Dream. For these Cuban 
Americans, Elian Gonzalez was one of them. And through the sacrifice of 
his mother, who sadly drowned on the dangerous journey to Florida, made 
it to our shores. The decision to return him to Cuba was understandably 
traumatic for his relatives in Miami and for the wider community. After 
the decision was made to return Elian to Cuba, you hosted Elian and his 
father at your house in Georgetown for a pool party. As innocuous as 
this is, it calls into question your ability to see this regime for 
what it is.

    Question. When you hosted Elian at your house, were you aware of 
the long custody battle between his relatives in Miami and his 
relatives in Cuba?

    Answer. As a private citizen, I was aware of the custody dispute 
over Elian Gonzalez in 2000. During that period, a friend with a son 
the same age as my son and who had a role in the case told me that 
Elian wanted to meet children his age. Elian, my friend's son, and my 
six-year old son, swam, played video games, and ate hot dogs. That was 
the extent of my involvement in the Elian Gonzalez case.
    In retrospect, it was a mistake to be involved in any way, but at 
the time I viewed the offer to use my swimming pool as nothing more 
than a gesture of kindness to a child around my son's age. That 
invitation did not reflect any position on his custody case or Cuba 
policy more generally. That invitation will also in no way impact how, 
if confirmed, I would carry out my duties to represent the United 
States in Brazil.
    As Ambassador, if confirmed, I will continue to support Cubans' 
aspirations for freedom and for greater economic opportunities. I will 
also continue to call on the Cuban government to immediately release 
political prisoners, to respect the Cuban people's fundamental freedoms 
and to allow the Cuban people to determine their own futures.

    Question. What role did you play in the decision to return Elian to 
Cuba?

    Answer. I had no special insight or information into his case or 
any influence over the decision or outcome of his case.

    Question. I am concerned about your previously comments regarding 
extremely passionate communities, like the Cuban American community and 
the Jewish community in advocating for the policies you believe in. 
Specifically, you said ``there was no reason for the Democrats to think 
they could get it, but they still thought they could get some money 
from them, and they did. The foundation played both sides. But, we lost 
Florida in 1992, although we won it in 1996. It was not just Florida; 
it was also New Jersey where now they say the Cuban population there is 
even more radical against Castro than the ones in Miami. The real 
hardliners are in Newark, New Jersey, which has the second largest 
Cuban population in the United States. So, it is still a factor. Again, 
it is not numbers, it is like the Jewish factor, it's money. It is 
important in certain primaries.'' These comments seem to imply you 
don't think politicians should reach out to seek the support of 
``hardline'' communities. This seems to deny the rights of these 
communities to advocate for policies they believe in.

   Do you stand by these comments today?

    Answer. I apologize for and deeply regret the poorly considered 
remarks on Cuban Americans and Jewish Americans I made 24 years ago as 
part of oral history project about foreign affairs. Those comments in 
no way reflect my views then or now about the important political, 
economic, and cultural contributions of both communities in the fabric 
of our society and to the democratic institutions of our great country.
    Throughout my career, spanning over four decades of service to the 
United States, I have supported the rights of all people to have a 
voice in U.S. policy. For more than 30 years, I have been an active 
member of the Board of the National Democratic Institute, which has 
worked with the Cuban-American community and with Cuban democracy 
activists since 1991, sharing information and building capacity among 
civil society actors seeking meaningful political and economic reforms 
and peaceful democratic change. I have also worked closely with Jewish 
Americans during my career in political advocacy.
    As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State 
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi 
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious 
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative 
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for 
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama 
to promote religious freedom, equity, and social justice, and I 
continue to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and 
Community Engagement.
    Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans. 
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every 
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that 
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the 
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary, 
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom 
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an 
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many 
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the 
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically 
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
    If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act 
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban 
people to peaceful democratic change, human rights, and the rule of 
law. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these fundamental 
American values.

    Question. How do you respond to those that argue these comments 
damage your ability to effectively represent the United States in 
Brazil?

    Answer. Those comments in no way reflect my views, then or now. If 
confirmed, I will vocally condemn discrimination and defend the rights 
of the Cuban people and the Jewish community. I will ensure my work and 
my communication embody fundamental American values and will forcefully 
condemn antisemitism and discrimination against any group, as I have 
done over my 40 years of public service.

    Question. If confirmed, will you avoid reaching out to so-called 
``hardline'' communities in Brazil?

    Answer. If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will engage and 
embrace the vastly diverse communities in Brazil, advancing our mission 
objectives to promote freedom of expression and inclusion of all 
communities. It is essential that ambassadors hear from a broad range 
of voices within the countries where they work, and I will ensure I 
reach out to all groups that will provide that diversity of 
perspectives.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
      to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. Indigenous peoples and other local communities in Brazil 
are regarded as crucial ``Guardians of the Forests''; innumerable 
studies have shown that properly recognized and protected Indigenous 
territories are an effective bulwark against deforestation. Many 
advocates face death threats and cyber-attacks because of their work.

   If confirmed, do you commit to speaking out publicly in defense of 
        these courageous communities and individuals when their lives 
        are at risk on account of their dedication to preserving their 
        ancestral lands and preventing the destruction of the Amazon?

    Answer. The rights of indigenous peoples and environmental 
defenders are critical to the preservation of the Amazon, promoting 
human rights of the most vulnerable communities, and addressing climate 
change. If confirmed, I will commit to speaking out publicly to shed 
greater light on the rights of indigenous peoples and environmental 
defenders and the threats and violence they face in preserving their 
ancestral lands and the Amazon.
    I will continue to raise concerns over illegal logging, mining, and 
deforestation, as well as about transnational criminal organizations, 
all of which directly harm vulnerable indigenous, quilombola, and 
traditional communities.

    Question. What steps would you take as Ambassador to Brazil in 
supporting and uplifting local communities as crucial players in the 
struggle against deforestation and addressing the effects of climate 
change?

    Answer. Through partnerships with the Brazilian Government and 
NGOs, the State Department and USAID engage with and support indigenous 
and quilombola communities. They work with civil society and indigenous 
leaders to increase Brazil's capacity to preserve protected lands, 
prevent illegal exploitation of natural resources, and combat forced 
labor in these industries. Human Rights and Democracy Funds from the 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau support local organizations 
working on indigenous rights in Latin America, including Brazil.
    If confirmed, I will continue to seek ways to expand our support 
for, and Brazil's inclusion of, these communities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator Robert Menendez

Migration
    Question. Panama continues to embrace migration policies that, 
while generously extending humanitarian assistance, also facilitate the 
``controlled flow'' of a certain number of migrants through Panama each 
day. This policy gets us no closer to establishing a regional 
comprehensive solution to our hemisphere's historic refugee and 
migration challenges.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to find alternatives to 
        Panama's ``controlled flow'' migration policies?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Panamanian 
Government to address irregular migration and forced displacement, 
including alternatives to controlled flow. Irregular migration remains 
a regional challenge that requires a regional response, and we look 
forward to addressing this issue at the Summit of the Americas. To 
effectively end controlled flow, I will work with Panama to increase 
their capacity to screen asylum seekers, provide protection to 
refugees, and to increase the capacity of migration reception stations 
in the Darien region. Secretary Blinken traveled to Panama April 19-20 
to co-host a Ministerial on Migration and Protection. The United States 
and Panama signed a bilateral Arrangement on Migration and Protection 
on April 19 which will advance further humane migration management, 
stabilization of host communities, and legal pathways. If confirmed, I 
will continue this collaboration on a shared approach to addressing 
migration.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people who will work with me. I 
understand the interagency community continues its investigation into 
AHIs. I understand AHIs remain a top priority for Secretary Blinken, 
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to 
strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce, provide 
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect 
against these events in the future.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and report the incident through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people who work at U.S. Embassy Panama 
City. I commit to working with health and security officials and other 
parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate protocols 
and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans and local 
staff.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator James E. Risch

                           western hemisphere
China
    Question. Panama switched diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to the 
People's Republic of China in 2017, and is now a member of the PRC's 
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This week, Panama President Laurentino 
Cortizo said he is planning to restart negotiations with China to reach 
a trade agreement.

   What is your assessment of the current state of Panama-China 
        relations?

    Answer. I remain concerned about the People's Republic of China 
(PRC), which remains a significant economic partner for Panama. Panama 
established diplomatic ties with Beijing in June 2017 under the former 
Varela administration, which signed 45 bilateral instruments, began 
negotiations on a Panama-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and allowed 
PRC state-owned enterprises to win major tenders. President Cortizo's 
administration continues to engage with the PRC, but no major tenders 
over $1 million dollars have been awarded to PRC entities since 
President Cortizo took office in 2019, and large projects have been 
restructured away from PRC firms when the projects stalled, with U.S. 
and European investors gaining ground. If confirmed, I will urge Panama 
to approach PRC investments in critical sectors with caution and push 
for international best practices in terms of transparency.

    Question. What specific actions will you take to highlight the 
consequences of the CCP's non-transparent and coercive economic, 
financial, and lending practices in order to counter its negative 
influence in Panama?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Panama to approach PRC 
investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors with 
caution and push for transparency in line with international best 
practices, which I am glad to see President Cortizo himself called for 
as well. In September 2021, the Panamanian Government announced a large 
new PRC port project had failed its audit; a Western European investor 
will likely take it over. Additionally, many other PRC projects stalled 
and failed to deliver promised investment and job creation. Panamanian 
officials have acted in recent months to address concerns with several 
specific PRC-based firms and projects. If confirmed, I will encourage 
Panama to continue close auditing of all potential PRC related 
projects.

    Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the 
Panamanian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic 
of China to international norms.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Panamanian officials to 
strengthen the integrity of the United Nations and multilateral system 
against harmful efforts from the PRC and others to undermine the 
international rules-based system, including respect for democracy, 
transparency, and the rule of law. I will also promote the United 
States as the prime source of investment and partnership. The United 
States still commands much higher favorability among most Panamanians, 
and if confirmed, I will continue to reach out to the Panamanian people 
through public diplomacy and engagement activities. I would also 
continue to support ongoing Embassy efforts to build strong relations, 
including on shared multilateral priorities, and security programs with 
local communities and governments, which have already served as 
effective counterpoints to the PRC's efforts to increase its influence 
in Panamanian provinces.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about 
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Panama?

    Answer. Panama should ensure that its valued assets such as 
telecommunications maintain the highest standards and remain free of 
corruption. Following recent changes to the telecom market in Panama, 
the providers that remain are already skeptical of Huawei's 
capabilities and intentions. This provides an excellent opportunity to 
promote interoperable approaches to network architecture, such as the 
development of open Radio Access Networks (Open RAN) technologies, as 
they have the potential to increase the number of trustworthy suppliers 
in the market and to lower costs and improve security.

Migration
    Question. Panama has called for more international support to 
handle the illegal migration flow through its borders, claiming that 
that over 126,000 migrants entered Panama in 2021.

   What would be the impact of rescinding Title 42 authority at the 
        southwest border on the flow of illegal migration affecting the 
        region?

    Answer. The United States promotes safe, humane, and orderly 
migration. I understand the Administration continues its due diligence 
to prepare for potential changes if the Title 42 suspension goes into 
effect; I will focus on working with Panama to jointly address our 
shared migration challenges. The United States and Panama signed a 
bilateral Arrangement on Migration and Protection on April 19 which 
will advance further humane migration management, stabilization of host 
communities, and legal pathways. We must work together on shared 
responsibilities that require a regional approach, including enhancing 
border security, combating the organized criminal organizations that 
profit from migrant smuggling, and protecting refugees, asylum seekers, 
and vulnerable migrants.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of the involvement of 
criminal organizations in illegal migration?

    Answer. Criminal organizations profit from migrant smuggling and 
exploiting vulnerable people, including migrants, in human trafficking. 
Panamanian authorities continue making progress combatting migrant 
smuggling and work closely with U.S. law enforcement agencies to hold 
accountable those responsible for human trafficking. The Government of 
Panama recently sent two officials to work in the Joint Border 
Intelligence Group in El Salvador, where they coordinated with U.S. 
officials to arrest several suspected child sex traffickers active in 
Panama. However, Panama remains a Tier 2 country in the 2021 
Trafficking in Persons Report and did not fully meet the minimum 
standards for the elimination of trafficking. If confirmed, I will 
encourage Panama to consider amendments to the anti-trafficking law and 
to intensify law enforcement efforts to proactively investigate and 
prosecute both labor and sex trafficking crimes so that authorities 
hold traffickers accountable for their crimes.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with the Panamanian 
Government to have a more productive role in migration management.

    Answer. Panama remains well-positioned to take on an increased 
leadership role in the region, particularly in helping humanely manage 
migration in the region. Panama co-hosted with the United States an 
April 19-20 Ministerial on Migration and Protection. If confirmed, I 
will encourage Panama to be a leader in the region on migration issues 
and work with Panamanian leaders to explore options for asylum seekers 
to legally stay in Panama and to review their adjudication criteria and 
processes with a view to allowing more asylum cases to succeed. If 
confirmed, I will also ensure U.S. foreign assistance continues to 
strengthen Panama's border security, counter organized crime, and 
reduce corruption, which remain among the root causes of irregular 
migration.

Law Enforcement
    Question. Panama is a reliable partner in the fight against illicit 
narcotics.

   Please explain how an increase on coca cultivation in South America 
        impacts the ability of the Panamanian Government to effectively 
        reduce the flow of illicit narcotics through its territory and 
        into the United States.

    Answer. Panama plays a critical role as a regional security leader, 
particularly in combatting narco-trafficking. With strong U.S. support, 
Panamanian authorities seized a record 145 metric tons of narcotics in 
2021, 60 percent more than its 2019 record year. The U.S. Government 
invests significantly in Panama's security and border management. The 
State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law 
Enforcement Affairs' (INL) provides training and equipment to 
Panamanian law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and judges to reduce 
narcotics trafficking and organized crime that threaten the United 
States. INL works closely with U.S. law enforcement agencies to achieve 
U.S. security objectives in Panama.

    Question. Please describe the top U.S. law enforcement priorities 
in Panama.

    Answer. If confirmed, my top goals for our already robust security 
relationship would include maintaining the United States as Panama's 
preferred security partner, mitigating any threats to the United States 
and U.S. interests, and furthering bilateral cooperation and 
interoperability. The U.S. Government prioritizes the strengthening of 
Panamanian security institutions and our bilateral security cooperation 
in the areas of counternarcotics; countering irregular migration; 
citizen, maritime, and border security; counterterrorism; and cyber 
issues. If confirmed, I would also advocate to continue training 
programs for Panamanian police, investigators, and prosecutors, to help 
Panama combat money laundering, other financial crimes, and corruption.
                              human rights
Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Panama was identified as remaining on Tier 2 due to continued 
lack of prosecutions and convictions of traffickers, failure to amend 
their anti-trafficking law, and instances of abuse in national 
shelters.

   How will you work with the Panamanians to address these issues if 
        you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to help Panama 
increase specialized victim services and work with my Mission team to 
encourage the Government to continue developing and institutionalizing 
anti-trafficking training offerings for relevant officials, including 
investigators, prosecutors, and judges.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to address 
this issue with the Government of Panama?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Panamanian Government to 
amend its current anti-trafficking law to remove the requirement that a 
trafficking crime involve movement of persons, implement proactive 
screening efforts to identify trafficking victims, and allocate 
dedicated funding for victim services, including trafficking-specific 
shelter options. If confirmed, I will encourage Panama to intensify law 
enforcement efforts to proactively investigate and prosecute both labor 
and sex trafficking crimes so that authorities can hold traffickers 
accountable for their crimes.

Religious Freedom
    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Panama was identified as having societal and 
governmental respect for religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
        International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
        in-country?

    Answer. Panama represents an example of how a strong democracy 
respects and bolsters religious freedom. Its government generally 
understands that any threat to religious freedom constitutes a threat 
to human rights in the region. If confirmed, I will work with the 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster many 
of the ways Panama already works to protect freedom of religion or 
belief. If confirmed, I will lead the Embassy as it continues its work 
confirming the freedom of minority religions to practice without 
interference, including through annual contributions to the 
International Religious Freedom Report, and work closely with the 
Ambassador-at-Large in case we identify issues of particular concern.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to champion Embassy's work 
meeting directly with religious and spiritual leaders, including 
indigenous leaders, through interfaith roundtables and discussions. I 
will meet regularly with government officials responsible for religious 
affairs at both the central and municipal levels. If confirmed, I will 
ensure Mission officers continue to raise awareness of religious 
freedom issues regularly and repeatedly with civil society and 
government officials.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
Panama increase their societal and governmental respect for religious 
freedom?

    Answer. Panama's Government in general respects religious freedom. 
Panama's society generally respects religious freedom too. However, in 
some cases, minority religions face societal ignorance about their 
practices, which can occasionally result in misunderstandings or 
conflict. I firmly believe in universal respect for the right to 
freedom of religion or belief for all, and if confirmed hope to 
publicly amplify this point to Panama. Such work should include 
highlighting minority religious practices, such as celebrating Passover 
with the Panamanian-Jewish community or attending a service at Panama's 
Baha'i House of Worship, which celebrated its fiftieth anniversary this 
year.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, 
Panama was identified as having significant human rights abuses 
including restrictions on freedom of expression and the freedom of the 
press.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with mission staff to bolster the 
ability of civil society to demand respect for freedom of expression, 
including for members of the press, through trainings and public 
messaging campaigns. The Embassy will continue to regularly engage with 
members of the press and media association representatives to 
understand the challenges they face and offer our steadfast support. If 
confirmed, I will advocate for press freedom and democratic values, to 
help protect journalists' ability to do their jobs without fear of 
threats or intimidation. The mission, under my leadership, will 
continue to celebrate the bravery of journalists, who remain 
indispensable to a functional democracy. We will continue to support 
media practitioners through exchanges and other opportunities for 
development, including to enhance their investigative journalism skills 
so they can better demand transparency, uncover the truth, and check 
the abuse of power.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with embassy staff to strengthen 
partnerships with civil society organizations seeking to improve the 
human rights situation in Panama. Through the Central America Regional 
Security Initiative (CARSI), the United States has provided funding to 
organizations that offer training and technical assistance to 
strengthen Panama's democratic institutions, expose corruption and 
demand transparency from the Government, as well as strengthen the 
capacity of civil society organizations to promote human rights. If 
confirmed, I will support continuing to direct these funds to the 
critical work of civil society organizations. If confirmed, I will also 
work to elevate and amplify civil society advocacy on behalf of 
underserved populations--especially those that face immense systemic 
prejudice, such as indigenous, Afro-, and LGBTQI+ Panamanians, as well 
as religious minorities. I will press the Embassy to continue reporting 
on the human rights situation in Panama and issues of concern, 
including through the annual reporting requirements for the Human 
Rights Report.

International Organizations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Panamanian Government 
        and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support 
        of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarche the Panamanian 
Government and any other counterparts necessary to secure support for 
the September election of Ms. Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the 
International Telecommunication Union (ITU). I will underscore the 
importance of the ITU election and emphasize that, with nearly 30 years 
of experience at the ITU, Ms. Bogdan-Martin represents the most 
qualified candidate to advance our shared priorities at the ITU, 
including promoting universal connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and 
affordable, as well as strengthening the ITU's partnerships with 
stakeholders and its governance and accountability.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program 
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the IO bureau and 
other stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and installing 
qualified individuals in positions, including Junior Professional 
Officer (JPO) positions, at the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to 
nurture my connections throughout the State Department, interagency, 
and private sector to increase U.S. citizen representation in the U.N. 
in order to advance U.S. interests and values such as innovation, 
ethical conduct, transparency, and accountability.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Money Laundering and Tax Evasion
    Question.  In June 2019, Panama was added once again to the 
multilateral Financial Action Task Force's gray list of countries with 
deficiencies in their standards to deter money laundering and combat 
terrorist financing.

   If confirmed, how would you assess Panama's regulatory and 
        investigatory efforts to combat money laundering?

    Answer. President Cortizo's administration has prioritized 
achieving Panama's removal from the Financial Action Task Force's Grey 
List, although more remains to be done. The United States assists 
Panama to build a more effective anti-money laundering regime in part 
through a joint Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Corruption Task Force, 
which has led to increases in arrests and prosecutions. Panama has also 
passed several laws to strengthen its anti-money laundering 
capabilities to bring them closer to international standards. If 
confirmed, I will continue working with the Panamanian Government to 
strengthen its ability to detect, investigate, and prosecute money 
laundering and terrorist financing cases.

    Question. In your view, to what extent has the release of the 
Pandora Papers raised concerns regarding Panama's efforts to deter 
money laundering and illicit tax evasion?

    Answer. The information in the Pandora Papers, coming on the heels 
of the Panama Papers of 2016 and Paradise Papers in 2017, has 
contributed to concerns by some about Panama's reputation as a high-
risk financial jurisdiction. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. 
Government efforts to encourage Panama to increase transparency and 
implement appropriate legal frameworks to control corruption and 
financial malfeasance.

    Question. What do you see as the major issues that persist for 
Panama in the area of governmental corruption and in which sectors?

    Answer. The United States supports Panama's efforts to investigate 
and prosecute officials and others accused of corruption. If confirmed, 
I will use all tools available--including traditional diplomacy, 
assistance programs, U.S. support for judicial reform, visa 
restrictions as appropriate, and our continued support to strengthen 
the rule of law--to ensure combatting corruption remains a priority. I 
will also continue to encourage Panama to pass an asset forfeiture law 
and prioritize prosecution of corruption.

    Question. China. In recent years, U.S. policymakers have expressed 
concerns about China's increased engagement in Latin America and the 
Caribbean, and the U.S. Southern Command has expressed concerns about 
China's investment in infrastructure on both ends of the Panama Canal.

   How would you characterize Panama's current relations with China 
        under the Cortizo Government?

    Answer. I remain concerned about Panama's relationship with the 
People's Republic of China, which it has recognized diplomatically 
since 2017. The PRC remains an important economic partner for Panama. 
Panama established diplomatic ties with Beijing in June 2017 under the 
Varela administration, which signed 45 bilateral instruments, began 
negotiations on a Panama-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and allowed 
PRC state-owned enterprises to win major tenders (greater than $1 
million). Panama's engagement with the PRC continues, but with no major 
tender awards to PRC entities since President Cortizo took office in 
2019. Several large PRC-funded projects have since stalled and U.S. and 
European investors have gained ground. If confirmed, I will urge Panama 
to approach PRC investments in critical sectors with caution and push 
for international best practices in terms of transparency.

    Question. What types of threats do you think China's infrastructure 
investments in Panama could pose to U.S. interests in Panama, or to 
strategic U.S. interests in Latin America?

    Answer. Many Latin American countries have expressed concern about 
PRC's lack of respect for local laws and interests, particularly 
regarding human rights, labor protections, and environmental 
protection. The PRC's actions create fundamental challenges for us and 
the region. If confirmed, I will urge Panama to approach PRC 
investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors with 
caution and push for international best practices in terms of 
transparency, which I am glad to see President Cortizo himself has 
called for as well. Panama must ensure that its valued assets such as 
the Panama Canal, ports, energy, and telecommunications sector maintain 
the highest standards and remain free of corruption.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Panama is critical for U.S. and global supply chains 
because of the Panama Canal, which handles almost half of all trade 
moving from Asia to the East Coast of the United States. This makes it 
an absolutely critical target for the Chinese Communist Party, which, 
if it could exercise influence over the Panamanian government, could 
almost overnight cripple the American economy.

   What is your assessment of Chinese-Panamanian relations?

    Answer. I remain concerned about the People's Republic of China 
(PRC)'s influence in Panama; the PRC remains an important economic 
partner for Panama. Panama established diplomatic relations with 
Beijing in June 2017 under the former Varela administration, which 
signed 45 bilateral agreements or arrangements, began negotiations on a 
Panama-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and allowed PRC state-owned 
enterprises to win major tenders. President Cortizo's administration 
continues to engage with the PRC, but no major tenders greater than $1 
million have been awarded to PRC entities since President Cortizo took 
office in 2019, and large projects have been restructured away from PRC 
firms when the projects stalled, with U.S. and European investors 
gaining ground. If confirmed, I will urge Panama to approach PRC 
investments in critical sectors with caution and push for international 
best practices in terms of transparency.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Panama to 
resist the temptations offered by the CCP through its malicious Belt 
and Road initiative?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously promote the United States 
as Panama's committed partner, emphasizing our common democratic values 
and strong track record of success. I will communicate to Panama's 
Government the security risks to Panama's infrastructure from PRC 
partners, including the Panama Canal and telecommunications networks 
infrastructure. I will also call attention to the poor-quality and 
costly infrastructure projects financed by the PRC and promote high-
standard and transparent investment by the United States and our 
partners. If confirmed, I would continue to support ongoing Embassy 
efforts to build strong relations and security programs with local 
governments, which have already served as effective counterpoints to 
the PRC's efforts to increase its influence in Panamanian provinces.

    Question. Near the end of the previous administration, the U.S. 
announced new private investment in Panama's infrastructure through the 
America Crece initiative.

   In your preparations for the confirmation process, has the State 
        Department briefed you on America Crece and its support for 
        ongoing projects in Panama?

    Answer. Yes, as a part of my briefings, I received background on 
America Crece and the work done in the last administration to catalyze 
investment in Panama and the region. The Department also briefed me on 
the continued work with Panama to promote quality infrastructure 
investment, promoting energy diversification, and other projects that 
provide investment opportunities in climate, technology, energy, and 
health. If confirmed, I will continue our Mission's cooperation with 
Panama, including with the interagency, to support enabling 
environments for infrastructure investment that remains transparent, 
competitive, corruption-free, and in line with best practices.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you support American companies 
operating in Panama so that these projects come to fruition?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work for fair treatment of U.S. 
businesses and citizens in Panama to make new and continued investment 
a reality, consistent with the U.S.-Panama Trade and Promotion 
Agreement. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Panama to 
promote transparent and sustainable infrastructure development in the 
region that adheres to best practices and mobilizes investment. 
Investment by regional partners and the private sector remain critical 
to narrowing the massive global gaps in physical, digital, and human 
infrastructure widened by the pandemic. I will also coordinate with 
interagency partners including the U.S. Trade and Development Agency, 
the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, and Treasury on 
updates from previous projects under the America Crece initiative.

    Question. The Biden administration's policies have been disastrous 
for our southern border. While everyone is speaking about the reversal 
of Title 42, the Biden administration continues to ignore other 
hotspots throughout the hemisphere. One of these is the Darien Gap, a 
stretch of rainforest in Panama, through which nearly 100,000 people 
travelled through last year intending to cross into the United States.

   What do you know of the Biden administration's efforts to support 
        the Government of Panama's attempts to control the follow of 
        illegal immigrants through the Darien Gap?

    Answer. The United States promotes safe, humane, and orderly 
migration. All governments in the region must work to promote the 
development and use of legal migration pathways and to humanely manage 
migration. The administration supports the Panamanian Government in the 
Darien Gap through support for border security and the provision of 
humanitarian aid. The United States and Panama signed a bilateral 
Arrangement on Migration and Protection on April 19 which will advance 
further humane migration management, stabilization of host communities, 
and legal pathways. If confirmed, I will continue this collaboration on 
a shared approach to addressing irregular migration.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to direct U.S. assistance 
to Panama to address the situation in the Darien Gap?

    Answer. Current assistance for Panama in the Darien Gap includes 
capacity building and staff for migration authorities, shelter, health, 
protection, legal services, and other basic humanitarian aid. If 
confirmed, I will continue to encourage Panama to proactively provide 
options for asylum seekers to legally stay in Panama and to review 
their adjudication criteria and processes with a view to allowing more 
asylum cases to succeed. If confirmed, I will encourage Panama to 
prioritize funding to the National Office for the Protection of 
Refugees (ONPAR) and to increase the political will to provide 
protection and regularize the status of vulnerable migrants, refugees, 
and asylum seekers.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. Francisco O. Mora by Senator Robert Menendez

Cuba
    Question. In January 2017, you gave an interview with Florida 
International University in which you said, ``Other than the 
representatives, or some of the representatives, of the Cuban-American 
community, there are no other constituencies in this country asking for 
policy reversal [of President Obama's Cuba policies].'' In the same 
interview, you said reversing these policies was ``illogical'' and that 
arguments for doing so demonstrated ``a domestic political issue 
completely devoid from a rational, objective analysis of what is in our 
national interest.''

   Could you please clarify what you meant by this statement?

    Answer. Our approach must depend on the circumstances in front of 
us. Since the Cuban Government's brutal response to the July 11 
protests, suppression of November 15 protests, and incarceration of 
dissidents, the regime has made no movement to reform. Given the 
circumstances, we must continue to pressure the dictatorship and 
support the Cuban people. All my adult life I have strived to find ways 
to bring an end to the brutal dictatorship in Cuba and restore dignity 
to the Cuban people. This is not merely a professional or moral 
imperative but--as a Cuban-American--a deeply personal one. I will, if 
confirmed, continue to find ways in the OAS to pressure the 
dictatorship, call out its systemic abuses, and support the Cuban 
people.

Dis/Misinformation
    Question. Recent years have shown that one of the most pressing 
democratic challenges facing our hemisphere is the issue of 
disinformation and misinformation, the intentional and accidental 
spread of misleading, inaccurate, or false news. In Latin American and 
the Caribbean, authoritarian governments such as China and Russia, and 
domestic undemocratic actors have engaged in such activities to 
interfere with democratic elections, manipulate vulnerable information 
environments, and undermine United States national interests.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take at the OAS to counter the 
        impact of disinformation and misinformation, and how will you 
        strengthen resilience against such activities across the 
        region?

    Answer. The issue of disinformation and misinformation in the 
hemisphere is a personal concern of mine. It poses a threat to the 
values enshrined in the Inter-American Democratic Charter and 
democratic governance in the hemisphere. I will, if confirmed, actively 
remain committed to strengthening our cooperation with the OAS general 
secretariat, member states, and permanent observers to develop and 
reinforce initiatives to counter the impact of disinformation and 
misinformation across the region. I believe it is by developing like-
minded coalitions, through OAS working groups, OAS resolutions, and 
active informal and formal discussions, that we can strengthen 
resilience against such activities across the region.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Dr. Francisco O. Mora by Senator James E. Risch

Cuba
    Question. Hundreds of Cuban activists remain unlawfully imprisoned, 
yet the Biden administration is returning to unilateral concessions to 
the Castro/D!az-Canel criminal dictatorship.

   Do you agree that these actions do not comply with statutory 
        requirements under U.S. law?

    Answer. I share your concern over the poor treatment of Cuban 
activists. My goal and objective--which I have strived for practically 
all my adult life--is to develop policy options to see the Cuban people 
free from the brutal dictatorship. This is not just a professional or 
moral imperative but--as a Cuban-American--a deeply personal one. I 
understand the measures announced by the Administration on May 16 are 
consistent with U.S. statutes governing the Cuba embargo. If confirmed, 
I will work with the Administration to faithfully ensure compliance 
with the law.

    Question. How do these actions undermine efforts to support Cuba's 
democratic opposition?

    Answer. Beyond a professional or moral imperative, I am personally 
committed to pressuring the regime to end its abuses and to supporting 
the Cuban people. If confirmed, I will do everything in my power at the 
OAS to use every diplomatic lever to see the Cuban people free from the 
brutal dictatorship. I believe the Administration is committed to 
supporting Cubans' right to determine their own future. I understand 
the Administration has carefully considered how best to support the 
Cuban people as they fight for their human rights and seek to overcome 
regime oppression while minimizing any benefits to the Cuban 
Government.

Venezuela
    Question. The OAS has supported efforts to install a democratically 
elected leader to Venezuela and has discredited the Maduro regime.

   If confirmed, how would you continue to support these efforts?

    Answer. Witnessing how a brutal dictatorship impacted my family, I 
am deeply committed to addressing threats to democracy across the 
Western Hemisphere, including in Venezuela. If confirmed, I will commit 
to strengthen OAS member state commitments to democracy in Venezuela 
and to continue support and advocate for Venezuela's seated 
representative in this institution.

    Question. Who is the current Venezuelan president?

    Answer. The United States recognizes Juan Guaido as the President 
of Venezuela.

    Question. What impact would easing sanctions on the Maduro regime 
have on its ability to repress internationally recognized human rights 
in Venezuela?

    Answer. The human rights situation in Venezuela is deplorable. 
Sanctions promote accountability for Maduro regime actors that engage 
in corruption or abuse human rights in Venezuela. I know the United 
States has coordinated and continues to coordinate closely with allies 
and partners to promote accountability for the regime's human rights 
abuses through sanctions and other restrictions. If confirmed, I will 
use every diplomatic lever at the OAS to hold the Maduro regime 
accountable for its human rights abuses.

    Question. What impact would easing sanctions on the Maduro regime 
have on the effectiveness of our partners throughout the region?

    Answer. Maintaining a strong coalition of like-minded hemispheric 
partners who seek a peaceful restoration of democracy in Venezuela is 
extremely important. I understand the Administration continues to 
coordinate with our regional allies and partners aimed at bringing an 
end to the regime's abuses through sanctions and other restrictions. 
Like the United States, I know our regional partners remain committed 
to a Venezuelan-led negotiated solution to Venezuela's crisis. If 
confirmed, I will do everything I can at the OAS to deepen our 
partnerships across the region in urging the restoration of democracy, 
stability, and the rule of law.

International Organizations
    Question. A wave of leftist governments in Latin America is 
weakening the Organization of American States, with Mexico working with 
Cuba and Venezuela to strengthen groups that exclude the U.S. and 
Canada, such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States 
(CELAC).

   What would be your efforts to stop these efforts and ensure the OAS 
        remains the preferred regional voice?

    Answer. I share your concern about parallel institutions to the OAS 
that exclude the United States and Canada. The OAS is the premier 
multilateral forum in the Western Hemisphere and the oldest regional 
multilateral organization in the world. The Inter-American Democratic 
Charter is unique to the OAS and underscores the democratic values of 
the Western Hemisphere. Upholding the Inter-American Democratic Charter 
depends on OAS member states addressing all threats to democracy in the 
Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will remain deeply committed to 
cultivating coalitions to address these threats and work closely with 
Secretary General Almagro to strengthen the OAS as an institution.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. Francisco O. Mora by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Dr. Mora, you're on record criticizing the Trump 
administration's policies towards Cuba, which were designed to hold 
accountable a regime that has spent decades torturing and killing its 
own people. Late last year, when you met with my staff, you said that 
the historic, organic protests of July 11, 2021 had caused a change of 
heart in you.

   Why did you think the July 11, 2021 protest was a turning point?

    Answer. My goal and objective--which I have strived for practically 
all my adult life--is to develop policy options to see the Cuban people 
free from the brutal dictatorship. This is not just a professional or 
moral imperative but--as a Cuban-American--a deeply personal one. If 
confirmed, I will do everything in my power at the OAS to continue 
pressuring the regime and supporting the Cuban people. The Cuban 
Government's brutal response to the July 11 protests and suppression of 
the November 15 protests, including sentencing teenagers for demanding 
their rights, was outrageous and the regime must continue to be held 
accountable.

    Question. In short, what about that particular moment made you 
realize the evil nature of the Cuban regime?

    Answer. I have never doubted the repressive nature of the Cuban 
regime. As a Cuban-American, I lived up close and personal to the 
suffering caused by the dictatorship. Many family members and friends 
went to jail or were separated from their loved ones for decades. It 
was hard on my mother. Our approach should depend on the circumstances 
in front of us now--without ever sacrificing our principles, values, 
and national interests. If confirmed, at the OAS, in close partnership 
with Secretary General Luis Almagro, I hope to continue shining a 
bright light on the regime's systemic abuses, through formal and 
informal diplomatic mechanisms.

    Question. With the Administration announcing a change in policy to 
ease travel to the island, how is this consistent with your 
understanding, or view, of the July 11 protests, and the regime's 
actions towards the Cubans who raised their voices?

    Answer. The regime's repressive actions toward Cubans who raise 
their voice is unacceptable. I am deeply committed to ensuring Cubans 
have a voice and can be free from the brutal dictatorship. I understand 
the Administration is pursuing measures--including lifting certain 
flight restrictions--to make it easier for families and friends to 
support each other and independent private entrepreneurs in Cuba, while 
minimizing any benefits to the Cuban Government. While supporting the 
Cuban people, the Administration has made clear it will continue to 
promote accountability for Cuban officials involved in human rights 
abuses.

    Question. As hundreds of protesters who participated in the July 11 
protests remain detained, including dozens of children and teenagers, 
announcing these policies is rewarding the regime for its behavior. Do 
you agree? Why or why not?

    Answer. The situation of hundreds of detained protesters is deeply 
concerning. If confirmed, at the OAS, I will continue shining a bright 
light on the regime's systemic abuses. The Biden-Harris administration 
policy toward Cuba is centered on human rights and empowering the Cuban 
people to determine their own future, as demonstrated by the State 
Department's work raising the global profile of those minors punished 
for simply exercising their rights. I understand that the 
Administration will continue to hold the Cuban regime accountable for 
the treatment of Cubans.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work within the OAS to hold 
the regime accountable for its crimes?

    Answer. I will, if confirmed, continue to find ways in the OAS to 
pressure the dictatorship, call out its systemic abuses, and support 
the Cuban people. I will engage with OAS member states, permanent 
observers, Secretary General Luis Almagro, the Inter-American 
Commission on Human Rights, and Cuban human rights organizations to 
highlight human rights abuses in Cuba, and to pressure the Cuban regime 
to release political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and 
protect the human rights, including freedom of expression, of all 
individuals in Cuba.

    Question. Earlier this week, the Biden administration announced a 
return to President Obama's policies, which will allow the regime to 
continue to take a portion of remittances and money sent to the Cuban 
people.

   What is your position on each of the new changes in U.S.-Cuba 
        policy as announced by the Administration?

    Answer. I understand the Administration designed these actions to 
maximize the benefits to the Cuban people and the independent private 
sector while minimizing benefits to the Cuban Government. On 
remittances, the Administration clarified it is maintaining 
restrictions with respect to companies on the Cuba Restricted List, 
which would include military-controlled FINCIMEX. If confirmed, I will 
find ways to further efforts in the OAS to support the Cuban people as 
they fight for their human rights and seek to overcome regime 
oppression.

    Question. In your assessment, please explain whether each of the 
policy announcements will provide the regime with more resources to 
detain and further oppress civil society leaders, peaceful protesters 
and democracy activists? Why or why not?

    Answer. I understand the Administration carefully considered how 
best to support the Cuban people while minimizing any benefits to the 
Cuban Government. For example, the Administration is maintaining a 
prohibition in connection with entities on the Cuba Restricted List.

    Question. The administration announced that it would remove Carlos 
Erick Malpica Flores, a known financier of the Maduro regime, from the 
sanctions list. The administration is also planning to facilitate 
Chevron to produce Venezuelan oil. These ridiculous concessions to the 
Maduro regime are supposedly being done to reward him for agreeing to 
come back to talks in Mexico City. What these actions are really doing 
is signaling weakening support for the democratic forces of Venezuela, 
led by the legitimate interim government under Juan Guaido.

   Do you recognize Juan Guaido as the Interim President of Venezuela? 
        Why or why not?

    Answer. The United States continues to recognize Interim President 
Juan Guaido and the 2015 democratically elected National Assembly.

    Question. If confirmed, as U.S. Representative to the OAS, will you 
continue U.S. policy that recognizes Juan Guaido as the Interim 
President of Venezuela?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to fully support U.S. policy, 
which recognizes Interim President Juan Guaido and the 2015 
democratically elected National Assembly. In this vein, I will support 
and use all diplomatic levers to advocate for Interim President 
Guaid"'s representative in the OAS.

    Question. The OAS has been critical in leading and maintaining the 
international coalition in support of the Interim Government and a 
genuine return to free and fair elections in Venezuela. If confirmed, 
do you commit to supporting the OAS' Venezuela policy?

    Answer. I agree the OAS has been a critical forum in supporting the 
Interim government and highlighting the Maduro regime's human rights 
abuses. If confirmed, I will support, and strongly advocate for Interim 
President Guaid"'s representative in the OAS and free and fair 
elections and restored democracy in Venezuela.

    Question. If confirmed, will you oppose any attempt by this 
administration to soften its stance?

    Answer. I will remain committed to advocating for and using every 
diplomatic lever to keep Interim President Guaid"'s representative in 
the OAS. I will continue to press for free and fair elections and 
restored democracy in Venezuela and urge member states to adopt 
resolutions or other measures advocating for this as well.

    Question. Since Biden administration officials met with the Maduro 
regime in March, at least five OAS member states have resumed 
diplomatic contacts. Are you concerned by these developments? If 
confirmed, what will you do to maintain the OAS coalition opposed to 
Maduro's continued grip on power in Venezuela?

    Answer. It is concerning to see several OAS member states resume 
diplomatic contacts with the Maduro regime. If confirmed, I will commit 
to immediately strengthening our OAS coalition to ensure increased 
advocacy on the urgency of restored democracy and rule of law in 
Venezuela. I will urge member states to issue statements or adopt 
resolutions advocating this as well and explore additional pressure 
mechanisms with which to promote accountability for the Maduro regime's 
abuses.

    Question. Last week, the President of Mexico, Andres Manuel Lopez 
Obrador, or AMLO, announced that he would not attend the Summit of 
Americas in June unless the United States invites the dictators in 
Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua. He's encouraging other countries to join 
his boycott. Inviting these three leaders, who have done nothing except 
destabilize the region and harm their own people, would be disastrous 
for a summit intended to promote democracy and prosperity in the 
hemisphere. It would also be a slap in the face to all of the 
activists, journalists, and opposition politicians in these countries 
who have worked to hold these regimes accountable.

   In your view, should the United States invite representatives from 
        the dictatorial regimes in Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua to the 
        Summit of the Americas?

    Answer. I share your concern over the human rights abuses and lack 
of democracy in Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. As host of the Ninth 
Summit of Americas, the United States has discretion over which 
governments to invite to the Summit. I believe the United States is 
uniquely positioned to demonstrate itself as a champion of the shared 
democratic values enshrined in the Inter-American Democratic Charter, 
and uphold the standard agreed to by leaders at the Third Summit of the 
Americas in Quebec City in 2001: that a strict respect for rule of law 
and the democratic system is a prerequisite for participation in the 
Summit process.

    Question. Have you been briefed by the Administration as to whether 
these regimes have been, or will be, invited to the Summit of the 
Americas?

    Answer. No.

    Question. Is inviting these regimes to the Summit consistent with 
President Biden's statement that human rights and democracy will be at 
the center of U.S. foreign policy?

    Answer. Reaffirming the region's shared dedication to democracy has 
been a part of leaders' commitments at every Summit of the Americas, 
and the Ninth Summit of the Americas should be no different. As host, 
the United States is uniquely positioned to uphold the standard agreed 
to by leaders at the Third Summit of Americas in Quebec City in 2001: 
that a strict respect for rule of law and the democratic system is a 
prerequisite for participation in the Summit process. At the OAS, I 
will, if confirmed, use every diplomatic lever to hold these regimes 
accountable for any actions that undermine the values enshrined in the 
Inter-American Democratic Charter.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Michelle Kwan by Senator Robert Menendez

Economic Ties/Recovery
    Question. Like most countries across Latin America and the 
Caribbean during the pandemic, Belize faced a sharp economic 
contraction that had serious implications for social spending. As the 
United States works with our partners from across the hemisphere to 
facilitate a recovery from COVID-19, it will be incredibly important 
for us to deepen economic ties with Belize and find new ways to help 
them gain access to international investment and development funding.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of Belize to 
        strengthen our bilateral economic relationship and help them 
        achieve a strong recovery from the pandemic?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to connect U.S. 
businesses with investment opportunities in Belize, and push for pro-
growth changes to Belize's tax and investment laws. I will also work 
with the Belizean government to ensure Belize and the United States 
work together to identify obstacles preventing the facilitation of 
trade and the ease of doing business. If confirmed, I will ensure that 
improving the investment climate in Belize will continue to be a 
Mission priority and that Belize has access to U.S. and international 
investment and development funding. Belize's selection on December 14, 
2021, as eligible to develop a Millennium Challenge Corporation compact 
provides an excellent example of how the United States and Belize can 
work together to find innovative sources of investment and development 
funding.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people working on my team. I understand 
the interagency community continues its investigation into AHI. 
Addressing AHI remains a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set 
clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen 
the Department's communication with its workforce, provide care for 
affected employees and family members, and better protect against these 
events in the future.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and that embassy personnel would report 
the incident through appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would take nothing more seriously than 
the health and security of the people who work at U.S. Embassy 
Belmopan. I commit to working with health and security officials and 
other parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate 
protocols and ensure a safe working environment for both Americans and 
local staff.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Michelle Kwan by Senator James E. Risch

                           western hemisphere
China
    Question. Eight countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (out 
of 14 countries worldwide, including the Vatican) recognize Taiwan. 
Belize Prime Minister John Briceno (breesegno) visited Taipei, pledging 
to continue his country's support for Taiwan.

   Please describe your efforts to encourage Belize to maintain its 
        current diplomatic relation with Taiwan.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Belizean 
Government to ensure the United States remains Belize's preferred 
security and economic partner. The Taiwan-Belize relationship remains 
an important one based on shared values, including respect for 
democracy, transparency, and the rule of law, and, if confirmed, I will 
work to make sure that U.S. and Taiwan development goals and 
programming remain closely coordinated to help deliver results for the 
people of Belize while encouraging Belize to maintain its diplomatic 
ties with Taiwan.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you do to bring about more 
nearshoring opportunities in Belize and strengthen supply chains within 
our hemisphere?

    Answer. Belize's proximity to the United States and its use of 
English as the common language offer important opportunities. I fully 
support the strengthening of supply chains within our hemisphere as 
well as bringing about more nearshoring opportunities in Belize. If 
confirmed, I would fully promote supply chain transparency, 
diversification, and resiliency and advocate for a deeper partnership 
with Belize in this area. I would seek opportunities to promote 
nearshoring investments in Belize to strengthen critical supply chains 
wherever possible.

    Question. Please explain how you would recommend the United States 
work to address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and 
security influence in Belize and the Western Hemisphere?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Belizean Government to 
address any potential threats to U.S. national security abroad, 
including the damaging influence of authoritarian foreign countries, 
such as the People's Republic of China, in Belize. I would encourage 
Belize to maintain vigilance in its interactions with foreign actors, 
such as the PRC, who do not share the same democratic values that we 
and Belize do. I would work with my team to counter any disinformation 
spread by foreign governments, particularly regarding U.S. policies or 
assistance, and keep Washington informed of any attempts by foreign 
governments to interfere with the U.S.-Belize relationship.

    Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Belize-
China relations?

    Answer. I understand that the relationship between Belize and the 
People's Republic of China remains limited, although the PRC continues 
efforts to make inroads, and Huawei has submitted a bid to upgrade 
Belize's telecommunications systems. Belize remains one of eight 
countries in the region, and one of 14 countries worldwide, that 
maintains diplomatic ties with Taiwan. I welcome that current Prime 
Minister John Briceno continues to affirm Belize's maintenance of 
diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Taiwan has been a significant development 
and humanitarian partner for Belize, most recently assisting in 
Belize's response to COVID-19 and providing a robust platform for 
student scholarships and exchanges in Taipei.

    Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the 
Belize people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of 
China to international norms.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would use every public diplomacy tool 
available to communicate with the Belizean people about the challenges 
posed by the People's Republic of China to the international rules-
based order. I would expand on Post's efforts to counter destabilizing 
PRC influence, including through innovative information literacy 
training and awareness campaigns. If confirmed, I plan to have candid 
conversations with the Belizean Government and people about these 
ongoing challenges.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about 
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Belize?

    Answer. The use of telecommunications equipment in Belizean 
networks made by untrusted vendors, including Huawei, concerns me. 
Allowing high-risk suppliers like Huawei to supply technology creates 
risks to national security, critical infrastructure, and privacy. If 
confirmed, I will lead Embassy Belmopan's ongoing efforts to emphasize 
to Belizeans the risks associated with Huawei's telecommunications 
equipment and secure their telecommunications networks with 
telecommunications equipment produced by trusted U.S. and allied 
companies.

Drug Trafficking
    Question. Please describe your understanding of the areas in which 
the U.S. and Belize can improve bilateral efforts to target narcotics 
trafficking in Belize and the region writ large.

    Answer. Gang violence, drug trafficking by transnational criminal 
organizations, and certain porous, unmonitored borders feature among 
the most serious security threats in Belize. Through the Central 
America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the United States assists 
Belize to improve border security, professionalize police, and 
strengthen the rule of law. CARSI programs also enhance Belize's 
efforts to utilize intelligence-driven operations to target, 
investigate, and prosecute organized crime. If confirmed, I would 
continue deepening security cooperation between the United States and 
Belize. I would also work with our Belizean partners to strengthen 
porous borders while improving the professionalism of Belizean 
security.

Cuba
    Question. Belize accepted over dozens of Cuban doctors to provide 
medical services as part of a COVID-19 agreement.

   Do you agree that these Cuban medical missions are a form of human 
        trafficking and if so, what would you do to highlight this 
        issue with the Belize Government?

    Answer. The Department of State continues to have serious and 
ongoing concerns about the allegations of forced labor in Cuba's 
international labor programs. Since 2010, the State Department has 
identified indicators of forced labor in Cuba's labor export programs, 
including their medical missions overseas. Over the last two years, in 
the Trafficking in Persons Report, the Department found a policy or 
pattern that Cuba profited from the labor export program amid strong 
indications of forced labor. The Department's 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons report listed Cuba as Tier 3. If confirmed, I will urge my 
counterparts in Belize to take steps to prevent forced labor and seek 
transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban Government and 
Cuban overseas workers, to screen those associated with this program 
for trafficking indicators, and to protect victims identified.

              human rights and international organizations
Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Belize remained on the Tier 2 Watch List for the third 
consecutive year due to lack of investigations, prosecutions, 
convictions, and official complicity in trafficking crimes.

   How will you work with the Belizeans to address these issues if you 
        are confirmed as Ambassador? Please detail concrete steps you 
        could take.

    Answer. Belize's most recent interim assessment shows the 
Government has been making notable efforts to fight against trafficking 
in persons; however, Belize must continue ongoing progress to meet the 
minimum standards. Belize struggles with enforcement, investigation, 
and prosecution across all crimes, including trafficking. If confirmed, 
I would urge the Belizean Government to make significant efforts to 
combat TIP by strengthening the enforcement of labor and anti-
trafficking laws. I would support and expand ongoing U.S. Government 
programs that seek to improve the capacity of Belize's judicial system 
to process and prosecute cases, including TIP cases.

Religious Freedom
    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Belize was identified as having societal and 
governmental respect for religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
        International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
        in-country?

    Answer. Any threat to religious freedom constitutes a threat to 
human rights in the region. Although it demonstrates respect for 
religious freedom, Belize, like all countries, has work to do. If 
confirmed, I would work with the Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom on tactics to address challenges faced within Belize. 
I would call upon the Belizean Government to respect the human rights 
and fundamental freedoms of its citizens, including freedom of religion 
or belief.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, 
Belize was identified as having significant human rights abuses, 
including widespread corruption and impunity for government officials.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. I understand corruption and impunity remain serious 
problems in Belize. Belize has passed anti-corruption legislation and 
has various offices tasked with addressing government corruption, but 
enforcement remains weak. If confirmed, I would support the 
Department's efforts to improve the efficiency and transparency of 
Belize's criminal justice system and build Belize's capacity to 
investigate and prosecute crimes. I would also work with the Belizean 
Government and my interagency partners to improve Belize's human rights 
situation.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. I understand that, through our foreign assistance, the U.S. 
Government helps Belize address governance, security, and human rights 
challenges. If confirmed, I would continue supporting U.S. assistance 
to support civil society's efforts to improve governance and human 
rights conditions. I would also support continuing our practice of 
utilizing grants programs to amplify Belizean civil society's efforts 
to improve governance and service delivery and strengthen capacity 
within civil society and government civil service. If confirmed, I look 
forward to meeting with civil society leaders to hear their concerns, 
seek opportunities to work together as appropriate, and strengthen the 
capacity of civil society organizations to promote human rights.

International Organizations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Belizean Government 
        and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support 
        of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarche the Belizean Government 
and any other counterparts necessary to secure support for the upcoming 
September election of Ms. Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the 
International Telecommunication Union (ITU). I will underscore the 
importance of the ITU election and emphasize that, with nearly 30 years 
of experience at the ITU, including as director of its development 
bureau, Ms. Bogdan-Martin is the most qualified candidate to advance 
our shared priorities at the ITU, including promoting universal 
connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and affordable, as well as 
strengthening the ITU's partnerships with stakeholders and its 
governance and accountability.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International 
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit, 
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Professional Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the IO bureau and 
other stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and installing 
qualified individuals in positions, including Junior Professional 
Officer (JPO) positions, at the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to 
nurture my connections throughout the State Department, interagency, 
and private sector to increase U.S. citizen representation in the U.N. 
in order to advance U.S. interests and values such as innovation, 
ethical conduct, transparency, and accountability.



                               __________




 
                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                         TUESDAY, MAY 24, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:17 p.m., in 
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher 
Murphy presiding.
    Present: Senators Murphy [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Kaine, Booker, Risch, Johnson, Romney, Portman, Young, 
and Rounds.
    Also Present: Senator Ossoff.

         OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT

    Senator Murphy. Good afternoon, everyone. This hearing of 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will now come to order.
    I am pinch hitting this hearing. We are glad to be joined 
by the ranking member, Senator Rounds. Today, we have a 
confirmation hearing doubleheader. So as Ernie Banks said, let 
us play two. The committee is going to be considering six 
nominations split on two panels.
    First up, we have Ambassador Reuben Brigety to be the 
Ambassador to South Africa, Ambassador Michael Battle to be the 
Ambassador to Tanzania, and Ms. Meg Whitman to be the 
Ambassador to Kenya.
    And so seeing that we have two of our colleagues we will 
postpone our opening statements and let you guys get on your 
way to votes and other meetings so that you can introduce two 
of our witnesses.
    So why do not I first go to Senator Romney and then to 
Senator Ossoff to make introductions? We will make opening 
statements and then we will turn it over to our panel.
    So, Senator Romney?

                STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY, 
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH

    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 
Rounds. It is my honor today to introduce Meg Whitman to the 
committee and offer my full support for her nomination to serve 
as our Nation's next Ambassador to Kenya.
    I have known Meg for more than 40 years. We first met at 
Bain & Company early in her career. Throughout these past four 
decades, I have watched Meg build an extraordinary career.
    As president and CEO of Hewlett-Packard beginning in 2011, 
Meg worked to rebuild the legendary American technology company 
after it fell behind in a changing world.
    As a result of her efforts, Hewlett-Packard companies 
continue to thrive today. From 1998 to 2008, Meg was president 
and CEO of eBay, a company that helped create e-commerce as we 
know it.
    When Meg arrived at eBay, it was a small company with 30 
employees and $4 million in revenues. When she left 10 years 
later, eBay had 15,000 employees and $8 billion in revenue. 
Many of the employees hired and mentored by Meg at eBay went on 
to lead other great technology companies.
    Meg graduated from Princeton University in 1977 and Harvard 
Business School in 1979. While that may not seem like a long 
time ago, for some of us it was a different era. At a time when 
women were just beginning to break through many glass ceilings, 
Meg chartered her own path, consistently delivering results, 
working hard, and expanding her wealth of knowledge.
    There is little doubt that Meg has had great success, but 
just as important she has earned a reputation for ethical 
principled behavior. She listens to the views of others and is 
eager to make her community, our country, and the world a 
better place.
    Meg has also been active for many years in philanthropic 
causes centered on education and the environment. Meg and her 
husband, Dr. Griff Harsh, who is also here, have been devoted 
to one another for more than 40 years.
    While they have helped one another building fulfilling 
careers, they have also created a terrific family together, 
which is the most important. Meg will tell you that her 
greatest accomplishment in life has been to raise two wonderful 
sons.
    We all agree that America currently faces enormous 
challenges across the globe. We also agree that we need our 
best and brightest to represent America's ideals and interests.
    Meg Whitman is expertly suited to take on the hard work of 
organizing our mission in Kenya and working closely and 
cooperatively with our Kenyan partners. The United States and 
the global community desire a prosperous advancing Africa, and 
Kenya must play a pivotal role in stabilizing and sustaining 
the region.
    America needs Meg Whitman's character, judgment, and sheer 
determination deployed to Kenya as soon as possible. I urge 
this committee and my Senate colleagues to support Meg 
Whitman's swift confirmation.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Romney.
    Senator Ossoff?

                 STATEMENT OF HON. JON OSSOFF, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA

    Senator Ossoff. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Rounds. It is an honor to join you today to introduce and 
recommend for confirmation an outstanding diplomat whom I am 
proud to call a constituent from my hometown of Atlanta, 
Georgia, Ambassador Michael Battle.
    Ambassador Battle has led an extraordinary career committed 
to education and public service. He served for 20 years as a 
chaplain in the United States Army Reserve, retiring with the 
rank of lieutenant colonel in 1997.
    During the Obama administration, Ambassador Battle served 
as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union in Ethiopia. He also 
served that administration as U.S. representative to the United 
Nations Economic Commission for Africa and as a senior adviser 
to the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs.
    In addition to his government service, Ambassador Battle 
has served in a variety of leadership roles in higher education 
in the faith community, including executive vice president in 
the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center, president of 
the Inter-Denominational Theological Center in Atlanta, vice 
president at Chicago State University, associate vice president 
at Virginia State University, and university chaplain at 
Hampton University.
    Ambassador Battle has been a community leader in Atlanta 
for years, serving as chair of the Robert W. Woodruff Library 
of the Atlanta University Center, as a member of the UNCF 
Institutional Board of Directors, the Atlanta Rotary Club, One 
Hundred Black Men of Atlanta, and Historically Black Colleges 
and Universities Congressional Forum Steering Committee.
    The Ambassador chaired Atlanta Mayor Shirley Franklin's 
Advisory Committee for Sustainable Atlanta, served in a variety 
of roles of the Atlanta Regional Council of Churches, Atlanta 
Urban League, and the Atlanta Fulton Family Connection, and was 
a member of the 2008 class of Leadership Atlanta. He holds a 
lifetime membership in the NAACP and the Southern Christian 
Leadership Conference.
    It is an honor, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, to be here 
alongside Ambassador Battle as he prepares for this pivotal 
assignment in Tanzania. We need his skilled representation in 
east Africa. I know he will do this job with honor and 
effectively.
    I thank the committee for consideration of his nomination 
and humbly urge his swift confirmation.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Ossoff.
    And to supplement that introduction, Senator Portman?

                STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN, 
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO

    Senator Portman. He has to be supplemented because although 
he is a proud son of Atlanta, he is also a proud son of 
Cincinnati. So we are going to claim a little of him also.
    We are also going to take some credit for Meg Whitman's 
connection to Cincinnati with regard to our soccer team and the 
great Procter & Gamble Company, and I am delighted that you are 
stepping up, as I have told you, to represent us in Kenya at a 
critical time.
    In terms of professor, Ambassador--how many titles do you 
have? But as you will see in his confirmation today, Michael 
Battle is an extraordinary guy, and as Senator Ossoff has 
already told us, he has an amazing background.
    His wife, Linda Ann Battle, is also deserving of a lot of 
credit for his success in life. He has done a lot. He was 
Ambassador to the African Union. He was Permanent 
Representative to the U.N. Economic Commission on Africa. By 
the way, those two make you so qualified to take on this role 
in Tanzania.
    He also served as a chaplain in the U.S. Army Reserve 
Chaplain Corps. As was said, he was a lieutenant colonel when 
he retired. He has been a professor of religious studies and 
philosophy at a number of schools--Hampton and Virginia State 
Universities. I think at Duke as well, as I recall.
    Ambassador Battle. Graduated from Duke.
    Senator Portman. Graduated from Duke. Okay. Well, that is 
not professorial but it is still impressive. And he is a guy 
who I saw in service because he was at the Underground Railroad 
Freedom Center in Cincinnati.
    This is a national group that many of us here in the 
Congress have supported over time and we are delighted to have 
it. It is a world class cultural learning center, really, a gem 
for Cincinnati. And Ambassador Battle was the executive vice 
president and really helped redirect them at a time when they 
needed some direction.
    I worked with him, got to see him in action, saw how he 
worked on the management side but also externally with the 
community. It was very impressive. And knows how to teach the 
story of our history, the good and the bad, including history 
of cooperation with the Underground Railroad Freedom Center and 
the search for freedom.
    I am delighted that he is going to bring that same level of 
enthusiasm, passion, and drive to his role as Ambassador to 
Tanzania and I hope you will all confirm him for that post.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds. Thank 
you, Senator Ossoff, for joining us today.
    First, let me just ask unanimous consent to enter into the 
record a statement from Chairman Menendez. Without objection, 
that will be entered into the record.


    [The statement submitted for the record by Chairman 
Menendez is located at the end of this transcript.]


    Senator Murphy. And let me just say a few opening words to 
our panel of nominees. You are all before us to represent the 
United States in three key posts in Africa.
    Ambassador Brigety, South Africa has its economic and 
political challenges, but it remains a clear leader on the 
continent, a growing economy, a vibrant democracy. It is time 
for the U.S.-South Africa bilateral relationship to mature.
    Our partnership on health is well known and strong, but we 
can be closer economic and environmental partners and we can 
work with South Africa better on regional security matters in a 
much more coordinated way.
    Ambassador Battle, Tanzania has begun to transition away 
from the late former president's isolationist policies and 
COVID denialism and towards improved ties with the United 
States.
    This moment is an opportunity. While the new president, 
Samira Hassan, has served as the country's first female 
president since last year, Tanzania still faces challenges in 
public health, governance, economic development, and this is a 
time where the United States can and should step up.
    I look forward to hearing how you plan to work with the new 
government to encourage progress in all these areas.
    And finally, Ms. Whitman, Kenya is sub-Saharan Africa's 
third largest economy. It is a regional hub for transportation 
and finance. It is a partner for counterterrorism. It is a top 
tourism designation.
    You are going to be leading the largest embassy in Africa 
for the United States and playing host to U.S. forces that 
support operations throughout the region. Very few more 
important diplomatic posts in the world, I would argue.
    I look forward to discussing how this administration and 
your embassy will ensure that our personnel and interests 
remain protected.
    Again, we thank you for being here today. We are so deeply 
appreciative of your families for being willing to serve 
alongside you.
    And with that, let me turn to the ranking member, Senator 
Rounds, for opening remarks.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Good afternoon to all of you. I would like to thank all of 
you for your service to our country and for your willingness to 
serve as Ambassadors to South Africa, Tanzania, and Kenya.
    All three of these African countries offer incredible 
opportunity but also face imposing challenges. All three are 
critical to U.S. national interests on the continent. I look 
forward to hearing how you will lead our diplomatic missions to 
advance U.S. interests and priorities there.
    Ambassador Brigety, South Africa is an important partner 
that the United States must do more to engage at the highest 
levels. Getting a confirmed Ambassador to Pretoria is critical.
    Your prior experience serving as U.S. Ambassador to the 
Africa Union and as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 
Southern Africa will give you much to draw on as U.S. 
Ambassador to South Africa, if confirmed.
    Your past military, diplomatic, and academic experience is 
impressive, and I look forward to hearing what your view as the 
most important items for you to focus on, if confirmed.
    However, it will not surprise you that I am also interested 
in hearing you address your own publicly stated views on those 
who worked for former President Trump, who you called the first 
Nazi-in-Chief. I will give you an opportunity to explain your 
comments.
    Ambassador Battle, in recent years U.S. relations with 
Tanzania have been complicated by democratic decline, largely, 
under President Magufuli and his allies, who are openly hostile 
toward U.S. business, U.S. implementing partners such as grant 
recipients, international efforts to stem DRC's Ebola outbreaks 
from spreading to other countries, and efforts to control the 
COVID-19 pandemic. While President Samia Hassan, who took over 
in March of 2021, has made some efforts to reform, these 
reforms are proving slow and difficult.
    If confirmed, I am hopeful that you will draw on your 
previous experience as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and 
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa to work with your Tanzanian 
counterparts on the continued needed reforms, as well as to 
engage on critical issues like global health commitments and 
counterterrorism, particularly given the extremist threat on 
both sides of the Tanzania-Mozambique border.
    Ms. Whitman, Kenya is one of the U.S.' most important 
African allies. The need for continued strong partnership has 
only been made clearer in recent months as the U.S. has been 
engaged in a number of crises in the east and the Horn of 
Africa alongside the Kenyans, including Sudan, Somalia, and 
Ethiopia.
    A strong U.S. relationship with Kenya is vital to 
supporting improved trade and investment, pursuing U.S. 
national security interests, and responding to the complex 
humanitarian and developmental needs of the broader region.
    There is no doubt we need a confirmed U.S. Ambassador to 
Kenya, and I am pleased to have the opportunity to engage with 
you today. If confirmed, you would bring a wealth of executive 
experience to our embassy in Nairobi. I look forward to hearing 
about your priorities.
    Thank you all for being here today and I look forward to 
your comments. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds.
    We now turn to our nominees. We are asking you to make your 
statements as concise as possible in the neighborhood of three 
minutes, and we will enter your full statements into the 
record.
    I think Senators Ossoff, Portman, and Romney did a 
sufficient job at introducing Ms. Whitman and Ambassador 
Battle. Let me just add to the introduction from Senator 
Rounds.
    Ambassador Brigety, who will begin this panel, is our 
nominee to South Africa, served as U.S. Ambassador to the 
African Union, twice as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State. 
Most recently he has been the vice chancellor and president of 
the University of the South and dean of the Washington--George 
Washington University's Elliott School of International 
Affairs.
    So having filled out the introductions of our panel, we are 
going to turn to you, Ambassador Brigety, then to Ambassador 
Battle and, finally, to Ms. Whitman.

STATEMENT OF HON. REUBEN E. BRIGETY II OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
       STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

    Ambassador Brigety. Thank you, Senator.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, distinguished members of 
the committee, good afternoon. It is my great honor to appear 
before you as the nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of South Africa.
    I am joined here today by my wife, Dr. Leelie Selassie, our 
sons, Roebel and Redda, and many family and friends who are 
watching these proceedings online.
    I am grateful for the confidence that President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken have placed in me to assume leadership of 
this important post. Further, I am deeply humbled to be 
nominated to lead the same embassy that was once led by my late 
mentors, Ambassador Edward Perkins, Ambassador Bill Swing, and 
Ambassador Princeton Lyman, all of whom were legendary 
diplomats who brilliantly represented the United States in 
Pretoria during consequential moments in South African history.
    If confirmed, I will do my best to live up to the standards 
that they set for diplomatic excellence in building 
partnerships in South Africa while also advancing American 
interests.
    Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first post-apartheid 
president, once said, ``When you speak to a man in your 
language you speak to his head, but when you speak to a man and 
his language you speak to his heart.''
    The word Ubuntu is a South African concept that is 
translated as, quote, ``I am because we are.'' It is a call for 
the recognition of the common bonds that unite us as human 
beings and the understanding that our well being is intimately 
entwined with each other.
    If confirmed, I will be committed to practicing Ubuntu 
diplomacy in developing and strengthening this vital bilateral 
relationship.
    The United States and South Africa are two of the world's 
great constitutional democracies. We are both international 
leaders on a range of topics of global importance.
    The relationship between our two countries should be one of 
close coordination, enduring comity, and shared purpose. In 
practicing Ubuntu diplomacy, I will ensure that official U.S. 
engagement with the Government and people of South Africa is 
firmly rooted in the principles of common cause and mutual 
recognition.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today 
and for your consideration of my candidacy. I look forward to 
your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Brigety follows:]


            Prepared Statement of Hon. Reuben E. Brigety, II

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of 
the committee, good morning. It is my great honor to appear before you 
as the nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of South 
Africa. I am joined here today by my wife Dr. Leelie Selassie, our sons 
Roebel and Redda, and many family and friends who are watching these 
proceedings online. I am grateful for the confidence that President 
Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me to assume leadership of 
this important post. Further, I am deeply humbled to be nominated to 
lead the same embassy that was once led by my late mentors Ambassador 
Edward Perkins, Ambassador William ``Bill'' Swing, and Ambassador 
Princeton Lyman, each of whom were legendary diplomats who brilliantly 
represented the United States in Pretoria during consequential moments 
in South African history. If confirmed, I will do my best to live up to 
the standards that they set for diplomatic excellence in building 
partnerships in South Africa while advancing American interests.
    Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first post-apartheid President, once 
said: ``When you speak to a man in your language, you speak to his 
head. When you speak to a man in his language, you speak to his 
heart.'' The word Ubuntu is a South African concept that is translated 
as ``I am because we are.'' It is a call for the recognition of the 
common bonds that unite us as human beings and the understanding that 
our wellbeing is intimately entwined with each other. If confirmed, I 
will be committed to practicing Ubuntu Diplomacy in developing and 
strengthening this vital bilateral relationship.
    The United States and South Africa are two of the world's great 
constitutional democracies. We are both international leaders on a 
range of topics of global importance--from addressing climate change 
and health security, to promoting peace and security as well as 
economic development. The relationship between our two countries should 
be one of close coordination, enduring comity and shared purpose. In 
practicing Ubuntu Diplomacy, I will ensure that official U.S. 
engagement with the Government and people of South Africa is firmly 
rooted in the principles of common cause and mutual recognition. If I 
am confirmed as Ambassador I will assert America's position and 
interests clearly, skillfully, and consistently, with my engagement 
firmly rooted in dignity and respect.
    South Africa is currently experiencing the most dramatic political, 
economic and social developments since the end of apartheid. These 
include shifting electoral politics, a reckoning over years of official 
corruption, and ongoing efforts to address inequalities in the economy.
    Despite these profound challenges, the possibilities for South 
Africa's future are bright. The next few years will no doubt prove 
decisive for South Africa's prospects through the middle of the twenty-
first century. Though South Africa's destiny is clearly for South 
Africans to choose, it is in the interests of the United States for 
South Africa to succeed. It is a G-20 nation with the most diversified 
economy on the continent and stands as the largest African trading 
partner of the United States. We have many common priorities, such as 
ensuring global food security. South African scientists have been at 
the forefront of addressing the COVID-19 pandemic, and President Cyril 
Ramaphosa has played an indispensable role as the African Union's 
Champion for COVID-19 Response. Should I be confirmed, my tenure as 
Ambassador will focus on advancing three central objectives.
    First, we will deliver programs to improve the human condition and 
preserve the natural environment. I will work with the Government of 
South Africa to ensure that PEPFAR programs are implemented 
effectively; that our productive cooperation to bring an equitable end 
to the COVID-19 pandemic continues; and that climate change initiatives 
such as the Just Energy Transition come to fruition. As a fourth-
generation educator, I am particularly interested in finding new ways 
to support education and skills training in the country.
    Second, I will promote new American investment in South Africa, 
particularly those schemes that will generate job creation for South 
Africa's young people.
    Finally, I will be a tireless advocate for democracy and democratic 
values. It is not appropriate for the United States to seek particular 
outcomes for South Africa's elections. Yet, in common cause with the 
people of South Africa, I will use the platform of the U.S. Embassy to 
call for the rule of law, transparency, accountable government and an 
end to corruption at every opportunity.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and for 
your consideration of my candidacy. I look forward to taking your 
questions.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you.
    Ambassador Battle?

STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL A. BATTLE, SR. OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
  UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA

    Ambassador Battle. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, 
distinguished members of the committee----
    Senator Murphy. Is your microphone on there? There we go, 
and pull it close.
    Ambassador Battle. I am honored to appear before you as 
nominee for Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania. I am 
deeply appreciative of the confidence President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken have placed in me.
    My wife, Linda, and I look forward to returning to the 
African continent, especially Tanzania, if confirmed. Returning 
to diplomatic service is an honor for which I look forward to. 
As a retired Army reserve officer and diplomat, I know the joy 
of service to our great nation.
    The United States has a long-standing commitment to 
Tanzania's development as a stable, reliable, democratic 
partner capable of growing its economy sufficiently to support 
its own people while also becoming a market for U.S. exports 
and investments.
    Under President Hassan, Tanzania has started to reverse 
course from the democratic backsliding and isolationist 
policies of the previous administration. If confirmed, my goal 
will be to encourage the Tanzanian Government to put into 
action commitments to democratic freedom and respect for human 
rights.
    If confirmed, my first priority will be to focus on people, 
both American and Tanzanian, ensuring the safety and security 
of embassy staff and Americans residing in and visiting 
Tanzania.
    Additionally, I will work with the Tanzanian Government to 
further and strengthen systems to prevent and prosecute any 
instance of human trafficking. I am committed to leveraging our 
foreign assistance to strengthening governance and transparency 
in health and improving the overall health of Tanzania.
    If confirmed, I will work toward expanding American 
business opportunities in Tanzania and improving the overall 
investment climate.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you 
and with other members of this committee to ensure U.S. 
interests, policies, and assistance to Tanzania, promote 
democracy, security, and sustained economic growth.
    And if confirmed, I will be the second person from my high 
school class to be U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania. I look forward 
to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Battle follows:]


           Prepared Statement of Hon. Michael A. Battle, Sr.

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the nominee for 
Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania. I am deeply appreciative 
of the confidence that President Biden and Secretary Blinken have 
placed in me.
    My wife, Linda Battle, and I look forward to returning to the 
African continent and specifically to Tanzania, if confirmed, where we 
have visited and enjoyed observing conservation efforts in the 
Serengeti.
    Returning to diplomatic service is an honor which I look forward 
to, fully aware of the awesome privilege and responsibilities. I served 
as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and U.S. representative to the 
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa and as senior advisor to the Africa 
Bureau for the first U.S. Africa Leaders' Summit. As a retired Army 
Reserve officer and diplomat, I know the joy of service to our great 
nation. In my non-government service, I have been an administrator in 
higher education in positions ranging from university chaplain and 
instructor in philosophy and religion to president of a major 
theological seminary.
    The United States has a long-standing commitment to Tanzania's 
development as a stable, reliable, democratic partner, capable of 
growing its economy sufficiently to support its people, while also 
becoming a market for U.S. exports and investment. Tanzania is also an 
important stabilizing force in the region, and it contributes to 
peacekeeping in central Africa, Sudan, and South Sudan. With the threat 
of terrorism and conflict in northern Mozambique on Tanzania's southern 
border, maintaining a productive security relationship is now even more 
important.
    Under President Samia Suluhu Hassan's leadership, Tanzania has 
started to reverse course from the democratic backsliding and 
isolationist tendencies of Tanzania's previous administration. Tanzania 
is on the right track, but it can and must do more. President Hassan's 
statements on reopening democratic spaces present a unique opportunity 
for the United States to support and encourage this positive momentum. 
If confirmed, my goal will be to strengthen our bilateral relationship, 
continue to encourage the Tanzanian Government to put into action 
President Hassan's commitments to democratic freedoms and respect for 
human rights, and bring Tanzania back into the international fold as a 
leader in the region.
    If confirmed, my first priority will be to focus on the people: 
both American and Tanzanian. Ensuring the safety and security of 
embassy staff and Americans residing in and visiting Tanzania will be 
my top priority. For Tanzanians, the deterioration of democratic norms 
over the last few years has restricted personal liberties, including 
free association and peaceful assembly. I am committed to working with 
the host government, like-minded missions, civil society, and 
international organizations to support and encourage President Hassan 
to do more to reverse this trend. We will want to see legislative and 
regulatory changes to institutionalize legal protections to democratic 
institutions, civil society, and the media. Additionally, I will work 
with the Tanzanian Government to further strengthen systems to prevent 
and prosecute human trafficking.
    Almost 80 percent of the assistance provided by the American 
taxpayer to Tanzania is directed to improving the health of the 
Tanzanian people. Currently, the United States' top health priority is 
to support the ongoing COVID-19 vaccination campaign, which Tanzania 
started thanks to the provision of vaccine doses in connection with the 
United States. U.S.-funded programs to reduce the burden of HIV, 
malaria, and tuberculosis are bearing fruit in Tanzania. If confirmed, 
I am committed to leveraging our foreign assistance to strengthen 
governance and transparency in the health sector and improve health 
outcomes, including training in the prevention, detection, and response 
to deadly viruses that are endemic to the region, such as Ebola.
    While a challenging business environment has impeded U.S. business 
investment in recent years, if confirmed, I will work towards expanding 
American business opportunities in Tanzania and improving the overall 
investment climate.
    Tanzania is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world and 
the Government of Tanzania has been lauded for its conservation 
efforts. However, Tanzania's population growth, high poverty rate, and 
the effects of climate change create pressure on its natural resources 
and contribute to tensions between conservation efforts and local 
populations. If confirmed, I will promote programs to strengthen 
Tanzania's ability to mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate 
change and encourage the country to continue to protect and sustainably 
utilize its natural resources.
    If confirmed as the U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, I look forward to 
working closely with you and other Members of Congress to ensure that 
U.S. interests, policies, and assistance to Tanzania promote democracy, 
security, and sustained economic growth. Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, 
and I would be pleased to answer any questions.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Whitman?

 STATEMENT OF MARGARET C. WHITMAN OF COLORADO, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA

    Ms. Whitman. Yes. Thank you.
    Senator Risch and Senator Murphy, Senator Rounds, and 
distinguished members of the committee, thank you--there we go. 
Sorry.
    Distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to speak with you and to answer your questions on 
my nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of 
Kenya. I also thank President Biden and Secretary of State 
Blinken for the opportunity to serve our country.
    First, let me introduce my husband of 42 years, Dr. Griff 
Harsh, who is here with me today. Griff is an academic 
neurosurgeon and he is eager to accompany me to Kenya, should I 
be confirmed. Griff and I are the parents of two adult sons and 
two toddler grandchildren.
    During my 40-year business career, I have been president 
and CEO of three multinational Fortune 100 companies: eBay, HP, 
and Hewlett-Packard Enterprise. I have been trustee of the 
Nature Conservancy, one of the largest conservation 
organizations in the world, and I currently serve as chairman 
of Teach for America, which works to improve K through 12 
education in underserved communities.
    My career has honed my leadership and communication skills. 
I have worked with heads of state, senior business leaders, and 
government regulators. I am well versed in strategy 
formulation, negotiation, small business development, global 
trade, and, of course, technology. I am adept at leading large 
organizations by fostering shared values, purpose, and 
commitment to excellence.
    I have conducted business in numerous African countries, 
and in 2018 I visited Kenya with the Nature Conservancy. I am 
excited about the possibility of serving as our Ambassador to 
Kenya, a country of strategic importance to the United States.
    Should I be confirmed, I will continue the current U.S. 
focus on supporting democracy and democratic institutions, 
particularly in advance of the elections in August.
    We want and need Kenya to remain a strong, reliable, and 
capable partner of the United States in addressing common 
challenges in east Africa and beyond.
    A stable democratic society and economic prosperity are 
mutually reinforcing. Kenya has a diverse and dynamic economy 
with strong potential for future growth. It faces many 
challenges, but the United States can be helpful by promoting 
legislative and judicial reform, anti-corruption measures, and 
collaboration among Kenyan and American businesses.
    Kenya is well positioned to be an Africa leader in 
information, communication, and technology and mobile banking. 
Working with Kenya to help build the country's silicon savannah 
will be a big part of my mission and an opportunity that I hope 
numerous U.S. companies will embrace.
    The United States is also the largest financial contributor 
to Kenya's health care system. If confirmed, I intend to work 
closely with the Kenyan Government, public and private health 
institutions to ensure the efficiency of U.S. assistance in 
responding to the COVID epidemic and other infectious diseases.
    Kenya is also a significant contributor to regional peace 
and security, especially through its contribution of troops to 
the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. If confirmed, 
I will work closely with Kenya to address instability and 
combat terrorism in the Horn of Africa.
    Our bilateral defense cooperation with Kenya, a partnership 
of over 60 years, is strong and I look forward to supporting 
the Kenyan Government on defense matters and advancing 
America's interest in the region.
    Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to 
working constructively and respectfully with our partners in 
Kenya and east Africa to achieve our shared goals. Serving the 
United States in this role will be a great privilege.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Whitman follows:]

               Prepared Statement of Margaret C. Whitman

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of 
the committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak with you and to 
answer your questions on my nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Kenya.
    I also thank President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken for the 
opportunity to serve our country.
    First, let me introduce my husband of 42 years, Dr. Griff Harsh, 
who is here with me today. Griff is currently the chairman of the 
Department of Neurosurgery at University of California Davis Medical 
Center. He is eager to accompany me to Kenya should I be confirmed. 
Griff and I are the parents of two adult sons and grandparents to two 
toddlers.
    By way of background, I graduated from Princeton University in 1977 
with a bachelor's in economics and as a member of the fourth class to 
accept women. I then earned an MBA from Harvard Business School in 
1979.
    During my 40-year business career, I have been president and CEO of 
three multinational Fortune 100 companies--eBay, HP, and Hewlett 
Packard Enterprise. I have been a trustee of The Nature Conservancy, 
one of the largest land and water conservation organizations in the 
world. I currently serve as national chair of Teach for America, which 
works to improve K-12 education in underserved communities.
    My career has honed my leadership and communication skills. I have 
worked with heads of state, senior business leaders, and government 
regulators to build coalitions for innovative programs. I am well 
versed in strategy formulation, negotiation, intellectual property 
protection, small business development, global trade, and technology. I 
am adept at leading large organizations by fostering shared values, 
purpose, and commitment to excellence.
    I have conducted business in numerous African countries. In 2018, I 
visited Kenya with The Nature Conservancy to review the organization's 
work to help local communities secure their land and water rights, and 
thus encourage environmentally and economically sustainable water and 
land management practices.
    I am very excited about the possibility of serving in Africa as our 
Ambassador to Kenya, a country of strategic importance to the United 
States. With a population of over 50 million, Kenya is the third 
largest economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Mission Nairobi is the largest 
U.S. embassy in sub-Saharan Africa and the 13th largest mission in the 
world. Its staff of 1,700 represents 34 U.S. Government agencies.
    Should I be confirmed, I will continue the current U.S. focus on 
supporting democracy and democratic institutions in a vibrant Kenyan 
society, particularly in advance of the elections in August. We want 
Kenya to remain a strong, reliable, and capable partner of the United 
States in addressing common challenges in East Africa and beyond.
    I will work to promote sound governance, economic prosperity, 
public health, regional peace and security, and cooperation in defense.
    In the Kenyan elections this upcoming August, we must encourage 
Kenyan leaders from across the political spectrum to support credible, 
peaceful electoral processes that showcase the strength of Kenya's 
democracy.
    A stable democratic society and economic prosperity are mutually 
reinforcing. Kenya has a diverse and dynamic economy with strong 
potential for future growth. It faces many challenges, but the United 
States can be helpful by promoting legislative and judicial reform, 
anti-corruption measures, and collaboration among Kenyan and American 
businesses.
    Kenya is well-positioned to be an African leader in information 
technology, telecommunications, and mobile banking and is open to 
partnering with the United States. Working with Kenya to assemble the 
infrastructure, connectivity, and expertise needed to help build the 
country's ``Silicon Savannah'' will be a big part of my mission, and an 
opportunity I hope numerous U.S. companies will eagerly embrace.
    The United States is the largest financial contributor to Kenya's 
health care system. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with the 
Kenyan Government and public and private health institutions to ensure 
the efficacy of U.S. assistance in responding to the COVID epidemic and 
other infectious diseases and improve overall health outcomes.
    Kenya is also a significant contributor to regional peace and 
security, especially through its contribution of troops to the African 
Union Transition Mission in Somalia. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with Kenya to address instability and combat terrorism in the Horn of 
Africa.
    Our bilateral defense cooperation with Kenya, a partnership of over 
60 years, is strong. But we must be strategic and nimble in helping 
Kenya confront threats to its security. I look forward to supporting 
the Kenyan Government on defense matters and advancing America's 
interests in the region.
    Thank you for considering my nomination. If confirmed, I will apply 
all my energy and leadership skills to the role of Ambassador. I look 
forward to working constructively and respectfully with our partners in 
Kenya and East Africa to achieve our shared goals. Serving the United 
States in this role would be a great privilege.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you to all of our nominees.
    Just for your awareness and guests' awareness, we are in 
the middle of votes in the Senate floor. We are going to keep 
this hearing open but it is going to mean that members will be 
in and out.
    I will ask one question of each of the three of you and 
then move on because we have got many colleagues here who are 
interested in your service.
    Ambassador Brigety, let me ask you about the decision by 
South Africa to abstain from the votes on Russia's brutal 
invasion of Ukraine. This was disappointing, to say the least, 
in part because South Africa has been this shining example of 
how countries can preserve and return to constitutional 
democracy.
    What forms of leverage should the United States be using 
towards trying to bring out greater cooperation from South 
Africa denouncing the Russian invasion of Ukraine and will this 
be a priority for you if you are confirmed?
    Ambassador Brigety. Yes, Senator. Thank you very much for 
the question.
    I agree with you the South African vote to abstain from the 
U.N. General Assembly resolution about Russia's invasion of 
Ukraine was quite disappointing.
    It was one of the most popular General Assembly resolutions 
ever voted on at the United Nations. It is unfortunate that the 
Republic of South Africa officially chose to abstain from this 
vote.
    I would say the following since then. First, there was 
great debate inside South Africa once that vote was taken. Many 
people in South African civil society believed strongly that 
their government should be more on record towards supporting 
the people of Ukraine.
    Secondly, this is an issue that has been raised at the 
highest levels of our respective governments. President 
Ramaphosa and President Biden have spoken about it, as have 
Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Pandor.
    We have a clear understanding--clearer understanding of 
where the South Africans were coming from with regard to that 
vote, and should I be confirmed I will continue to engage the 
Government of South Africa, recognizing their long-standing 
tradition of mediation but also making the case that, quite 
frankly, the people of Ukraine want the same thing that the 
people of South Africa wanted during their own fight for 
apartheid--their own fight for freedom, and making that common 
case, hopefully, will help to continue to encourage the 
Government of South Africa to be supportive of the people of 
Ukraine in this existential fight. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Murphy. Ambassador Battle, you referenced this in 
your opening comments but we, obviously, have an opening right 
now. The new president has reversed some of the really damaging 
backsliding away from democratic norms, opening up new licenses 
for media outlets, getting rid of some of these bogus terrorist 
charges.
    I know you are not there yet but you have been a watcher of 
the country for a long time. What is your assessment of the 
pace and sincerity of these reforms and what is the ways in 
which the United States can be impactful to make sure they 
continue along that path?
    Ambassador Battle. Thank you, Senator, for your question.
    I have no hesitancy whatsoever with celebrating the 
sincerity. The pace, however, is something that is troubling, 
and I understand part of the complication that President Hassan 
has is that she had served as vice president under President 
Magufuli, and there were some tensions in that relationship 
that had to be overcome.
    Fortunately, I have good relationships with people in 
Tanzania, in particular, the foreign minister, who is very much 
receptive to trying to accelerate the process of moving closer 
to being an inclusive democratic society in Tanzania.
    I will work closely not only with the president and the 
foreign minister and others in Tanzania, I will work with civil 
society and with the nongovernmental organizations to make sure 
that Tanzania codifies its commitment.
    It is one thing to verbalize a commitment to democratic 
principles. It is another thing to exemplify that by codifying 
it in legislation. I will work to strongly encourage the 
codification of the efforts toward democratic principles, 
freedom of speech, openness, and engagement.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you.
    Finally, Ms. Whitman, there is a yin and a yang to our 
counterterrorism partnership in Africa, frankly, all over the 
world. Obviously, we do a lot of good through those 
partnerships. We go after, find, and destroy a lot of folks 
that are out to seek, find, and destroy us.
    But often the funding we supply to these national police 
forces and militaries ends up being used in abuse and there 
have been a variety of criticisms inside Kenya that the 
security forces there have engaged in abusive practices and 
there are calls on the United States and partner governments 
for greater transparency in our assistance.
    Any comments on this subject from you would be welcome, but 
at the very least I just wanted to get your commitment to this 
committee that you are going to consult with civil society 
groups, human rights organizations, to ensure that our 
counterterrorism efforts in Kenya are consistent with U.S. and 
international human rights law.
    Ms. Whitman. Yes. Thank you for that question.
    We should all be concerned about the law enforcement abuses 
that have been reported by the Government--by the United States 
to the Government of Kenya, and I can confirm that if I am 
confirmed for this job I will very much take this seriously and 
make sure that the Leahy Law is uniquely followed and that we 
can make sure that our funds are not being used for law 
enforcement abuses or, frankly, any other human rights 
violations.
    Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you all for your willingness 
to serve.
    Senator Rounds?
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me begin.
    Ambassador Brigety, in an August of 2017 opinion article 
for Foreign Policy magazine in the wake of Charlottesville you 
said that former President Trump was, and I quote, ``America's 
first Nazi-in-Chief,'' end of quote. You further stated that 
everyone who worked for President Trump had three choices: 
condemn him, resign, or continue to serve Trump and explain to 
their children why they did so.
    A couple of years later you apologized for using this very 
harsh language. Setting President Trump aside, what is your 
view on those who worked for President Trump that neither 
condemned him nor resigned? You may very well have some of 
these people working for you in South Africa.
    Ambassador Brigety. Senator, thank you very much for the 
question. Let me begin by reiterating what I said several years 
ago and that is to apologize.
    I should not have used that language towards former 
President Trump. It was beneath the dignity of the office and 
beneath my own long-established standards for dignity and 
decency.
    Having said that, I appreciate the opportunity to address 
the piece. There are many things about President Trump's 
presidency, as with every other presidency, about which 
reasonable people can reasonably disagree.
    In my judgment, President Trump's remarks about 
Charlottesville is not amongst them. President Trump said that 
there were, quote, ``very fine people on both sides.'' One of 
those sides was comprised by neo-Nazis and white supremacists 
who planned, organized, and executed a violent and, indeed, 
murderous riot through the campus that Thomas Jefferson built.
    Senator, when I named those people in that piece, sometimes 
it is hard to fully understand or appreciate the moral 
significance of a historical moment when you are in it.
    Every person that I named in that piece were people--
Republicans--with whom I personally worked, whom I personally 
admired, whom I personally had an opportunity to speak with, or 
who had been on record repeatedly in terms of condemning racism 
and racial hatred in our country.
    And so the purpose of that piece was to call them to the 
significance of that moral moment and to ask them to please, 
please, speak out against this, against these violent neo-Nazis 
that were chanting ``Jews will not replace us. You will not 
replace us.''
    Senator, I believe that people of goodwill, regardless of 
their political affiliation, can all rise to condemn violent 
racism in our country.
    Indeed, we all must do so because the danger of not doing 
so is that this violent hatred will metastasize, as we saw just 
last week when a gunman, 18 years old, motivated by his own 
writings, by replacement theory, the same theory that was 
literally being stated by the people who marched through 
Charlottesville, drove 300 miles to a Black grocery store in 
Buffalo, New York, and mowed down 10 people just because they 
were Black--grandmothers, pensioners, brave former police 
officers--and we must all speak out against this and there can 
be no equivocation about it, particularly from the highest 
office in the land.
    That said, I apologize for the nature of my harsh language 
and I regret doing so.
    Senator Rounds. But my question really is--and I appreciate 
your comments, but my question is the people that you will be 
working with, how do you approach them?
    Ambassador Brigety. Senator, I have a long record of 
working across the aisle with members of Republican 
administrations. I have worked myself in a Republican 
administration during President George Bush's administration.
    As I said, I have no issue with people who voted for 
President Trump, who supported the breadth of his policies.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you. That was my question, sir. Thank 
you.
    Ambassador Brigety. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds. Let me ask one more question and in this 
one I am going to go to Ambassador Battle.
    Can you describe the situation in southern Tanzania and 
whether the Government is collaborating with Mozambique to 
counter violent extremists in the border area? And also, what 
can the United States do to support Tanzania's battle against 
extremist groups in the region?
    Ambassador Battle. It is very clear that many of the 
persons in northern Mozambique who are participating in the 
activity, which is terroristic in nature, are persons who have 
migrated from Tanzania.
    One of the things that I will strive to do is, A, to get 
the Government to acknowledge the problem. For a long period of 
time, Tanzania has not acknowledged that the problem is not 
only Mozambican but the problem is Tanzanian, and I will try to 
get Tanzania to use its role as the seat of the EAC to work 
collaboratively with SADC countries because Tanzania is both a 
part of SADC and the EAC--to try and get the SADC side with 
Mozambique and Tanzania with membership in both of those 
regional organizations to collaborate with the U.S. and with 
other partners who are determined to root out terrorism 
wherever it is found and to do so very, very strongly.
    I had the opportunity to work very closely with the first 
two commanders of AFRICOM and advise both of them, and I worked 
for a short period of time with the third commander of AFRICOM, 
that there is a critically important role that we can play in 
strengthening African militaries to stand up against terrorism 
and to do so boldly.
    But first, the Government has to acknowledge that the 
problem exists and that is what I will do diplomatically on the 
political side to get the Government to acknowledge that the 
problem exists and to let us assist in the process of 
resolution of the problem.
    Senator Rounds [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. My 
time has expired.
    On behalf of the Chairman, Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Rounds, and 
congratulations to all the nominees. I think you are all very 
qualified for your positions and intend to support you.
    Ms. Whitman, I am really worried about hunger in Africa, 
including Kenya. Twenty million people across the Horn of 
Africa could go hungry this year as the region confronts the 
worst drought in 40 years, soaring food prices driven by the 
conflict in Ukraine, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.
    Russia and Ukraine supply about 90 percent of the wheat in 
east Africa and that price of that staple has gone up by 20 
percent already. Prices for cooking oil, much of which is 
provided by either Russia or Ukraine, have also doubled.
    Here is what troubles me, in addition to those facts. A 
recent report by the humanitarian NGOs Oxfam, and Save the 
Children says that the U.S. collected $93 million--$93 million 
with an M--to help with hunger crisis in east Africa, compared 
to $16 billion raised by the international community in one 
month after Russia launched a war against Ukraine.
    I am all for the $16 billion and more, but I am worried 
that the generosity of the world has not yet appropriately 
focused on the issues in Africa. With World Hunger Day this 
Saturday, and in kind of an eerie way this is also the 
celebration of the centennial of the Holodomor, the forced 
famine that Joseph Stalin perpetrated on Ukrainians during 1932 
and 1933.
    I am introducing a resolution with colleagues to 
commemorate World Hunger Day and also remind people that 
famines are not just naturally occurring phenomenon. They can 
also be politically motivated weapons of genocide.
    What might we do? Should you be confirmed, what would you 
commit to doing to try to help focus attention and, hopefully, 
generate support in this country, this body, for more resources 
to combat hunger and famine in Kenya and in the Horn of Africa?
    Ms. Whitman. Thank you very much for that question, Senator 
Kaine. It is a big concern to me, and even between the time I 
was nominated in December and today, the situation has become 
far worse. Kenya, in particular, is in its fourth big drought.
    In January, there were 2.5 million people starving in 
Africa. Today, there is 3.5 million. And as you correctly point 
out, the cost of imported wheat, grain, crop production, is 
down by 70 percent and 25 percent of children in Kenya are 
stunted by lack of nutrition.
    So this has risen in my priority list of things that I 
would like to accomplish if I am confirmed to be Ambassador. 
The U.S. aid over time has cushioned this terrible humanitarian 
crisis but it is not enough. We have given $34 million since 
July of 2021, and I think what we need to do is rally the world 
around this impending crisis.
    And so, if confirmed, I will deeply understand what we have 
done in Kenya, what other countries have done, what NGOs in 
Kenya have done, and try to see what is actually required to 
alleviate this concern not only in Kenya but in the Horn of 
Africa, and then decide what is the best course ahead to try to 
alleviate this humanitarian disaster.
    Senator Kaine. Ms. Whitman, thank you very much for that 
answer. I want to ask Ambassador Brigety a question about South 
Africa.
    This week, the German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, started a 
three-nation visit to Africa, including South Africa, focusing 
on gas exploration projects and the wider geopolitical ability 
of African nations possibly to help Europe wean itself away 
from over dependence on Russian energy.
    Can you give us just a snapshot assessment of South 
Africa's ability or willingness to, potentially, help meet 
European energy needs?
    Ambassador Brigety. Thanks, Senator. I, certainly, would 
not want to speak for the Government of South Africa but I 
suspect that South Africa has its own profound energy 
challenges, as we know. It is the largest greenhouse emitter on 
the continent, principally based on coal. They are themselves 
trying very hard to move away from a coal-based electrical 
grid.
    They have fantastic potential in the generation of clean 
energy, principally, hydro and wind energy. But their--in my 
judgment, their ability to help Europe move--convert from other 
sources of gas is likely limited.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for that. And my time is going to 
expire and I do not want to belabor, but I will just say to 
you, Ambassador Battle, that your service at Hampton and 
Virginia State has not gone unnoticed by this senator. So thank 
you and congratulations on your appointment.
    I yield back.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you. On behalf of the Chairman, 
Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds and 
Acting Chairman Murphy.
    Welcome. It is a blessing and a joy to have all three of 
you in front of this committee and willing to serve as 
Ambassadors. You bring a great deal of skill, strength, 
significance, experience to this task. And so thank you to your 
families for your willingness to continue your service in new 
contexts.
    I will try and ask just three questions that, frankly, I 
think, are relevant across both the three countries to which I 
hope and pray you will soon be confirmed to serve as Ambassador 
but also where there is larger regional issues.
    Ambassador Brigety, great to see you again. I have greatly 
enjoyed knowing you over a number of years. When I first got to 
see you in your role as Ambassador to the African Union, I was 
so impressed with your service and your abilities, and as 
Senator Kaine just said, your service as president at Sewanee 
is also one well regarded by many of us here.
    Democracy is an issue--is a challenge in all three of the 
countries that you will, hopefully, be serving and representing 
the United States. In South Africa, in particular, as you said 
eloquently in your opening, it is a country that we have a lot 
to learn from and where there is a lot of similarities and 
differences, but it is also a regional powerhouse in some ways 
and there are real issues in Lesotho, in Zimbabwe and 
Mozambique.
    How will you encourage a stronger and deeper relationship 
between the United States and South Africa and encourage the 
South Africans to continue to play a significant regional role 
not just in security, which is also a very legitimate concern, 
but in development and democracy?
    Ambassador Brigety. Thank you very much, Senator, for the 
question.
    South Africa is, indeed, a regional leader, indeed, a 
continental leader, on a wide variety of issues. It is my view 
that the nature of our relationship simply needs to be much 
closer.
    There are important historical reasons why it has been 
fraught over time, not the least of which is long memories 
amongst the leadership of the Government of South Africa and 
the African National Congress, in particular, about U.S. policy 
towards apartheid in South Africa.
    But the future is forward and we must continue to work to 
build this relationship. I am very pleased that there have been 
a series of senior level engagements just within the last four 
months of our government, both visits and phone calls, and that 
is a pace that needs to continue over time.
    With regard to continuing to encourage the Government of 
South Africa to be engaged in regional issues beyond security 
but also, frankly, on matters of democracy and human rights and 
economic security, I will absolutely use the platform of the 
U.S. Embassy at every opportunity to continue to engage the 
Government of South Africa and the people of South Africa to be 
forward leading and supportive of issues that are in our mutual 
interest.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Ambassador Battle, we have a significant moment--a 
transition. The presidency of President Magufuli was a moment 
of great tension and increased distance with the United States. 
We now have an opening and an opportunity.
    How will you best help strengthen and sustain a positive-
looking bilateral relationship between the United States and 
the Republic of Tanzania?
    Ambassador Battle. Fortunately, both for Tanzania and for 
the U.S. there is a great desire for a cooperative relationship 
when we look at the fact that the president just a few months 
ago had a visit here to the U.S. and spent significant time 
with our vice president and the fact that there are so many 
high-level people in the U.S. Government interested in working 
with Tanzania.
    The foreign minister of Tanzania was the previous Tanzanian 
Ambassador to the U.S. and she has had for a very long time a 
deep-seated desire to see a closer relationship with the U.S., 
to return to the days when Tanzania and the U.S. worked 
collaboratively on a number of issues.
    I will accentuate those positive desires from both sides.
    Senator Coons. Good.
    [Speaks foreign language.]
    Senator Coons. Good luck with President Hassan.
    [Speaks foreign language.]
    Senator Coons. Great to see you, Ms. Whitman. I am hopeful 
that we can get you confirmed swiftly, given the significance 
of the elections in August. Kenya is, as you referenced in your 
opening remarks, both a vibrant hub of technology and 
innovation but also a very important partner and ally in the 
region, a security partner.
    I am pleased President Biden has renewed our active 
partnership with regards to terrorism in Somalia. How would you 
as Ambassador help the United States maintain a neutral posture 
with regards to the election and the likely heated contest but 
also provide an engaged and persistent voice in support of a 
peaceful transfer of power and a free and fair election?
    Ms. Whitman. Thank you for the question, Senator Coons, and 
you are right.
    As you know, Kenya has had a history of violent elections 
that not all of which have been accepted by the citizens of 
Kenya as to their result, and there is a very important 
election coming up on August 9th with two very capable 
competitors that have very significant differences in policy 
and, obviously, are tapping into various loyalties in the 
country.
    What I know that the embassy has done under the charge 
d'affaires Eric Kneedler has also--has engaged with both those 
candidates to underscore the importance not only to the United 
States but, frankly, to the region because everyone in Africa 
is watching these elections because Kenya is an island of 
democracy in a pretty tough neighborhood and so that has been 
underscored.
    As I understand it, the embassy and the U.S. Government 
have also been working with NGOs, with civil society, with the 
IEBC, who monitors the elections, to make sure that these are 
free, fair, and well accepted elections.
    Ultimately, it is up to the Kenyans to deliver these 
elections in a free and fair way, in a way that that is 
accepted by the people. I think we are on our--they are on 
their way to doing that.
    A number of staff just came back from Kenya and there are 
reports that things are proceeding, perhaps, better than we had 
thought. But there is a bit of a ways between now and August 
9th and I think we need to do everything we can to support 
those elections because everyone is watching.
    Senator Coons. That is encouraging. Thank you. In all three 
countries and many other countries, it is urgent that we have 
an Ambassador. So I look forward to your confirmations.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy [presiding]. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to each of you on your nominations, and thank 
you for your willingness to continue to serve the country.
    I want to ask a question to each of you that requires a yes 
or no answer. The administration has rightly prioritized 
protecting, improving, and expanding access to sexual and 
reproductive health care as one of 10 key priorities in the 
National Strategy on Gender Equity and Equality and, as we 
know, across Africa the unmet need for family planning is 
significant.
    Women and families struggle to have access to information, 
and I would like to ask each of you, if confirmed, do you 
commit to working with USAID, with our missions in each of your 
countries, to ensure that those programs are administered as 
they have been laid out in statute?
    Ms. Whitman?
    Ms. Whitman. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Ambassador Battle?
    Ambassador Battle. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Ambassador Brigety?
    Ambassador Brigety. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. We look forward to 
hearing updates on how those programs are going.
    Ms. Whitman, I would like to begin. You talked about the 
potential for the elections in Kenya to have an impact on how 
the country operates.
    One of those areas that may offer some potential is for 
security cooperation, and as we see the expansion of Al-Shabaab 
throughout Kenya and the region it is, obviously, a huge 
challenge and a place where, hopefully, we can better engage.
    Can you talk a little bit about how we might look at the 
election as an opportunity to better cooperate on security?
    Ms. Whitman. I think a well run election by the Kenyans 
that are perceived to be free and fair and accepted by the 
populace actually improves Kenya's standing in the region, and 
Kenya has been a leader in the region in terms of negotiating 
in Somalia as well as Ethiopia.
    Terrorism is a big, big challenge here. As you well know, 
Al-Shabaab is the largest and best financed al-Qaeda affiliate 
in the world and they have said very explicitly they are after 
Americans in Kenya, in the Horn of Africa, as well as right 
here.
    And so our ability to help Kenya on the heels of a 
successful election, I think, improves quite dramatically and I 
do think the--our long-standing cooperation with the Kenyan 
Defense Force and what used to be called AMISOM is something 
that we must continue.
    The Kenyans view this as an existential threat to their 
prosperity, their democracy, and their ability to move forward 
as a country, and I think the United States agrees with that 
and we need to do everything we can to be of assistance.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I appreciate that.
    Ambassador Battle, as a number of people have referenced in 
the questioning, Tanzania now has its first woman president and 
the rights of women and girls, however, continue to remain in 
jeopardy. Gender-based discrimination and violence, child 
marriage, lack of access to family planning, as we just 
discussed, are a few of the concerns.
    So can you talk about the opportunities that we have to 
better encourage the new president and the people of Tanzania 
to recognize how important it is to empower women and girls in 
the country?
    Ambassador Battle. It is also interesting to note that 
Tanzania has a woman defense minister, a woman foreign 
minister, and a number of other women throughout the 
Government.
    I think, looking at Tanzania and looking at the U.S. as an 
example for what happens when women and girls are empowered and 
looking at the statistics of nations all over the world where 
women and girls are empowered with education, free access to 
monetary support and ownership, the nation itself thrives.
    My goal would try to get Tanzania to see that it is in her 
vested and best interests to make sure that women and girls 
have equal opportunity and access to all of the benefits and 
beauty that Tanzania offers.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. The other thing we 
know is that countries that empower women tend to be more 
stable and have a better opportunity to succeed as democracies.
    Ambassador Battle. Absolutely.
    Senator Shaheen. Ambassador Brigety, one of the things that 
we have talked about in the Armed Services Committee on which I 
also serve is the growing influence of China throughout Africa. 
That has come up in this committee as well.
    But the--I did not bring it with me but our Department of 
Defense has done a map that shows the--where the Chinese 
influence is in Africa and it is really dramatic when you see 
it on the map.
    Can you talk about opportunities that you think you can 
encourage as Ambassador to address concerns around Chinese 
influence and how we can better compete in South Africa?
    Ambassador Brigety. Thank you, Senator. We could spend an 
entire hearing on that issue alone. Briefly, since there are 24 
seconds left on the clock, let me just say a couple of things.
    First of all, there is--The Economist just published a new 
special report on China and Africa just yesterday or the day 
before. It is highly informative and I commend it widely.
    Secondly, with regard to China and Africa as it 
particularly relates to our concerns, we have to show up 
consistently. We have to have Ambassadors in the field that can 
continue to engage at very high levels. We have to continue to 
engage our private sector--encourage our private sector to 
engage and be present.
    I believe that, quite frankly, all of the fundamentals for 
our engagement in Africa favor the United States versus China--
our long-standing relationships with the continent, the power 
of our popular culture, the nature of African diasporas here in 
the United States.
    The Chinese have understood that Africa is not simply a 
place for charity or security. It is a place for business, and 
private sector engagement will drive the future of that 
continent and will have geopolitical implications.
    And so the key to our changing the narrative for the United 
States is to dramatically increase the ways in which American 
private sector engage in the continent. I would be happy to 
appear at another hearing, if confirmed, to engage on that 
issue.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I really appreciate 
that answer.
    And, Mr. Chairman and Senator Rounds, as the Chair and 
ranking member, I hope--I also appreciate Ambassador Brigety's 
raising the importance of having our Ambassadors on the ground 
in countries.
    I know it is something you both support, and I am sorry 
that the rest of this committee is not here to hear that 
response because we have got to see that our Ambassadors get 
confirmed and that they are on the ground to address these 
urgent challenges.
    Thank you all very much.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you all for your testimony today. 
Well said, Senator Shaheen.
    We are hopeful that we will be able to move you to swift 
confirmation because it is important to have you there on the 
ground at this critical moment in all three countries.
    For any members that wish to submit questions for the 
record to this panel, it will be open--the record will be 
opened until the close of business tomorrow.
    And with that, we will close out this panel and ask staff 
to help facilitate the second panel joining us.
    Thank you all for your testimony and appearance today.
    Ms. Whitman. Thank you very much.
    [Pause.]
    Senator Murphy. All right. Welcome back, everyone, to game 
two of our nominations doubleheader today. We are pleased to 
welcome the second panel of nominees to the committee.
    The committee is now going to consider three additional 
nominations, all of whom are career members of the Senior 
Foreign Service: Mr. John Godfrey to be Ambassador to Sudan, 
Mr. Michael Adler to be Ambassador to South Sudan, and Mr. 
Michael Gonzales to be Ambassador to Zambia.
    I want to welcome our nominees here, and if you have family 
members or friends, to welcome them as well. We thank you all 
for your continued willingness to serve the United States of 
America.
    Each of you are going to be entering these posts at a 
really extraordinary time in our bilateral relationships with 
each country.
    Mr. Godfrey, I will start with you. If you are confirmed to 
be the first U.S. Ambassador to Sudan since 1997, you will 
arrive in Khartoum just months after a military coup seized 
power from a civilian transitional government.
    Restoring our diplomatic presence in Sudan presents an 
opportunity for America to be a force for good, to push for a 
restoration of civilian-led government that the Sudanese people 
have demanded and still demand to this day.
    As the country's political crisis exacerbates the 
humanitarian crisis we will also need to work to lead the 
international community's efforts to raise funds that are 
needed to meet this moment to help almost one-third of all 
citizens there who depend on humanitarian aid to get the 
support they need to survive.
    Mr. Adler, the United States supported South Sudan's 
independence from Sudan in 2011, following almost four decades 
of conflict. Sadly, a horrific civil war consumed the country 
since 2013, resulting in Africa's largest refugee crisis and 
widespread atrocities.
    If confirmed, you will have the important task ahead of you 
to ensure that the peace accord signed in 2018 is fully 
implemented to restore stability in the country, and just like 
its neighbor to the north, South Sudan's humanitarian crisis 
requires us to similarly rise to the occasion and lead a global 
humanitarian response that staves off hunger for nearly 8 
million people at risk today.
    And, Mr. Gonzales, Zambia is a country in transition. The 
election and peaceful accession of President Hakainde Hichilema 
represents a notable bright spot in Africa. It is an 
opportunity we cannot miss when there are so few and far 
opportunities on the continent.
    The new president has pledged to promote good governance 
and economic growth, foster fiscal and debt sustainability and 
combat poverty, all ambitious and important goals, and I look 
forward to hearing more about how you think the United States 
can best support this progress to keep Zambia on a democratic 
path.
    We have votes again or we have one more vote. So you will 
see members in and out. But with that, let me turn to the 
ranking member, Senator Rounds, for his remarks.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Good afternoon to 
all of you.
    Much of your professional lives and those of your families 
have been spent far away from home. You and your families have 
made great sacrifices in the service to your country--constant 
moves and separations, new schools, missed birthdays, weddings, 
and funerals, often danger. Every career diplomat wonders 
whether someday, after years of service, they might be 
nominated by the President of the United States to serve as an 
Ambassador somewhere.
    Congratulations are in order today. None of you have to ask 
yourselves that question any longer.
    Mr. Gonzales, in August of 2021, Zambia had a landmark 
election that has been hailed as a victory for democracy in a 
region where democracy faces significant challenges. But as we 
all know, the development of strong and stable democracies goes 
beyond elections.
    The United States played an important role alongside 
important regional and international actors to support Zambia 
during the electoral period and we must continue to support the 
development of strong democratic institutions in Zambia in the 
months and years ahead.
    Zambia has gone without a confirmed U.S. Ambassador since 
2020. I am glad that we were able to hear from a nominee today 
with extensive background living and working in Africa, 
specifically in Southern Africa.
    Mr. Godfrey, the revolution that started in Sudan in 
December of 2018 and which led to the 2019 ouster of dictator 
Omar Al-Bashir and the installation of a transitional 
government led by civilian Prime Minister Hamdok ushered in a 
new era of U.S. policy towards Sudan.
    In December of 2019, Secretary of State Pompeo announced 
that the United States would exchange Ambassadors with Sudan 
for the first time in 23 years. The Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee was vocal in calling for the quick nomination of an 
experienced U.S. Ambassador to Sudan.
    Over two years later, I am pleased that we finally have a 
nominee. Unfortunately, the events of October 25th and Sudan's 
continued leadership by Generals Burhan and Hemeti has led to 
violence and an economic crisis for Sudan while severely 
threatening the positive if fragile momentum previously 
achieved.
    While this will be your first Ambassadorial post and your 
first posting in the region, I am glad that you have prior 
experience working on Sudan issues. Your coverage of Darfur 
issues and your long-running work on global counterterrorism 
issues will serve you well, if confirmed.
    Mr. Adler, the United States was a critical player in the 
efforts to end the decades-long civil war between the Sudanese 
Government in Khartoum and Southern Sudan, and in processes 
that led to South Sudan's independence in 2011.
    Since then, South Sudan has suffered significant setbacks, 
namely, its own civil war and humanitarian crisis stemming from 
conflict, natural disasters, and lack of development. The 
United States contributes over $1 billion per year in support 
to South Sudan, primarily through humanitarian aid and support 
to the U.N. peacekeeping missions.
    I have been particularly concerned about the efforts by 
South Sudan's leaders to advocate for the end of the U.N. arms 
embargo on South Sudan, which is why I sponsored S. Res. 473 
expressing the sense of the Senate on the necessity of 
maintaining the U.N. arms embargo on South Sudan until 
conditions for peace, stability, democracy, and development 
exist. The resolution passed the Senate unanimously earlier 
this month.
    Given the U.S. has a long history with the country and the 
myriad complex challenges to peace, security, democracy, and 
the development that the country faces, our embassy will need 
an experienced hand after two years of the post being vacant.
    If confirmed, you bring a wealth of experience to the 
position. You will have your work cut out for you.
    Thank you all for being here today. Thank you for your 
service to our country. I look forward to your comments.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Rounds. Let me briefly 
introduce our nominees.
    First, we have Mr. John Godfrey to be the Ambassador to the 
Republic of Sudan. Mr. Godfrey is currently Acting Coordinator 
and Acting Special Envoy to the Global Coalition to Defeat 
ISIS.
    Next is Mr. Michael Adler to be Ambassador to South Sudan. 
He has over three decades of experience with the State 
Department. He is currently senior advisor in the Bureau of 
African Affairs and most recently served as the Deputy Senior 
Director for South Asia, before that director for Afghanistan 
on the National Security Council staff.
    And finally, we have Mr. Michael Gonzales to be Ambassador 
to the Republic of Zambia. He currently serves as the Deputy 
Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of African Affairs 
and has previously held leadership positions as Deputy Chief of 
Mission of the United States Embassy in Nepal and Malawi.
    We will sort of run from my right to left. We welcome all 
your opening comments, ask that you keep them to around three 
minutes, and we will submit and incorporate the full statement 
for the record.

STATEMENT OF MICHAEL C. GONZALES OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINSTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA

    Mr. Gonzales. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished 
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 
today as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. 
Ambassador to Zambia. If confirmed, I commit to work with 
Congress and your staffs to advance U.S. interests there.
    Just over a hundred years ago, my great grandparents, 
fishermen from Spain and Sicily, came to America in search of a 
better life. Today, I, the son of a piano tuner and a bartender 
from Seaside, California, sit before you as the nominee to be a 
U.S. Ambassador. That, Senators, is the American dream. I want 
to salute my parents, Andy and Gini Gonzales, for their 
constant support to me.
    My career-long pursuit of bridging America with Africa has 
provided a breathtaking life of opportunities for my family as 
we advanced American interests overseas, and I am grateful to 
be accompanied on this journey by the great love of my life, a 
gifted diplomat in and of herself, my wife, Carol Jenkins.
    Carol joins me here today with two other people who make my 
heart full and make my world go around, our kids. Robin is 
passionate, creative, and wise beyond their years. I am so 
proud of their advocacy for decency, for equity and justice. 
And Hailey is a dynamic, fun, and deeply caring young lady who 
shows me the brightness in every day.
    In August, as you noted, Senator, a record number of 
Zambian voters bravely stepped forward to denounce corruption 
and to demand change. Thanks to their bravery, Zambia today 
stands at a turning point and, if confirmed, I commit to lead 
U.S. Government efforts to support the Zambian people, to seize 
this historic opportunity, to strengthen resilient institutions 
that deliver accountable and responsive democratic governance.
    I will also leverage Zambian partners and the American 
business community to support reforms that improve the 
business-enabling environments to unleash Zambia's economic 
potential to our mutual benefit.
    The United States and Zambia have enjoyed decades of close 
partnerships. So far, nearly 2,500 Peace Corps volunteers have 
made lasting impacts and touched nearly every corner of the 
country.
    The Millennium Challenge Corporation's first compact 
ensured that healthy families could contribute fully to their 
nation's success, and a second compact soon will help further 
unleash Zambia's potential.
    For decades, U.S. health sector assistance and the 
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, have 
saved millions of Zambian lives, bringing the country to the 
brink of HIV/AIDS epidemic control.
    USAID is rightly celebrated across the country for 
delivering support from the American people to support the 
resilience of Zambia's democracy, for improving livelihoods and 
providing the foundational skills for Zambians to create and to 
seize opportunities to realize their dreams.
    Senator, the Zambian people have spoken and, like us, they, 
too, demand a more perfect union. They, too, dare to envision 
the Zambian dream and, if confirmed, I would be honored to 
shepherd American support for its realization to our mutual 
benefit.
    Thank you, Senator. I would be honored to take any 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Gonzales follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Michael C. Gonzales

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of 
the committee: I am honored to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of 
Zambia. I appreciate the confidence the President and Secretary Blinken 
have shown in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and 
other Members of Congress and staff to advance U.S. interests and 
ensure the safety of U.S. citizens in Zambia.
    Just over 100 years ago, my great-grandparents--fishermen from 
Spain and Sicily--came to America seeking a better life. The fact that 
today I--the son of a piano tuner and a bartender from Seaside, 
California--sit before you as a nominee to be a U.S. Ambassador 
reflects yet another realization of the American Dream. I want to 
salute my parents, Andy and Gini Gonzales for their courage in sending 
me off as an AFS exchange student at age 15 where I developed my 
fascination with the world beyond our borders. They have supported me 
ever since. At Occidental College I declared my focus on African 
Studies. My pursuit of bridging America with Africa has provided a 
breathtaking life of opportunities for me and my family ever since. I 
am grateful to be accompanied on this journey by the great love of my 
life, my wife Carol Jenkins, a gifted diplomat herself. Carol joins me 
here today with the two other people who make my heart full, our kids. 
Robin is passionate, creative, and wise-beyond-their-years. I am proud 
of their advocacy for decency, equity, and justice. Hailey is a 
dynamic, fun, and deeply caring young lady who shows me the brightness 
in each day.
    The United States and Zambia have enjoyed decades of close 
partnerships since Zambia's independence in 1964. Zambia's founding 
father Dr. Kenneth Kaunda frequented the White House. His ethos--``one 
Zambia, one nation,'' remains a powerful call for unity, not unlike 
America's own motto ``E Pluribus Unum.'' Indeed, the strength of both 
our countries rests in our diversity.
    In August, a record number of young people, women, and first-time 
Zambian voters bravely stepped forward to denounce corruption and 
demand change, accountable governance, fundamental freedoms, and 
inclusive economic opportunity.
    Thanks to their bravery, Zambia today stands at a turning point in 
its history. If confirmed, I will lead U.S. Government efforts to 
support the Zambian people to seize this historic opportunity to 
strengthen resilient institutions of government to cement the 
foundations for accountable, responsive, and sustainable democratic 
governance. I will also leverage the Zambian people and the American 
private sector to support reforms that improve the business enabling 
environment to unleash Zambia's inclusive economic potential and deepen 
linkages with American businesses.
    I was proud to see the recent return of Peace Corps volunteers to 
Zambia--the first country program to re-open since the pandemic. Over 
the past three decades nearly 2,500 American Peace Corps Volunteers 
have touched, and made lasting impacts in, every corner of the country. 
I salute the service of these frontline Ambassadors.
    Investments by the Millennium Challenge Corporation support the 
larger, structural changes critical to unleash Zambia's economic 
development. MCC's first Compact transformed Zambia's water sector, 
ensuring healthy families and workers could contribute fully to their 
nation's success. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering again with 
MCC to deliver a similarly transformational second Compact.
    Funding for health programs comprises the bulk of our assistance to 
Zambia. Decades of work by U.S. and Zambian experts--supported by the 
unmatched generosity of American taxpayers and our expert staff from 
USAID, the Centers for Disease Control, and other agencies--has saved 
millions of Zambian lives. Over nearly 20 years, the U.S. President's 
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) has supported robust public 
health systems, slashed maternal mortality, improved childhood 
nutrition, and provided the backbone for pandemic response. If 
confirmed, I will guide our interagency team toward realizing epidemic 
control in Zambia.
    Our assistance does not just save lives, it directly advances U.S. 
interests. USAID is rightly celebrated across the country for decades 
of partnerships with the Zambian people. Their investments in citizen-
responsive governance contribute directly to the stability and 
resilience of Zambia's democracy. Poverty reduction programs improve 
the livelihoods of millions of Zambians--and with them, Zambia's 
prospects of self-reliance and prosperity. And USAID-supported 
education programs increase childhood literacy, providing the 
foundational skills for Zambians to create and seize opportunities to 
realize their dreams.
    The Zambian people have spoken. Like us, they too demand a more 
perfect union. They too dare to envision the Zambian Dream. And, if 
confirmed, I would be honored to shepherd American support for its 
realization, to our mutual benefit.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would 
be pleased to respond to any questions.


    Senator Murphy. Mr. Godfrey?

STATEMENT OF JOHN T. GODFREY OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SUDAN

    Mr. Godfrey. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished 
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the 
first U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Sudan in 25 years, as 
Chairman Murphy noted, and thank you for your strong support 
for a democratic Sudan.
    I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence they have placed in me and, if confirmed, I look 
forward to working closely with this committee to advance 
America's interests in Sudan.
    I am grateful to share this day with family, for whom 
public service has been important. My father's career as an Air 
Force officer took my family overseas for much of my childhood, 
instilling appreciation for service to country and an abiding 
curiosity about the wider world.
    I want to thank my wonderful wife, Jennifer Hall Godfrey, a 
Senior Foreign Service Officer, for her love, partnership, and 
support during a rewarding but challenging pair of careers in 
which we have, largely, served at hardship and danger posts.
    I also want to commend our two sterling sons, Nathaniel and 
Jack, for their intrepid spirit and resilience, acknowledging 
that if I am confirmed our family will serve apart on two 
continents as so many Foreign Service families do.
    I am no stranger to Sudan. In pre-revolution Libya, I 
worked on humanitarian and political issues related to Darfur. 
In the Counterterrorism Bureau, I was closely involved in 
rescinding Sudan's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
    Sudan is at a moment of great peril. The military takeover 
on October 25th and lack of an agreement establishing the 
framework for a civilian-led transition worsened the country's 
political, economic, and security crises. The devastating human 
toll of recent violence in Darfur is just one example of the 
dangers of the current political paralysis.
    Realizing the promise of Sudan's democratic revolution is 
important for the Sudanese people, who have consistently and 
courageously demanded a more human rights-respecting, 
accountable, and effective government that is important for 
stability in the strategically important Red Sea region and it 
is important as a potential exemplar of the benefits that 
democracy brings.
    The immediate imperative is assisting Sudanese stakeholders 
in establishing a sustainable civilian-led transition. The 
current process facilitated by the U.N., the African Union, and 
the Intergovernmental Authority on Development affords the best 
foreseeable opportunity to establish the framework for an 
inclusive civilian-led transition, redefine the security 
services role, and to advance elections, economic reforms, 
human rights, justice and accountability, and enduring peace, 
including in historically marginalized areas.
    If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and other partners 
in support of these goals. Doing so is urgently important in 
light of Sudan's economic and humanitarian crises, which the 
military takeover has exacerbated.
    If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and international 
partners to ensure that humanitarian needs are met and 
emphasize that resuming paused development assistance is 
predicated on a credible civilian-led democratic transition.
    If confirmed, I look forward to leading our embassy in 
Khartoum, which would be a high honor. My highest priority will 
be ensuring the safety and security of our American and 
locally-employed staff and of Americans who live and work in 
Sudan.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear here today, 
and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Godfrey follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of John T. Godfrey

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as 
the President's nominee to be the first U.S. Ambassador to the Republic 
of Sudan in 25 years, and thank you for your strong support for a 
democratic Sudan. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with this committee to advance America's interests 
in Sudan.
    I am grateful to share this day with family, for whom public 
service has been important. My father's career as an Air Force officer 
took my family overseas for much of my childhood, instilling 
appreciation for service to country and an abiding curiosity about the 
wider world. I want to thank my wonderful wife, Jennifer Hall Godfrey, 
a Senior Foreign Service Officer, for her love, partnership, and 
support during a rewarding but challenging pair of careers in which we 
have largely served at hardship and danger posts. I also want to 
commend our two sterling sons, Nathaniel and Jack, for their intrepid 
spirit and resilience, acknowledging that if I am confirmed our family 
will serve apart on two continents, as so many Foreign Service families 
do.
    Much of my two decades of service has been in societies that were 
closed or in transition during challenging times. That necessitated 
engaging tough interlocutors on issues they often would have preferred 
to avoid and high-level negotiations on consequential issues. I am no 
stranger to Sudan. In pre-revolution Libya I worked on humanitarian and 
political issues related to Darfur; in the Counterterrorism Bureau I 
was closely involved in rescinding Sudan's designation as a State 
Sponsor of Terrorism. In important ways, this nomination represents a 
continuation of those efforts. If confirmed, I will draw on that broad 
experience to advance U.S. interests in Sudan.
    Sudan is at a moment of great peril: the military takeover on 
October 25 and lack of an agreement establishing the framework for a 
civilian-led transition worsened the country's political, economic, and 
security crises. The devastating human toll of recent violence in 
Darfur is just one example of the dangers of the current political 
paralysis. Realizing the promise of Sudan's democratic revolution is 
important for the Sudanese people, who have consistently and 
courageously demanded more human rights respecting, accountable and 
effective governance; for stability in the strategically important Red 
Sea region; and as a potential exemplar of the benefits that democracy 
brings. In a potent example for neighboring countries, the Sudanese 
people have made clear through four years of sustained activism that 
they are unwilling to have their demands for civilian rule and 
democracy ignored or coopted.
    The immediate imperative is assisting Sudanese stakeholders in 
establishing a sustainable civilian-led transition and maintaining 
regional and international consensus on the way forward. The current 
process facilitated by the U.N., the African Union and the 
Intergovernmental Authority on Development affords the best foreseeable 
opportunity to establish the framework for an inclusive civilian-led 
transition, redefine the security services' appropriate role, and 
advance elections, economic reforms, human rights, justice and 
accountability, and enduring peace, including in historically 
marginalized areas like Darfur and the Two Areas.
    To facilitate that process, the military government must take steps 
to foster a climate conducive to political dialogue, including ending 
violence against protestors, lifting the State of Emergency, and 
releasing unjustly detained activists.
    The rights of all individuals in Sudan, including members of 
minority groups, women, youth, and those in historically marginalized 
areas, must be protected and their voices heard in building a new 
Sudan. If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and other partners in 
support of establishing a path to a credible, sustainable civilian-led 
democratic transition in Sudan.
    Doing so is urgently important in light of Sudan's economic and 
humanitarian crises. Economic reforms that would have led to debt 
relief and international support were paused due to the military 
takeover, sparking a fiscal crisis and hyperinflation. Rising prices 
and wheat shortages worsened by Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine 
mean the number of food-insecure Sudanese could double to 18 million by 
September. If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and international 
partners to ensure that humanitarian needs are met and emphasize that 
resuming paused development assistance is predicated on a credible 
civilian-led democratic transition. As Secretary Blinken said, ``We 
remain poised to use all tools at our disposal to support the Sudanese 
people in their pursuit of a democratic, human rights-respecting, and 
prosperous Sudan.''
    If confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy in Khartoum. My 
highest priority will be ensuring the safety and security of our 
American and locally employed staff, and of Americans who live and work 
in Sudan.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear here today. I look 
forward to your questions.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you.
    Mr. Adler?

 STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. ADLER OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
  THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN

    Mr. Adler. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished 
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 
today as the President's nominee to be the United States 
Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan.
    I would like to thank President Biden and Secretary of 
State Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me. If 
confirmed, I look forward to the honor of working with this 
committee.
    I would also like to acknowledge the support of family, 
friends, and mentors throughout my career. Words could not 
adequately express my debt of gratitude to them or the sense of 
honor I feel at having been able to represent the United States 
abroad as a Foreign Service Officer.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of 
the committee, in its short history South Sudan has faced and 
continues to face monumental challenges, including protracted 
violence, extreme poverty, and famine conditions.
    Overlaying these challenges are the intricate cultural 
nuances of competition for dominance over local governance and 
control of scarce resources.
    South Sudan is a complex foreign policy challenge that is 
at risk of further destabilizing the region already grappling 
with violent conflict. While the 2018 revitalized peace 
agreement contains many key pieces needed to advance political 
and economic transformation in South Sudan, it does not go far 
enough.
    We agree with the people of South Sudan who are calling for 
radical change to meet their long-deferred dream of becoming a 
thriving democracy. The transitional government has simply 
failed to undertake essential democratic and economic reforms.
    This inaction lets down the South Sudanese people, South 
Sudan's neighbors, who are guarantors of the peace agreement, 
and the broader international community, including the United 
States.
    President Salva Kiir himself recently publicly committed to 
free, fair, and credible democratic elections, and we should 
hold him to that promise.
    I assure you that, if confirmed, I am committed to focusing 
on the safety and security of American citizens abroad as well 
as on the welfare of the American and local staff members at 
Embassy Juba.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished 
members of the committee for this opportunity. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with you and my colleagues across the 
U.S. Government. I welcome any questions you may have.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Adler follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Michael J. Adler

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee: I am honored to appear before you as the President's nominee 
to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan. I 
would like to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with this committee. I would also like to acknowledge the 
support and encouragement of family, colleagues, and mentors throughout 
my career. Words could not adequately express my deep appreciation to 
them or the gratitude I feel for the opportunities I have had to 
support American interests abroad as a Foreign Service officer.
    Mr. Chairman, in its short history, South Sudan has faced and 
continues to face monumental challenges, including protracted violence, 
extreme poverty, and famine conditions. This new nation, already 
weakened by a transitional government failing to live up to commitments 
made first in 2015 and then again in the 2018 peace agreement, was hit 
by three years of flood waters that have never completely receded. The 
United Nations estimates that 8.9 million people, more than two-thirds 
of the country's population, will require humanitarian assistance this 
year. For too long, violence, suppression of voices from civil society 
and journalists, and massive corruption have taken a toll on the 
country's communities, its youth, and its economy. Overlaying these 
challenges are the intricate cultural nuances of competitions for 
dominance over local governance and control of scarce resources. South 
Sudan is a complex foreign policy challenge that is at risk of further 
destabilizing a region already grappling with violent conflict.
    While the 2018 revitalized peace agreement contains many key pieces 
needed to advance political and economic transformation in South Sudan, 
it does not go far enough. We agree with the people of South Sudan who 
are calling for radical change to meet their long-deferred dream of 
becoming a thriving democracy where the country's immense resources are 
used for the benefit of its citizenry. The transitional government has 
simply failed to undertake essential democratic and economic reforms. 
This inaction lets down the South Sudanese people, South Sudan's 
neighbors who are guarantors of the peace agreement, and the broader 
international community. President Salva Kiir himself recently publicly 
committed to ``free, fair, and credible democratic elections'' and we 
should hold him to that promise. Working closely with our international 
partners and the South Sudanese people, we must ensure that steps are 
taken to establish a framework that safeguards a future electoral 
process and ensures that the South Sudanese people's vision for their 
country is achieved through the ballot box. Together with our partners, 
particularly the United Kingdom and Norway, we can continue to urge the 
South Sudanese Government to provide an inclusive constitution-drafting 
process, to adopt credible electoral legislation, to develop inclusive 
electoral institutions and to create a safe space for civil society and 
political parties to carry out their respective roles. Unifying 
national security forces and passing coherent security legislation are 
additional predicate actions the Government needs to undertake 
immediately. We should seek to continue to help the South Sudanese 
people achieve their democratic aspirations while simultaneously 
avoiding expanded and intensified conflict that would risk weighing 
down neighbors across East Africa.
    The State Department and the U.S. Department of the Treasury 
coordinate closely on a range of issues. These include financial 
sanctions, as well as efforts to urge the South Sudanese Government to 
address serious deficiencies in its management of public finances in 
order to fight corruption and stop fueling the ongoing conflict.
    Mr. Chairman, this is a crucial moment for the people of South 
Sudan and for U.S. interests. If confirmed, I will work with the 
leaders and the people of South Sudan and our international partners to 
help keep South Sudan moving toward a viable democratic government that 
respects human rights and affords the people in South Sudan the ability 
to pursue security and opportunity.
    Finally, Mr. Chairman, I assure you that, if confirmed, I am 
committed to focusing on the safety and security of American citizens 
abroad, as well as on the welfare of the American and local staff 
members of Embassy Juba.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members 
of the committee for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with you and my colleagues across the United States Government 
to stand shoulder to shoulder with the South Sudanese people as they 
find their way forward and transform their country into the thriving 
and prosperous democracy that I know it can become. I welcome any 
questions you may have.


    Senator Murphy. Thank you all for your testimony, again, 
for your willingness to serve.
    Mr. Godfrey, let me start with you and draw on your 
experience in the region and also in the Middle East. Many in 
Sudan believe that a host of regional actors--Egypt, UAE, Saudi 
Arabia, perhaps even Israel--are providing support to the junta 
and undermining efforts to return to civilian-led governance.
    The former Sudanese foreign minister somewhat infamously 
asserted that both Egypt and Israel supported the coup, 
reportedly actually made a trip to Cairo maybe one night before 
it commenced.
    More recently, some of the Gulf States have joined Quad 
statements in calling for a restoration of civilian government. 
But the reality on the ground is that there is a real belief 
that there are outside influences preventing a transition back 
to democracy.
    I would be interested in your assessment in the importance 
of these outside regional entities' efforts and how you are 
going to engage with regional actors to make sure they are in 
sync with efforts to support democracy and civilian rule.
    Mr. Godfrey. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for that 
thoughtful question.
    One of the hard aspects, I think, of Sudan's very difficult 
history is that for the entirety of its modern era it has been 
a theater in which there have been proxy actors looking to 
advance their own interests, often at the expense of the 
interests of Sudan and the Sudanese people.
    You mentioned specifically the Gulf countries as well as 
Egypt. I would add Israel to that as well. Those countries have 
long-standing interests in Sudan and it is important that we 
closely coordinate with them to ensure that their efforts and 
ours align to the extent that that is possible.
    If confirmed, I would work with those actors and with 
international partners to underscore that Sudan's long-term 
stability can only come through an inclusive political process 
that results in a civilian-led transition to democracy, and I 
think that is vitally important because there is a tendency on 
the part of some of the actors you mentioned to view more 
expedient outcomes, possibly, that would result in either a 
military-led government or another deal between elites as a 
preferable path that would lead to short-term stability.
    Unfortunately, that does not comport with the wishes of the 
Sudanese people and I think there is real downside peril there.
    However, there is also opportunity to leverage those 
actors' involvement and their interests, and some of them, I 
think, are equally concerned about some of the things we are in 
Sudan, including efforts by Russia to try to establish a naval 
base on the Red Sea coast.
    And working together with colleagues in the Near Eastern 
Affairs Bureau and the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, I 
think we would need to continue to coordinate closely with 
those partners to ensure that they are on board with the 
current effort that the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process is 
trying to achieve.
    Senator Murphy. As just a quick editorial comment, Egypt's 
role here has probably been amongst the most significant. I 
think we have a badly outdated conception of the ways in which 
Egypt acts in the region.
    We think that by sending them millions of dollars of 
military aid that it will convince them to act in U.S. 
interests. I think Egypt has shown us over and over again that 
they are willing to act in concert with us when it is also in 
their security interest but they are very clearly willing to 
diverge from our interests, Sudan being at the top of that 
list, when they see a domestic benefit.
    Just one more question to you, Mr. Adler, and then I will 
turn it over to colleagues. I wanted to maybe draw on your 
broader experience because in South Sudan, and you mentioned 
this in your opening remarks, it is really one of the world's 
most dangerous countries for aid workers and for diplomats. You 
have had 130 humanitarian workers that have been killed since 
2013, and we are having a conversation on this committee about 
how to protect and incentivize diplomats in very dangerous 
places to be able to get out of embassy compounds, to be able 
to be in the communities that they represent.
    And while that may be very difficult right now in South 
Sudan, we are, I think, far too disincentivized right now in 
the diplomatic corps to get outside of the embassy to get into 
communities, and I wonder if you can provide a little bit of 
extra context for how we allow humanitarian workers in South 
Sudan to do the work they need to do but also how we change the 
incentive structure for the State Department to, when it is 
appropriate, be able to push forward diplomats so that the face 
of America is not just troops in places that are fragile but 
diplomats as well.
    Mr. Adler. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman. I 
strongly agree with your views. I think the best way forward 
is, if confirmed, for me to take a hard look at appropriate 
risk management to ensure that we are getting out in safe ways 
but that we are getting out.
    Our policy success in South Sudan, based on my experience 
in other countries, will rely heavily on our understanding of 
the dynamics driving society and that requires a continuous 
effort to expand our outreach to political actors but also to 
civil society.
    I think it is deplorable that 130 assistance workers have 
been killed in South Sudan since independence. So along with my 
efforts to ensure appropriate risk management for my team, I 
would engage vigorously and strongly with the South Sudanese 
leadership and with other partners to ensure that assistance 
workers have adequate protections and that we are there to 
support them, most particularly our implementing partners.
    In terms of the incentive structure, Mr. Chairman, that is 
a longer conversation about department management issues. But I 
would say in the context of South Sudan I commit myself to 
ensuring that within the embassy I will be completely dedicated 
to the morale, the productivity, and clear two-way 
communication with every member of my team of all agencies and 
that I commit myself to fostering the professional development 
and the onward assignments for those who serve on my team in 
this very difficult environment. Thank you.
    Senator Murphy. Appreciate it. I just note that Senator 
Risch and I have a pretty encouraging bipartisan bill to try to 
change that incentive structure surrounding the Accountability 
Review Board. I will put it before all three of you for comment 
once you are confirmed.
    Senator Rounds?
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Gonzales, under President Lungu, Zambia accrued 
significant Chinese debt that has crippling ramifications for 
the Zambian economy. As U.S. Ambassador to Zambia, how will you 
support Zambia in its efforts to restructure its external debts 
and to find alternative sources of support to relieve pressure 
on its economy due to its unsustainable debt burden?
    Also, how will you work with your Zambian counterparts to 
make sure that efforts to deleverage from the Chinese are not 
reversed?
    Mr. Gonzales. Thank you for the question, Senator.
    I think step one needs to be a robust and good faith 
process of renegotiating the current debt burden. That means 
bringing China to the table and no longer allowing China to 
continue to drag its feet and delay the processes.
    China presents itself as an all-weather friend of African 
countries and, well, the storm is upon Zambia and now is the 
time for the all-weather friend to also stand forward like the 
rest of us in the community of nations have done and 
participate in a renegotiation process.
    The IMF plays an instrumental role in the longer-term 
support of the--bringing the Zambian economy back to the stable 
trajectory that it needs to be on and, if confirmed, I would 
work with like-minded partners across the international 
community and with the IMF itself to ensure that Zambia is able 
to realize the extended credit facility that it is negotiating.
    The longer-term solution, however, to Zambia's growth and 
Zambia's prosperity does not lie in governments and development 
partners. It lies in the private sector unleashing the 
potential in the Zambian people.
    And so, if confirmed, a high priority of mine as the U.S. 
Ambassador to Zambia would be to work with the American private 
sector and Zambians to reform the business-enabling environment 
so businesses can come in, create jobs, pay taxes, contribute 
to the common good in an equitable way so that regions are not 
left behind, so that women are not being left behind, but so 
that the country can prosper.
    Thank you, sir.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
    Mr. Godfrey, the U.S. Department of State, the U.S. 
Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Department of Commerce, 
and the U.S. Department of Labor issued a Sudan business 
advisory yesterday highlighting the growing risks to American 
businesses stemming from the Sudanese military's failure to 
cede power to a civilian-led government. Can you outline why 
the military junta is bad for business in Sudan?
    Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    I think that the track record since the October 25 military 
takeover amply demonstrates that the military government is not 
good for business either for U.S. business interests but, more 
broadly, for any other external partners, nor is it good for 
the economy and the Sudanese people, and that is so for a few 
reasons.
    The civilian-led transitional government has, as you know, 
sir, made significant progress in undertaking economic reforms 
that were poised to realize significant debt relief to the tune 
of $23 billion, World Bank IDA investments to the tune of $2 
billion for 2019 funds alone, as well as significant lines of 
credit from the IMF.
    All of those monies were conditions based. All of them were 
paused in the wake of the October 25th military takeover, and 
since then what we have seen is hyperinflation, fiscal crisis, 
and the inability of the Government to meet its bills, as well 
as rising food prices that have been exacerbated by Russia's 
brutal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
    I saw one estimate just the other day that Sudan is the 
third most impacted country on the face of the planet in terms 
of the disruptions to wheat and grain due to the Russian 
invasion of Ukraine.
    The military government is, clearly, not capable of 
navigating those issues. I think that the coordinated pause on 
international debt relief and credit has really created a 
problem for them in terms of the ability to access resources, 
and that is one of the most significant points of leverage that 
we have in urging them to facilitate the restoration of a 
civilian-led transitional government.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
    Mr. Adler, do you feel that the United States demonstrates 
an adequate level of diplomatic engagement to resolve the many 
crises in South Sudan relative to the over $1 billion per year 
we provide to South Sudan? Seems to me that diplomatic action 
or interaction would be effective and needed as well.
    Mr. Adler. Thank you, Ranking Member, for your question.
    I firmly agree that vigorous diplomatic action is 
necessary, and if confirmed as a confirmed chief of mission I 
would make my top priority engaging with the leadership of the 
South Sudanese Government to ensure that they understand that 
with a billion dollars of U.S. assistance per year we have 
expectations and expectations that they act with urgency to 
move forward with implementation of their commitments to give 
the South Sudanese people the future the South Sudanese people 
have made clear they seek, one of democracy, one of security, 
and one of prosperity.
    Senator Rounds. [Presiding.] Thank you, sir. My time has 
expired.
    On behalf of Chairman Murphy, Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Rounds, Senator Murphy, 
and thank you all for your long service to our country, for 
your willingness to continue to serve in parts of the world 
that can be challenging at times to your families for 
supporting you.
    All three of the countries to which you are nominated are 
countries where stability, transition to democracy, or the 
sustainment of a democracy is a key part of the work you will 
be undertaking.
    Mr. Gonzales, if you might, I think many of us were 
encouraged to see what happened in the election of President 
Hichilema, particularly given the huge amount of attention that 
was paid to his unjust detention and the number of national 
leaders who went and visited and the importance of his release.
    What do you think are our key goals in terms of both long-
term development and helping sustain a robust civil society, 
building a more--a strong foundation for an enduring democracy 
in Zambia? And what do you think are the most important tools 
for the United States to push back on Chinese influence in 
Zambia and to help the Zambians choose their own path?
    Mr. Gonzales. Thanks, Senator. It is great to see you 
again. I think the last time was in Katmandu when we sang the 
praises of Ben Fry.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. Gonzales. I think the answer lies in systems, and as 
Ambassador Battle in the panel before me talked about, 
codifying. We have a great opportunity in Zambia right now 
because of the way that the Zambian people have spoke.
    But we should not rest our solutions on one individual or 
one moment in time or ad hocism, and I think this is where the 
United States can play an important and critical role, frankly, 
in helping build and inform systems.
    For the Zambian people to make Zambia for their own version 
of democracy, I think at the heart of it is addressing the 
endemic corruption that has wrought and devastated the country 
for far too long, and this is where U.S. assistance on public 
financial management best practices. Whether it is from the 
U.S. Agency for International Development or Office of 
Technical Assistance over at Treasury, there are many tools 
that we have.
    I think U.S. Trade and Development Agency's Procurement 
Transparency Initiative is a great opportunity and I know that 
you were a driving force behind the BUILD Act, and I think here 
the Development Finance Corporation can also be really vital in 
providing international best practices to improve the 
transparency and the enabling environment for the economy and 
for the management of that economy by government institutions.
    What can we do? There are many, many things that we can do 
and, if confirmed, I look forward to partnering with the 
members of Congress and your staffs to explore those further.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, and I will give Ben Fry your 
best.
    Mr. Godfrey, if confirmed, you will be the first Ambassador 
to Sudan in a long, long time, I think, since '97, and Ally 
Davis on my staff and I and a number of other colleagues worked 
very hard on trying to support the aspirations of the Sudanese 
people to create an environment in which there could be 
successful transition to civilian rule and, unfortunately, a 
military junta now is back in control.
    Some have criticized the United States as having sort of 
missed an opportunity to effectively press the junta to step 
back. General Burhan and I have spoken directly about my 
concerns about the status of the situation in Sudan.
    Just a week after the Burmese coup we had imposed 
sanctions, but sanctions have not yet been imposed, although 
there is legislation to that effect. I would argue the 
Administration has the power to do so.
    How would you respond to those who say that we are not 
doing enough with the tools that we have, both the pause in 
assistance and the potential for sanctions?
    Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Senator.
    Just to state clearly at the outset, if confirmed, I would, 
certainly, seek to use all appropriate tools to establish a 
framework for Sudan's civilian-led democratic transition.
    Sanctions are an important tool to name and shame but also 
to drive changes in behavior, and I got a little bit of 
experience in this from my time in the Counterterrorism Bureau.
    I think prior to making any recommendation on potential 
sanctions I would want to understand the likely impact on 
military leaders' behavior, the practical impact on their 
finances and access to financing, the impact on the Sudanese 
economy and how it would relate to our overall diplomatic 
strategy including the current UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated 
process.
    I think those judgments about the interplay of political 
dynamics on the ground, on the one hand, and the likely impact 
of sanctions require a fingertip feel that is, frankly, quite 
hard as a nominee sitting six time zones away to have.
    However, I do think that as the business advisory that was 
released just yesterday and as the concurrent resolution that 
was adopted a bit earlier this month by the Congress showed, 
there is a unified view across branches of the U.S. Government 
that we need to be applying pressure and sustaining pressure on 
the military government to facilitate things that lead to the 
restoration of a civilian-led transitional government and if I 
am confirmed I would, certainly, work with partners to sustain 
that pressure.
    I think what we have done in coordinating the pauses in 
debt relief, credit, and some development assistance are really 
important in that regard and need to be sustained.
    I also think that the sanctioning of the central reserve 
police and looking at potential other actions is something that 
we need to stay focused on as well as we move forward here.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. I, certainly, agree that--look, 
let me speak more broadly. After four years of sustained and 
persistent effort by hundreds of thousands of the Sudanese 
people they have earned the chance to find their way forward in 
a democratic transition and I hope that we are doing everything 
we can to support that, and I would, certainly, welcome once 
you are confirmed, once you are at station to get input from 
you about what you think we can best do to support the Sudanese 
people.
    I had the chance to go to Khartoum and to meet with all of 
the then leaders--Prime Minister Hamdok and General Burhan and 
a number of the members of the cabinet and civil society 
leaders--and was very optimistic at that point, and I am really 
concerned about the trajectory the country is on.
    If I might impose on the Chairman for a moment.
    Just last but, certainly, not least, Mr. Adler, my one 
visit to Juba to meet with President Salva Kiir was depressing 
and challenging. I went out to visit refugees who were hemmed 
in by forces and suffering significantly, on the verge of 
starvation, and then I went and confronted him, having just 
been to a refugee camp in western Uganda where hundreds of 
thousands of South Sudanese had fled. This was a number of 
years ago.
    The years of standoff between the two parties and their 
leaders is deeply disconcerting. I am encouraged by recent 
statements by President Kiir about allowing for free and fair 
elections in February of 2023.
    But it does not seem to me that the conditions are being 
set on the ground for those elections to actually be 
successful. I would be interested in what you think about the 
potential of the Pope's upcoming visit and what you think are 
the tools that we might deploy in trying to support a 
transition to a freely and fairly elected government that might 
actually represent the best interests of the people.
    Mr. Adler. Thank you for the question, Senator, and I share 
the sentiment that you express based on what I have read and 
what I have learned from colleagues.
    I know that a key part of our approach is to work with 
international partners to ensure that a common message is 
conveyed to the South Sudanese leadership about what 
international community expectations are and, frankly, what the 
South Sudanese people's expectations are.
    As a nominee, I am not fully involved in the discussions of 
what we are asking of our partners. But what I would say is it 
seems to me imperative that South Sudanese leadership hears 
from everybody--neighbors, international players, all parties--
that they must accelerate progress.
    With respect to the democratic election, yes, we do believe 
that South Sudan must have a free, fair, and credible election. 
But how does that happen? Key predicate actions need to be 
taken. They are spelled out in the revised peace agreement. 
They have not been taken.
    If I am confirmed I will prioritize them day one, pushing 
for those predicate actions to be put in place so the South 
Sudanese people can have the democratic election they deserve 
to have.
    Senator Coons. It is a country of such remarkable riches 
and potential and such wonderful people, many of whom we have 
had a chance to meet here in the United States.
    But after decades of tragedy I think they really deserve a 
great next chapter in their history, and I hope all three of 
you are confirmed and I look forward to supporting you and your 
service in some challenging places in the world.
    Thank you for your forbearance, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, and on behalf of Chairman 
Murphy, Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    An appreciation and then an observation. So the 
appreciation side, and I will just echo comments of my 
colleague, Senator Coons, that you have all had three really 
distinguished careers and you have all served in dangerous 
places, and you have all served in places where it has meant 
some sacrifice, including time separated from your families.
    I remember one of my first visits as a Senator to--on a 
CODEL was to Egypt and one of the FSOs I was visiting with had 
to cut short a meeting at 5:00 o'clock on a Friday because, I 
have to get home and dress up for my Skype date. And I said, 
well, what is that? And she said, well, my husband is a Foreign 
Service Officer, too, and he is in Turkey and we do a Skype--we 
dress up and do a Skype date every Friday. And I said, wow, 
that is pretty tough, and she said, Egypt to Turkey is a lot 
closer together than we often have been during our career.
    So I just want to say to the family members, the young 
people, the spouses, friends and family who are watching, your 
service, your sacrifice, and your willingness to do more to put 
a good face on a nation, you exemplify a nation and when 
people--many people, their interaction with America will be 
their interaction with you and the people who work with you in 
your mission, and I just wanted to express my appreciation to 
all of you for that.
    And then an observation. Senator Coons was in an exchange 
with Mr. Godfrey about sanctions, and this is something that I 
hope, as a committee, we might do sometime is to really analyze 
our sanctions policy big picture.
    We are often talking about sanctions in Venezuela or 
sanctions in Russia and sanctions in Iran, and I think 
sanctions policy and the power of U.S. leading sanctions, 
particularly if they are multilateral, have often accomplished 
good things.
    But then I also believe sometimes they have a perverse 
effect. They give a dictator who is mismanaging a country the 
ability to say, see, we would be doing great if it were not for 
the big bad United States imposing sanctions on us.
    And so some assessment--and I know some work on this has 
been done at Stanford but some assessment of U.S. sanctions 
policy and when has it worked really well and when has it maybe 
not produced the result that we wanted, and what are elements 
of sanctions policy that might maximize their effect.
    I will give you an example. I think sanctions bill should 
almost always have, and here is how the sanctions will be 
lifted. Do the following five salutary things that you should 
want to do if you care about your people and the sanctions will 
go away.
    I think many on the receiving end of sanctions sort of 
believe that it is one and done and as soon as we put them on 
they will be laboring under them forever, so what is their 
incentive, really, to change behavior if they do not think that 
good behavior would provide an off ramp.
    So I am just--we are dealing with so many different 
sanctions issues at any one time and I can, certainly, see in 
my 10 years here the salutary effects of some of the sanctions 
work we have done. Really important.
    I think we are seeing it in real time. The sanctions policy 
in--against Russia in Ukraine, combined with other things, has 
certainly shrunk Russia's war aims and had a very, very 
damaging effect upon them.
    But it might be time to look big picture about could we do 
even better and, in particular, I am kind of intrigued by the 
notion of putting a clear off ramp in sanctions so that we can 
then market to the citizens of these countries, look, we do not 
want to hurt you at all.
    All we want to do is produce this good behavior and as soon 
as the government does exactly the kinds of things that they 
should do that are in your interest then the sanctions will go 
away.
    We might be able to more effectively impose, market, 
communicate, why we are doing the sanctions but also more 
likely incentivize the kind of behavior that we are looking to, 
hopefully, incentivize by those.
    I would just maybe say to my colleagues maybe this is an 
issue that we ought to spend some more time on and I would look 
forward to doing that. Thank you to all of you and 
congratulations on your nominations.
    Senator Rounds. That concludes our committee work this 
afternoon. On behalf of Chairman Murphy, I would note that all 
questions for the record for our nominees are due at close of 
business tomorrow, Wednesday, the 25th.
    And unless there is further business to come before the 
committee, this committee--this subcommittee meeting is 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 4:00 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


         Statement Submitted for the Record by Chairman of the 
                  Full Committee Hon. Robert Menendez

    I'm pleased that we were able to hold today's hearing. The nominees 
on today's panel are being considered for countries in which the United 
States has significant strategic interests. In some cases, these posts 
have been vacant for years.
    In east Africa the picture looks bleak. The nomination of a new 
U.S. Ambassador to Sudan--who would be the first confirmed Ambassador 
to go to Khartoum in a quarter of a century--comes at a fraught moment 
for Sudan's future. The October 2021 coup in Sudan constituted a major 
setback. General Abdel Fattah a-Burhan and General Mohamed Hamdan 
Dagalo ``Hemedti'' continue to consolidate power, thwarting the 
aspirations of millions of Sudanese who supported and participated in 
the 2019 revolution, and putting Sudan's development, stability, and 
security at risk. 30 percent of Sudan's entire population are estimated 
to need humanitarian assistance. Sudan's already bad economy continues 
to worsen, yet Burhan, the Hemedti family, and Sudan's military 
leadership continue to turn a profit including by working with the 
Kremlin-backed Wagner group to secure gold mines and other economic 
assets throughout the country. Today's nomination significantly 
strengthens our commitment to Sudan and its people in their quest for 
democracy and accountable government.
    South Sudan has not held elections since the country attained its 
independence in 2011. The 2018 revitalized peace agreement (R-ARCSS) 
remains largely unimplemented nearly four years after it was signed. 
Elections, which were supposed to have occurred in 2023, now look 
increasingly unlikely due the failure of South Sudanese leaders to 
adhere to and implement the agreement they signed.
    In 2021 the U.N. reported that over $73 million had been diverted 
from South Sudanese Government coffers and that this figure was likely 
just a fraction of what has actually been stolen by senior officials. 
Even as the leaders of South Sudan line their pockets and arm their own 
private militias, the people of South Sudan continue to suffer. More 
than 6 million South Sudanese are displaced due to violence and climate 
change. As many as 8.3 million people in South Sudan are estimated to 
need aid. In assessing President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek 
Machar's atrocious ten-year record of governance, corruption, grievous 
human rights abuses, impunity, and complete disregard for the welfare 
of the South Sudanese people, it is increasingly clear that the best 
thing President Kiir and Vice President Machar can do for their country 
now is retire. The appointment of a new Ambassador to South Sudan, 
after so many years without an Ambassador in Juba, reaffirms our 
commitment to the South Sudanese people.
    There are glimmers of hope in east Africa, however. Tanzania could 
be a bright spot. It remains unclear whether President Hassan is truly 
committed to reversing the anti-democratic policies of the previous 
administration. Tanzania continues to struggle in terms of press 
freedom, party pluralism, and accountability for attacks, disappearance 
and murders of opposition political figures, for example. However, the 
change of leadership in the wake of the passing of former President 
John Magufuli provides an opening. I hope that the Administration, led 
by a new Ambassador, will take advantage of the moment to press for 
advancements in the areas of democracy, good-governance, and financial 
transparency in Tanzania by supporting key institutional and legal 
reforms.
    Kenya too represents a potential bright spot. Though the Kenyan 
elections will be highly competitive this August, the fact that Kenyans 
are committed to going to the polls is meaningful in a region where 
regular elections cannot be taken for granted. There are significant 
challenges--security force abuses of civilians, entrenched corruption, 
and income inequality o name a few. However, there is also a highly 
educated population, a vibrant free press and, a robust economy, all of 
which are helping move Kenya in a positive direction.
    In southern Africa, the picture is much more optimistic. South 
Africa's economic and political leadership on the continent make it a 
critical partner for the U.S. We must establish a closer, more 
productive relationship with it. Despite its current problems-endemic 
corruption, slow economic growth, and deeply-rooted inequality-it is 
nonetheless an industrialized democracy with considerable diplomatic 
influence. The United States should be actively positioning itself as 
South Africa's partner of choice, and it is critical that we have an 
Ambassador in place to lead these efforts.
    The Zambian people's rejection in 2021 of a leader who was growing 
more and more authoritarian is an historic moment for Zambia. The 
United States must seize on this opportunity to help Zambia strengthen 
its democracy, reform its institutions, mitigate its economic crisis 
brought about by fiscal mismanagement and opaque debt-much of which was 
accrued under dubious terms to China. Just as Zambia's democratic 
achievements can be a model for the rest of Africa, the United States 
should surge resources and support to Zambia as a model for how we 
engage with new democracies and cultivate new partnerships. I'm glad to 
see such a well-qualified nominee for the position.
    I welcome each of the nominees to the hearing and plan to move them 
through committee as quickly as possible.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Reuben E. Brigety II by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in South Africa and 
counter the influence of China and other malign actors?

    Answer. The U.S. Mission in South Africa coordinates closely with 
European and other like-minded missions in South Africa on this topic. 
If confirmed, I will invigorate these efforts and use my position to 
expand and elevate the conversation. South Africa faces challenges from 
PRC and Russian disinformation campaigns, as many countries do; it is 
also a vibrant constitutional democracy and a fellow G-20 nation that 
has shown the independence and insight to defend its sovereignty from 
external malign actors. The key to working successfully with our 
European partners on this issue in South Africa is to work with our 
South African partners--coordinating and engaging robustly on issues 
that affect it, like disinformation and cybercrime.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report (TIP), South Africa was downgraded to the Tier 2 Watch List for 
continued lack of implementing regulations to a 2013 law, corruption 
and complicity in trafficking, and overall decreasing efforts to meet 
the minimum standards. How will you work with the South Africans to 
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Trafficking in persons poses a grave threat and requires a 
whole-of-government response. If confirmed, I will work with South 
African stakeholders across their interagency and in civil society, 
both at the national and provincial levels, to implement both South 
Africa's 2019 national policy framework and the immigration provisions 
of South Africa's 2013 anti-trafficking law to increase prosecutions of 
traffickers--including complicit officials--and protections for victims 
and to strengthen prevention efforts. If confirmed, I will work with 
the State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in 
Persons and USAID to assist South Africa's prosecutors and 
investigators in pursuing the perpetrators of this heinous crime.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
South Africa operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained 
in the TIP report?

    Answer. It is my understanding that South Africa has made progress 
toward some of the prioritized recommendations in the 2021 U.S. 
Trafficking in Persons Report, and my early engagements will 
communicate the centrality to U.S. foreign policy objectives of 
progress in combatting human trafficking. If I am confirmed, the U.S. 
Mission under my watch will work closely with experts on human 
trafficking, including NGOs and international organizations, to 
encourage increased collaboration between the Government and civil 
society to ensure that trafficking victims are identified and referred 
to care; traffickers are vigorously prosecuted; and complicit officials 
are held accountable.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, South Africa was identified as lacking societal and 
governmental respect for religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
        International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
        in-country?

    Answer. My reading of the report is that South Africa has robust 
protections for freedom of religion and belief as enshrined in its 
constitution's bill of rights and safeguarded by its independent 
judiciary. Some faith-based groups took issue with restrictions placed 
on religious gatherings in 2020 as part of the Government's COVID-19 
response; those restrictions have been lifted. The U.S. Mission also 
was alarmed by some incidents of antisemitism and engages regularly 
with civil society and faith-based organizations on confronting hate 
speech and hate crimes. If confirmed, I will invite the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom to visit and observe first-
hand the close ties between U.S. and South African faith groups.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
South Africa increase their societal and governmental respect for 
religious freedom?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, my door will remain open to individuals 
and groups of all faiths. I will engage with the Commission for the 
Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and 
Linguistic Communities, which was established by Chapter 9 of South 
Africa's Constitution as a state institution to support constitutional 
democracy. If confirmed, I will meet with legal advocacy organizations 
like Freedom of Religion South Africa and South African Jewish Board of 
Deputies, and with interdenominational forums like the historical South 
African Council of Churches. And, if confirmed, I will celebrate 
religious holidays as a sign of respect for the various faiths that are 
practiced freely in South Africa.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, South 
Africa was identified as having significant human rights abuses, 
including torture, violence against minorities, the worst forms of 
child labor, among others. If confirmed, what steps will you take to 
address these instances with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government and members 
of the judiciary, prosecuting authority, and civil society to push for 
accountability, especially for those who are found abusing their office 
or uniform. Human rights require a strong foundation in the rule of 
law. If I am confirmed, under my leadership the U.S. Mission will 
safeguard our shores from bad actors and use all available tools to 
promote accountability. If confirmed, I will support a free and open 
press as the fourth pillar of South Africa's democracy, to shine light 
on abuses and transgressions of the public's trust.

    Question. How will you direct Embassy Pretoria to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. The U.S. Mission in South Africa provides multiple grant 
opportunities for civil society organizations working on behalf of 
human rights in South African and across the region. In addition to 
this funding, if I am confirmed, I will be both visible and vocal in 
defense of human rights and in support of its advocates. I take 
inspiration from the moral courage of Ambassador Edward Perkins, who 
during his appointment to South Africa as the first Black U.S. 
Ambassador there, from 1986 to 1989, was a visible presence in places 
of human suffering, including townships, courtrooms, cathedrals, and 
the graves of children.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.), 
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International 
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen 
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first 
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early, 
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states. 
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the South African Government 
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of Ms. 
Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. Yes. Ms. Bogdan-Martin's record at the ITU, including her 
advocacy for qualified professionals from Africa and the developing 
world and her promotion of principles that align with South Africa's 
own principles for the ITU, make her a strong candidate. If confirmed, 
I will advocate for her rigorously with counterparts to secure support 
for her in the upcoming election for Secretary-General of the ITU, 
including by demarches. I will underscore that Ms. Bogdan-Martin is the 
most qualified candidate to advance our shared priorities at the ITU, 
including promoting universal connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and 
affordable, as well as strengthening both the ITU's partnerships with 
stakeholders and its governance and accountability.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of 
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify, 
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. The JPO program is a key opportunity at the U.N. to 
encourage young professionals interested in serving in international 
organizations. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my 
colleagues in the International Organization Affairs Bureau and other 
stakeholders and agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have 
sufficient resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for 
U.S.-citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work 
strategically to increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the 
U.S. Government in key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities 
and strengthen our competitiveness in placing qualified American 
citizens into the U.N. system

    Question. South Africa has one of the lowest rates of voting 
coincidence with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the 
Security Council. What is your assessment of this issue?

    Answer. The United States considers South Africa an important and 
strategic partner, but we do not always see eye-to-eye on every issue, 
including some that come before the U.N. Notably, South Africa staked 
out a position contrary to ours at important recent UNGA votes that 
concerned Russia's war on Ukraine. While we disagree strongly with 
South Africa on this assessment, it is key to understand the reasoning 
that informs its positions so that we can most effectively engage them 
on the substance. If confirmed, I will engage with the Government, 
like-minded missions, civil society, academics, the media, and other 
stakeholders to advocate for greater cooperation in multilateral 
forums.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to 
engage with the South Africans on anticipated votes in the U.N. system 
that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?

    Answer. I believe the most important action to take regarding votes 
in the U.N. system or other multilateral bodies is robust, frequent, 
respectful engagement with the Government but also with civil society, 
academics, the media, and other South African voices. The more we 
consult our South African friends on the issues we care about--seek 
their views and, when possible, use their feedback--the more success we 
will have in this engagement. If confirmed, I intend to use my role as 
Ambassador to further just this kind of engagement. It is also vital 
that we work to identify areas where we do or might agree--for 
instance, issues of stability and security in Mozambique, Ethiopia, and 
Sudan--and build up our cooperation and diplomatic coordination.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Pretoria?

    Answer. It is my understanding that morale at Mission South Africa 
is strong, although COVID-19 added to the Mission's challenges, as it 
did at Posts throughout the world. The team at the U.S. Embassy and 
three Consulates General in South Africa have done and are doing 
amazing work under the leadership of Charge d'Affaires Heather Merritt 
and, before her, Charge d'Affaires Todd Haskell.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Pretoria?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to joining a team that is 
already functioning at a high level. From the start, however, I will 
listen to the views of everyone at the Mission and address any concerns 
about morale, platform requirements, or workforce posture.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Pretoria?

    Answer. All leadership begins with vision. I have practiced this 
principle in every significant leadership post I have held, to include 
my last Ambassadorship at the U.S. Mission to the African Union. As I 
stated in my oral testimony before the committee, if confirmed, I will 
dedicate Mission South Africa to practicing ``Ubuntu Diplomacy,'' 
whereby we will at every opportunity engage our South African 
interlocutors and Mission members on a basis of mutual respect and 
shared dignity even as we advance U.S. interests. Through policy, 
practice, and my personal example, we will ensure that we are treating 
all members of Mission South Africa with dignity and respect as we play 
our respective roles in the life and work of the Embassy.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style is one of ``empowered accountability.'' 
I believe strongly in making clear to the team the broad objectives we 
are trying to achieve, delegating those tasks to the lowest possible 
level of responsibility, empowering team members through resources and 
authority to accomplish those objectives, holding them accountable for 
doing so, and generously sharing praise for successful outcomes. I lead 
my teams on the basis of following ``The Three C's: Competence, 
Collegiality and Commitment.'' If confirmed, I will share this 
philosophy with the Country Team and Mission staff at every turn, such 
that it becomes our culture of doing business in Mission South Africa.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The relationship between the Ambassador and the DCM is the 
most important in the Mission. If it does not work, the Mission will 
not work. While serving as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union, I had 
a very strong and productive working relationship with my DCM, based on 
mutual respect and complementary skill sets. I expected her to be able 
to tell me anything, especially hard news I needed to hear about the 
mission or about myself. The current DCM in Embassy Pretoria, Heather 
Merritt, is a highly experienced career diplomat. I expect that I will 
have a strong, productive, and collegial relationship with her.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. Broadly speaking, if confirmed, I expect that the DCM will 
oversee all management issues within the Mission, while I engage in 
high-level diplomatic and representational tasks with the Government 
and people of South Africa. At times, those roles might have to be 
reversed. For example, in the event of a sensitive personnel matter, it 
might be appropriate for the Ambassador to deliver the message. When 
the Ambassador is away from post, the DCM would need to carry out high-
level diplomatic or representational functions. If confirmed, however, 
I will in general delegate routine management and personnel issues 
within the Mission to the DCM while I focus my efforts on engagement 
with the Government and people of South Africa.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
South Africa.

    Answer. I agree.

    Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Yes. I understand that U.S. diplomats at our Embassy and 
three Consulates General in South Africa travel widely throughout the 
country in the course of their work.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the team at Mission South 
Africa robustly engages local populations across all of South Africa 
and at all levels of society. With that said, if confirmed, I look 
forward to hearing the views of the team on how we can not only ensure 
that this engagement continues but identify any blind spots that would 
benefit from greater attention. I understand, for instance, that local 
audiences, especially those in rural communities, can be a specific 
engagement challenge because they generally engage only at the local 
level. If confirmed, I will actively solicit ideas from both inside and 
outside the Mission on how to engage our priority audiences in order to 
advance U.S. interests.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
South Africa?

    Answer. South Africa features one of the most complex public 
diplomacy environments in Africa--not to mention the world. Relatively 
advanced development and infrastructure created a media landscape and 
university network that stand comparably with other modern democracies. 
Persistent unemployment and income inequality, however, prevent large 
segments of the population from accessing those resources. As in any 
vibrant, multifaceted democracy, South African citizens do not fit in 
boxes, and our communication and outreach strategies need to be 
similarly nuanced and complex.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The complexity of the South African public diplomacy 
environment means that one-size-fits-all approaches generally fail. On 
a straightforward uncontroversial issue, such as use of antiretroviral 
treatments to control HIV infection, a broad-based information campaign 
might serve to advance U.S. interests. But on more sensitive issues, 
such as the nation's transition to renewable energy, a more nuanced and 
egalitarian approach is required--one that invites constructive 
conversations with a broad range of South African audiences. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure that our outreach remains tailored to 
the needs of audiences from different economic, geographic, religious, 
and ethnic backgrounds.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Carefully analyzing which voice is most appropriate in 
which context is important. For a sensitive foreign policy issue--such 
as one on which the U.S. and South African governments do not agree--
strategic public statements or interviews by Washington-based officials 
might afford in-country officials diplomatic space to advance U.S. 
interests. On issues where our countries generally agree, alternating 
engagements by Washington and in-country officials can strengthen the 
U.S. position without exhausting South African audiences with the same 
voice.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,''`1 have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. If 
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Pretoria staff, 
their family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my 
highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Pretoria personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new 
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of 
ongoing investigations.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to participating in the briefing on Anomalous 
Health Incidents, including in the Ambassadorial seminar, and will seek 
further information in unclassified and classified meetings with the 
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task 
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and 
Intelligence and Research.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in the ongoing 
investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health 
incidents. The Department continues to work in coordination with 
interagency partners on determining what happened to our staff and 
their families and to ensure their well-being and health going forward. 
There is no higher priority than the safety and security of our U.S. 
personnel, their families, and U.S. citizens.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being open with my staff about 
what I know; I commit to taking seriously any report of an employee 
being harmed or under threat, whether that is related to anomalous 
health incidents or not; and I commit to keeping an open door so that 
my staff entrust me with any concerns that affect their morale. I also 
commit to speaking with my staff regularly about the Embassy's mission, 
to ensure that they know how their work fits into the bigger picture. I 
believe that a team's morale is best served by every member of that 
team understanding the way in which his or her work matters, and by 
every member of the team knowing that their leaders have their backs 
and care sincerely about their well-being.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Reuben E. Brigety II by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to attending the 
Ambassadorial seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing 
with State Department?

    Answer. I commit to participating in all aspects of the 
Ambassadorial seminar, including the briefing on Anomalous Health 
Incidents, and will seek further information in unclassified and 
classified meetings with the Coordinator of the State Department's 
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus 
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.

    Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do 
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment and safety 
of our diplomats?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Africa, I will make the 
health and safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I will 
also commit to ensuring all reported incidents at Mission South Africa 
are treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate 
channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to treatment and medical care.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Reuben E. Brigety II by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. At six Confucius Institutes and five Confucius 
classrooms, South Africa holds the largest number of Chinese Communist 
Party-controlled educational institutions in the continent. Confucius 
Institutes are an insidious tool to inculcate college and high school 
students with the CCP's propaganda and worldview. Leaving these 
institutes unopposed risks creating national elites in other countries 
that will work against American interests. Do you believe Confucius 
Institutes are a threat to U.S. national security due to the fact they 
are funded by the PRC Ministry of Education and are part of the CCP's 
broader United Front influence efforts?

    Answer. I consider Confucius Institutes to be part of Beijing's 
global ``soft power'' influence efforts, which often serve to advance 
interests contrary to our own. And the South African public is savvy 
when it comes to PRC influence across the country. The U.S. Mission to 
South Africa hosts nine American Spaces and nine University 
Partnerships throughout the country. We use these platforms and 
partnerships to advocate for U.S. values, norms, entrepreneurship, good 
governance, and academic rigor. These are key to countering the PRC 
``soft'' influence in the country.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage the 
Government of South Africa to ban Confucius Institutes, or at least 
impose serious oversight over their activities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the South African Government 
and academic institutions to review their relationships with PRC-
affiliated organizations, including Confucius Institutes, to ensure 
that these organizations are operating transparently and in the best 
interests of the people of South Africa. If confirmed, I will explore 
whether countering their influence requires additional resources to 
bolster the U.S. presence across the country.

    Question. You served as the Dean of George Washington University's 
Elliott School of International Affairs from 2015 to 2020. During that 
time, GWU hosted a Confucius Institute. That Confucius Institute only 
shut down in 2021, after you left your position as Dean. Did you oppose 
the presence of a Confucius Institute on GW's campus while you were 
Dean at any point? If so, when?

    Answer. Yes, I did. I expressed my concerns about GW's Confucius 
Institute to former GW President Steven Knapp on at least one occasion 
by my recollection, likely sometime in 2016.

    Question. In 2018, you spoke at an event hosted by a Confucius 
Institute on Chinese engagement with Africa. This was well after 
numerous publications, including the Forbes, the Wall Street Journal, 
The Economist and the Diplomat, all have written about the threat posed 
by these institutions to academic freedom and the role they play in the 
party's overseas propaganda strategy. Why, then, did you agree to speak 
at a Confucius Institute Event?

    Answer. Diplomacy is about engagement, even--or at times, 
especially--with adversaries. This is true in formal government-to-
government diplomacy, public diplomacy, and Track II diplomacy. 
Speaking at an event sponsored by the Confucius Institute and making a 
strenuous case for American values and interests in Africa--as I did on 
this occasion as a private citizen--was an appropriate and effective 
engagement.

    Question. At this China-Africa-U.S. Engagement Dialogue event 
hosted by the Confucius Institute U.S. Center, you said that you 
believed that there might be ways that the United States and China 
could work together to advance the interests of African nations. Seeing 
the poisonous influence of the CCP across Africa in the past few years, 
have your views changed on the potential for U.S.-PRC cooperation in 
Africa?

    Answer. My comments about U.S.-PRC cooperation in Africa were 
rooted in my experience of the multilateral cooperation of many 
nations--including China--to combat the 2014 Ebola outbreak when I 
served as the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union. There are some 
issues--notably global health security and climate change--that require 
the broad cooperation of all nations, regardless of geopolitical 
interests. Deadly pathogens, for example, do not respect boundaries (as 
the novel coronavirus that originated in China showed). Cooperating on 
such transnational threats is appropriate even as we work assiduously 
to constrain Chinese ambitions in other areas that are hostile to our 
values and interests.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you be a credible voice warning of 
the dangers of Chinese influence in Africa, given your past support and 
statements in favor of U.S. cooperation with the CCP?

    Answer. I have a long track record, both as a government official 
and as a private citizen, of warning about and working against malign 
Chinese influence in Africa. If confirmed, I will continue to challenge 
Chinese influence in Africa--and in South Africa in particular--even as 
I advance American interests and promote American values.

    Question. South Africa's ruling political party-the African 
National Congress-has particularly strong relations with the CCP. The 
ANC is part of the ``Former Liberation Movements of Southern Africa,'' 
along with the ruling parties of Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, Tanzania, 
and Zimbabwe. The CCP regularly trains cadres from the ANC and built a 
political training academy in the country. The party's current national 
chairperson once said ``the Chinese Communist Party's ruling experience 
and party building theory merits the ANC's study and to be used as a 
reference,'' and South African's current President Cyril Ramaphosa said 
that the ANC ``gained so much'' from party-to-party trainings. 
Ramaphosa has also defended Huawei and other CCP-directed firms. South 
Africa also conducted a trilateral naval exercise with Russia and 
China. How will you use your influence to educate the ANC on the threat 
the CCP poses to Africa?

    Answer. As you note, the African National Congress has long 
historical ties to the Chinese Communist Party as well as other 
adversaries of the United States, including the Russian Government. 
Nonetheless, South Africa is a strong constitutional democracy with a 
developed economy, unhampered press freedom, and an independent 
judiciary; these factors blunt the PRC's ability to unduly extend their 
influence. If confirmed, I will engage robustly not only with the ANC 
but with all counterparts to emphasize the negative effects of Chinese 
malign behavior, for instance by highlighting Huawei's negative hiring 
practices, an issue that has recently drawn critical attention to the 
company among the public.

    Question. In 2017, you wrote a piece in the immediate aftermath of 
the Charlottesville ``March to Unite the Right'' rally in which you 
called President Trump the ``Nazi-in-Chief'' and a ``unreconstructed 
racist.'' You then proceeded to question the honor of anyone that 
occupies ``political positions of great responsibility'' who continues 
to remain in office while President Trump is in office. You have since 
apologized for some of your unfortunate word choices, but the incident 
still raises questions about your ability to keep cool in charged 
situations. You issued an apology for your words nearly three years 
after initially writing them. Why did it take you so long to realize 
the mistake you made?

    Answer. Following years of prayer and reflection, my apologies for 
the language I used about President Trump following the events in 
Charlottesville were genuine. I believe that much of American public 
life would be improved if more people sincerely apologized when they 
made inappropriate statements. While I apologize for the language I 
used about President Trump, I maintain that the former President's 
remarks--stating that there were ``very fine people'' among the violent 
neo-Nazis and white supremacists who organized and executed the 
Charlottesville riot--were reprehensible and inexcusable. It is 
incumbent on all Americans of goodwill, regardless of party, to stand 
firmly against violent racism of every kind and in every instance.

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Africa, how can this 
committee remain sure that you will not write or say something while 
representing the United States that you will later regret?

    Answer. I have a long track record of demonstrating restraint and 
sound judgment in a wide variety of difficult circumstances. The events 
of Charlottesville were a unique provocation in modern American 
history. Men marching with torches in the middle of the night, chanting 
racist slogans, and perpetrating violence in the name of racial hatred, 
recalled a dark history that we as a country thought was behind us--
including in my family's long, multigenerational history in my beloved 
home state of Florida. Nevertheless, my response to this incident only 
reinforced to me Dr. King's admonition: ``Darkness cannot drive out 
darkness, only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate, only love 
can do that.'' I learned an invaluable lesson and I will redouble my 
efforts to respond always to provocation with dignity and grace.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
               hon. reuben e. brigety ii by senator rubio
          Question. Following my question for the record dated May 24, 
        2022, ``You served as the Dean of George Washington 
        University's Elliott School of International Affairs from 2015 
        to 2020. During that time, GWU hosted a Confucius Institute. 
        That Confucius Institute only shut down in 2021, after you left 
        your position as Dean. Did you oppose the presence of a 
        Confucius Institute on GW's campus while you were Dean at any 
        point? If so, when?'' you responded, ``Yes, I did. I expressed 
        my concerns about GW's Confucius Institute to former GW 
        President Steven Knapp on at least one occasion by my 
        recollection, likely sometime in 2016.''

     If you had concerns about Confucius Institutes in 2016, why did 
            you speak at one in 2018?

          Answer. I believe that diplomacy, whether formal or Track II, 
        requires engagement. This is true with both allies and 
        adversaries. President Ronald Reagan held multiple direct 
        engagements with Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of 
        the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in the final years of 
        the Cold War. Thus, my engagement with a Confucius Institute at 
        the time as Dean of George Washington University's Elliott 
        School of International Affairs was part of a long, bipartisan 
        tradition of American officials and citizens engaging foreign 
        counterparts with different values and views. Since 2018, 
        including through the Senate's bipartisan research, we have 
        learned more about China's efforts to influence American public 
        opinion through Confucius Institutes on college campuses. I 
        would not participate in this particular engagement if asked 
        today. I would instead seek out other ways to engage with 
        Chinese counterparts.


          Question. Have you had any communications with a Confucius 
        Institute since 2018? If so, please explain the nature of the 
        communication(s).

          Answer. No, I have not.


          Question. If invited, would you speak at a Confucius 
        Institute again?

          Answer. No, I would not speak at a Confucius Institute again. 
        As I stated above, since 2018, including through the Senate's 
        bipartisan research, we have learned more about China's efforts 
        to influence American public opinion through Confucius 
        Institutes on college campuses. I would not participate in this 
        particular engagement if asked today. I would instead seek out 
        other ways to engage with Chinese counterparts.


          Question. What is the greatest risk posed to U.S. interests 
        in Africa today? Is it the CCP? Why or why not?

          Answer. The CCP's efforts to advance the PRC's political and 
        economic influence in Africa indeed pose a risk to U.S. 
        interests, but I would argue that it is one of a complex set of 
        overlapping threats. Russia's actions on the continent, whether 
        through diplomatic and economic channels or by the Kremlin-
        backed Wagner Group, similarly pose a threat not only to U.S. 
        interests but to the stability, security, and economic 
        interests of multiple African states. Violent extremism in 
        multiple parts of Africa is a perennial threat to the stability 
        of our partners and the lives and well-being of many Africans. 
        The way to address these risks is by continuing the Biden-
        Harris administration's policy of increasing the frequency, 
        range, and caliber of U.S. engagement with African governments, 
        political parties, and business communities. The quality and 
        quantity of our diplomatic and economic engagement is essential 
        to countering CCP inroads in Africa and other risks to U.S. 
        interests.


          Question. How does the threat of the CCP compare to the 
        threat of climate change or Islamic terrorism to U.S. 
        interests?

          Answer. Climate change is an existential threat to all 
        humanity that transcends geopolitical interests and ideological 
        differences. While the terrorist threat in Africa persists, 
        over the last two decades the United States has achieved many 
        successes by working with African partners across the continent 
        to identify and neutralize terrorist cells, benefiting both 
        U.S. and African interests.
          The political engagement of the CCP with African political 
        parties represents a clear threat to U.S. interests, one that 
        risks undermining progress on democracy and prosperity. 
        Beijing's vision would move us away from the values that have 
        sustained so much of the world's progress over the past 75 
        years. A central component of the U.S. approach in Africa must 
        be engagement with African partners--engagement that advances 
        democratic ideals and practices, by demonstrating the benefits 
        of stable democracy and the rules-based international order and 
        by challenging the PRC's false narratives.


          Question. In your response to my question for the record 
        dated May 24, 2022 was, ``At this China-Africa-U.S. Engagement 
        Dialogue event hosted by the Confucius Institute U.S. Center, 
        you said that you believed that there might be ways that the 
        United States and China could work together to advance the 
        interests of African nations. Seeing the poisonous influence of 
        the CCP across Africa in the past few years, have your views 
        changed on the potential for U.S.-PRC cooperation in Africa?'' 
        you responded, ``My comments about U.S.-PRC cooperation in 
        Africa were rooted in my experience of the multilateral 
        cooperation of many nations--including China--to combat the 
        2014 Ebola outbreak when I served as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
        African Union. There are some issues--notably global health 
        security and climate change--that require the broad cooperation 
        of all nations, regardless of geopolitical interests. Deadly 
        pathogens, for example, do not respect boundaries (as the novel 
        coronavirus that originated in China showed). Cooperating on 
        such transnational threats is appropriate even as we work 
        assiduously to constrain Chinese ambitions in other areas that 
        are hostile to our values and interests.''

     What should Washington and Beijing be cooperating on in the 
            African context?

          Answer. As stated earlier, climate change is an existential 
        threat to all humanity that transcends geopolitical interests 
        and ideological differences. Finding a constructive way to 
        engage the PRC, the second-largest economy in the world and the 
        largest greenhouse gas emitter on the planet, is necessary in 
        countering this threat, notwithstanding our strategic 
        competition with the PRC. Working on climate issues is one area 
        in which Washington and Beijing should be cooperating in 
        Africa.

          Question. Does Beijing's cover up of its responsibility for 
        the novel coronavirus change your view on the merits of seeking 
        cooperation with the CCP?

          Answer. My experience in working with my PRC counterpart 
        during the 2014 Ebola crisis was productive. As a result, 
        despite Beijing's lack of transparency about the origins of the 
        novel coronavirus, I believe working with the PRC on global 
        health issues remains an important area of cooperation. 
        However, it is important that the U.S. Government be clear-eyed 
        about health engagements with the PRC to ensure transparency 
        and that any cooperation is clearly in the interest of the 
        United States.

          Question. In your response to my question for the record 
        dated May 24, 2022,``South Africa's ruling political party--the 
        African National Congress--has particularly strong relations 
        with the CCP. The CCP regularly trains cadres from the ANC and 
        built a political training academy in the country. The party's 
        current national chairperson once said``the Chinese Communist 
        Party's ruling experience and party building theory merits the 
        ANC's study and to be used as a reference,'' and South 
        African's current President Cyril Ramaphosa said that the ANC 
        ``gained so much'' from party-to-party trainings. Ramaphosa has 
        also defended Huawei and other CCP-directed firms. How will you 
        use your influence to educate the ANC on the threat the CCP 
        poses to Africa?'' you responded ``As you note, the African 
        National Congress has long historical ties to the Chinese 
        Communist Party as well as other adversaries of the United 
        States, including the Russian Government. Nonetheless, South 
        Africa is a strong constitutional democracy with a developed 
        economy, unhampered press freedom, and an independent 
        judiciary; these factors blunt the PRC's ability to unduly 
        extend their influence. If confirmed, I will engage robustly 
        not only with the ANC but with all counterparts to emphasize 
        the negative effects of Chinese malign behavior, for instance 
        by highlighting Huawei's negative hiring practices . . .''

     In your view, what is the purpose of the CCP's party-to-party 
            training and exchange programs with African partners?

          Answer. It is clear to me that the purpose of such exchanges 
        is to strengthen PRC influence in the domestic governance and 
        foreign policy of South Africa.

          Question. Is the ANC susceptible to the CCP's message during 
        these trainings?

          Answer. The ANC is a ``big tent'' organization with many 
        competing factions and viewpoints. The CCP's messaging 
        certainly appeals to some portion of the ANC. As I wrote 
        before, the way to counter this messaging is sustained, on-the-
        ground engagement by the United States to ensure that the ANC 
        and other South African political parties engage with political 
        perspectives rooted in Western political values.

          Question. What would you do to counter the CCP's party-to-
        party engagements with the ANC?

          Answer. I would strongly encourage engagement by organs of 
        the National Endowment for Democracy--principally the 
        International Republican Institute and the National Democratic 
        Institute--to develop and host similar party-to-party 
        engagements with the ANC and with other South African political 
        parties.

          Question. In addition to Huawei's ``negative hiring 
        practices,'' what are some other risks Huawei poses to South 
        Africa as well as Africa more broadly?

          Answer. Huawei's efforts to monopolize telecommunications 
        networks pose a number of risks to American and South African 
        interests, including compromising data security and 
        sovereignty. The use of Huawei's networks for active cyber 
        espionage is also a very real threat.

                                *  *  *



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. During former President John Magafuli's tenure there was 
significant democratic backsliding in Tanzania. Under President 
Hassan's leadership, there appears to be an opportunity for progress in 
the areas of democracy and human rights. What programs and activities 
are currently underway to support democratic freedoms and good 
governance in Tanzania? What additional actions should the U.S. take? 
What concrete actions will you take to support democracy and good 
governance if confirmed?

    Answer. The United States currently supports democratic 
strengthening and good governance in Tanzania through several programs 
administered by the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor; USAID; and Embassy Dar es Salaam. If confirmed, I 
will continue these programs to support democracy, respect for human 
rights, and good governance. I will also take advantage of the opening 
created by President Hassan's ascension to power to make further 
progress on democracy and human rights, leveraging the full USG toolbox 
of inducements and disincentives, including the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation eligibility process, the AGOA eligibility review process, 
and the section 7031(a) direct government-to-government assistance 
eligibility review process.

    Question. What tools does the U.S. have to build the capacity and 
enhance the resilience of the media in Tanzania? If confirmed, what 
steps will you take to support media freedom in Tanzania?

    Answer. The U.S. Government supports journalists, media houses, and 
community radio operators across Tanzania to improve their ability to 
convey accurate and impartial information. Over the past five years, 
USAID has provided more than $10 million through its Boresha Habari 
(Improve the News) program. Embassy Dar es Salaam's Public Affairs 
Section also supports media professionalization through trainings, 
speakers, and its small grants program. If confirmed, I will work with 
U.S. academic institutions with strong mass media degree programs to 
assist Tanzanian media on both the hard and soft skills in media 
production, dissemination, and preservation. I will also encourage more 
access to training in media research opportunities offered by U.S. 
academic institutions.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to keeping the committee up 
to date on the progress of advancing political freedoms and protections 
for journalist in Tanzania?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to keeping the committee up to 
date on the progress of advancing political freedoms and protections 
for journalists in Tanzania.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Tanzania? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights, and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. Some of the biggest obstacles to democratic progress in 
Tanzania are laws and regulations adopted under former President 
Magufuli that remain enforced, including the Media Services Act, the 
Political Parties Act, the 2020 Electronic and Postal Communications 
(Online Content) Regulations, and the 2020 NGO Guidelines that remain 
in effect. Other obstacles include continued lack of accountability for 
2020 election-related violence.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. I will prioritize strengthening civil society, the media, 
political parties, and democratic institutions to assist the Tanzanian 
people in advocating for democratic reform and resisting future attacks 
on their political and human rights.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Tanzania? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet regularly with both U.S. and 
Tanzanian civil society members, human rights organizations, and other 
non-governmental organizations. I will advocate for Tanzanian civil 
society's independence and help protect it from undue restrictions and 
penalization by engaging the Tanzanian Government and by providing U.S. 
training and resources to help civil society protect itself.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within 
political parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet regularly democratically 
oriented leaders in both the ruling party and opposition parties. I 
will encourage genuine political competition and seek to direct 
resources and support to those democratic institutions that promote a 
level playing field for political competition. I will advocate for 
Tanzania to further its already admirable progress in making political 
parties and public life more accessible and inclusive for women, 
minorities, and youth.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Tanzania on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly 
with independent, local press in Tanzania?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage Tanzania on freedom of 
expression, including for members of the press. I will raise concerns 
about any government effort to control or undermine press freedom 
through legal, regulatory, or other measures. I will also ensure my 
team supports critical legal and regulatory efforts to enshrine, 
protect, and expand media and press freedoms, as well as access to the 
Internet. I commit to meeting regularly with the independent local 
press.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Tanzania?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to fully brief members of Congress 
and staff each time I am in Washington for visits or consultations.

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health 
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members. 
These incidents affect the well-being of U.S. personnel serving their 
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I 
will make the health and safety of my staff my top priority, including 
contributing to the extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into 
the cause of these incidents and how we can best protect our people. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of embassy staff, their 
family members, and all those supporting the mission will be my highest 
priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
needed treatment, support, and medical care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting embassy medical staff and 
the RSO to discuss any reported anomalous health incidents and will 
ensure that all protocols are being followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. How do you assess Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu 
Hassan's role in eroding the country's democratic institutions and 
suppressing opposition voices and democratic actors while she served as 
Vice President of United Republic of Tanzania under the Administration 
of President John Pombe Magufuli? Please explain.

    Answer. As former President Magufuli's vice president, President 
Hassan publicly supported many of his anti-democratic policies but does 
not appear to have had much influence over policy-making at that time.

    Question. Do you assess that President Hassan bears any 
responsibility for the anti-democratic actions and rights abuses that 
occurred under the previous president?

    Answer. During her service as former President Magufuli's vice 
president, President Hassan shared responsibility for the shrinking of 
democratic and civil society space, limits on media freedom, and the 
rise in politically motivated violence.

    Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, how will you engage the 
Administration of President Hassan on continued democratic, economic, 
and political reforms, particularly as Tanzania approaches elections in 
2025?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work constructively with President 
Hassan's administration to build a political environment that protects 
democratic institutions, civil and political rights, and human rights. 
I believe there is an opportunity to do so by supporting reconciliation 
between the ruling party and opposition parties and their ongoing 
efforts to pursue political reforms, including within the framework of 
the Tanzania Center for Democracy.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Tanzania and 
counter the influence of China and other malign actors?

    Answer. I agree with your assertion in ``The United States and 
Europe: A Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China'' that 
both the United States and Europe must recognize the strategically 
important role Africa plays in the world and strengthen their 
partnerships with the continent. Together with Europe, we should 
encourage Tanzania to pursue policies that support Tanzanian interests 
and are in accordance with the rules-based international order. 
Tanzania has a special relationship with the PRC that goes back to 
before its independence, but that does not mean we cannot work with our 
likeminded partners to help Tanzania offer a level playing field for 
business, protect its own sovereignty, combat disinformation, and 
support democratic values enshrined in Tanzania's constitution.

    Question. Given your prior experience supporting planning and 
execution of the 1st U.S. Africa Leaders Summit in 2014 under the Obama 
administration, what recommendations would you give ahead of the 2nd 
planned U.S. Africa Leaders Summit that the Biden administration has 
committed to holding this year?

    Answer. I recommend the State Department engage Africans, both 
through their embassies in Washington and in capitals, to understand 
what African countries would like from the summit. The summit should 
mutually benefit both the United State and Africa. The summit agenda 
should include a discussion on how the United States can most 
effectively partner with Africa to reach the goals of Africa 2063. I 
recommend the President have a cabinet-level meeting on the summit 
agenda to show the importance and respect we have for our partnership 
with Africa. I would also suggest engagement with the African diaspora 
and civil society in advance of and during the summit. Finally, former 
U.S. Presidents and First Ladies should be invited to a session of the 
summit.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report (TIP), Tanzania remained Tier 2 Watch List for the third 
consecutive year for mismatched efforts to meet the minimum standards 
to eliminate trafficking. How will you work with the Tanzanians to 
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. I commit to working with the Government of Tanzania to 
combat trafficking in persons. If confirmed, I will focus on supporting 
our existing efforts to help Tanzania provide specialized skills 
training for prosecutors and law enforcement, address the lack of 
coordination and appropriate levels of funding within the Government, 
and strengthen comprehensive victim and witness protection. I will also 
impress on Tanzanian policymakers the consequences to our bilateral 
relationship of failing to make sufficient effort to combat trafficking 
in persons.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
Tanzania operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in 
the TIP Report, including implementing their national plan to enhance 
anti-trafficking efforts?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging the Government of 
Tanzania to encourage concrete progress on the TIP report 
recommendations. I will encourage the prioritization of resources, both 
funding and personnel, to implement their recently finalized 2021-2024 
national action plan. I will work closely with the Office to Monitor 
and Combat Trafficking in Persons to build on existing efforts to 
combat trafficking in Tanzania.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Tanzania was identified as having serious abuses of 
religious freedom and an overall lack of societal respect. What is your 
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work 
with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to 
bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue the U.S. Embassy's good 
work in bringing together youth leaders and religious and community 
leaders to discuss local concerns around violent extremism related to 
religion and conflict. I will work closely with Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain to build on existing 
efforts to promote religious freedom and combat intolerance in Tanzania 
and around the world.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to personally engaging with civil society, 
including religious minorities, on religious freedom and ways to make 
progress on this vital issue.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
Tanzania increase their societal and governmental respect for religious 
freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to engage the Tanzanian Government 
at the highest levels on the importance of governmental respect for 
religious freedom and will redouble U.S. Embassy efforts to engage the 
Tanzanian people on the subject of religious pluralism and tolerance in 
Tanzania.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, 
Tanzania was identified as having significant human rights abuses, 
including government sponsored enforced disappearance, arbitrary arrest 
and detention, violence against journalists, and more. If confirmed, 
what steps will you take to address these instances with the host 
government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that improvement in 
bilateral relations is contingent on a further improvement in the 
Tanzanian Government's respect for human rights. I hope to use this 
unique moment to strengthen our bilateral relationship at all levels 
and to help the Government commit to and put into action a plan to 
increase respect for human rights. I will leverage the full USG toolbox 
of inducements and disincentives, including the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation eligibility process, the AGOA eligibility review process, 
and the section 7031(a) direct government-to-government assistance 
eligibility review process.

    Question. How will you direct Embassy Dar es Salaam to work with 
civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation on 
the ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will begin by using our diplomacy, 
programming, and partnerships to shore up civil society organizations 
that have been under attack for the past several years. Civil society 
organizations play an integral role in furthering democracy and human 
rights in all countries. A strong, resilient civil society is 
indispensable to improving the human rights situation in Tanzania.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.), 
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International 
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen 
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first 
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early, 
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states. 
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Tanzanian Government and 
any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of Ms. 
Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Tanzanian 
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their 
support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of 
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify, 
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with the 
International Organization Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder bureaus 
and agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have sufficient 
resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for American 
citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work 
strategically to increase the JPO opportunities funded by the U.S. 
Government in key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities, 
expand our recruitment and outreach activities to ensure these 
opportunities are widely known and available to interested U.S. 
citizens, and provide tools and services to strengthen our 
competitiveness in placing qualified American citizens into the U.N. 
system.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Dar es Salaam?

    Answer. The COVID-19 denial of the former president and the lack of 
data about the local effects of the pandemic negatively affected morale 
in the mission. Nevertheless, the community at our Embassy in Tanzania 
was strong and resilient.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Dar es 
Salaam?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with staff at all levels to 
review and implement the mission, vision and plan, consistent with 
guidance from the Africa Bureau. I will ensure that my DCM and senior 
staff focus on ensuring that all employees--including entry-level 
officers, locally employed staff, and eligible family members--are 
respected, have meaningful work to do, and feel like full and valued 
members of the Embassy community.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Dar es Salaam?

    Answer. In all of my previous work in and outside of the Government 
I have found that a unified mission and vision emerge most strongly 
when there is shared and intentional inclusion in the shaping of the 
mission and vision. If confirmed, I will foster, encourage, and 
demonstrate mutual and vested interest in our shared efforts and 
responsibilities.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style centers around collaboration and 
cooperation while respecting and reserving direct commands for the 
extremely few times exigency requires them. If confirmed, I will fully 
empower my staff to fulfill their roles while encouraging collaboration 
across sectors of the Embassy.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to develop the kind of 
relationship with my DCM that will encourage and inspire the DCM to see 
his or her next job as a chief of mission. The relationship will be one 
of developed trust, confidence, and shared interests in the individual 
and collective success of the mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The DCM should have responsibility as staff executive 
officer and have the Ambassador's full support to manage as chief 
operating officer when the Ambassador is present and as chief executive 
officer when the Ambassador absent. If confirmed, I will meet, 
collaborate, and coordinate with the DCM consistently and continually.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Tanzania.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Our diplomats have not gotten out enough to meet with local 
actors as a result of the pandemic. If confirmed, I will work to 
support our diplomats in Tanzania to do so, with appropriate 
precautions for their security, health, and well-being.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Embassy 
management section, regional security office, and health unit to ensure 
that resources are directed to supporting increased travel and 
engagement plans across the entirety of mission in a safe, secure, and 
health-conscious manner. Furthermore, the Embassy plans to open three 
American spaces in FY 2022 that will give the USG a consistent presence 
in geographically diverse areas of the country, facilitating programs 
and initiatives.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Tanzania?

    Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Tanzania is very 
receptive. Tanzanians have broadly favorable views of the United States 
and are eager to participate in our programs. Mission Tanzania's public 
diplomacy program is robust and designed to further the development of 
Tanzania's future leaders, build the capacity of Tanzanian 
institutions, and promote awareness and understanding of shared U.S. 
and Tanzanian values. Public diplomacy efforts also focus on promoting 
the English language and on creating a culture of entrepreneurship. 
Some of our flagship initiatives include exchange programs such as 
Fulbright, Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI), International 
Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), and the Academy of Women 
Entrepreneurs (AWE) program. Peace Corps volunteers have also served in 
Tanzania as teachers, leaders of health education projects, and leaders 
of environmental projects, building much goodwill over the decades.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. While the Tanzanian constitution provides for freedom of 
expression, authorities use libel laws and the threat of criminal 
penalties to stifle the exercise of that freedom. The ability of people 
in Tanzania to exercise their right of free expression also has been 
limited through several formal (legislative, regulatory) and informal 
(executive, government, and police statements) actions. These include 
laws that give the Government the authority to shut down media outlets 
and restrict use of the Internet and freedom of expression online. 
Tanzania's media sector also struggles with economic viability and has 
been slow to adapt to the new digital landscape. Challenges also 
include poor infrastructure and access to rural populations that can 
pose obstacles to travel and programming.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. I believe Main State and our Embassy in Dar es Salaam have 
different comparative advantages when tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences. Our public diplomacy officers in 
Tanzania can use close relationships with local media to reach 
Tanzanian audiences through radio, local newspapers, and in-person 
engagement. The State Department in Washington can amplify and 
reinforce Embassy messages or release tougher statements to broader 
audiences at a greater distance. This allows the Embassy to continue to 
engage with interlocutors locally without damaging relationships. If 
confirmed, I will ensure our mission and Main State coordinate on 
messaging to ensure it is as effective as possible.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. If 
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. I agree that such incidents pose a threat to the well-being of 
U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I 
will make the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their 
family members, and all those supporting the Mission my highest 
priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Dar es Salaam personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new 
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of 
ongoing investigations.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on 
AHIs and received a classified briefing on this matter. I will seek 
further unclassified and classified meetings with the Coordinator of 
the State Department's Health Incident Response Task Force as well as 
relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and 
Research.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in the ongoing 
investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health 
incidents. The Department continues to work on determining what 
happened to our staff and their families and to ensure their well-being 
and health. There is no higher priority than the safety and security of 
our U.S. personnel and their families.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being open with my staff about 
what I know; I commit to taking seriously any report of an employee 
being harmed or under threat, whether that is related to anomalous 
health incidents or not; and I commit to keeping an open door so that 
my staff entrusts me with any concerns that affect their morale. I also 
commit to speaking with my staff regularly about the Embassy's mission, 
to ensure that they know how their work fits into the bigger picture. I 
believe that a team's morale is best served by every member 
understanding how his or her work matters and knowing that their 
leaders have their backs and care sincerely about their well-being.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I have been closely following increased reports of 
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees. 
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are 
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health 
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State 
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial 
seminar that you are required to attend. If confirmed, will you commit 
to attending the Ambassadorial seminar session on AHIs and seek a 
classified briefing with State Department?

    Answer. Yes, I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on 
AHIs and, if confirmed, I commit to receiving a classified briefing on 
this matter and will seek further information in unclassified and 
classified meetings with the coordinator of the State Department's 
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus 
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.

    Question. I have been closely following increased reports of 
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees. 
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are 
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health 
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State 
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial 
seminar that you are required to attend. If an incident occurs, please 
assure that you will do everything in your power to prioritize the 
health, treatment, and safety of our diplomats?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Tanzania, I will make the 
health, treatment, and safety of my staff my top priority. I also 
commit to ensuring all unexplained health incidents at Embassy Dar es 
Salaam are treated seriously and quickly reported through the 
appropriate channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals 
receive prompt access to treatment and medical care.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. In March 2021, Samia Suluhu Hassan assumed Tanzania's 
presidency after her predecessor John Magufuli died of COVID-19. This 
appeared to be an opportunity for the United States to restore our 
relationship with the country. However, since then, President Hassan 
has pursued a strongly pro-China foreign policy, and like South Africa, 
Tanzania has historic ties with Beijing. In June of 2021, Hassan agreed 
to participate in the Chinese Communist Party's Belt and Road 
Initiative. She expedited approval to hand control over a coal mine and 
power plant to Chinese company Sichuan Hongda and revived a $10 billion 
port project that President Magufuli suspended. By all accounts, we're 
now on the defensive in Tanzania.

   Do you find the pro-CCP decisions of the Hassan administration 
        concerning? Why or Why not?

    Answer. The relationship between Tanzania and the People's Republic 
of China has been historically strong, since before Tanzania's 
independence. President Hassan's approach to the PRC is in line with 
that well-established precedent and consistent with her 
administration's overall tilt towards expanding international 
relationships, including with the United States. While welcoming of all 
inward foreign direct investment, including from the PRC, Hassan has 
also been willing to accept advice and counsel to protect Tanzania's 
sovereignty and economic well-being.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you encourage U.S. policy towards 
Tanzania to more seriously compete with the CCP?

    Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will meet the PRC 
challenge by supporting a level playing field for U.S. companies, 
providing a meaningful alternative to the PRC's economic enticements, 
and by promoting entrepreneurship and transparent economic practices. I 
will be a vigorous advocate for U.S. companies and will encourage a 
welcoming Tanzanian Government approach to inward U.S. investment as 
the best way to support sustainable economic development. I will 
support Tanzania in creating an enabling environment for inclusive 
private sector-led growth by facilitating regional trade, improving 
access to credit, improving agricultural production and market access, 
enhancing domestic resource mobilization, and improving health and 
education outcomes.

    Question. As the Chinese Communist Party offers Tanzania the 
tempting offer of a $10 billion port project, the U.S. International 
Development Finance Corporation, an entity that Congress established 
precisely to finance these projects, instead issued a $20 million loan 
to a Tanzanian bank to expand access to education and provide technical 
assistance to ``Edu-finance'' initiatives. Regardless of the merits of 
this type of project, which USAID supports anyway, it is incredibly 
hard for leaders in Tanzania to communicate their value to ordinary 
Tanzanians, especially when they will inevitably compare it to a shiny 
port built by the Chinese.

   Do you see a problem with how the United States competes with the 
        CCP in Tanzania and other places in Africa?

    Answer. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation is 
an excellent development partner with high standards for its economic, 
social, and environmental impacts. However, the United States should 
not compete with the PRC by trying to outbid them in providing direct 
financial assistance. Rather, our strength lies in the promotion of our 
economic model, which Tanzanians admire and want to emulate. If 
confirmed, I will help the Government of Tanzania develop a fair and 
transparent economic system and make connections with U.S. businesses. 
I will also support providing technical support to analyze PRC 
contracts to allow the Government and citizens of Tanzania to 
independently evaluate the costs and benefits of all public projects. 
Transparency will allow Tanzanians to understand their choices, avoid 
traps, and protect Tanzanian interests.

    Question. If confirmed, what are your plans to revitalize America's 
engagement in Africa?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Tanzanian Government to 
ensure its full inclusion and active participation in the U.S.-Africa 
Leaders Summit. I will also work to improve Tanzanian efforts toward 
combating human trafficking. I will work to strengthen Tanzania's 
ability to continue to meet the AGOA eligibility criteria and to take 
full advantage of AGOA's benefits. I will encourage greater U.S. 
engagement in Tanzania's port projects to ensure that both Tanzanian 
and U.S. interests are protected. I will also seek greater engagement 
from U.S. academic institutions because a modernized agricultural 
system will enhance food security in Tanzania and East Africa. I will 
support creation of light industrial development in Tanzania, to 
include manufacturing and maintenance of farming equipment as well as 
food storage facilities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator Robert Menendez

Human Rights
    Question. According to the 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights 
Practices there are significant human rights issues in Kenya including 
credible reports of ``unlawful or arbitrary killings, including 
extrajudicial killings by the Government or on behalf of the Government 
. . . forced disappearances by the Government or on behalf of the 
Government.. torture and cases of cruel, inhuman, or degrading 
treatment or punishment by the Government . . . [and] . . . arbitrary 
arrest and detention.''

   How much money did the United States spend on programs and 
        activities to support security services in Kenya? Were any of 
        the security organs that received U.S. funding implicated in 
        human rights abuses? What steps will you take to ensure 
        accountability for human rights abuses by government security 
        forces if confirmed?

    Answer. Since 2010, the United States has provided $310 million in 
counterterrorism assistance to Kenya. Over the last three years, we 
have provided more than $33 million to build the capacity of Kenya's 
civilian law enforcement agencies. The Department of State also 
provides approximately $6 million annually to strengthen the 
Administration of justice and rule of law institutions including the 
police, prosecutors, the judiciary, and corrections. Our objective is 
to promote accountable Kenyan law enforcement institutions that respect 
human rights and the rule of law and ensure a safe and secure 
environment for Kenyans.
    U.S. officials have raised concerns about heavy-handed security 
force tactics to the highest levels of the Kenyan Government. They have 
also addressed underlying factors that may contribute to the use of 
such tactics by sharing technical expertise in police accountability 
mechanisms and in judicial reform.
    Although the judicial process is slow and challenging, U.S. 
assistance to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority has improved 
the quality and speed of investigations of the Kenyan police for human 
rights abuses, impunity, and corruption since 2015, enabling more 
convictions. The State Department takes implementation of the Leahy law 
very seriously, and every Kenyan security force unit nominated for 
applicable assistance undergoes a vigorous vetting process. I will 
ensure that continues to be the case.
    If confirmed, I am committed to raising credible reports of human 
rights abuses to the highest levels of the Kenyan Government to 
increase political accountability and will promote capacity-building 
that establishes effective accountability mechanisms for human rights 
violations.

Anticorruption
    Question. In 2021, Kenya ranked 121 out of 180 countries on 
Transparency International's (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index. Police 
and the courts reportedly rank among the most corrupt institutions.

   How is corruption impacting U.S. investment in Kenya? What U.S. 
        funded anti-corruption programs and activities are currently 
        underway in Kenya? Do these programs structured to improve the 
        enabling environment for investment? What steps will you take 
        to support anti-corruption efforts in Kenya including 
        accountability for official corruption if confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Kenya on 
improving accounting and internal controls by institutionalizing anti-
corruption mechanisms in all facets of government. My team and I will 
also focus on removing barriers to direct trade and investment, 
increasing security cooperation, combating a culture of impunity, and 
helping ensure a healthy, educated Kenyan population. Through our 
assistance programs, we will identify and implement innovative means to 
reduce the risk of corruption, one of the main obstacles to U.S. 
investment in Kenya.
    There are numerous examples where Kenya's own anti-corruption 
measures, pursued effectively through sound laws, institutions, and 
social practices, have enhanced transparency and oversight, promoted 
honest conduct, and provided accountability. Kenya was an important 
contributor to the first Summit for Democracy in December 2021 and 
reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening the ongoing fight against 
corruption by continuing to develop accountable institutions.
    In 2019, and renewed again in 2022, the State Department signed a 
$2 million agreement with DOJ to fund a full-time anti-corruption 
resident legal advisor in Nairobi to mentor Kenyan prosecutors working 
on the most sensitive public corruption cases and to train judges at 
the anti-corruption court. The first iteration of this project helped 
build capacity of Kenyan prosecutors and judges to prosecute and 
adjudicate complex corruption cases.
    To strengthen the Government's ability to end public corruption and 
abuses among the police, the State Department funds a $5.3 million 
capacity-building project at the Independent Policing Oversight 
Authority (IPOA) to improve its ability to capture complaints of 
abuses, track investigations, and refer well-evidenced cases for 
prosecution. Through a $300,000 program with local U.S. law 
enforcement, the State Department funded a train-the-trainers program 
for investigators at both IPOA and the National Police Service Internal 
Affairs Unit on modern investigative techniques. In 2020, the State 
Department also launched a $200,000 program with the U.N. Office of 
Drugs and Crime to support the creation of a national whistleblower 
protection law specifically intended to reduce corruption in public 
procurement.
    Our collaboration to address corruption with Kenya is robust and 
U.S. investments to build capacity in the justice sector are yielding 
results. With U.S. support, Kenya is bringing more corruption cases to 
court, securing more corruption-related convictions, and recovering 
more illegally acquired assets than in the past. If confirmed, I will 
continue these efforts to reduce corruption in partnership with the 
Government of Kenya.

    Question. In March, the State Department designated former-Nairobi 
Governor Mike Sonko Gidion Mbuvi Kioko ineligible for entry into the 
United States under Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign 
Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2021 due to his 
involvement in significant corruption, including for soliciting bribes 
and kickbacks in exchange for awarding government contracts to his 
associates.
    Do you believe that such sanctions are an effective tool to combat 
corruption? If confirmed, do you commit to regularly review the use of 
such designations as a tool to combat corruption?

    Answer. I do believe that such sanctions are a useful tool in 
combating corruption, and if confirmed, I commit to, when appropriate, 
reviewing such designations regularly as a tool to combat corruption.

Democracy & Human Rights
    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. I have been on the Teach for America (TFA) Board for over 
10 years and have served as National Board Chair for the last three. 
TFA works to ensure that every child has access to an excellent K-12 
education in the United States, which I believe is fundamental to 
democracy and human rights. TFA is widely acknowledged to have made a 
significant positive difference in the communities in which it operates 
and to K-12 education in the United States.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all available U.S. assistance 
programs and tools to strengthen democracy and good governance in 
Kenya. State Department and USAID resources are critical to achieving 
our policy goals and advancing our values in Kenya.
    USAID has awarded approximately $14 million to Kenyan civil society 
organizations to support credible and peaceful elections this year. The 
State Department has invested an additional $4 million to prevent and 
mitigate conflict and protect human rights. I will also leverage the 
Government of Kenya's strong desire for a Millennium Challenge 
Corporation compact to encourage further reforms that improve 
transparency and reduce corruption.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the embassy team's ongoing 
work and programs to combat disinformation and propaganda perpetuated 
by foreign and non-state actors. A well-informed citizenry is required 
for a functioning democracy, so I support the continuation of current 
embassy programs to educate journalists about the dangers of 
disinformation and procedures to publicly refute dangerous 
disinformation.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Kenya?

    Answer. Discrimination against LGBTQI+ individuals is widespread in 
Kenya. Civil society has reported an increase in harassment of LGBTQI+ 
Kenyans since the COVID-19 pandemic began. Homosexuality remains 
illegal in Kenya, and many are afraid to report abuse or get medical 
help because of social stigma and fear of further persecution.
    The murder of Sheila Lumumba, a Kenyan nonbinary lesbian, is a 
tragic reminder of the ongoing violence and discrimination faced by 
LGBTQI+ individuals in Kenya. If confirmed, I will work to combat 
violence and abuse, criminalization, discrimination, and stigma 
targeting LGBTQI+ persons abroad, in partnership and in direct 
consultation with civil society. I will work closely with the Special 
Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ persons on these key lines 
of effort. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have made clear, 
advancing the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons is a U.S. foreign policy 
priority.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Kenya?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all 
requests for briefings and for information by this Committee. Our 
foreign policy is stronger when the two branches of government 
coordinate, and I would look forward to strengthening that 
coordination.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, these incidents must be taken seriously. As Secretary 
Blinken has said, his number one responsibility is to protect the men 
and women representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I 
commit to ensuring any reported incident is treated seriously and 
reported through appropriate channels promptly and that any affected 
individual promptly receives prompt medical care.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to treating seriously and quickly 
reporting, through the appropriate channels, any reported AHI. I will 
also ensure that affected individuals receive prompt medical care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with medical staff and the RSO on 
any past incidents to ensure that all health, safety, and security 
protocols are followed and implemented. If confirmed, I will 
collaborate with our medical team and the RSO to make sure that the 
entire Embassy community is aware of what to do should a potential 
incident affect them, their colleagues, or their family members.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Campaigns are well underway in Kenya for the hotly 
contested General Elections on August 9, including for the presidency. 
These will be pivotal elections, not only for Kenya, but for the 
broader East Africa region which has experienced significant democratic 
setbacks in recent years.

   If confirmed and able to get to post ahead of elections, how will 
        you use your position as U.S. Ambassador to engage with Kenyans 
        and the international community on the electoral process?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support ongoing U.S. activities to 
strengthen democratic governance and promote peace. I will amplify 
ongoing efforts to promote free, fair, credible, and peaceful 
elections. For example, the State Department and USAID are investing in 
programs to strengthen electoral institutions and accountability, 
conduct civic education, promote political participation of women and 
youth, promote respect for human rights, prevent electoral violence, 
and improve the operational environment for civil society and the 
media. Moreover, if confirmed, I will continue to strengthen our 
relationship with Kenyan civil society and work closely with likeminded 
partners. These efforts will strengthen Kenya's ability to prepare for 
and conduct free, fair, and peaceful elections that reflect the will of 
the Kenyan people.

    Question. How will you engage with Kenya's leaders in the lead up 
to these elections?

    Answer. The August 2022 general elections are an opportunity for 
Kenya to showcase to the region and the world the strength of its 
democracy. If confirmed, I will lead continued U.S. Embassy efforts to 
engage politicians and government officials across the political 
spectrum to encourage free, fair, credible, and peaceful electoral 
processes that advance Kenya's role as a democratic leader.
    In addition, I will continue to work with civil society 
organizations and religious leaders to advocate for electoral reforms, 
to include the voices of a diversity of Kenyans in the electoral 
process, and to strengthen the ability of the Independent Electoral and 
Boundaries Commission to implement credible elections in a professional 
and transparent manner.

    Question. In your view, what specific efforts can be taken to help 
ensure the country holds free, fair, credible, transparent and peaceful 
elections?

    Answer. Supporting democratic and institutional reforms in Kenya is 
a top policy priority for the United States. If confirmed, I will 
collaborate with the Government of Kenya, political parties, civil 
society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote 
political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and strengthen 
electoral institutions and processes to promote free, fair, and 
peaceful elections.
    I would support the continued use of available State Department and 
USAID regional and centrally managed resources to advance democracy and 
respect for human rights in Kenya. The Embassy has leveraged these 
kinds of resources in the past to support myriad activities including 
promoting free, fair, credible, and peaceful elections and increasing 
women and youth participation in the political process.

    Question. Under the Trump administration, Kenya was in talks with 
the United States over a potential bilateral free trade agreement, 
which would have been the first such agreement between the United 
States and an African country. Talks of the free trade agreement 
stalled under President Biden, but earlier this month a delegation from 
the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative visited Kenya to explore 
potential opportunities for enhanced engagement on trade and investment 
between the U.S. and Kenya.

   As U.S. Ambassador to Kenya, and given your personal background in 
        business--particularly in the tech sector--how will you 
        approach discussions with the Kenyan's over trade and 
        investment and what U.S. tools and resources will you leverage 
        in those discussions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will draw upon my experience in the private 
sector to inform conversations with Kenyan officials and underscore the 
benefits of a strong economic relationship with the United States. I 
will support continued engagement with Kenya to pursue mutually 
beneficial trade and investment opportunities. Kenya's continued 
inclusive economic growth is in our interest. It increases Kenya's 
strength as a key regional security provider and bilateral partner. If 
confirmed, I will continue coordination with Nairobi's economic and 
political sections to leverage all resources and tools available to us.
    I strongly support USTR's continued engagement with Kenya on trade 
and investment issues and look forward to the fruitful outcomes of this 
engagement.

Global Competition and Malign Influence
    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with European 
        countries to build on likeminded interests in Kenya and counter 
        the influence of China and other malign actors?

    Answer. To counter the influence of China and other malign actors, 
it is essential to address corruption and promote U.S. businesses as an 
alternative to Chinese investment. If confirmed, I will contrast our 
approach to the PRC's development model by ensuring that transparency, 
social, economic, environmental, and labor safeguards are built into 
the projects we support. I will highlight how our economic engagement 
in Kenya fosters mutual prosperity by increasing two-way trade and 
investment, private sector led growth, responsible economic governance, 
and entrepreneurship opportunities for women and youths.
    Working with like-minded partners, like the EU, is critical to 
advancing United States foreign policy goals in Kenya. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with the EU mission in Nairobi as well as with our 
other diplomatic partners to ensure that Kenya improves their 
democratic institutions to counter any malign influence in the country.
    If confirmed, I will focus on how to best compete with China by 
providing sustainable alternatives, ensuring a level playing field for 
U.S. businesses and calling out the PRC's coercive and unfair business 
practices when necessary.
    I will assert American diplomacy to ensure PRC influence does not 
threaten our strategic partnership with Kenya or undermine democratic 
governance and transparency and respect for human rights in Kenya.

Foreign Assistance
    Question. As Chief of Mission, if confirmed, do you commit to be 
engaged with USAID on the issue of U.S. foreign assistance to Kenya, to 
ensure that adequate Mission oversight of U.S. foreign assistance is 
provided and that our foreign assistance is serving U.S. foreign policy 
priorities and interests?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging with USAID on the 
issue of U.S. foreign assistance to Kenya to ensure adequate oversight 
of U.S. foreign assistance and fulfillment of U.S. foreign policy 
priorities and interests. The U.S. Government has sent a clear message 
to Kenya that malfeasance will not be tolerated. If confirmed, I will 
continue to engage to ensure that any necessary reforms are carried 
out.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to engage personally in 
ensuring that our PEPFAR programs and other U.S. assistance initiatives 
are used by the Government of Kenya responsibly and with full 
transparency?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging personally in 
ensuring that our PEPFAR programs and other U.S. assistance initiatives 
are used by the Government of Kenya responsibly and with full 
transparency.

    Question. ``Locally-owned and locally-led'' is a pillar of USAID's 
approach in Kenya. This approach directly impacts how the United States 
provides assistance and interacts with Kenyans on development. While 
this is a necessary approach and can have a transformative impact on 
our bilateral relationship, what are the risks to having a foreign 
assistance model in Kenya that is ``wholly'' locally-owned and locally-
led?

    Answer. The United States has developed a cooperation framework to 
advance our interests with our Kenyan partners. While there are risks 
in moving towards a localization model that is ``Kenyan-led, Kenyan-
owned and Kenyan-managed,'' we see this approach as an important 
evolution in our relationship with Kenya. Local organizations may need 
additional support to comply with USG regulations. To make this model 
work, the U.S. Government is committed to building the capacity of 
local organizations and increasing the monitoring and oversight of 
these organizations to ensure the transparent, accountable, and 
efficient use of U.S. taxpayer dollars. We have made it clear to the 
Government of Kenya that malfeasance will not be tolerated. If 
confirmed, I will ensure full and judicious implementation of any 
necessary reforms.
    I will ensure, through all mechanisms available, that there are 
regular inspections and oversight of our implementing partners' 
facilities and enforce a zero-tolerance policy on waste, fraud, and 
abuse.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report (TIP), Kenya remained Tier 2 due to inconsistent efforts to 
identify victims of trafficking but increasing the number of 
investigations and prosecutions of trafficking cases.

   How will you work with the Kenyans to address these issues if you 
        are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Kenya to 
increase its efforts to combat TIP, including identifying more 
trafficking victims, expanding protection services for identified 
victims, particularly adults, increasing accessibility to shelters for 
victims, and increasing coordination with NGOs, neighboring countries, 
and regional organizations.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
Kenya operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the 
TIP report?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy efforts to increase 
government anti-trafficking efforts, including holding workshops to 
train magistrates, police officers, and customs officials on 
trafficking provisions. The Department also supports programs to help 
the Government increase investigations, prosecutions, and convictions 
of trafficking crimes; facilitate safe, ethical recruitment and protect 
migrant workers; and protect, assist, and reintegrate victims.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Kenya was lacking societal and governmental respect for 
religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
        International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
        in-country?

    Answer. At the time of the 2020 report, the U.S. Government 
estimated as of 2019 approximately 85.5 percent of the total population 
of Kenya is Christian and 11 percent Muslim. Groups constituting less 
than 2 percent of the population include Hindus, Sikhs, Baha'is, and 
those adhering to various traditional religious beliefs. Most of the 
Muslim population lives in the northeast and coastal regions, with 
significant Muslim communities in several areas of Nairobi. Religion 
and ethnicity are often linked, with most members of many ethnic groups 
adhering to the same religious beliefs.
    Al-Shabaab has carried out attacks in the northeastern part of the 
country and said it had targeted non-Muslims because of their faith. 
There are occasional reports of religiously motivated threats of 
societal violence and intolerance, such as members of Muslim 
communities threatening individuals who converted from Islam to 
Christianity.
    In recent years, religious and political leaders have stated that 
tolerance and cooperation among religions have improved, citing 
extensive interfaith efforts to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 
pandemic and to build peace between communities as evidence.
    If confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom to monitor religious freedom abuses, 
persecution, and discrimination in Kenya. We will collaborate on 
efforts to address these concerns and to build diverse and dynamic 
partnerships with the broadest range of civil society.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to personally engage with civil 
society on this issue.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
Kenya increase its societal and governmental respect for religious 
freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of respecting 
religious freedom and underscore the importance of addressing human 
rights abuses by security forces, including abuses limiting the ability 
of minority religious groups to function freely in society. The Kenyan 
constitution prohibits religious discrimination and protects religious 
freedom. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government of 
Kenya and civil society to ensure that both laws and policies are 
effectively implemented in accordance with these constitutional rights.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Kenya 
was identified as having significant human rights abuses, including 
arbitrary killings, forced disappearances, violence against journalists 
and others, and more.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about allegations of 
human rights violations and abuses in Kenya. If confirmed, I will call 
for the Government of Kenya, both publicly and privately, to respect 
the human rights of individuals in Kenya, notably freedoms of 
expression and peaceful assembly, and to ensure that those arrested 
receive due process and fair trials. I will speak out for democratic 
pluralism and respect for human rights. I will also build on current 
U.S. programs to strengthen police accountability, increase civilian 
police oversight, and professionalize security forces, including by 
providing human rights training
    If confirmed, I will build on Embassy efforts to urge the 
Government to increase the transparency of the electoral process and 
protect the freedom of peaceful assembly. I would also encourage the 
Government to end impunity to build trust with its citizens and develop 
a capable and accountable civilian security sector that serves Kenyans 
and respects international human rights standards.
    The State Department takes implementation of the Leahy law very 
seriously, and every Kenyan security force unit nominated for 
applicable assistance undergoes a vigorous vetting process. I will 
ensure that continues to be the case.

    Question. How will you direct Embassy Nairobi to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with and listen to all civil 
society and political actors in Kenya who support strengthening Kenya's 
democracy. I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the Government to 
ensure civil society organizations can operate freely and protect the 
freedom of peaceful assembly and expression. A concrete way the 
Government can build that trust is to allow NGOs and civil society true 
freedom of peaceful assembly and association. As health and safety 
allow, my team and I would meet in-person with civil society leaders 
throughout Kenya to hear and support their voices. I would also build 
on Embassy programs to assist civil society organizations conducting 
human rights advocacy and monitoring, particularly in advance of the 
August national election.

Kenya in the United Nations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.), 
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International 
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen 
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first 
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early, 
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Kenyan Government and 
        any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of 
        Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Kenyan 
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their 
support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of 
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify, 
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Professional Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues 
in the International Organization Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder 
bureaus and agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have 
sufficient resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for 
U.S. citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work 
strategically to increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the 
U.S. Government into key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. 
priorities, expand our recruitment and outreach activities to ensure 
these opportunities are widely known and available to interested U.S. 
citizens, and provide tools and services to strengthen our 
competitiveness in placing qualified U.S. citizens into the U.N. 
system.

    Question. As Chief of Mission, how would you approach management of 
the physical Embassy, as well as multiple missions and the myriad staff 
working not just for the Department of State, but multiple other U.S. 
federal departments and agencies, as well as the billions of dollars in 
U.S. Government programs focused on Kenya, Somalia, and the broader 
region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my management team 
in the mission to ensure the physical Embassy, as well as all our 
facilities, are safe, properly maintained, and effectively using 
government resources. I will adhere to the concept of ``one team'' to 
ensure that team members regardless of physical location are well 
integrated into the larger mission and empowered to focus on our core 
objectives. I will rely on the country team format to integrate all 
agencies at post. I will meet section and agency heads one-on-one and 
visit all our facilities on a regular basis.

State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
    Question. The U.S. Mission in Kenya is one of the largest in the 
world, hosting Embassy, USAID and other federal agency staff covering 
Kenya, Somalia, and regional East and Horn of Africa issues and 
programs.

   How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Nairobi?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make maintaining morale of utmost 
importance. I will work closely with my staff, understand their 
concerns about morale, and communicate those concerns back to 
Department leadership. In my experience, the best work comes from well-
resourced teams that support one another in their work towards 
achieving common goals and advancing U.S. policies. If confirmed, I 
will maintain clear communication and articulate goals and priorities 
early on and often.
    Our foreign service family members contribute directly to mission 
morale, and if confirmed, I will ensure that those family members are 
also supported and happy by improving education and schools in the 
country and ensuring that eligible family members who wish to work in 
the mission find meaningful employment.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Nairobi?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that all employees working in 
Embassy Nairobi, whether they are locally employed staff, eligible 
family members, contractors, or U.S. direct hires, feel supported and 
heard in their work. I maintain an open-door policy and will welcome 
the contributions and ideas of those working in our mission. Throughout 
my career, I have valued and encouraged a diverse and inclusive work 
environment, I will bring that same spirit to Embassy Nairobi.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style incorporates several elements. First, 
when beginning a new job, I listen very carefully to the existing team, 
including in this case, foreign service officers, locally employed 
staff and family members.
    Second, I determine what the organization is doing well and do more 
of it--as opposed to focusing exclusively on what needs to be fixed or 
improved. I always get to the list of improvements that are necessary, 
but I have found that starting with what is going well builds buy-in 
and credibility.
    Third, I work with my team to develop a set of priorities and 
metrics by which we hold ourselves accountable for delivering results. 
This process is consensus oriented but often requires clear decision-
making.
    Lastly, I establish an operating and communications cadence that 
allows the organization to know what the priorities are, what is being 
worked on, what the current issues are and how we are doing on 
executing against our goals. I also view attracting and developing 
talent as a key part of my management priorities. If confirmed, I will 
carefully build relationships as I listen to members of the host 
government and civil society. I will also listen to our Embassy and 
consular ``customers.''

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive 
to berate subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. We will work as a true team to ensure the U.S. Mission in 
Kenya is best placed to advance U.S. interests.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission 
(DCM) with the responsibilities akin to those of a chief operating 
officer. While both the DCM and I will have responsibility for coaching 
and mentoring the Embassy team, if confirmed, I will also ask the DCM 
to play the primary role in ensuring the career development of the 
first- and second-tour officers on the Embassy team. And I will be open 
to any ideas that the DCM has about functions in which he/she is 
particularly interested or where he/she has particular strengths.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances to 
        encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that providing accurate and constructive 
feedback on performance is essential. And, if confirmed, I will fully 
reward those who succeed in their roles in the mission.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and 
reward high achievers.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Kenya.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will listen to my team to understand what 
resources they need to increase in-person interactions. outside Embassy 
walls. There must be a balance between mission, security concerns, and 
COVID-19 mitigation. I see great value in leaving the Embassy compound 
and am committed to ensuring the safety of my teammates. If in-person 
interactions are unsafe, I will provide technological support to my 
team so that they are still able to fully accomplish our mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. Unfortunately, the COVID-19 pandemic continues to limit our 
ability to meet local populations in person. Security issues are also a 
concern. If confirmed, I intend to improve the ability of my staff to 
access local populations by ensuring the health and safety of local 
populations and Embassy employees so that they can meet face-to-face. I 
will listen to my team to understand what resources they need from the 
State Department to increase in-person interactions. If in-person 
interactions are unsafe, I will provide technological support to my 
team so that they are able to meet virtually with their contacts.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Kenya?

    Answer. The U.S.-Kenya partnership is strong and Kenyan audiences 
welcome U.S. programming. Programs over the past year have connected 
U.S. and Kenyan experts and audiences to discuss food security, 
animation and filmmaking, hip hop music creation and marketing, 
journalism, entrepreneurship, COVID-19 prevention and mitigation 
measures, inter-religious relations, and disability rights. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that Embassy Nairobi continues to engage 
Kenyans to encourage mutual understanding with the United States.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Security conditions in certain counties, and even in parts 
of Nairobi, limit and restrict our interaction with key audiences, 
including at our American Corner on Lamu Island.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. I believe Main State and our mission in Nairobi each have 
an important role to play when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences. Public diplomacy officials on the 
ground can use close relationships with local media to reach a broad 
array of Kenyans with our messaging. Officials in Washington--with a 
wider audience--offer a platform to amplify this messaging. If 
confirmed, I will ensure our mission and Main State effectively 
coordinate on messaging to ensure it is as effective as possible.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
well-being of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their 
family members, and all those supporting the mission will be my highest 
priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Nairobi personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new 
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of 
ongoing investigations.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to participating in the briefing on Anomalous 
Health Incidents, including in the Ambassadorial Seminar, and will seek 
further information in unclassified and classified meetings with the 
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task 
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and 
Intelligence and Research.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in the ongoing 
investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health 
incidents. The Department continues to work in coordination with 
interagency partners on determining what happened to our staff and 
their families and to ensure their well-being and health going forward. 
There is no higher priority than the safety and security of our U.S. 
personnel and their families.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being open with my staff about 
what I know; I commit to taking seriously any report of an employee 
being harmed or under threat, whether that is related to anomalous 
health incidents or not; and I commit to keeping an open door so that 
my staff entrust me with any concerns that affect their morale. I also 
commit to speaking with my staff regularly about the Embassy's mission, 
to ensure that they know how their work fits into the bigger picture. I 
believe that a team's morale is best served by every member of that 
team understanding the way in which his or her work matters, and by 
every member of the team knowing that their leaders have their backs 
and care sincerely about their well-being.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I have been closely following increased reports of 
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees. 
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are 
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health 
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State 
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial 
Seminar that you are required to attend.

   If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial 
        Seminar Session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with 
        State Department?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to attending the session on AHIs and seeking 
a classified briefing at the State Department on this issue, if 
confirmed.

    Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do 
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment and safety 
of our diplomats?

    Answer. Yes, I confirm that if an AHI incident occurs, I will do 
everything in my power to prioritize the health, treatment, and safety 
of our diplomats.


                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Nowhere else in Africa are the dangers of the Chinese 
Communist Party's Belt and Road Initiative more apparent than in Kenya. 
The People's Republic of China holds 67 percent of Kenya's total 
external debt, much of this is tied up in loans for infrastructure 
projects. One of these, a railroad and coal plant near the city of 
Lamu, is estimated to be nearly a fifth of Kenya's Government budget. 
It won't take much for the CCP to swoop in and demand control of these 
facilities, justifying that Kenya has not been timely in making loan 
repayments.

   What is your assessment of the development of CCP investment in 
        Kenya?

    Answer. I share your concerns about the approach to investment in 
Kenya by the People's Republic of China (PRC). Kenya's debt is 
approaching unsustainable levels, and the U.S. Government fully 
supports the International Monetary Fund's program in Kenya to help the 
Kenyan Government better control its external borrowing and fiscal 
deficit. I will support Kenyan civil society advocacy for improved 
transparency in contracting processes. In parallel, I will advocate for 
a level playing field for American investments to provide the people of 
Kenya better transparency, value, and quality.

    Question. If confirmed, what do you plan to do to encourage Kenya 
to look to other sources of investment for its infrastructure projects?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Kenyan 
Government and U.S. private sector to promote increased U.S. investment 
in Kenya and to maximize the broad range of U.S. Government resources 
available to support U.S. businesses seeking to invest in Kenya. I will 
highlight that U.S. investment brings sustainable financing, skills and 
technology transfer, quality job creation, accountability, and 
transparency--helping Kenya grow its economy and making its business 
environment more attractive to other foreign investment. The Nairobi-
based tech hub known as the ``Silicon Savannah'' is one way to 
highlight the benefits of U.S. investment. Google's plans to open a 
product development center, as well as Microsoft's recent launch of its 
Africa Development Center in Nairobi will create high-skill technology 
jobs in a vital sector.
    If confirmed, I will focus on how to best compete with the PRC by 
providing Kenya with sustainable alternatives, ensuring a level playing 
field for U.S. businesses, and calling out the PRC's corrosive business 
practices.
    Endemic corruption in Kenya also deters domestic and international 
investment and limits opportunities for U.S. companies, as foreign 
competitors exploit corruption to secure overpriced and sub-standard 
commercial deals. If confirmed, I will work with the Government to 
institutionalize anti-corruption mechanisms in all facets of government 
and seek to leverage the Government of Kenya's strong desire for a 
Millennium Challenge Corporation compact to encourage further reforms 
that improve transparency and reduce corruption.

    Question. Many of the CCP-backed projects in Kenya involve the 
fossil fuel industry. Do you believe that we should let the CCP operate 
unopposed in this economic sector, which is so crucial for Kenya's 
development?

    Answer. We should not permit the PRC to operate unopposed in any 
economic sector. If confirmed, I will promote the prosperity of 
Americans and Kenyans through a fair and reciprocal economic 
partnership.
    If confirmed, I will contrast the U.S. approach to the PRC's 
development model by ensuring that transparency, social, economic, 
environmental, and labor safeguards are built into the projects we 
support. I will highlight how our economic engagement in Kenya fosters 
mutual prosperity by increasing two-way trade and investment, private 
sector led growth, responsible economic governance, and 
entrepreneurship opportunities for women and youths.

    Question. In January 2021, President Biden issued an executive 
order requiring DFC and multi-lateral banks only support projects that 
are consistent with the Paris Climate accords. Do you think an 
exception to be made in cases like Kenya, where the Chinese Communist 
Party is making inroads through investment in fossil fuel projects?

    Answer. No, we should not try to compete with the PRC by lowering 
our standards for investment. Instead, we should support Kenya's 
leadership in climate change and green energy, which was most recently 
demonstrated in its November 2020 decision to cancel a proposed 
Chinese-built coal plant on Lamu Island in response to environmental 
concerns. Kenya already produces over 90 percent of its grid power from 
renewable energy sources, setting an enviable standard for the whole 
world to follow.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Zambia's unsustainably high levels of foreign debt 
resulted in its default in 2020, and is a top priority for President 
Hichilema.

   What role should the United States play in helping Zambia address 
        its debt crisis, including support for debt relief at 
        international financial institutions, engagement with bilateral 
        creditors including China, and providing technical support for 
        public financial management and oversight?

    Answer. The United States strongly supports ongoing multilateral 
efforts to restructure Zambia's external debt. We work with the Paris 
Club, G20 partners, leadership from international financial 
institutions, and international experts to drive international support 
for Zambia's economic renewal and emergence from debt distress. U.S. 
experts also provide guidance and capacity building to Zambian 
regulators to ensure transparent, responsive, and accountable 
governance. Playing a leading role in these efforts directly supports 
Zambia's economic and political renewal and charts a path forward for 
other African and G77 partners currently struggling with unsustainable 
external debt and insufficient public resources.

    Question. If confirmed, what how will you work with the Zambian 
Government to address debt and other economic issues, including 
diversification, privatization, and stopping illicit financial flows?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead U.S. efforts in 
support of Zambia's ongoing economic renewal. I hope to forge strong 
working relationships with representatives from the Zambian Government, 
international financial institutions, and the private sector to ensure 
the United States has broad visibility into macroeconomic conditions, 
reforms, and opportunities. I will seek to connect Zambian partners 
with U.S. Government and nongovernment experts who can advise on 
necessary reforms to the business enabling environment to attract and 
retain private investment. I will also strongly advocate for visits and 
programming by relevant interagency experts at the Departments of 
Treasury, Commerce, and Agriculture.

    Question. President Hichilema campaigned on a promise to improve 
democracy and governance in Zambia, correcting the authoritarian course 
set by President Lungu.

   In your opinion, has President Hichilema kept that promise? What is 
        the Embassy's role in assisting with the development and 
        implementation of democratic and governance reforms, and how 
        will you work to hold President Hichilema accountable to his 
        promise of reform if confirmed?

    Answer. The administration of President Hichilema has made 
significant progress in efforts to stop authoritarian drift and root 
out endemic corruption in Zambia in a very short time. More work must 
be done to consolidate democratic gains and respond to the Zambian 
people's demands for economic and political renewal. U.S.-funded 
programming, exchanges, and engagement build the capacity and 
independence of government officials, legislators, and civil society 
activists. If confirmed, I will use the broad range of our public and 
private diplomacy to hold President Hichilema accountable for his 
campaign promises, the Zambian Government's Summit for Democracy 
commitments, and the demands of the Zambian people for accountable 
governance.

    Question. President Hichilema was elected partially on the support 
of women and youths, two groups that have been historically 
underrepresented in public life, and who may face barriers to social 
and economic advancement. LGTBI people still face significant social 
and legal discrimination.

   If confirmed, what will you do to advocate for changes in policy 
        and law that address the marginalization of these groups?

    Answer. The Zambian Government must do more to ensure the safety, 
representation, and economic participation of marginalized groups, in 
line with Zambia's constitutional and international commitments, and 
President Hichilema's stated commitments to promote respect for 
fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will continue the work of the 
U.S. Embassy in Lusaka to forge strong working relationships with the 
members, leaders, and institutions representing these communities. I 
hope to use this insight to identify challenges and opportunities for 
which U.S. assistance is best suited. Cultural and historical context 
in Zambia makes engagement on these issues particularly difficult. In 
all things, I will be guided by our ``do no harm'' policy.

Democracy & Human Rights
    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Zambia? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to support the 
consolidation of democratic gains in Zambia. Chief among these will be 
efforts to institutionalize reforms for accountable and responsive 
governance, including protecting opposition and civil society voices, 
independent media, and marginalized communities. Creating a more 
resilient, responsive Zambian Government would better equip Zambia to 
continue its long legacy as an anchor of democratic stability in 
southern Africa. The ability to execute ambitious reforms will depend 
upon Beijing's participation in multilateral debt restructuring 
negotiations and Zambia's ability to secure a swift and lasting 
resolution to its debt crisis.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support investment and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I hope to begin my tenure by aligning Zambian 
Government priorities, available U.S. assistance, and local capacity to 
absorb new initiatives and support. I will also seek to assess 
preexisting programming from likeminded partners, who play an active 
and important role in Zambia. I hope to prioritize efforts to 
institutionalize reforms in an effort to ensure democratic gains 
outlast the current administration. Zambia's longer-term success 
requires fighting endemic corruption and enacting legislative, 
regulatory, and procedural reforms to improve the business enabling 
environment. If confirmed, these areas will be particular priorities 
for me and the U.S. Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Zambia? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. Nongovernmental organizations play a critical role in 
ensuring official accountability. If confirmed, I hope to engage early, 
often, and meaningfully with U.S., Zambian, and international civil 
society organizations. I hope to use the breadth of the U.S. Embassy's 
public and private outreach to hold government officials accountable--
both for their campaign promises of reform and for any efforts that 
impinge upon respect for fundamental freedoms of association or 
expression. I will also work closely with likeminded partners in Zambia 
to amplify messages in support of progress and in condemnation of 
regressive regulatory action.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with 
Zambia on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly 
with independent, local press in Zambia?

    Answer. Yes.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Zambia?

    Answer. Yes, working through the Bureau of Legislative Affairs, I 
commit to briefing members and/or staff when I am in Washington for 
consultations.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health 
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members. 
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their 
country abroad and their families and must be taken extremely 
seriously. If confirmed, I will make the health, safety, and security 
of Embassy Lusaka staff, their family members, and all those supporting 
the Mission my top priority, including contributing to the extensive, 
ongoing interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and 
how we can best protect our people.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO at Embassy Lusaka to discuss any reported anomalous health 
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of the U.S. 
Mission and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health 
incidents are being followed appropriately.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Hakainde Hichilema's presidential victory in 2021 served 
as a critical moment in both Zambia and the region's democratic 
development. The success or failure of President Hichilema's presidency 
will hinge on his reforms, approach to governance, and an essential 
factor not entirely within his control--restructuring Zambia's 
approximately $17.3 billion in external debt, of which Chinese state 
and commercial creditors account for about one-third.

   How is the United States supporting the Government of Hakainde 
        Hichilema to deleverage their country from the stranglehold of 
        Chinese debt?

    Answer. The United States uses its seat at Paris Club meetings and 
in the G20 Finance Track to call for Beijing's immediate participation 
in restructuring discussions. Deputy Secretary Wendy Sherman met the 
Zambian Foreign Minister and Treasury Secretary on May 19 to discuss a 
coordinated response to Beijing's continued obstructionism. Our work 
with the Zambian Government encourages improvements in Zambia's 
investment climate, and we use public and private engagements in Zambia 
and the United States to highlight the investment opportunity presented 
by Zambia's pivot towards pro-market growth. Our public and private 
diplomacy highlights the centrality of private sector-led growth to 
sustainable development in Zambia.

    Question. What steps can the United States take alongside its like-
minded allies to support Zambia's democratic consolidation under 
President Hichilema while also minimizing the country's exposure to 
China's (often-malign) influence?

    Answer. Public, private, and financial support for accountability 
institutions, civil society, and independent media will bolster 
Zambia's democratic resilience. The United States can work with 
likeminded partners to develop and deploy targeted programs in support 
of Zambia's Summit for Democracy Year of Action commitments to enshrine 
media freedoms, protect civil liberties, and strengthen the 
independence and transparency of the Elections Commission of Zambia. 
Supporting the Government's planned fiscal reforms with an emphasis on 
transparency and reducing opportunities for corruption will help re-
establish fiscal stability and deliver a "democratic dividend" to the 
Zambian people.

    Question. How is the United States supporting the continuation of 
multi-party democracy in Zambia to continue the consolidation of 
democracy in Zambia and ensure checks and balances on the Hichilema 
administration?

    Answer. U.S.-funded programming advances the decentralization of 
power in Zambia, moving decision-making and critical services from 
Lusaka to local governments. Embassy officials work closely with civil 
society and media, government, and political parties to improve the 
legal and regulatory framework for elections, political reforms, and 
greater transparency in and oversight of public resource allocation. 
U.S. technical assistance and financial support also build the 
viability and quality of independent media and the capacity of civil 
society organizations to monitor government actions and ensure citizen 
perspectives are considered. Our support for Zambia's participation in 
the Summit for Democracy will also entrench democratic reforms.

    Question. Zambia's recent peaceful transfer of power from President 
Lungu to President Hichilema following a contentious campaign and 
electoral period was hailed as a democratic victory in what has 
otherwise been a challenging democratic landscape in the region.

   As U.S. Ambassador to Zambia, how will you engage with the new 
        administration, as well as the political opposition and civil 
        society, to ensure this democratic opening in Zambia remains on 
        course?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to continue efforts by the U.S. 
Government and our likeminded partners to support the 
institutionalization of reforms that protect independent media, 
opposition voices, and marginalized groups. I will use public and 
private diplomacy to hold government officials accountable for campaign 
promises, including on the decentralization of political power and the 
repeal or amendment of regressive legislation. I will also develop 
strong, candid, and productive relationships with opposition party 
members and civil society activists in order to broaden our view of the 
Zambian people's perspectives, challenges, and demands.

Global Competition and Malign Influence
    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with European 
        countries to build on likeminded interests in Zambia and 
        counter the influence of China and other malign actors?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy in Lusaka works closely with our UK, EU, 
and European counterparts, and we cannot accomplish our core objectives 
in Zambia without their support. The perspective, funding, and 
expertise they provide directly supports our efforts to strengthen 
democracy, drive economic prosperity, and improve health outcomes in 
Zambia. If confirmed, I will continue and seek to deepen this 
collaboration in Lusaka, at capitals, and within multilateral 
institutions to advance a free and open, rules-based order that serves 
Zambian and our collective interests.

Relationship with USAID
    Question. As is the case across the continent, Zambia is a 
recipient of significant foreign assistance, including for global 
health, democracy and governance, education, food security, 
conservation, and other critical areas for the U.S./Zambia 
relationship.

   How do you view the relationship between the Embassy and USAID at 
        post?

    Answer. The USAID Mission is an integral part of the U.S. Embassy 
and staff members from all U.S. Mission elements enjoy strong working 
relationships across agency lines. U.S. officials from across our 
interagency teamwork hand-in-hand to advance U.S. objectives in Zambia 
through formal working groups and myriad ad hoc targets of opportunity. 
Officials from the Departments of State and Defense and the Centers of 
Disease Control and Prevention rely heavily on the programmatic and 
thematic expertise of their USAID colleagues. USAID staff frequently 
attend external meetings, trips, and strategy sessions alongside 
counterparts from other U.S. agencies.

    Question. How will you approach your role as Chief of Mission to 
engage USAID staff at Mission Lusaka?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will champion, guide, and participate 
actively in the implementation of programs and engagements across all 
components of the U.S. Mission to advance U.S. interests in a concerted 
and complementary fashion. USAID is instrumental to our relationship, 
and, if confirmed, I will rely heavily on the USAID Mission Director 
and team for their expertise, unique skills, and insights in shaping 
and pursuing America's ambitious objectives in Zambia. Mission Lusaka 
enjoys positive interagency collaboration through an objective-based 
working group structure which, if confirmed, I would continue.

    Question. Do you commit to respecting the mission of USAID in 
Zambia and supporting USAID and USAID staff to fulfill its mandate and 
role in advancing U.S. foreign policy and interests in Zambia?

    Answer. Yes.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report (TIP), Zambia remained on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second 
consecutive year for inconsistent efforts to meet the minimum 
standards, including increasing investigations of trafficking crimes 
and jailing trafficking victims.

   How will you work with the Zambians to address these issues if you 
        are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use engagements with all levels of the 
Zambian Government to press for the adoption of recommendations listed 
in the 2021 TIP report, including institutionalizing trauma-informed 
victim referral protocols and training law enforcement on victim-
centered investigations. I will also develop strong working 
relationships with civil society organizations across the country to 
ensure our efforts encompass the entirety of the challenge now present 
in Zambia. I will also use our public and private diplomacy to hold 
Government officials accountable, celebrate progress, and offer support 
for legislative reforms.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
Zambia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the 
TIP report?

    Answer. My early engagements with Zambian officials will 
communicate the centrality of progress to combat human trafficking to 
U.S. foreign policy objectives in Zambia. If confirmed, I and the 
Embassy team will work closely with experts from civil society and 
international organizations to press Zambia to adopt anti-trafficking 
legislation that would more closely align with international law. I 
will encourage increased collaboration between the Government and civil 
society to help ensure victims of trafficking are identified and 
referred to care and that traffickers are vigorously prosecuted. I will 
also advocate for frequent programmatic support from and visits by 
experts from the Department of State's antitrafficking experts.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Zambia was identified as lacking societal and 
governmental respect for religious freedom.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
        International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
        in-country?

    Answer. Efforts to consolidate democracy and protect marginalized 
communities in Zambia must also include efforts to promote respect for 
religious freedom. The Zambian Government has passed meaningful 
legislation on the issue, but more must be done to ensure equal and 
effective enforcement. If confirmed, I will encourage close cooperation 
between the interagency team at U.S. Embassy Lusaka and work closely 
with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and 
his office to advance the respect for freedom of religious and belief 
in Zambia.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
Zambia increase societal and governmental respect for religious 
freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to support and accelerate the 
ongoing work by the interagency team at the U.S. Embassy in Lusaka. I 
hope to forge strong personal and institutional relationships with 
religious institutions, civil society organizations, international 
observers, and government regulators in order to assess where U.S. 
assistance can advance the U.S. Government's priorities around respect 
for religious freedom. I will seek to connect relevant Zambian 
Government and non-governmental organizations with U.S. and 
international experts to share lessons learned and develop best 
practices.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, 
Zambia was identified as having significant human rights abuses, 
including restrictions on free speech and censorship online, 
undermining basic internationally-recognized human rights, and 
widespread child labor.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. Zambian voters upheld Zambia's longstanding democratic 
tradition in the 2021 general elections and ousted a regime that was 
notorious for such abuses. But even with a new government in office, 
more must be done to enshrine protections for opposition voices and 
respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will press government 
officials to uphold Zambia's Summit for Democracy commitments in line 
with campaign promises around long overdue political reform, including 
the repeal of regressive colonial era laws that restrict freedom of 
peaceful assembly. I will also seek to build the capacity of watchdog 
agencies and civil society organizations which provide critical 
independent perspectives on government accountability.

    Question. How will you direct Embassy Lusaka to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly and urgently support the 
ongoing work of the U.S. Embassy staff, who have forged strong 
relationships with a full spectrum of official, independent, and 
international human rights interlocutors. I will continue close 
collaboration with the Zambian Government to identify areas in which 
U.S. and likeminded assistance can help enshrine respect for human 
rights and press Zambian officials to live up to campaign promises on 
media freedom and institutional independence.

Zambia in the United Nations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.), 
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International 
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen 
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first 
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early, 
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Zambian Government 
        and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support 
        of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. Yes. The Zambian Government has committed to support Ms. 
Bogdan-Martin's candidacy.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of 
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify, 
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. The Zambian Government seeks to strengthen U.S.-Zambia 
collaboration at multilateral institutions. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Bureau of International Organizations to leverage this 
desire and develop a plan to advance the employment of qualified 
Americans in positions within international fora. I will advise and 
support the work of Washington-based colleagues in the Bureau of 
African Affairs in efforts to use their engagements with Zambian 
officials in Washington, New York, Geneva, and elsewhere to advance 
these goals.

State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Lusaka?

    Answer. I understand that Mission Lusaka enjoys broadly positive 
morale, where staff members understand their roles and contributions, 
see the effects of their work, and feel appreciated. This is a 
testament to a dedicated team and the strong and collaborative 
leadership exhibited by the current Charge d'Affaires, a.i., Martin 
Dale and his predecessors.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Lusaka?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build on Mission Lusaka's 
existing systems and successes. I will show through my words and 
actions that every employee--regardless of nationality, role, or 
employment mechanism--is vital to our Mission's success and is valued. 
I manage through discussion, engagement, and going to my teams' spaces, 
providing first-hand access and insight into morale trends. I intend to 
set a clear vision for the Mission, and to empower our teams to help 
define our collective strategies and objectives to ensure awareness, 
buy-in, and ownership. I also intend to understand the Mission's 
performance on meeting internal support service standards and press for 
improvements where they are missed to support our staff and families.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Lusaka?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lay out to Mission Lusaka a vision 
that emphasizes the opportunity and the vital role of each Mission 
element and staff-member. I will apply the Integrated Country Strategy 
(ICS) just produced collaboratively by the Mission and engage each 
Section and Agency to emphasize our vision. In so doing, I will listen 
to and learn about their existing and envisioned contributions to the 
ICS, and I will challenge them to share information proactively and 
seek synergies with other Mission elements to advance shared 
objectives. I will challenge the existing objective-based working 
groups to develop action plans for component teams to work 
complementarily toward achieving ambitious-yet-achievable tangible 
results.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. As a manager, I provide both strategic vision and roll-up 
my sleeves to contribute directly to Mission efforts while developing 
close, personal rapport with my team. I meet colleagues individually to 
understand their backgrounds, ambitions, communication styles, and 
preferences and I share mine. I rely on my staff as subject matter 
experts, with my role being one of empowering them, challenging them, 
identifying linkages that they may not be aware of, and providing more 
senior heft to help them clinch tougher results. I take an approach of 
being candid, honest, and personable so my team feels comfortable 
engaging me directly and offering dissenting or alternate perspectives 
so together we can achieve greater successes.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I envision my leadership 
relationship with my DCM being one of a team, with a shared vision and 
shared values. I envision my DCM being a senior advisor, a confidante, 
and proxy in my absence. I will look to my DCM also to close the door 
when necessary and provide me with the feedback that others may not 
feel comfortable sharing.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to rely on my DCM as the chief 
operating officer of the Mission, keeping the day-to-day pulse on 
Mission operations on both administrative and policy efforts. As 
Mission Lusaka will receive a new DCM in August, I will look to engage 
with my DCM early to understand our relative areas of expertise and 
interests, as well as knowledge gaps, and to understand in what areas 
and how she would like to further develop professionally. Based on that 
understanding of our respective skills and objectives, I intend to 
collaboratively identify what leadership responsibilities would 
optimally lie with each of us in the realms of policy development, 
performance management, and diplomatic engagement.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Zambia.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. In my opinion, U.S. diplomats have both the intention and 
desire to engage robustly with non-Embassy contacts and counterparts, 
and I commit to encourage my staff to do that as much as possible. In 
my experience, however, the extent to which they can do this is often 
constrained by non-commensurate staffing or resources. Having served 
exclusively in what are among the least developed countries, I have 
generally seen work demands far outstrip what is realistically 
achievable. As a result, tough decisions on relative prioritization are 
constantly required, often leaving staff to do that which is required 
or urgent, while deferring that which may be ideal or preferred. If 
confirmed, I will advocate actively for adequate resources to pursue 
our mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations? Public diplomacy is 
an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.

    Answer. Empowering staff members--both as individuals and as 
members of a broader team--is a core tenet of my leadership ethos. If 
confirmed, I hope to build upon the already strong reach of the U.S. 
Embassy through the active and strategic use of in-person travel, 
social media outreach and virtual contacts, and traditional media 
engagement. I hope to rely upon the expertise of my American and 
Zambian counterparts, who are intimately familiar with the media 
landscape and local dynamics. While I will always prioritize the 
irreplaceable value of face-to-face diplomacy, I seek to do so in a way 
that prioritizes the safety and security of all U.S. Embassy staff.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Zambia?

    Answer. Zambians are eager consumers of U.S. news and developments 
within the United States. There is a strong appetite for engagement, 
which the very active Public Affairs team at the U.S. Embassy seeks to 
meet through a full spectrum of remote and in-person engagement. Media 
freedom has expanded under the current Zambian administration, but more 
needs to be done to enshrine legal protections for independent and 
opposition media outlets.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Lack of access to information and disinformation remain 
serious challenges to our public diplomacy efforts in Zambia. Ongoing 
efforts to expand electrification and internet access has expanded and 
amplified the diversity of views in Zambia, but it has also underscored 
the need for trusted sources and fact checking. Low levels of social 
media literacy propel the spread of unsubstantiated rumors, often 
clouding local perceptions of domestic and world events.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Public diplomacy messages should have an objective and an 
intended audience. Determining the source, content, or method of 
delivering those messages, requires a nuanced assessment of the 
audience(s), their orientation, how to influence them, and potential 
unintended reactions by primary or other audiences. The issue, 
circumstance, and audience should inform whether the in-country Mission 
or Main State is better positioned to achieve the objective.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their 
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest 
priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Lusaka personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly sharing new 
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of 
ongoing investigations.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes. I commit to participating in all aspects of the 
Ambassadorial seminar, including the briefing on Anomalous Health 
Incidents, and will seek further information in unclassified and 
classified meetings with the Coordinator of the State Department's 
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus 
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in any investigations 
into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health incidents. The 
Department continues to work on determining what happened to our staff 
and their families and to ensure their well-being and health going 
forward. There is no higher priority than the safety and security of 
our U.S. personnel, their families, and U.S. Citizens.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would consult the management team already 
present in the Mission--the health practitioner, the Community Liaison 
Officer, Human Resources Officer, etc.--to understand the degree and 
nuance of sentiments on this issue. Based on this information, I will 
consult with the management team, employee association, local staff 
association, and agency heads to devise an approach that would address 
the specific dynamics or relevant concerns.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I have been closely following increased reports of 
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees. 
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are 
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health 
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State 
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial 
seminar that you are required to attend.

   If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial 
        seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with 
        State Department?

    Answer. I commit to participating in all aspects of the 
Ambassadorial seminar, including the briefing on Anomalous Health 
Incidents, and will seek further information in unclassified and 
classified meetings with the Coordinator of the State Department's 
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus 
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.

    Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do 
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment, and 
safety of our diplomats?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Zambia, I will make the 
health and safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I will 
also commit to ensuring all reported incidents at Embassy Lusaka are 
treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate 
channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to treatment and medical care.

    Question. The Biden administration rightly prioritized protecting, 
improving, and expanding access to sexual and reproductive health care 
as one of ten key priorities in the National Strategy on Gender Equity 
and Equality. Across Africa, the unmet need for family planning is 
significant. Women and families struggle to access modern 
contraceptives or basic information to be able to make the right 
choices for their health and that of their families.

   If confirmed, do you commit to working with the respective USAID 
        country missions, implementing partners and civil society to 
        improve access and develop relationships to best administer the 
        U.S.'s family planning programing?

    Answer. Yes.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Zambia is among the world's top 10 producers of copper, 
which we all know is a critical component needed for computer chips, 
phones, and all sorts of electronics, including those used in military 
industries. The People's Liberation Army, the Chinese Communist Party's 
armed wing, knows that China alone does not produce enough copper to 
fight in a potential conflict with the U.S. military and has 
prioritized gaining control of international copper production.

   What is your understanding of CCP efforts to control Zambia's 
        copper industry?

    Answer. Beijing seeks to play an active role in Zambia, with a 
particular focus on its extractive industries. Beijing's failure to 
actively engage in multilateral debt restructuring negotiations has 
delayed much needed economic and political reforms. PRC-based creditors 
continue to vie for large infrastructure projects, including the 
construction and refurbishment of critical infrastructure corridors 
linking copper mines to global markets. If confirmed, I will use U.S. 
assistance and diplomatic engagement with the Zambian Government to 
promote procurement and debt transparency and an improved business 
environment to allow open competition and fight corrupt or predatory 
deals.

    Question. Are you concerned that ongoing debt restructuring 
negotiations between Zambia and its creditors provide the CCP with an 
opportunity to further cement their control on Zambia's mineral wealth? 
Why or why not?

    Answer. Beijing's failure to participate in multilateral debt 
restructuring negotiations in a timely and constructive manner is a 
serious concern. It has obstructed the disbursement of a much-needed 
financial rescue package from the International Monetary Fund and 
obstructed the implementation of President Hakainde Hichilema's pro-
market economic reform agenda. People's Republic of China (PRC)-based 
creditors own a sizable portion of Zambia's external debt, providing 
Beijing significant influence over the pace and progress of these 
negotiations. An urgent and lasting resolution is in the immediate 
interest of both Zambia and the United States, and if confirmed, I will 
use all available U.S. tools to advocate for such a resolution.

    Question. If confirmed, what actions would you recommend the United 
States follow in order to prevent the PLA from assuming control of 
Zambia's mineral resources?

    Answer. The United States uses its seat at Paris Club meetings and 
in the G20 Finance Track to call for Beijing's immediate and active 
participation in restructuring discussions. If confirmed, I would seek 
to continue and support the United States' leading role in debt 
restructuring negotiations and our ongoing efforts to support Zambia's 
economic renewal. If confirmed, I also would explore, highlight, and 
support efforts to improve the business climate and expand commercial 
opportunities for U.S. companies in Zambia's minerals sector. I will 
also advocate for and leverage U.S. assistance to promote procurement 
transparency and accountability.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to John T. Godfrey by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. The October 2021 military coup in Sudan constituted a 
major setback for the hopes and aspirations of the Sudanese people and 
U.S. interests in the region. The U.S. failure to call a coup a coup 
undermined our standing in Sudan as an outspoken and unwavering voice 
for democracy and the rule of law. Resistance Committees across Sudan 
form the center of civilian led efforts to restore civilian governance 
and wrest power back from the military junta. The horizontal structure 
of the Resistance Committees, however, poses a challenge for 
traditional facilitation efforts. This demands a more creative response 
geared toward amplifying civilian voices within the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD 
process to counterbalance military leaders.

   As Ambassador, how will you work to elevate, strengthen, and 
        amplify Resistance Committees and civil society voices in 
        Sudan? How will you engage with Resistance Committees to 
        support their ability to shape and influence the trajectory of 
        the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated, but Sudanese-led, transition 
        process.

    Answer. This UNITAMS-AU-IGAD process is about finding a way for the 
Sudanese people to insert their voices into conversations about their 
country's future. I understand that during initial UNITAMS 
consultations, more than 800 individuals representing a broad cross-
section of Sudanese society, including women, youth, and historically 
marginalized groups and areas, voluntarily met with UNITAMS. If 
confirmed, I would endeavor to meet regularly with a wide cross-section 
of the Sudanese pro-democracy movement, including Resistance 
Committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights advocates, 
and political parties. It is imperative that Sudanese remain the 
leaders in this process and that Sudan's military leaders create 
conducive conditions for dialogue--ending violence against protestors, 
releasing detained activists, and lifting the State of Emergency. I 
would draw on direct engagement with the Resistance Committees to 
ensure their perspectives are accounted for in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD 
facilitated transition process. I would urge pro-democracy activists to 
engage constructively and inclusively in that process. If confirmed, I 
will continue the work that our embassy and the broader international 
community have been doing to support these groups, to ensure their 
inclusion in decision making processes, and to consult with them on and 
work to advance their equities.

    Question. The scope of the control exerted by the Sudanese Armed 
Forces (SAF) and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo Hemedti's Rapid Support 
Forces (RSF) over the Sudanese economy is shocking. Combined, the SAF 
and RSF own as many as 400 companies involved in the banking, mining, 
and agriculture sectors among others. The RSF is actively working with 
the Russian Wagner Group to secure gold mines and export gold out of 
Sudan. The U.S. has tools for publicly imposing visa restrictions under 
7031c and financial sanctions under GloMag on those responsible for 
serious human rights abuses and/or corruption. The decision to sanction 
the Central Reserve Police was seen in Sudan as symbolic but 
meaningless since no individuals were identified.

   Why hasn't the Administration sanctioned any senior level Sudanese 
        security force officials or the companies they own since the 
        October 2021 coup? Does the Administration have sanctions 
        strategy for Sudan?

    Answer. I understand that immediately following the military 
takeover, the United States paused and redirected U.S. foreign 
assistance to ensure that it did not benefit the Government of Sudan, 
and coordinated a pause in international credit, debt relief, and some 
development assistance that have been effective in limiting the 
military government's access to financial resources. I am aware that 
the U.S. Government designated the Central Reserve Police (on March 21, 
2022) for serious human rights abuse in connection with use of 
excessive force against pro-democracy protesters. This designation 
underscored to other security actors that the international community 
will not tolerate such conduct. If confirmed, I will work with relevant 
colleagues at the Departments of State and the Treasury to determine 
how the use of Global Magnitsky or other sanctions authorities might 
advance our policy goals in Sudan and consider their use as 
appropriate. Prior to making any recommendation on potential additional 
use of sanctions authorities, I would want to more fully understand 
their likely impact on the behavior of military leaders, their 
practical impact on the military's ability to access financing, their 
impact on the Sudanese economy, and their relationship to our overall 
diplomatic strategy. If confirmed, I would also want to explore non-
traditional methods beyond sanctions authorities to apply pressure to 
Sudanese military authorities. The recent U.S. Business Advisory was an 
important step in doing just that--highlighting the growing 
reputational and other risks to U.S. businesses and individuals 
associated with conducting business with Sudanese state-owned 
enterprises (SOEs) and military-controlled companies.

    Question. Do you believe that imposing personal, targeted sanctions 
on members of the `Hemedti' family and the myriad of companies he and 
his family own would be an effective tool for persuading the Sudanese 
military to restore civilian rule and return to their barracks?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support the use of all appropriate 
tools to deal with threats to our interests posed by any actors in 
Sudan who have impeded a transition to civilian rule, committed human 
rights abuses, or benefitted from corrupt economic practices. However, 
prior to making any recommendation on potential additional use of 
sanctions authorities, I would want to more fully understand their 
likely impact on the behavior of military leaders, their practical 
impact on the military's ability to access financing, their impact on 
the Sudanese economy, and their relationship to our overall diplomatic 
strategy. Beyond potential reliance on available sanctions authorities, 
I would, if confirmed, also want to explore non-traditional methods to 
apply pressure to Sudanese military authorities. The recent U.S. 
Business Advisory was an important step in doing just that--
highlighting the growing reputational and other risks to U.S. 
businesses and individuals associated with conducting business with 
Sudanese SOEs and military-controlled companies.

    Question. Many in Sudan believe that regional actors in north 
Africa and the Gulf are providing support to the junta and undermining 
efforts by the U.S. and other members of the international community to 
support UNITAMS and a return to civilian-led governance.

   How as U.S. Ambassador will you engage with your international 
        counterparts, special envoys, and the U.S. interagency to 
        increase pressure on regional actors to ensure that their 
        policies toward Sudan and the military junta align with U.S. 
        and international efforts to support democracy and a return to 
        civilian rule?

    Answer. There are a number of regional actors with longstanding 
interests in Sudan, and it is important that we closely coordinate with 
them to ensure that their efforts and ours align. If confirmed, I will 
work with international counterparts to underscore to regional actors 
that Sudan's long-term stability can only come through an inclusive 
political process that results in a civilian-led transition to 
democracy. Continued military rule or a deal among elites will not be 
acceptable to most Sudanese and will not be stable or sustainable. With 
the other members of the Friends of Sudan, we support an inclusive 
political process facilitated by UNITAMS, the AU, and IGAD as the best 
mechanism to establish a framework for a civilian-led transition to 
democracy in Sudan.
    Communication and coordination are imperative. If confirmed, I 
would work closely with my colleagues in the Near Eastern Affairs 
Bureau and Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa to reinforce this 
message to regional partners and to urge that their policies and 
engagement advance that shared objective.

Democracy & Human Rights
    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. Throughout my career I have been involved in efforts to 
support democracy and human rights. In pre-revolution Syria, I led the 
Embassy's engagement with the civil society actors advocating for 
greater political participation and freedoms through the brief 
``Damascus Spring'' until they were suppressed. Many of those 
individuals later became leading members of the Syrian opposition to 
President Bashar al-Assad.
    In Turkmenistan, I led the Embassy's engagement in support of civil 
society and religious freedom--including attending trials, advocating 
for the release of detained activists, and helping a persecuted former 
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty correspondent exit the country and 
obtain asylum. I also coordinated closely there with international NGOs 
and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in their 
efforts to build civil society capacity and advocate on behalf of 
individual activists, and was seconded as an election monitor with OSCE 
in the Republic of Georgia in the 2004 election that saw Mikheil 
Saakashvili elected President.
    In Libya, I led the Embassy's human rights advocacy with the 
Government and was the primary international interlocutor with the most 
prominent political dissident in the country at the time, whose 
detention, failing health and ultimate death became a point of friction 
between the al-Qadhafi regime and political forces in Benghazi and 
Eastern Libya in the context of the subsequent civil war. In Iraq, I 
urged political actors in Northern Iraq to participate in the March 
2010 elections, monitored the elections in Ninewa Province, and was 
closely involved in the ultimately successful post-election effort to 
form a new Iraqi Government.
    In Saudi Arabia, I led Embassy engagement with the Government on 
religious freedom, judicial reform, and human rights, with a particular 
focus on women's rights. I visited the Eastern Province and engaged the 
MFA and Human Rights Commission after the Kingdom executed 47 Shi'a, 
including prominent cleric Nimr al-Nimr, in January 2016 to urge 
measures to address Shi'a concerns and ease tensions. I worked closely 
with NSC staff to formulate points highlighting human rights concerns--
especially cases of detained women activists and religious freedom 
issues--that President Obama raised during his visit in April 2016. I 
also worked with the Ministry of Justice to build judicial capacity and 
regularize legal processes outside the confines of sharia law, 
contributing to the modernization of one of the Government's most 
conservative ministries.
    In the Counterterrorism Bureau, I helped lead efforts to 
incorporate ``soft skills'' such as community policing into civilian 
counterterrorism capacity programs and to develop partners' capacity to 
effect so-called law enforcement ``finishes''--detecting, 
investigating, prosecuting, sentencing and incarcerating terrorists, as 
opposed to using military force to remove them from areas of active 
hostilities. Much of that effort entailed working to develop national 
legal frameworks for handling terrorism-related cases, directly 
contributing to rule of law and partner governments' ability to provide 
effective governance.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Sudan? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. Sudan is emerging from 30 years of brutal military 
dictatorship and the obstacles to Sudan's democracy are clear. Its 
security forces continue to play a role in the country's politics, 
possess a stranglehold over its economy, and fail to provide nationwide 
security. The immediate imperative is establishing a civilian-led 
transitional government that leads the country toward democracy. After 
that, we must gather our international and Sudanese partners to build 
Sudan's institutions--including establishing legislative, judicial, 
transitional justice, and electoral mechanisms as well as redefining 
the military's role to focus on providing security to its citizens, 
rather than depriving them of it. Sudan has a strong history of 
political parties and civil society participation; the United States, 
international partners, and NGO's with expertise can help those actors 
develop platforms and organize themselves in a way that enhances 
competitive, multiparty democracy. If confirmed, I would pay particular 
attention to Sudan's historically marginalized areas to monitor the 
peace process and human rights issues and encourage participation in 
Sudan's political transition by those from those periphery areas.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Sudan? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society 
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs and other members of civil 
society in Sudan. I would urge the Government to end harassment of NGO 
and civil society representatives active in the pro-democracy movement 
and to create conditions conducive to dialogue by releasing unjustly 
detained pro-democracy advocates, ending further detentions, ceasing 
the use of violence against protestors, ending the State of Emergency, 
and ensuring full access to Internet and cellular telephones to enable 
free communication between and expression by NGO, civil society and 
other activists. I would emphasize to all parties the importance of 
building Sudan's institutions, including establishing legislative, 
judicial, transitional justice and electoral mechanisms, and redefining 
the military's role to focus on providing security to its citizens, 
rather than depriving them of it.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within 
political parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting regularly with a wide 
cross-section of the Sudanese pro-democracy movement, including 
Resistance Committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights 
advocates, and political parties. Sudan has a strong history of 
political parties and civil society participation. The United States, 
international partners and NGOs with expertise can help those actors 
develop platforms and organize themselves in a way that enhances 
competitive, multiparty democracy. A democratic transition should have 
an enabling environment that allows all stakeholders to participate and 
freely express their views, without fear of violence. Full respect for 
freedoms of association, expression, and peaceful assembly is vital, as 
is progress toward transitional justice. Women, youth, and other 
marginalized groups have been at the forefront of the revolution since 
2019, and their voices need to continue to be heard. A new civilian 
government will benefit from including these groups in deciding the 
future of their country.
    If confirmed, I will continue the work that our embassy and the 
broader international community has been doing to be a vocal advocate 
for women, youth, and historically marginalized groups, ensure their 
inclusion in decision making processes, and consult with them about 
their equities and work with them to advance them.

Congressional Consultations
    Question.  Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you 
fully brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Sudan?

    Answer. I greatly value the role of Congress in developing our 
policy on Sudan. If confirmed, I commit to brief Members of Congress 
and/or their staff when I am in Washington.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I agree that these incidents must be taken seriously 
and affirm that if confirmed the safety and security of embassy 
personnel and their families would be a top priority for me.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through appropriate 
channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt access to 
medical care. I would prioritize the health and safety of our embassy 
personnel and their family members.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that 
protocols are being followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to John T. Godfrey by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What is your perspective on why is the United States not 
leading the charge in restoring Sudan's civilian-led transition to 
democracy, but instead supporting a diplomatic and political path that 
continues to entrench military-led rule and the restoration of 
officials from the autocratic regime of Omar al-Bashir? As Ambassador, 
if confirmed, would you work to change this?

    Answer. The United States is leading international efforts to 
support the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process as the best vehicle to 
support an inclusive, Sudanese-led dialogue that leads to a framework 
for a civilian-led transitional government and a path to democratic 
elections. While progress has not been as quick as hoped, the broad-
based consultations that UNITAMS-AU-IGAD are leading have identified 
areas of consensus among key stakeholders and have started to narrow 
differences among stakeholders' views on the preferred framework for a 
civilian-led transitional government. If confirmed, I will fully 
support the facilitators' work towards those goals as rapidly as 
possible. I will not, however, support shortcuts that result in another 
elite power-sharing arrangement, which would not be acceptable to the 
Sudanese people and would likely generate more civilian unrest.

    Question. What steps would you pursue as Ambassador, if confirmed, 
to pursue accountability for those military and security officials 
responsible for the October 2021 coup in Sudan that resulted in the 
ousting of the civilian-led transitional government?

    Answer. The October 21 seizure of power by Sudan's military 
destroyed the civilian-military partnership that had been at the heart 
of Sudan's transition to democracy. A new framework that clearly 
establishes a civilian transitional government is now urgently required 
to meet the demands of the Sudanese people for freedom, peace, and 
justice. Questions of accountability for those responsible for the 
military takeover lie at the heart of the ongoing Sudanese-led 
political process to establish such a framework. If confirmed, I will 
support fully the international facilitation efforts designed to help 
Sudanese stakeholders address these questions, will provide support to 
civilian actors participating in such efforts, and will continue to 
seek ways to apply pressure on military actors to engage constructively 
in the process, to create conditions conducive to political dialogue, 
and to cede power to civilians.

    Question. At the end of 2020, Congress appropriated $700 million in 
Economic Support Funds (ESF) in the FY21 budget to support Sudan's 
democratic transition. Due to delays in programming the $700 million, 
and the October 25, 2021 coup that removed Sudan's civilian leadership 
from power, the majority of the $700 million remains unobligated and is 
set to expire on September 30, 2022.

   What are your priorities for the balance of the $700 million in ESF 
        for Sudan?

    Answer. I understand that the Administration has drafted a notional 
spend plan for part of the $700 million in Title IX Economic Support 
Funds and has begun consultations with Congressional staff to seek 
feedback and input on the notional plan. I know that the Administration 
welcomes advice and input from Congress on its proposal and wants to 
work closely with Congress in shaping the final plan. If confirmed, I 
am committed to working closely with Congress to ensure that these 
funds are used to support establishment and furtherance of a civilian-
led transition to democracy in Sudan. I have not been involved in 
developing the specifics of the notional spend plan, but I understand 
that it focuses on technical assistance to the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD 
facilitated political process; support to pro-democracy actors; 
documenting human rights abuses and economic and political corruption; 
supporting peace-building in historically marginalized areas; and food 
security and resilience.


    Question. If confirmed, you will be the first U.S. Ambassador to 
Sudan in 25 years. This comes at a time when the country is led by a 
military junta that came to power via coup.

   How do you plan to approach your role as Ambassador in a way that 
        doesn't legitimize the military but instead, restores the 
        Sudanese people's trust in the U.S. as a partner and ally?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize public and private 
engagement with pro-democracy elements--including resistance 
committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights activists, 
and political parties--to make clear the values for which the United 
States stands and our support for the Sudanese people and their 
aspirations for civilian rule. If confirmed, I will also ensure--
publicly and privately--that our condemnation of the military takeover 
and the military regime's human rights abuses are clearly understood. I 
will continue the work our Embassy has been doing in supporting our 
longer-term goal of a democratic, human rights-respecting Sudan ruled 
by civilians and whose military protects the country's borders and its 
people.

    Question. What will be your approach to collaborating with a 
Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, if one is nominated and appointed, 
to ensure that a cohesive and effective Sudan strategy is developed and 
implemented?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work 
closely with a Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, if one is 
appointed. This position has played an important role in engaging 
regional and international partners on the intersecting issues at play 
in the Horn of Africa. I would view our work as complementary and would 
seek to collaborate closely on issues related to Sudan, including 
developing and implementing a cohesive and effective Sudan strategy, 
and communicating to regional actors with longstanding interests in 
Sudan that Sudan's long-term stability can only come through an 
inclusive political process that results in a civilian-led transition 
to democracy. Continued military rule or a deal among elites will not 
be acceptable to most Sudanese and will not be stable or sustainable.

    Question. The root causes of the October 25th coup and the current 
situation, including the military's involvement in all sectors of the 
economy, rampant corruption, and the lack of accountability, have 
failed to be addressed.

   How do you think the U.S. can be most helpful in not only 
        supporting a process to achieve genuine democracy in Sudan but 
        to bring about security sector reform, transitional justice and 
        limiting the economic role of the military?

    Answer. The systematic weakening of civilian institutions during 
decades of military rule has enabled political and economic domination 
by Sudan's military. While the immediate priority for the United States 
and the international community is to facilitate agreement on the 
framework for a credible, civilian government, this will need to be 
rapidly followed by extensive technical and financial support to 
strengthen the civilian institutions of such a government. Moreover, 
the United States and international partners will need to focus on 
policy advocacy for free market economic reforms that end preferential 
treatment for companies linked to the security services, facilitate the 
development of a vibrant civilian private sector, and redirect state 
resources to civilian institutions. Priority should be given to 
assisting a future civilian government with the recovery of assets 
stolen by the former regime and its military allies in a manner 
consistent with the rule of law.
    The integration of Sudan's competing militaries and private armed 
movements will ultimately require international advice and support. 
U.S. engagement in this area could be valuable but should be predicated 
on a requirement for clear civilian control of these institutions. The 
development of transitional justice mechanisms in line with Sudanese 
desires will be required to enable the country to deal with the legacy 
of human rights abuses and economic crimes committed over several 
decades. Immediate work by the United States to assist civil society 
organizations with the documentation of abuses and collection and 
preservation of evidence would have immediate value. Longer term 
engagement to assist Sudanese stakeholders in the design and 
implementation of credible transitional justice mechanisms and programs 
and sustained advocacy for victims should also be prioritized.

    Question. Russia has provided material support and hosted Sudan's 
coup leaders in Moscow the day Russia's invasion into Ukraine began. 
Russia has been moving closer to an agreement to establish a naval base 
in Sudan, in exchange for material hardware including anti-aircraft 
missile systems, fighter jets and other supplies. Such a base would 
expand Russia's ability to project power in the Red Sea and Indian 
Ocean.

   Given Russia's long-standing support for authoritarian governments, 
        how can the U.S. best counter Russia's influence and support 
        for the coup leaders?

    Answer. I am gravely concerned by reports that Russia is seeking a 
logistical base along Sudan's Red Sea Coast, as are a number of Sudan's 
regional neighbors. While sovereign countries have their choice of 
partners, Russia has made clear that it does not respect countries' 
sovereignty. Should Sudan's military government pursue implementation 
or renegotiation of the Port Sudan agreement--or pursue any other form 
of security cooperation with Russia--it would further isolate itself. I 
will reiterate to Sudanese leadership the risk of working with Russia 
and Russian-backed groups, including and especially Yevgeniy 
Prigozhin's network. These groups exploit instability to advance 
Kremlin and private Russian interests across the continent. I would 
coordinate with regional partners to urge them to convey similar 
concerns to Sudan's military leaders.

    Question. Sudanese security forces continue to violently attack 
peaceful protesters and medical personnel, and to arrest former 
civilian government officials, journalists, and critics of the junta. 
The military leadership has proven it doesn't have the interest of the 
population and won't respect agreements it has committed to. The State 
Department has asserted that the U.S. supports the UNITAMS process, 
which has the goal of ``supporting Sudanese stakeholders in agreeing on 
a way out of the current political crisis and agree on a sustainable 
path forward towards democracy and peace.'' SRSG Volker Perthes has 
insisted that the military must be part of the dialogue, while the pro-
democracy youth activists have insisted that the military should not 
have a seat at the table.

   How can the U.S. play a more significant role in supporting the 
        priorities of civil society and the pro-democracy movement that 
        insists on a civilian-only government?

    Answer. The United States has been clear in our view that the 
Sudanese military's actions on October 25 irrevocably broke the 
civilian-military partnership that lay at the heart of the previous 
transitional agreement. We have also been clear that a new transitional 
framework that sees the military exit politics is required. Robust U.S. 
advocacy for such a framework is an important source of support for 
Sudan's pro-democracy movement and, if confirmed, I would continue such 
advocacy within the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated political process. I 
would also seek to ensure that Sudan's pro-democracy movement had the 
technical support required to translate its vision into a viable 
transitional government framework, to defend its interests effectively 
within the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD political process, and to sustain pressure 
on the military to cede power to civilians. I would seek out 
opportunities to apply further U.S. diplomatic and financial pressure 
on those blocking the transfer of power to civilians and would work 
closely with international partners to work to develop a plan of 
support to assist a new civilian transitional government to succeed.

    Question. The trilateral mechanism, consisting of the African 
Union, IGAD and UNITAMS, is currently engaged in a facilitated dialogue 
with the goal of finding a path forward for democratic transformation. 
UNITAMS is grossly under-resourced and there are questions on other 
members of the process being genuinely invested in supporting 
democracy.

   What is your perception of the tripartite UNITAMS/AU/IGAD effort to 
        support negotiations to return Sudan to a civilian-led 
        democratic transition?

    Answer. The United States has joined other members of the Friends 
of Sudan in supporting the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process as the 
best mechanism to establish a framework for a civilian-led, democratic 
transition in Sudan. UNITAMS has a U.N. Security Council mandate for 
this sort of ``good offices'' work, an on-the-ground presence in 
Khartoum, and established relationships with Sudanese stakeholders, 
including relationships of trust with actors beyond the traditional 
elite. The co-facilitation of the AU and IGAD, which have relationships 
of their own with important actors in Sudan, is important to help 
ensure the full support of African partners for the process. It is 
imperative that Sudanese remain the leaders in this process and that 
the security forces create conducive conditions for it--halt the use of 
violence, release detained activists, cease unjust detentions of 
activists, and lift the state of emergency to allow participation by 
all actors. It is also important that pro-democracy activists engage 
constructively and inclusively in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated 
process.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to approach the tripartite 
UNITAMS/AU/IGAD process and current dialogue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with UNITAMS, AU, and 
IGAD leadership on the ground to provide diplomatic support for 
facilitation efforts and ensure the U.S. Government is responsive to 
any technical assistance requirements that the facilitation has. I 
understand UNITAMS has already augmented its staffing and technical 
capacity with support from the U.N. mediation unit. I also understand 
both the State Department and USAID are looking to provide coordinated 
support to augment areas of need, including legal expertise and 
training for civil society, in support of the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD effort. 
If confirmed, I will also work closely with key international partners 
to ensure that our efforts to support the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD process are 
coordinated and complementary. I am committed to continuing to support 
effective on-the-ground coordination mechanisms such as the Ad Hoc 
Support Group, which I understand our Embassy leadership currently 
convenes at the facilitators' request.

    Question. In your opinion, is the involvement of the AU and IGAD 
helping or hindering the current situation?

    Answer. The co-facilitation of the AU and IGAD, which have 
relationships of their own with important actors in Sudan, is important 
to help ensure the full support of African partners for the process, 
which is vital. If confirmed, I will work closely with the facilitators 
and, in coordination with the U.S. Mission to the AU and other 
colleagues, the AU and IGAD more broadly to align efforts related to 
supporting a democratic transition in Sudan.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report (TIP), Sudan was upgraded to Tier 2 for overall efforts to meet 
the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking, including ceasing to 
recruit and use child soldiers, implementing amendments to its national 
laws about trafficking, and investigating more trafficking cases.

   How will you work with the Sudanese to address these issues if you 
        are confirmed as Ambassador, particularly given the situation 
        post-October 25, 2021?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the State 
Department's Trafficking in Persons office and others within the 
interagency to continue engagements with the Government and with civil 
society that seek to encourage improvement of government efforts to 
investigate and prosecute trafficking cases, reform laws as needed, and 
to identify and support victims. I would also continue engaging the 
Government and other forces to ensure the cessation of the recruitment 
of child soldiers is sustained.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
Sudan operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the 
TIP report?

    Answer. I understand that Sudan made progress that resulted in its 
movement off the TIP watchlist in 2021. If confirmed, I would look to 
build on that progress to encourage greater efforts in legal reform and 
victim identification and support.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Sudan was identified as lacking societal and 
governmental respect for religious freedom.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to monitor and report 
on religious freedom, and to encourage steps by the Government to 
ensure respect for the practice of all faiths.

    Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. The Ambassador-at-Large and the Office for International 
Religious Freedom have a long history of engaging the Sudanese 
Government and with religious leaders of many faiths representing 
Sudan's diversity of belief and practice. If confirmed, I look forward 
to maintaining these relationships, to coordinating closely with the 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and to 
building on previous work to urge progress toward greater religious 
freedom in Sudan.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to engaging civil society on this issue.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
Sudan increase their societal and governmental respect for religious 
freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would engage with representative leaders of 
Sudan's faith communities and other stakeholders to learn more about 
the status of religious freedom and their most pressing concerns about 
societal and governmental respect for religious freedom. I would 
coordinate with those stakeholders and representatives of international 
communities of interest to urge the Government to take specific steps 
to address those concerns, including any legal or legislative measures 
needed to codify protection of religious freedoms.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Sudan 
was identified as having numerous, significant human rights abuses.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government, particularly given the situation 
        post-October 25, 2021?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will focus in the near-term on pressing for 
respect for freedom of expression and assembly, an end to the use of 
violence against protesters, release of individuals unjustly detained, 
an end to the State of Emergency, and the protection of civilians in 
Darfur and other conflict areas. Improvements in these areas are 
urgently needed to create an environment conducive to an inclusive 
political dialogue leading to a framework for a civilian-led 
transitional government.

    Question. How will you direct Embassy Khartoum to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy and Mission to 
support efforts by civil society organizations to document and preserve 
evidence of human rights abuses needed to facilitate future efforts to 
hold those responsible accountable, including through formal and 
informal transitional justice efforts. I would also support continued 
efforts to provide assistance to civil society groups in areas related 
to good governance, anti-corruption and peacebuilding, as well as legal 
expertise needed to support those groups' efforts.

Sudan in the United Nations
    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.), 
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International 
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen 
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first 
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early, 
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Sudanese Government 
        and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support 
        of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to demarching the Government of Sudan and any 
other counterparts as appropriate to encourage support for the American 
candidate.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of 
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify, 
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. The appointment and election of qualified and independent 
candidates to positions in the U.N. system is critical to ensuring that 
the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational 
principles and values. Qualified U.S. citizens bring strong technical 
and policy skills that enhance the performance and outcomes within the 
U.N. system, which in turn bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good 
governance. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has 
established a new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and 
coordinating elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and 
likeminded candidates for leadership roles in in the U.N. system. That 
office works closely with posts and embassies, such as Embassy 
Khartoum, to ensure the United States is well-positioned to identify 
and advocate on behalf of interested candidates for key positions 
across multiple U.N. organizations and agencies. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize engaging our partners and allies to vigorously advocate for 
placement of well-qualified applicants and candidates, including U.S. 
citizens, at the U.N. and in specialized and technical agencies.

State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Khartoum?

    Answer. I understand that the challenging environment, including 
the security situation, political developments in the host country and 
the workload occasioned by them, has put strains on morale at post. 
Having served in hardship and danger posts, I recognize the challenge 
that the host country environment and security restrictions can pose 
for morale and staff recruitment. I also know that morale is often 
highest at hardship posts at which people feel they work they do is 
uniquely important. If confirmed, I am committed to doing everything I 
can to create an environment in which people fully recognize the 
importance of the mission in which they are engaged, receive the 
support they need to do their jobs effectively, and are able to work in 
an atmosphere that is safe, respectful and supportive, and in which 
morale is high and performance is rewarded.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Khartoum?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to doing everything that I can 
to create an environment in which people fully recognize the importance 
of the mission in which they are engaged, morale is high, and 
performance is rewarded. That includes focusing on ways in which the 
Embassy Front Office can provide support and lift to teammates` 
efforts, which in turn depends on ensuring that members of staff 
clearly understand the goals the Mission is trying to advance and how 
their work fits into those efforts. It also entails understanding and 
providing the support they need to do their jobs effectively and 
sustaining an Embassy environment that is safe, respectful, and 
supportive. Clear, consistent communication and signaling openness to 
input and feedback--including in meetings with each member of the 
Embassy team--are critical and would be a high priority for me if I am 
confirmed. I would also leverage Town Halls to foster conversations 
about management, security, and other issues of concern to the Embassy 
community.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Khartoum?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would make clear from my first day on the 
ground the expectation that all agencies at post will function as a 
single team. I firmly believe that if properly structured and run, the 
Embassy Country Team is one of the most effective interagency 
coordination mechanisms in government. I would focus on ensuring that 
interagency representatives at post are appropriately included in 
Country Team deliberations and that agency and section heads keep their 
respective teams closely apprised of those conversations. I would also 
prioritize regular meetings with individual offices and sections to 
ensure that they clearly understand the goals the Mission is trying to 
advance and how their work fits into those efforts, and that they have 
opportunity to provide input and feedback. I would leverage Town Halls 
to foster conversations about management, security, and other issues of 
concern to the Embassy community, emphasizing the importance of 
providing people what they need to do their jobs effectively and to 
sustaining an Embassy environment that is safe, respectful, and 
supportive.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I would describe my management style as one that is focused 
on clearly and regularly communicating strategic goals, understanding 
operational details to understand how leadership can support and give 
lift to teammates' efforts, and ensuring that people have what they 
need to do their jobs and a safe, respectful, and supportive 
environment, all with the overall goal of driving results that advance 
U.S. interests. I am a strong believer in what former Secretary of 
State Shultz called ``walking around management''--meeting people in 
their workspaces to keep a finger on the pulse of the Mission, 
understand what concerns people have and what is on their minds, and 
build relationships of trust that can be critical in times of crisis. I 
prioritize giving clear guidance and establishing high standards for 
the quality of the team's work, and emphasizing the importance of 
expressing views, especially if they differ from my own.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe that it is ever acceptable or constructive 
to berate subordinates, either in public or in private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The relationship between a chief of mission and Deputy 
Chief of Mission is essential to the effective operation of any 
Embassy. In my experience the best COM-DCM relationships are a 
partnership in which there are no publicly perceived differences of 
view between the two, in which it is clear that the DCM speaks for the 
COM in her/his absence, and in which the DCM is understood to have the 
lead on managing Embassy operations as the de facto chief operating 
officer. It is also vitally important that there be trust between the 
COM and the DCM and that the DCM feel empowered to privately provide 
candid counsel to the COM, especially when that advice does not comport 
with the COM's views.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would want to assess upon arriving at Post 
what specific leadership responsibilities I would entrust to my Deputy 
Chief of Mission. I would anticipate that those would include, inter 
alia, leading management of Embassy operations as the chief operating 
officer-equivalent; counseling, mentoring, and supporting the career 
development of entry-level and mid-level staff; fostering collaboration 
between interagency representatives at post; and engaging senior host 
government, international and U.S. interagency counterparts when I am 
unavailable.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. I believe that it is very important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward performance. That includes conveying 
assessments through employee evaluation reports (EERs) and via the 
regular counseling sessions that are prescribed as part of the EER 
cycle.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage providing 
clear, accurate and direct feedback to employees--including through 
employee evaluation reports (EERs) and the regular counseling sessions 
that are prescribed as part of the EER cycle--to improve and reward 
performance.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Sudan.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. I strongly believe that U.S. diplomats must get outside the 
walls of the Embassy and outside capital cities to meet with local 
actors and establish constructive relationships that inform a 
sophisticated understanding of the countries to which they are 
assigned. I believe it is important that we provide clear information 
on U.S. policy to the foreign publics with whom we engage. If 
confirmed, I would prioritize engagement with pro-democracy elements--
including resistance committees, civil society groups, journalists, 
human rights activists, and political parties--at all levels to make 
clear the values for which the United States stands and our support for 
the Sudanese people and their aspirations for civilian rule. If 
confirmed, I will also ensure that our condemnation of the military 
takeover and the military regime's human rights abuses are clearly 
understood. In all of those efforts I would pay particular attention to 
Sudan's periphery areas to monitor the peace process and human rights 
issues, and to encourage participation in Sudan's political transition 
from those in historically marginalized areas. I would encourage our 
officers to travel to periphery areas, with the appropriate security 
measures, to engage Sudanese interlocutors there directly and to gather 
information to inform efforts to advance our objectives in Sudan.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to clearly communicate our policy 
goals to members of the Embassy team, explain how their work helps 
advance those goals, and work with management and security officials to 
assess what further resources might be needed to enable our diplomats 
to get outside the Embassy and outside the capital to engage local 
interlocutors. I would make it clear that such engagement is a high 
priority and would work closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission, 
Regional Security Officer, and Management Officer to ensure that 
related security and management support is provided to the maximum 
extent possible.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Sudan?

    Answer. My understanding is that despite years of tense relations 
with the Government, the Embassy maintains a robust public diplomacy 
platform allowing for regular direct interactions with the Sudanese 
public and the development of strong relationships with a range of 
stakeholders. The Sudanese people remain interested in the United 
States and having a relationship with it at the people-to-people level. 
If confirmed, I look forward to further building those relationships.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Limited internet access and government restrictions on 
speech and assembly are primary challenges that Sudanese face, 
especially as it relates to U.S. public diplomacy. The United States 
can play a significant role in supporting freedom of expression and 
countering digital authoritarianism in Sudan. That has to date included 
repeated calls to the Sudanese Government to lift its declared state of 
emergency and allow full availability of internet and cellular 
communications. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the State 
Department's newly established Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy, 
as well as other interagency partners and Congress, to urge an end to 
restrictions on speech and assembly and combat digital 
authoritarianism.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. I believe it is important that we provide clear information 
on U.S. policy to the foreign publics with whom we engage. If 
confirmed, I would prioritize direct engagement with pro-democracy 
elements--including resistance committees, civil society groups, 
journalists, human rights activists, and political parties--to make 
clear the values for which the United States stands and our support for 
the Sudanese people and their aspirations for civilian rule. If 
confirmed, I will also ensure that our condemnation of the military 
takeover and the military regime's human rights abuses are clearly 
understood. Doing so effectively requires a mix of messaging from 
Washington and Embassy Khartoum.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to take these threats seriously 
and would do everything in my power to prioritize the health, safety, 
and treatment of our Embassy personnel and their families in Sudan.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Khartoum personnel?

    Answer. I firmly believe that clear, consistent communication is a 
vital component of any well-functioning team. If confirmed, I commit to 
talking as openly as I can with Mission Khartoum personnel.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on 
AHIs in advance of my anticipated departure for post and have received 
a classified briefing on this matter. I will seek further information 
in unclassified and classified meetings with the Coordinator of the 
State Department's Health Incident Response Task Force as well as 
relevant bureaus, including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and 
Research.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to working with Diplomatic 
Security and other interagency representatives in investigating 
potential anomalous health incidents, to maintaining detailed records 
of the incident(s), and to sharing that information with the State 
Department and other embassies to contribute to the assessment of how 
these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the 
world.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would in the case of any anomalous health 
incident prioritize the health and safety of our Embassy personnel and 
their family members and do everything in my power to ensure that those 
impacted receive proper treatment. Communication is critical. If 
confirmed, I will keep my team informed, talk with them as openly as I 
can, ensure I have a good understanding of their concerns, and do all 
that I can--including working with Washington colleagues to get needed 
resources--to create a safe environment for them to carry out the 
Mission's work.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                    john t. godfrey by senator risch
          Question. In your response to an initial question, you 
        stated: ``Questions of accountability for those responsible for 
        the military takeover lie at the heart of the ongoing Sudanese-
        led political process to establish such a framework.''

     How can ``the ongoing Sudanese-led political process'' credibly 
            address ``questions of accountability for those responsible 
            for the military takeover'' when a significant party to the 
            ``process'' to ``establish a new framework that clearly 
            establishes a civilian transitional government,'' is the 
            military--which has and continues to commit atrocities - 
            and the coup leaders?

          Answer. The main goal of the tripartite political process is 
        to establish an agreed-upon framework among all stakeholders 
        for a civilian-led transitional government in Sudan. 
        Discussions about an agreement on the broad framework for 
        justice and accountability and other core transitional tasks 
        for the transitional period will need to be an integral part of 
        negotiations among stakeholders. It will ultimately be the 
        responsibility of the institutions of a civilian-led 
        transitional government and future democratically elected 
        governments to finalize the specifics of and implement 
        accountability mechanisms. If confirmed, I would work with 
        international partners and civilian stakeholders to ensure that 
        any framework agreement for a transition provides future 
        governments with the space to do so effectively and in line 
        with the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese people. I would 
        also coordinate with partners to press the military to ensure 
        that the tripartite facilitated political process moves forward 
        in an environment that allows all stakeholders to participate 
        and freely express their views, without fear of detentions or 
        violence. Full respect for freedoms of association, expression, 
        and peaceful assembly is vital.

          Question. How will you appropriately balance your full 
        support for ``the international facilitation efforts designed 
        to help Sudanese stakeholders address these questions (of 
        accountability for the coup)'' while also avoiding supporting 
        ``fully'' a process that is heavily dependent on the 
        acquiescence and endorsement of the same military leaders who 
        carried out the October 25 coup?

          Answer. Broad-based Sudanese-led discussions under the 
        tripartite-facilitated political process represent the best 
        foreseeable vehicle to establish a framework for a civilian-led 
        transitional government in Sudan. As we saw in the initial 
        stakeholder consultations undertaken by UNITAMS, all 
        stakeholders recognize that the Sudanese people are demanding 
        that this new framework be predicated on full civilian control 
        of transitional government institutions, in contrast with the 
        civilian-military partnership under the rubric of the previous 
        transitional government. The tripartite facilitation is working 
        towards a framework agreement based on that desire for a 
        civilian-led transitional government, which would undertake 
        core transitional tasks, such as finalizing the specifics of 
        and implementing accountability measures. If confirmed, I would 
        continue to emphasize the importance of proceeding along these 
        lines. If confirmed, I would also continue emphasizing to 
        senior military leaders the imperative of fully handing power 
        over to a civilian-led transitional government, the costs of 
        failing to do so, and our abhorrence of the violations and 
        abuses of the human rights of the Sudanese people.

          Question. In your answers to earlier questions, you stated 
        that you understand the Administration's ``notional spend plan 
        for part of the $700 million in Title IX Economic Support Funds 
        . . . focuses on technical assistance to the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD 
        facilitated political process; support to pro-democracy actors; 
        documenting human rights abuses and economic and political 
        corruption; supporting peace-building in historically 
        marginalized areas; and food security and resilience."

     Do you support the inclusion of ``food security and resilience'' 
            as part of this spend plan? Please explain your answer.

          Answer. Based on my understanding of the proposed spend plan, 
        I believe that this is a sensible proposal. However, if 
        confirmed I would want to review the specifics of the proposal 
        with the Embassy Country Team and interagency partners before 
        reaching a definitive judgment. I am gravely concerned about 
        Sudan's deteriorating economy, which I understand has been 
        characterized by a reduction in household purchasing power, 
        domestic food shortages, and sharply rising prices. If left 
        unaddressed, this has the potential to negatively impact 
        Sudan's pro-democracy movement and further strengthen the hand 
        of the military. I also recognize the potential for 
        agricultural development to increase household income and 
        undercut the economic dominance of Sudan's military, 
        particularly in historically marginalized communities. If 
        confirmed, I would want to ensure that the food security and 
        resilience projects being proposed will have a quick and 
        meaningful impact that directly advances Sudan's pro-democracy 
        movement, are distinct from and reach a different target 
        audience than our critical humanitarian assistance programs, 
        and appropriately prioritize development of a non-military-
        controlled private sector economy.

          Question. Given your understanding of the ``notional (ESF) 
        spend plan,'' and what you understand as the urgent priorities 
        given the current political context in Sudan, what should be 
        the top priority for these funds among the many put forward by 
        the Administration during its consultations with Congress?

          Answer. The top priorities should be technical assistance to 
        the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated political process; support to 
        pro-democracy actors as they press to establish a civilian-led 
        transition to democracy; documentation of human rights abuses 
        and economic and political corruption; and supporting peace-
        building in historically marginalized areas. These are all key 
        elements in supporting the Sudanese people as they seek to 
        effect change and erode military dominance.

          Question. Do you commit if confirmed, to making yourself 
        available to the committee to discuss the use of the $700 
        million and other bilateral assistance to Sudan?

          Answer. If confirmed, I commit to making myself available to 
        the committee to discuss the use of the $700 million and other 
        bilateral assistance to Sudan.

          Question. In an earlier response, you stated: ``It is also 
        important that pro-democracy activists engage constructively 
        and inclusively in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process.''

     Do you agree that the reason many ``pro-democracy activists'' may 
            not ``engage constructively and inclusively'' in a 
            tripartite facilitated process is that it includes as 
            parties to the negotiations leaders of a military junta 
            that have betrayed the people of Sudan, including carrying 
            out a coup against the previous civilian-led transitional 
            government?

          Answer. There are a range of reasons why some pro-democracy 
        activists are hesitant to engage constructively and inclusively 
        in the political process, including reservations about the 
        military-led government's sincerity given its takeover of 
        government on October 25. That is an important part of the 
        reason why we continue to press military leaders to undertake 
        further confidence building measures such as ending violence 
        against protestors, releasing those who have been unjustly 
        detained and refraining from reimposing the state of emergency. 
        Doing so would demonstrate the military's commitment to the 
        tripartite process and political dialogue as well as help 
        create an environment in which all stakeholders feel they can 
        safely participate in that process. For this process to succeed 
        it is vital that it be inclusive. If confirmed, I will urge all 
        Sudanese political actors to seize the opportunity the UNITAMS-
        AU-IGAD facilitated political process offers to establish a 
        civilian-led transition to democracy and stability.

          Question. What specific steps will you take, if confirmed, to 
        build stronger links with those pro-democracy activists who 
        still have such a distrust of the leaders of Sudan's military 
        junta that they cannot and will not bring themselves to 
        participate ``constructively and inclusively'' in a dialogue 
        process they view as fundamentally flawed?

          Answer. I understand that during the initial UNITAMS 
        consultations, more than 800 individuals representing a broad 
        cross-section of Sudanese society, including women, youth, and 
        members of historically marginalized groups and areas, 
        voluntarily met with UNITAMS. I believe that maintaining 
        contacts with as broad a range of actors as possible, including 
        those who do not participate in formal political processes, is 
        a critical responsibility of any U.S. ambassador. If confirmed, 
        I would endeavor to meet regularly with a wide cross-section of 
        the Sudanese pro-democracy movement, including Resistance 
        Committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights 
        advocates, and political parties. I would continue efforts to 
        press Sudan's military leaders to create conditions conducive 
        to dialogue - ending violence against protestors, releasing 
        activists who have been unjustly detained, and refraining from 
        reimposing the state of emergency. I would draw on direct 
        engagement with the Resistance Committees and other pro-
        democracy activists to ensure their perspectives are accounted 
        for in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated transition process, 
        would explore whether specific confidence building measures 
        could help allays their concerns about participating, and would 
        urge them to engage constructively and inclusively in it. If 
        confirmed, I will continue the work that our embassy and the 
        broader international community have done to support members of 
        historically marginalized groups, to ensure their views are 
        reflected in decision making processes, and to consult with 
        them on and work to advance their equities.

                                *  *  *



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to John T. Godfrey by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I have been closely following increased reports of 
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees. 
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are 
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health 
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State 
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial 
seminar that you are required to attend.

   If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial 
        seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with 
        State Department?

    Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on 
AHIs and a classified briefing on this matter in advance of my 
departure for post. If confirmed, the safety and security of embassy 
personnel and their families would be a top priority for me.

    Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do 
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment, and 
safety of our diplomats?

    Answer. If confirmed, in the case of any anomalous health incident, 
I would prioritize the health and safety of our diplomats and their 
family members and ensure that those impacted receive the proper 
treatment.

    Question. The Biden administration rightly prioritized protecting, 
improving, and expanding access to sexual and reproductive health care 
as one of ten key priorities in the National Strategy on Gender Equity 
and Equality. Across Africa, the unmet need for family planning is 
significant. Women and families struggle to access modern 
contraceptives or basic information to be able to make the right 
choices for their health and that of their families.

   If confirmed, do you commit to working with the respective USAID 
        country missions, implementing partners and civil society to 
        improve access and develop relationships to best administer the 
        U.S.'s family planning programing?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID and 
embassy partners to improve access and develop relationships to 
administer U.S. family planning programming.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to John T. Godfrey by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. As you know, the previous administration had instituted a 
number of policies in 2020 to support the then-transitional Government 
of Sudan. This included rescinding Sudan's designation as a state 
sponsor of terror, announcing an intention to appoint an Ambassador for 
the first time in decades, and hundreds of millions of dollars in 
development spending. I'm also aware that the previous administration 
had pushed Sudan to normalize its relationship with Israel and join the 
"Abraham Accords." Among the consequences of the coup of last October, 
the U.S. had paused the nearly $700 million in development assistance 
intended for Sudan in fiscal year 2021.

   Do you envision the post-coup Government of Sudan to walk back its 
        commitment to the Abraham Accords if U.S. development spending 
        is not allowed to proceed to Sudan?

    Answer. The commitments made to the Abraham Accords were made by 
the Civilian Led Transitional Government led by Prime Minister Hamdok. 
Since seizing power, the Sudanese military authorities have taken no 
steps to roll back their commitments to improving relations with 
Israel.

    Question. If confirmed, will you advocate to rescind foreign aid to 
Sudan indefinitely if the post-coup government reverses normalization 
of relations with Israel?

    Answer. The United States strongly supported the efforts of Sudan's 
former civilian-led transitional government to improve the country's 
relationship with Israel. Since the military's seizure of power, we 
have suspended delivery of outstanding U.S. commitments linked to 
normalization of relations with Israel until such time as a credible, 
civilian transitional government is established. If confirmed, I would 
support sustaining that policy.

    Question. In his first interview with the media after orchestrating 
the October coup, General Burhan choose to speak to Sputnik News. 
Sputnik, as we all know is a mouth piece of Vladimir Putin's propaganda 
operation. In that interview, he confirmed that Sudan would honor an 
agreement made by the former dictator Omar Bashir to establish a 
Russian naval base on the Red Sea. As the U.S. Government is stepping 
up efforts to secure Europe's energy security, Russian control of the 
Red Sea could threaten to cut off a source of natural gas that Europe 
could use as an alternative to Russian gas. What is your assessment of 
Sudan's relations with Russia, especially since the resumption of 
Russia's hostilities against Ukraine in February 2022?

    Answer. I am gravely concerned that since the fall of the Bashir 
regime in 2019, Russia has consistently pressured successive Sudanese 
administrations to provide it access to a naval facility on the Red 
Sea, a concern shared by Sudan's regional neighbors. Thus far, Sudanese 
Governments have resisted such pressure and have taken no concrete 
steps to implement the Bashir-era agreement. Should any Sudanese 
Government do so, it would be acting contrary to the interests and 
wishes of the Sudanese people and would increase the country's 
isolation. I share the dismay that the Sudanese people expressed at the 
ill-timed, ill-conceived, and inappropriate decision by Sudanese Rapid 
Support Forces Commander LTG Hemedti to visit Russia on the eve of its 
unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. I understand this visit 
was sponsored by entities linked to Russian oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin, 
whose companies have a long history of destabilizing African states and 
governments. LTG Hemedti's relationship with Prigozhin is deeply 
problematic, and if confirmed, I would press for the severing of these 
relationships and for an end to any connection between Prigozhin 
companies and Sudanese Government entities.

    Question.  If confirmed, what steps will you take to counter the 
establishment of a potential Russian base in Sudan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would reiterate to Sudanese leadership the 
destabilizing impact that a Russian naval facility on the Red Sea would 
have on Sudan, the Horn of Africa, and the Gulf region. I would work 
with our international partners to underscore the increased 
international isolation that would follow should Sudan implement or 
renegotiate establishment of a Russian base or any other form of 
security cooperation with Russia. I would also work to ensure the 
Sudanese Government and public fully understand the risk of working 
with Russia and Russian-backed groups, including and especially Yevgeny 
Prigozhin's network, and their history of exploiting Africa's natural 
resources and destabilizing its states. These groups exploit 
instability to advance Kremlin and private Russian interests across the 
continent. I would highlight the prime example of the fact that 
countries in which the Wagner Group has deployed find themselves 
poorer, weaker, and less secure. If confirmed, I will explain clearly 
why partnership with the United States more squarely and sustainably 
meets Sudan's strategic objectives and benefits the Sudanese people.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Under the Revitalized Transitional Government of National 
Unity, elections were supposed to occur in 2023. Many experts now warn 
that, due to the failure of the South Sudanese transitional government 
to implement the revitalized peace agreement, elections in 2023 are no 
longer possible and could trigger a return to war if held absent the 
necessary preparations.

   What are the specific legal and legislative and confidence building 
        steps South Sudan must take, in accordance with the revitalized 
        peace agreement, to get to credible election? Are these a 
        priority focus for the U.S. Government?

    Answer. Under the terms of the revitalized peace agreement, 
credible elections are to be preceded by an inclusive constitution-
making process, updating, and passing key electoral legislation, 
carrying out a national census, the development of transparent and 
inclusive electoral mechanisms, adequate funding for the election 
administration to carry out its duties professionally and 
comprehensively, and the formation and training of the Necessary 
Unified Forces (NUF). All of these are long overdue.
    The South Sudanese people have been clear that they desire a 
political and economic transformation in their country that advances 
democracy, freedom, peace, transparency, and accountability. The 
actions necessary to enable credible elections are, therefore, a 
priority for the United States. If confirmed, I would work closely with 
international partners and regional actors to bring diplomatic and 
other forms of pressure to bear on South Sudan's leaders to ensure that 
the people's voices are heard and respected as these decisions are 
made. In addition, if confirmed, I would prioritize efforts to empower 
civil society and independent media, which provide an essential role in 
monitoring the Government, promoting positive policy changes, and 
expressing the will and priorities of South Sudanese citizens.
    Elsewhere in Africa, the African Union, United States, and 
international community have insisted that transitional leaders should 
not double as candidates in elections they are charged with organizing. 
This principal has been articulated in reference to Mali, Central 
African Republic, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and most recently Chad.

    Question. Do you agree that this principle--barring transitional 
leaders from doubling as candidates--should be applied the leaders of 
South Sudan's Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity, 
and specifically President Kiir and Vice President Machar?

    Answer. I agree that the principle of barring transitional leaders 
from doubling as candidates would have been appropriate in South Sudan 
and believe this condition should have been included in the 2018 
Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic 
of South Sudan (R-ARCSS).
    The South Sudanese people should be the ultimate arbiters in 
determining who their leaders should be through free, fair, and 
credible elections. To give them the opportunity to do so, it is 
imperative that South Sudan move forward with an inclusive 
constitutional drafting process, the adoption of electoral reform 
legislation, and the development of transparent and inclusive electoral 
mechanisms. These steps will allow the South Sudanese people to set the 
ground rules for the country's leadership and create conditions under 
which they can select their own leaders.

    Question. The United States has not had an Ambassador in South 
Sudan since 2018.

   How has this interval affected Embassy management and morale in 
        what is already a difficult overseas assignment? What steps 
        will you take to support the morale of direct and local hire 
        staff?

    Answer. The long interval since South Sudan last had a confirmed 
U.S. Ambassador, as well as frequent changes in Charges d'Affaires, has 
made it harder to address management and morale challenges in a tough 
working environment. If I am confirmed, improving morale, and taking 
care of my colleagues will rank among my highest priorities. I would 
immediately work with my team to analyze current challenges and any 
management shortfalls and develop strategies to address them. I would 
focus on mentoring employees from all of the agencies represented in 
the mission and at all stages of their careers. I would also work to 
ensure that people have opportunities to pursue and receive rewarding 
onward assignments that acknowledge their service in South Sudan. If 
confirmed, I would also seek to address the morale issues and 
challenges faced by locally employed (LE) staff including by working 
closely with the LE staff committee.

    Question. Previously, Uganda was one of South Sudan's strongest 
allies. In recent years, however, President Kiir seems to have turned 
north and strengthened relations with members of the Sudanese junta in 
Khartoum.

   How do you assess the role and influence of Khartoum on South Sudan 
        and what steps can the U.S. take to counter this influence?

    Answer. As guarantors of the revitalized peace agreement Sudan, 
Uganda, and the other member states of the Intergovernmental Authority 
on Development (IGAD), have important influence with the parties which 
we should continue to urge them to use to press for full implementation 
of the peace agreement. Sudan and South Sudan share a long history and 
will likely remain politically and economically intertwined. I am very 
cognizant of the likelihood that military actors in Sudan seek to 
influence events in South Sudan to advance their own political and 
economic interests, and, if confirmed, I am committed to working 
closely with our Embassy in Khartoum to monitor, understand, and as 
needed, work against such self-interested engagement. I would do so 
through direct diplomatic engagement with the South Sudanese Government 
and civil society to raise awareness of and press against such 
problematic behavior, and through engagement with other regional actors 
to seek their intervention in more positive directions.
    At the same time, I recognize that there have been cases, such as 
with the April 3 agreement on sharing command of the Necessary Unified 
Forces, in which Sudanese engagement has been useful to help push 
through an impasse. I would seek, therefore, to build on such positive 
engagement when opportunities occur.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in South Sudan? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, I would press South Sudanese leaders to 
take the predicate steps necessary to hold free, fair, and credible 
elections. These include an inclusive constitution-making process, key 
electoral legislation, such as laws allowing for the participation of 
political parties and a functioning electoral commission. To secure the 
electoral process, South Sudan also needs to complete the unification 
of the Necessary Unified Forces. I would work with international 
partners, particularly the Troika (U.S., U.K., and Norway), the U.N. 
Mission in South Sudan, and IGAD, to press transitional leaders to 
complete these steps. Citizens in a democracy must also have the tools 
and information necessary to hold leaders accountable for public 
financial management and to make ballot decisions based on whether 
their leaders have been responsible and transparent stewards in the 
proper use and management of public resources for government functions 
and ensuring equitable delivery of public services. I would use our 
rotating position, along with our other Troika partners, on South 
Sudan's public financial management oversight committee to take full 
advantage to urge and guide reforms that facilitate economic 
transparency and accountability.
    To create a lasting democracy, the loudest voice for change must 
come from the people of South Sudan. Freedoms of expression and 
peaceful assembly are integral parts of a functioning democracy, and if 
South Sudan is ever to become a vibrant democracy, it must respect 
these and other human rights. If confirmed, I would increase diplomatic 
engagement, leverage all public diplomacy tools, and evaluate our 
foreign assistance mechanisms to ensure we are providing as much 
support as possible for freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly so 
that the South Sudanese people can participate fully in the political 
process.
    The major impediment to progress in building these democratic 
institutions is the network of political elites, mostly in Juba, whose 
interests are served by blocking further implementation of the peace 
agreement and promulgating an environment that permits non-transparent 
deals that generate illegitimate income or funnel revenue from national 
resources into individual accounts.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would evaluate the full range of U.S. 
Government assistance tools available to support democracy and 
governance. I would work closely with USAID to expand and diversify 
their funding to promote human rights and bolster civil society, 
independent media, and citizens' active participation in democratic 
political and peace processes. We should continue support for democracy 
and governance programming and engage other donors on their ability to 
contribute. The Government of South Sudan must demonstrate the 
political will to implement credible elections with U.N. support.
    Within the State Department, I would work with the Bureau of 
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor to identify all resources available 
to African countries to the extent consistent with applicable 
restrictions on U.S. assistance, to fund programs that would build the 
capacity of the South Sudanese to build and function in a truly 
democratic society.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in South Sudan? What steps will you take to pro-actively 
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via 
legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would commit to meet with civil 
society members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations 
in the United States and local human rights NGOs, and other members of 
civil society in South Sudan.
    It is my view that the South Sudanese people have made clear their 
desire for meaningful political and economic transformation in their 
country to advance freedom, democracy, peace, accountability, and 
transparency. I believe that a sustained diplomatic investment by the 
United States, as well as our regional and international partners is 
required to assist the South Sudanese people in achieving these goals. 
If confirmed, I would seek to press all of South Sudan's leaders to 
remove restrictions and other impediments to NGOs and civil society and 
to provide a safe and open environment for their activities.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with South 
Sudan on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly 
with independent, local press in South Sudan?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would actively engage with South Sudan 
on freedom of expression, including for members of the press, and 
address any government efforts designed to limit or undermine press 
freedom through legal, regulatory, or other measures. I would meet 
regularly with independent, local press in South Sudan.
    I would work to ensure that Embassy Juba engages frequently with 
local journalists. I would also press the Government of South Sudan to 
cease any censorship and arbitrary detentions of journalists and 
guarantee that journalists and all members of civil society have a safe 
space and an enabling environment that allows them to provide accurate 
and unbiased information to citizens about government actions.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to South Sudan?

    Answer. Yes.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health 
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members. 
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their 
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I 
will make the health and safety of my staff my top priority, including 
contributing to the extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into 
the cause of these incidents and how we can best protect our people. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Juba staff and 
all those supporting the Mission will be my highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO at Embassy Juba to discuss any reported anomalous health 
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Mission 
South Sudan and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health 
incidents are being followed appropriately.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator James E. Risch

South Sudan
    Question. What is your perspective on South Sudan's current 
leadership--namely President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek 
Machar?

    Answer. From my perspective, South Sudan's current leadership--
including both President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek 
Machar--has failed to act to implement successive peace agreements, 
build democratic institutions for the South Sudanese people, use the 
nation's vast oil wealth for the benefit of all its citizens, and 
ensure peace and respect for human rights. I believe that South Sudan's 
leaders have a shared responsibility to act with urgency to advance 
progress toward the future the South Sudanese people seek of democracy, 
security, and economic prosperity. If confirmed, I would press all of 
South Sudan's leaders to maintain the permanent ceasefire, end sub-
national violence, respect human rights, address corruption and other 
obstacles to economic growth, and immediately take all predicate steps 
necessary to enable the South Sudanese people to select their leaders 
through free, fair, and credible democratic elections.

    Question. Would you characterize South Sudan's current leadership 
as spoiler's to South Sudan's peace, democracy, and development?

    Answer. South Sudan's leaders have yet to deliver the peace, 
democracy, and development that was expected following their country's 
emergence as an independent country in 2011. If confirmed, I will 
provide my unvarnished assessment of which elements in the leadership 
are most responsible for this delay. It is already clear to me that the 
ongoing competition for power in South Sudan, occurring in the absence 
of an established democratic process, continues to contribute to 
violence and has had a longstanding spoiler effect on efforts to 
establish the better future the South Sudanese people deserve and the 
United States, along with other major donors, expects. It is also clear 
to me, that the South Sudanese people are eager for the political, 
economic, and security transformation of their country. For this to 
occur, it is imperative that South Sudan move forward with an inclusive 
constitutional drafting process, the adoption of electoral reform 
legislation, and the development of transparent and inclusive electoral 
mechanisms. These steps will ultimately allow the South Sudanese people 
to select their own leaders through free, fair, and credible elections. 
This is the first key step to establishing the Government's 
accountability to its citizenry. If confirmed, I would work closely 
with international partners and regional actors to bring diplomatic and 
other forms of pressure to bear on South Sudan's leaders to ensure that 
the people's voices are heard and respected as these decisions are 
made.

    Question. Do you regard President Salva Kiir as the legitimate 
democratic leader of the Republic of South Sudan? Please explain your 
answer.

    Answer. Though not democratically elected, Salva Kiir is the 
President of the Republic of South Sudan during the transitional period 
as agreed by the signatories of the Revitalized Agreement on the 
Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan signed on 
September 12, 2018. The transitional period originally planned for 36 
months has been extended to February 2023.

    Question. As discussed in my S.Res.380, which passed the Senate by 
unanimous consent on December 9, 2021, the United States spends more 
than $1 billion per year on the fallout of the conflict in South Sudan, 
mostly for humanitarian assistance and through contributions to the 
U.N. peacekeeping mission UNMISS. In 2018, President Trump called for a 
review of U.S. assistance to South Sudan, to ensure that U.S. funds are 
not contributing to the war economy or inadvertently perpetuating 
conflict.

   Do you commit to supporting an assistance review for South Sudan, 
        if confirmed?

    Answer. I understand the former administration initiated an 
assistance review the results of which have never been finalized. I 
further understand that the interagency is reviewing data from this 
review, with the intention to provide it to Congress. If confirmed, I 
would give my full support to this review, if it remains ongoing, and 
would work closely with implementing partners and the broader 
international community to ensure that we have effective safeguards in 
place to ensure that U.S. assistance goes only to those for whom it is 
intended and does not contribute to continuation of conflict.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                   michael j. adler by senator risch
          My office has been told by State and USAID officials that 
        there is no active assistance review, but rather that USAID 
        shared a report with the interagency with no further action was 
        taken.

          Question. Regardless of if ``the interagency is reviewing 
        data from this (assistance) review'' (initiated under the Trump 
        administration), do you commit, if confirmed, to supporting and 
        participating in a renewed and more productive examination of 
        U.S. assistance that encompasses the current context in South 
        Sudan?

          Answer. Yes, I commit that if I am confirmed, I will support 
        and participate in such a review of U.S. assistance.

          Question. Regardless of the timing of releasing the results 
        of the current or a future assistance review, will you commit, 
        if confirmed, to convening your Embassy team to regularly 
        assess the role of U.S. assistance to South Sudan in countering 
        or furthering the crisis in the country?

          Answer. Yes. I commit to regularly convening the Embassy 
        country team to consistently assess the role of U.S. assistance 
        to South Sudan in countering or furthering the crisis in the 
        country.

          Question. What other measures will you take, should you be 
        confirmed, to ensure ``U.S. assistance goes only to those for 
        whom it is intended and does not contribute to (the) 
        continuation of (the) conflict?''

          Answer. As a nominee, I commit to making this a priority. If 
        confirmed, I would act quickly to identify specific steps that 
        could be taken in this regard by consulting with USAID, other 
        members of the interagency, and implementing partners to ensure 
        I had a full understanding of any deficiencies of current 
        safeguards and the best means to strengthen them. I would make 
        such consultations a regular practice throughout my assignment 
        to Juba so that we can assess the effectiveness of the initial 
        measures we take and ensure that we respond swiftly to any 
        indications of diversion. I would be prepared to consider 
        whatever steps are necessary to ensure U.S. assistance does not 
        contribute to the continuation of the conflict, including 
        proposing adjustments to aid and expanded use of sanctions, 
        where available, in response to confirmed indications of 
        diversion by malign actors. I would also engage with partner 
        country embassies to encourage a coordinated donor effort to 
        prevent such diversion. If confirmed, I would welcome the 
        opportunity to consult regularly with committee staff on the 
        steps we take in this area.

          Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to be personally 
        available to the committee to discuss U.S. assistance matters 
        regarding South Sudan?

          Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to being personally 
        available to the committee to discuss assistance matters 
        regarding South Sudan as well as any other topics of interest 
        to the committee.

          Question. As Ambassador, if confirmed, how would you pursue 
        reducing the need for U.S. humanitarian assistance to South 
        Sudan due to persistent conflict?

          Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize the sustainment of 
        the permanent ceasefire and advancing political, economic, and 
        security sector reforms that would address the root causes of 
        the need for humanitarian assistance. I would make use of the 
        U.S. role as co-chair--in rotation with Norway and the United 
        Kingdom--of South Sudan's Public Financial Management Oversight 
        Committee to press the South Sudanese Government to use its 
        resources transparently for the benefit of its citizens, 
        thereby reducing the need for humanitarian aid.

                                *  *  *


    Question. As Ambassador, if confirmed, how would you pursue 
reducing the need for U.S. humanitarian assistance to South Sudan due 
to persistent conflict?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize the sustainment of the 
permanent ceasefire and advancing political, economic, and security 
sector reforms that would address the root causes of the need for 
humanitarian assistance. I would make use of the U.S. role as co-
chair--in rotation with Norway and the United Kingdom--of South Sudan's 
Public Financial Management Oversight Committee to press the South 
Sudanese Government to use its resources transparently for the benefit 
of its citizens, thereby reducing the need for humanitarian aid.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                   michael j. adler by senator risch
          While South Sudan's Public Financial Management Oversight 
        Committee is an important tool ``to press the South Sudanese 
        Government to use its resources transparently for the benefit 
        of its citizens," the U.S. has an important bilateral role to 
        play in the oversight of its own humanitarian assistance in 
        South Sudan.

          Question. If confirmed, what other steps would you take as 
        Ambassador to reduce South Sudan's need and dependency on U.S. 
        humanitarian assistance?

          Answer. I agree that the United States has an important 
        bilateral role to play in the oversight of our humanitarian 
        assistance in South Sudan. If confirmed, I would also press the 
        South Sudanese Government to make clear that they must take the 
        necessary steps to create the political environment necessary 
        to foster economic growth and prosperity. The South Sudanese 
        Government must work with more urgency to take the predicate 
        actions necessary to hold credible elections, such as 
        legislation regarding constitutional and electoral processes, 
        the formation of institutions, the complete unification of 
        forces, and a safe space for civil participation in politics. 
        Peace, democracy, and stability are key to South Sudan's 
        ability to grow its economy. If confirmed, I would consider the 
        possibility of promoting policy reforms that facilitate the 
        development of South Sudan's agricultural potential and 
        decrease its reliance on humanitarian assistance.

          Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that U.S. 
        humanitarian assistance to South Sudan adheres to the principal 
        of ``Do No Harm?''

          Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that U.S. 
        humanitarian assistance to South Sudan adheres to the principal 
        of ``Do No Harm.''

          Question. As U.S. Ambassador if confirmed, how will you work 
        with the USAID Mission Director and your interagency colleagues 
        to ensure U.S. humanitarian assistance is not abused or used by 
        the South Sudanese Government to lessen its responsibility to 
        care for its people?

          Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the USAID mission 
        director and interagency colleagues to evaluate where current 
        safeguards may be deficient in protecting U.S. humanitarian 
        assistance from abuse, and to seek to strengthen them. I would 
        make these consultations a regular practice and incorporate 
        lessons learned into our assistance plans, including being 
        ready to adjust aid as appropriate or propose sanctions, where 
        available, against actors who divert or manipulate U.S. 
        assistance, as needed. I would also work with partner embassies 
        to coordinate assistance and share information to prevent 
        diversion that facilitates the South Sudanese Government 
        shirking responsibility to provide services to the people of 
        South Sudan.

                                *  *  *


    Question. As Ambassador, do you commit to considering novel policy 
approaches to South Sudan related to the country's leaders, the peace 
agreement (R-ARCSS), and pervasive corruption?

    Answer. Yes. The United States, in close consultation with our 
international partners, is actively working on a range of policy 
initiatives to support the South Sudanese people's demands for 
meaningful political and economic transformation in their country. This 
includes helping the people in South Sudan establish the necessary 
conditions to allow them to choose their leaders freely and to hold 
leaders accountable for their actions. If confirmed, I would continue 
robust engagement with South Sudan's leadership, both bilaterally and 
in concert with the Troika and other allies, to impress upon them the 
need to advance the peace process and move towards elections.

    Question. Much of your professional experience has been in the Asia 
and the Near East regions.

   If confirmed as Ambassador to South Sudan, how do you think your 
        previous experiences can be applied to the complex dynamics of 
        both South Sudan and the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would draw on my 30 years of experience in 
the Foreign Service, including in countries in the midst of transition 
under conflict and post-conflict conditions. In particular, my 
experiences in Bosnia (1998-2001), Iraq (2003-2004 and 2005-2006), and 
Afghanistan (2010-2011) have taught me important lessons about the 
challenges of advancing progress toward the establishment of democratic 
institutions and the need to hold host country leaders accountable for 
lack of sustained progress and tolerance of corruption. My professional 
experiences have also taught me the need for Embassy leadership to 
encourage continuous, sustained efforts to deepen understanding of 
complex societies by broadening Embassy outreach as far as possible 
among political actors and civil society. I have also learned the 
critical importance, especially in hardship posts, of Ambassadors 
clearly communicating policy goals and engaging to ensure the morale 
and productivity of the entire interagency team at post.

    Question. How do you plan to engage with civil society and 
stakeholders to become grounded in the intricacies and challenges of 
working in South Sudan?

    Answer. If confirmed, prior to departing for post, I would 
immediately seek meetings with the broad range of South Sudan experts 
in the United States, including from the diaspora community, with 
active ties to South Sudanese civil society. Following my arrival at 
post, I would meet with the country team to examine ways that I, as 
Ambassador, and the entire Embassy staff can amplify our outreach to 
civil society to improve our understanding of the dynamics driving 
political, economic, and security challenges in South Sudan. If 
confirmed, I would also prioritize travel by Embassy officials outside 
of the capital city of Juba, as security conditions permit, to ensure 
that our perspective and policy advice take into account the full 
complexity of the country.

    Question. What will be your approach to collaborating with the 
Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, if one is nominated and appointed, 
to ensure that a cohesive and effective South Sudan strategy is 
developed and implemented?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to work closely with the Special Envoy 
to the Horn of Africa if one is appointed. I would view our roles as 
complementary to one another and would seek to use the Special Envoy's 
office's ongoing engagement with key regional actors to advance the 
required political and economic transformation in South Sudan, should 
that be in the envoy's remit. I would seek to establish clear channels 
of communication with any Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa if one is 
appointed and would work closely with that individual to develop and 
implement a cohesive and effective South Sudan strategy.

    Question. South Sudan presents many operational challenges for 
humanitarian agencies, including bureaucratic impediments, difficulty 
reaching communities in need due to poor infrastructure, and attacks 
against aid workers and assets. South Sudan is one of the most 
dangerous places in the world for humanitarian workers seeking to help 
the more than 8 million South Sudanese in need of assistance.

   How will you work with the Government of South Sudan to reduce 
        these barriers to aid delivery and end impunity for attacks on 
        humanitarian workers?

    Answer. It is a tragedy that so many aid workers have died trying 
to assist the people of South Sudan. The failure of the South Sudanese 
Government both to ensure the safety and security of humanitarian 
workers and to hold accountable those who are responsible for violence 
against them is inexcusable. If confirmed, I will consistently 
underscore the urgent need for the Government to strengthen its efforts 
to work with the international community to ensure the protection of 
aid workers and will press the Government to investigate and prosecute 
all those responsible for violence against them. I would also work 
closely with the United Nations Mission in South Sudan and the broader 
international humanitarian community to review risk management 
procedures and to ensure that we are all taking sensible steps to 
provide critically needed humanitarian assistance in as safe and secure 
an environment for humanitarian workers as possible.
    In addition to the security threat, it is unacceptable that those 
who seek to provide assistance to the South Sudanese continue to 
encounter bureaucratic impediments and harassment. I will work with all 
U.S. Government agencies and their implementing partners as well as 
agencies responsible for delivering humanitarian aid (especially U.N. 
agencies, the World Food Program in particular) to hear their concerns, 
share information, and identify ways to support the safety of their 
staff through continued engagement with the Government of South Sudan.

    Question. The U.S. played a critical role in South Sudan achieving 
independence in 2011. Plans for elections to be held in February 2023 
are moving forward despite the current conditions not being conducive 
for free, fair, and transparent elections.

   What benchmarks do you believe must be met to create an environment 
        conducive to conducting free, fair, and transparent elections 
        in South Sudan? What role should the U.S. play to support such 
        conditions?

    Answer. It is important that the leaders of South Sudan abide by 
the commitments they made in the peace agreement. Under the terms of 
the revitalized peace agreement, free, fair, and credible elections are 
to be preceded by an inclusive constitution-making process, updating, 
and passing key electoral legislation, the development of transparent 
and inclusive electoral mechanisms, and the formation and training of 
the Necessary Unified Forces. All of these are overdue.
    The South Sudanese people have been clear that they desire a 
political and economic transformation in their country. The actions 
necessary to enable free, fair, and credible elections are, therefore, 
a priority for the United States. If confirmed, I would work closely 
with international partners and regional actors to bring diplomatic and 
other forms of pressure to bear on South Sudan's leaders to ensure that 
the people's voices are heard and respected as these decisions are 
made. In addition, if confirmed, I would prioritize work to empower 
civil society and independent media, which provide an essential role in 
monitoring the Government, promoting positive policy changes, and 
expressing the will and priorities of South Sudanese citizens.

    Question. Despite international pressure, implementation of the 
2018 peace agreement by the Revitalized Transitional Government has 
been incredibly slow. While politicians delay reforms, South Sudanese 
face insecurity in many parts of the country. What the people of South 
Sudan ultimately need is sustainable peace, which requires a political 
solution.

   What do you see as the path for that solution, and what steps will 
        you take to help the country achieve it?

    Answer. The 2018 revitalized peace agreement is a flawed document, 
but it has tempered large-scale violence and lays out important 
political commitments for signatories that, if implemented, could lay 
the groundwork for meaningful political, economic, and security sector 
reform. If confirmed, I would support continuing to use the agreement 
as appropriate to advance our policy objectives. I believe that a 
sustained diplomatic investment by the United States, as well as our 
regional and international partners, is required to assist the South 
Sudanese people in achieving their goals to advance freedom, democracy, 
peace, accountability, and transparency. I would seek to press all of 
South Sudan's leaders to advance the demands of the South Sudanese 
people, including through focusing on providing a safe and open 
environment for the work of civil society and political actors, an 
inclusive constitution drafting process, the establishment of 
democratic institutions, progress on public financial management 
reform, the unification of security forces, and an effective 
transitional justice framework. This would serve as a foundation for 
subsequent, better governing administrations. In addition, I would 
carefully evaluate and be prepared to recommend the use of other tools 
at our disposal--including targeted sanctions--to impose costs on those 
responsible for delaying implementation of the peace process.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                   michael j. adler by senator risch
          In your response to a previous question, you stated the 
        ``2018 revitalized peace agreement is a flawed document'' that 
        ``if implemented'' could ``lay the groundwork for meaningful 
        political, economic, and security sector reform." However, this 
        agreement's implementation is also flawed, and the hope of 
        laying such a groundwork for ``meaningful" reform seems empty. 
        In fact, the flawed implementation of this flawed agreement is 
        occurring as South Sudan gets more dangerous by the day. You 
        also mentioned the importance of ``sustained diplomatic 
        investment by the United States . . . is required to assist the 
        South Sudanese people in achieving their goals to advance 
        freedom, democracy, peace, accountability, and transparency.

          Question. What are the Administration's current U.S. policy 
        objectives for South Sudan?

          Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to 
        empowering the South Sudanese people to achieve a peaceful 
        transition to an elected government in South Sudan that is 
        built on strong democratic institutions, is characterized by 
        leadership that is responsive to the desires of the South 
        Sudanese people, and is committed to necessary political, 
        economic, and security sector reforms that contribute to peace, 
        improved governance, and transparent use of the country's 
        natural resources for the benefit of all South Sudanese. This 
        includes using our diplomatic influence and foreign assistance 
        resources to press for and facilitate the predicate actions the 
        South Sudanese Government needs to take to allow for an 
        inclusive constitution-drafting process, necessary electoral 
        mechanisms, unified security forces, and economic transparency.
          U.S. policy is to promote public financial management reform 
        to combat corruption and improve transparency in the management 
        of national resources to create the economic climate necessary 
        for growth and to attract investment. The United States is also 
        committed to addressing the drivers of sub-national violence 
        and pressing the Government to hold perpetrators of violence 
        accountable. Our policy strives to improve South Sudan's 
        resilience to environmental, conflict-driven, and economic 
        shocks and reduce dependence on humanitarian assistance.

          Question. If the ``2018 revitalized agreement is a flawed 
        document'' and its implementation remains seriously flawed, how 
        does your support to ``continuing to use the agreement as 
        appropriate'' actually advance U.S. policy objectives?

          Answer. One of the primary flaws in the text of the 2018 
        peace agreement is its failure to include a provision stating 
        that transitional government officials should not be eligible 
        to run for office in the country's post-transition elections. 
        The South Sudanese people will need to determine how best to 
        address this key omission, as they embark on an inclusive 
        constitution drafting process and establish the legal and 
        institutional framework for eventual elections. I am also 
        concerned that the revitalized peace agreement has lacked 
        robust mechanisms to ensure that all parties live up to its 
        timelines and political, economic, and security sector reform 
        commitments. Addressing this will require robust diplomatic 
        engagement from the United States to which I am committed 
        should I be confirmed. The revitalized peace agreement has 
        prevented a return to large-scale violence, but its oversight 
        mechanisms have paid insufficient attention to addressing the 
        drivers of localized violence--an area in which I would also 
        place diplomatic effort, if confirmed.
          Despite these key obstacles which need to be addressed, the 
        revitalized agreement enumerates and commits the parties to 
        many of the key predicate actions that are necessary, if not 
        fully sufficient, to lay the groundwork for the political and 
        economic transformation of the country demanded by the South 
        Sudanese people and which U.S. policy is committed to 
        supporting. If confirmed, I would propose to use the document 
        to press parties to live up to such commitments, while 
        simultaneously pressing them to go further in addressing the 
        reform demands of the South Sudanese people.

          Question. Do you believe the current administration's 
        approach to South Sudan reflects a ``sustained diplomatic 
        investment by the United States?'' If so, how?

          Answer. U.S. diplomatic investment in South Sudan continues 
        to put pressure on the Government to take the predicate actions 
        needed to implement the 2018 peace agreement, support South 
        Sudan's democratic transition, and hold free, fair, and 
        credible elections. Some recent signs of progress include the 
        announcement of a command sharing agreement for Necessary 
        Unified Forces, legislation on the participation of political 
        parties, and the introduction of legislation on constitution 
        drafting. Much more progress is needed. If confirmed, I will 
        give my utmost in support of U.S. diplomatic engagement and 
        investment to reflect the urgency of progress needed in South 
        Sudan.

          Question. Aside from South Sudan's political elites and 
        official parties to the conflict, do you believe the South 
        Sudanese people have faith in the future implementation of the 
        ``flawed'' 2018 revitalized agreement as a path to a 
        sustainable peace?

          Answer. The South Sudanese people have lived with conflict 
        and suffering due to political and environmental causes for 
        many years. It is easy to understand that they are skeptical 
        that needed progress will take place to reach sustainable 
        peace. At the same time, I believe that the population of South 
        Sudan does not want to continue to live with current levels of 
        violence that infects their communities and makes it difficult 
        or impossible to feed and care for their families. They 
        continue to make known their demands for democracy, peace, and 
        responsible economic management. If confirmed, I will support 
        the voices of members of civil society, so that the South 
        Sudanese people have a mechanism through which they can 
        effectively engage government institutions and press for the 
        changes they believe will best improve accountability of 
        officials and advance their democratic aspirations. If 
        confirmed, I am committed to using our diplomatic influence to 
        advocate for a safe space in which civil society actors can 
        carry out this important work and to supporting policy reforms 
        that contribute to the transition to an elected government in 
        South Sudan that is accountable to its people and delivers 
        results for all of them in a transparent fashion.

                                *  *  *


    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report (TIP), South Sudan remained Tier 3 for failing to make 
significant efforts to meet the minimum standards to eliminate 
trafficking.

   How will you work with the South Sudanese to address these issues 
        if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with South Sudanese officials, 
including the Ministries of Justice and Immigration, to advocate for 
establishment of a legal framework to address trafficking in persons 
and ratification of the Palermo Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and 
Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children. I would 
also seek to establish appropriate connections among regional 
immigration authorities to address South Sudan's border security so 
that the country becomes less open to trafficking.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help 
South Sudanese operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained 
in the TIP report?

    Answer. I would press South Sudanese officials to cease immediately 
the unlawful recruitment and use of child soldiers and release any that 
are under the command of government forces. If confirmed, I would also 
engage regularly with senior officials and cabinet officials to urge 
that necessary legislation to address trafficking in persons moves 
forward. I would look for opportunities to foster discussion and 
information sharing between South Sudanese officials and U.S. law 
enforcement to discuss ways to build training programs for immigration 
officials and police to identify trafficking victims and to investigate 
and prosecute traffickers. Public diplomacy is another strong tool that 
I would leverage to offer programs that educate the broader population 
about the dangers and detrimental impact of trafficking in persons on a 
society.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, South Sudan was identified as lacking societal and 
governmental respect for religious freedom.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would advocate strongly for the Government 
to respect religious freedom including by thoroughly investigating all 
reports of violence against members of religious groups, whether 
allegedly perpetrated by the South Sudan People's Defense Forces, other 
armed groups, or separate societal elements. I would press for the 
arrest and prosecution of all those found to be responsible for such 
violence. I would also engage with the heads of religious communities 
and other partners to demonstrate United States support for religious 
freedom in South Sudan.

    Question. What is you assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. U.S. support for religious freedom, along with human rights 
more broadly, was a driving factor behind years of U.S. Government and 
civil society engagement in support of the South Sudanese people prior 
to the country's independence in 2011. The United States must lead the 
international community in pressing the South Sudanese leadership to 
respect religious freedom and to ensure that no groups, religious or 
otherwise, are subjected to violence. I would draw on the support of 
the Ambassador-at-large for International Religious Freedom as well as 
other senior Department officials to amplify this message, as required. 
In my advocacy efforts on this subject, as well as on human rights more 
broadly, I would underscore the importance of this issue to both the 
executive and legislative branches of the U.S. Government.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with 
civil society on this issue?

    Answer. I commit to personally engaging with civil society on 
religious freedom.

    Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help 
South Sudan increase their societal and governmental respect for 
religious freedom?

    Answer. I would make clear to South Sudanese leaders and all 
audiences that respect for religious freedom, along with human rights 
more broadly, is a foundational element in our bilateral relationship. 
If confirmed, I will work with my team to assess the political will of 
the South Sudanese leadership and other societal actors to improve 
respect for religious freedom. Should that assessment identify specific 
individuals and groups most responsible for harming others based on 
religion, I will work with Washington colleagues to identify 
appropriate actions the United States should take in response, 
including, as appropriate, in coordination with other partners.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, South 
Sudan was identified as having systemic, significant human rights 
abuses.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would press South Sudanese leaders to take 
a strong stance to jointly condemn human rights violations and abuses, 
prevent their occurrence, and hold perpetrators accountable. I would 
underscore that tolerance of human rights violations and abuses will 
have long term consequences for South Sudan's international standing as 
well as for its stability and future political and economic trajectory. 
I would make clear to the country's leadership the need to do 
everything possible to immediately address abuses when they happen and 
hold the perpetrators accountable.
    The United States has sanctioned individuals in South Sudan in 
connection with serious human rights abuse, and supports the U.N. 
sanctions regime, including targeted sanctions and the arms embargo, 
and is committed to promoting full implementation. If confirmed, I will 
examine whether expanded use of sanctions is warranted if the human 
rights situation does not improve.

    Question. How will you direct Embassy Juba to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would lead my team in conveying a 
consistent message of partnership and engagement with civil society 
organizations committed to improving human rights in South Sudan. In 
particular, we would work with organizations positioned to collect data 
on human rights violations and abuses when they occur, in coordination 
with the U.N. Mission in South Sudan, the U.N. Commission on Human 
Rights in South Sudan, the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, 
Human Rights, and Labor, and the peace agreement ceasefire monitoring 
mechanisms. This information is critical to document atrocities on the 
ground and ultimately to hold perpetrators accountable.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.), 
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International 
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen 
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first 
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early, 
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.

   If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the South Sudanese 
        Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage 
        their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of 
International Organization Affairs and other stakeholders to identify, 
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior 
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?

    Answer. The Junior Professional Officer program is one of the key 
opportunities offered by the U.N. to encourage young professionals 
interested in serving in international organizations, and it provides 
them with hands-on experience across various U.N. agencies. If 
confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues in the Bureau 
of International Organization Affairs and other stakeholder bureaus and 
agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have sufficient 
resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for American 
citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work 
strategically to increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the 
U.S. Government into key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. 
priorities, expand our recruitment and outreach activities to ensure 
these opportunities are widely known and available to interested U.S. 
citizens, and provide tools and services to strengthen our 
competitiveness in placing qualified American citizens into the U.N. 
system.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Juba?

    Answer. I understand that the challenging work environment, 
including both the security situation and the condition of the Embassy 
compound, has placed strains on morale at post. If confirmed, I would 
prioritize steps to improve morale and support the entire Mission Juba 
team.
    For U.S. direct hire employees, I would immediately take steps to 
understand any current challenges or management shortfalls and address 
them. I would focus on mentoring employees from all of the agencies 
represented in the mission and at all stages of their careers. I would 
also actively seek to work with senior colleagues in Washington and at 
other U.S. embassies to ensure that service at Embassy Juba is 
appropriately rewarded. Locally Employed (LE) staff face the same 
morale issues as U.S. direct hires plus a myriad of other challenges 
related to working at a U.S. mission in the country where they live. If 
confirmed, I would commit to working closely with the LE staff 
committee and addressing these unique challenges.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Juba?

    Answer. I will meet with every member of my team within my first 
weeks at post to hear directly their views about their satisfaction 
with their roles at the mission, challenges to morale, and any 
obstacles to their ability to perform their missions in support of 
United States policy objectives. I would conduct a climate survey. 
Based on responses and my discussions with members of the team, I would 
formulate a plan with specific steps to improve morale at post, in 
consultation with the DCM, USAID Mission Director, and other members of 
the country team.
    I will also hold regular country team meetings, Embassy all hands 
town halls, and other regular meetings with Mission personnel, if 
confirmed. I would consistently communicate that I have an open door to 
any member of the team who wishes to raise issues with me related to 
morale. I will make a practice of visiting offices of all members of 
the team on a regular basis, giving particular priority to the work 
areas of personnel who are not on the country team and who may not 
otherwise be in daily contact with the front office.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision at Mission 
Juba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would make clear from day one my 
expectation that all agencies at post will function as a single U.S. 
Government team. I will ensure that all agency perspectives are 
represented in all significant discussions of policy and management 
issues. I will share with the country team my draft list of priorities 
for Mission Juba in order to seek their input so that a document that 
fully integrates all agency interests can be shared with the broader 
team and incorporated into the Mission Juba strategy. Believing that 
successful management is a continuous process, I would dedicate myself 
to sustained communication in support of mission unity throughout my 
assignment.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I take a consultative approach to managing teams. Before 
making a decision, I ensure that I have heard and understand all 
relevant perspectives from members of my team. I encourage open 
expression of views differing from my own. Once I have made a decision, 
I prioritize clarity in the guidance I provide, but I welcome continued 
consultation as implementation moves forward. I seek to convey on a 
sustained basis what the team's priorities and objectives are. I make 
clear that any member of the team is welcome to meet with me directly 
to raise issues related to morale and performance, including when we 
have to adjust deadlines given limited resources. I believe and 
communicate to my teams that we must all hold ourselves accountable to 
adhere to the highest professional standards and to achieve results for 
the United States.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. I do not believe that it is ever acceptable to berate 
subordinates, either in public or in private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would partner with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission to help ensure that I hear all perspectives at post on policy 
and management issues. While I would actively seek views from all 
components of the Mission, I am aware that it is sometimes challenging 
at embassies for personnel to express new ideas if they assess that the 
Ambassador has a different point of view. I will make clear to the 
Deputy Chief of Mission that we must prioritize establishing and 
maintaining an inclusive interagency team in which candor is respected 
and valued.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. As I do at the start of all new working relationships, I 
would first want to assess dynamics at post before assessing how to 
form an effective Embassy leadership team. Drawing on the most 
successful Embassy front offices I have observed during my career, I 
anticipate that I would look to the DCM to mentor staff, conduct 
performance counseling as needed, and foster interagency collaboration 
and a strong spirit of a single Mission team. I would also seek to 
enable the DCM to fill in for me with external contacts, both South 
Sudanese and in the international community, when I am out of the 
country. However, I would remain fully engaged in and hold myself 
ultimately responsible for the internal management and external 
engagements of Mission Juba.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. I believe that it is essential to provide constructive 
feedback on a regular basis, to address areas where improvement is 
needed swiftly and transparently, and to reward those who have 
succeeded in their roles. With respect to the latter, it is 
particularly important for both the Ambassador and the DCM to 
demonstrate commitment to support successful employees' efforts to 
obtain onward assignments that accelerate their ability to achieve 
their professional objectives. I strongly believe that Embassy leaders 
must be fully committed to the professional development of all 
employees, both by addressing deficiencies and by helping high 
performers continue to succeed and move up to the next level.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize mentoring, as I have 
throughout multiple leadership roles.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
South Sudan.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. I think that U.S. diplomats must consistently strive to 
increase and expand their external outreach to advance U.S. policy 
objectives. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Sudan, I would consider 
it my responsibility to work consistently to maintain an appropriate 
risk management approach to enable personnel to get off compound as 
often as possible or practical in order to fulfill the mission, while 
giving appropriate consideration to security concerns.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. South Sudan's security environment has placed constraints 
on Embassy external outreach. If confirmed, I would work with the DCM, 
the Regional Security Officer, the USAID Mission Director, and the 
other members of the Emergency Action Committee (EAC) to identify ways 
to support the ability of Embassy personnel to increase external 
engagements safely, especially outside of Juba. I would lead my team in 
maintaining good relationships with the U.N. Mission in South Sudan and 
other diplomatic missions to ensure we have information and additional 
resources to increase our capacity for safely visiting additional sites 
in South Sudan. I would also work with my public diplomacy team to 
pursue new networks and platforms to reach a broader range of the South 
Sudanese population.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
South Sudan?

    Answer. The United States' stature as the country's largest donor 
and a key international supporter of the process which led to South 
Sudan's independence in 2011 gives us a strong basis to advocate 
publicly for U.S. objectives and values with the South Sudanese media 
and civil society. If confirmed, I commit to making full use of all 
appropriate public diplomacy tools to advocate for progress toward 
urgently needed political, security and economic reforms. This includes 
exploring new ways to strengthen the capacity of independent media and 
civil society organizations.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. U.S. diplomats face myriad challenges conducting public 
diplomacy in South Sudan. The security situation makes in-person 
outreach difficult. There is also a very low rate of penetration of 
internet access and social media use, making some of the tools 
available to our public diplomacy officers in other countries 
ineffective in South Sudan. In addition, the Government's past behavior 
to shut down meetings and media access for civil society actors makes 
it difficult for us to engage for fear of making them a target for 
harassment or even unjustified detention. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Public Affairs Officer at post and the broader country 
team to overcome these challenges.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. In my experience, the right balance varies from country to 
country. In the South Sudan context, where it is imperative that we 
amplify our message about the urgent need for movement on political, 
economic, and security reform, I view public messaging about U.S. 
policy priorities as a core Embassy responsibility. However, I 
anticipate that there will be occasions when statements from Main State 
will be appropriate to reinforce key points. I would seek to identify 
and maintain the right balance through frequent consultations with the 
Department of State about developments on the ground in South Sudan, 
particularly in the public diplomacy sphere, and junctures where 
Washington-based statements would be timely.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to take these threats seriously 
and would do everything in my power to prioritize the health, treatment 
and safety of our diplomats and any USG personnel in South Sudan.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Juba personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will exercise and maintain open 
communication with Mission Juba personnel.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar, which 
included an unclassified briefing on AHIs. Prior to my departure for 
post, I will seek further information in a classified setting from the 
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task 
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and 
Intelligence and Research.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining detailed records of 
any anomalous health incidents that may occur, sharing that information 
with the State Department and other embassies, and to engaging 
constructively in the ongoing global investigation into circumstances 
surrounding unexplained health incidents. The Department continues to 
work to determine what has happened to our staff and their families and 
to ensure their well-being and health going forward. There is no higher 
priority than the safety and security of our U.S. personnel, their 
families, and U.S. citizens.

    Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your 
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be 
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts 
around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would in the case of any anomalous health 
incident prioritize the health and safety of the Embassy community and 
ensure that those impacted receive the proper treatment. I will keep my 
team informed, talking with them as openly as I can, and work to 
understand their concerns and create a safe environment for them to 
carry out our mission.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I have been closely following increased reports of 
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees. 
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are 
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health 
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State 
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial 
seminar that you are required to attend.

   If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial 
        seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with 
        State Department?

    Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar, which 
included an unclassified briefing on AHIs. Prior to my departure for 
post, I will seek further information in a classified setting from the 
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task 
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and 
Intelligence and Research.

    Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do 
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment, and 
safety of our diplomats?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Sudan, I will make the 
health and safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I will 
also commit to ensuring all reported incidents at Embassy Juba are 
treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate 
channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to treatment and medical care.

    Question. The Biden administration rightly prioritized protecting, 
improving, and expanding access to sexual and reproductive health care 
as one of ten key priorities in the National Strategy on Gender Equity 
and Equality. Across Africa, the unmet need for family planning is 
significant. Women and families struggle to access modern 
contraceptives or basic information to be able to make the right 
choices for their health and that of their families.

   If confirmed, do you commit to working with the respective USAID 
        country missions, implementing partners and civil society to 
        improve access and develop relationships to best administer the 
        U.S.'s family planning programing?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID, 
implementing partners, and civil society to improve access and develop 
relationships to best administer family planning programming and health 
services, and to advocate strongly on behalf of the rights of women.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. As we see with almost all African countries, the Chinse 
Communist Party is the major player in South Sudan's oil sector, which 
it protects with the largest presence of Chinese peacekeepers overseas. 
After civil war broke out in the country in 2013, Beijing played a 
significant role in increasing the UNMISS authorized troop strength and 
modifying the U.N. Mission in South Sudan's (UNMISS) mandate to include 
a broader interpretation of the U.N.'s nonintervention policy. In this 
expanded mandate, Beijing successfully lobbied for a provision to 
include the protection of workers on oil installations. Although the 
provision initially encountered resistance from officials in the U.N. 
Department of Peacekeeping Operations, who argued the change would 
undermine the U.N.'s neutrality and place peacekeepers on the side of 
the South Sudanese Government and the oil industry, the mandate 
expansion was ultimately adopted unanimously by the U.N. Security 
Council in 2014. This effectively aligned peacekeepers with Beijing's 
economic interests. It's pretty clear that the CCP is looking ahead to 
a future conflict with the United States, during which it will need to 
secure reliable sources of oil, for when the U.S. and its allies stop 
exporting oil to China.

   What is your assessment of China's involvement in South Sudan's oil 
        sector?

    Answer. It is indisputable that the People's Republic of China is a 
major player in South Sudan's oil sector. In addition to any 
prepositioning the PRC might be doing to secure sources of oil, the 
PRC's approach to human rights and transparency is diametrically 
opposed to our own. China's purchases of crude oil and its investment 
in the sector without questioning the corruption involved provides 
cover for the diversion of resources from providing services to the 
South Sudanese people. If confirmed, I would pursue all opportunities 
to call attention to this unhealthy relationship.

    Question. How will you push back on Chinese attempts to use the 
U.N. Peacekeeper system to further its own economic interests?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with my colleagues in the Bureau 
of International Organization Affairs and the U.S. Mission to the 
United Nations to ensure U.N. peacekeeping remains impartial and to 
counter any attempts to manipulate peacekeeping mandates for the 
benefit of the PRC's economic interests.

    Question. Do you support the United States competing with Chinese 
influence in south Sudan's oil sector?

    Answer. South Sudan's oil sector is currently not suitable for U.S. 
investment due to rampant corruption that would put U.S. companies at 
risk of violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and fueling 
economic crimes that harm the South Sudanese people. Reflecting this, 
in 2018, the United States added 15 South Sudanese companies operating 
in South Sudan's oil sector to the U.S. Department of Commerce's Entity 
List. If confirmed, I will prioritize engagement and advocacy in 
support of reforms and action against corruption that, if successful, 
would create an environment in which U.S. companies could compete 
successfully in the oil sector.
    More broadly, the best way to help South Sudan reach a point where 
it can attract U.S. investment is through U.S. diplomatic engagement in 
South Sudan and the region to urge South Sudan's leaders to speed up 
the pace of political, economic, and security sector reforms demanded 
by the South Sudanese people, including implementation of their 
commitments regarding establishment of conditions and institutions for 
a free and fair electoral process, public financial management reform, 
the unification of security forces, and the establishment of 
transitional justice mechanisms.

    Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for a change in U.S. 
policy towards supporting investments in fossil fuel projects?

    Answer. If confirmed, once South Sudan reaches a point where it is 
conducive to U.S. investment in its oil sector, I would work hard with 
colleagues in the Departments of Energy and Commerce to attract U.S. 
oil exploration and production companies to bring their tremendous 
expertise and best practices to improve the way oil is extracted in 
South Sudan. I would support investment by U.S. companies in both 
fossil fuel and renewable energy sources.



                               __________


                               NOMINATION

                              ----------                              


                         TUESDAY, JUNE 7, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:03 p.m., in 
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine 
presiding.
    Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Menendez, Schatz, 
Portman, and Barrasso.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Good afternoon.
    The hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 
now come to order.
    We are here to consider an important nominee, Amanda 
Bennett, to be Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. Agency for 
Global Media.
    Ms. Bennett, I want to congratulate you on the nomination 
and I want to thank you for your willingness to serve and also 
thank you especially to members of the family who will also 
bear the burdens and sacrifices of your service.
    Let me begin by introducing our nominee. Amanda Bennett is 
an author, investigative journalist, and editor. Most recently, 
she served as director of Voice of America.
    Prior to her service at Voice of America she had a lengthy 
career in journalism, including as executive editor of 
Bloomberg News, editor of the Philadelphia Inquirer. She also 
served as a Wall Street Journal reporter for over two decades 
and a contributing columnist for the Washington Post.
    Ms. Bennett shared the 1997 Pulitzer Prize for her 
reporting with Wall Street Journal colleagues. She is a 
graduate of Harvard College.
    I want to congratulate you again on the nomination. 
Representing the U.S. and the American people is an honor, 
privilege, and I am sure, based on your impressive professional 
background, you will serve with distinction.
    I am pleased to be asked to chair this nomination hearing 
for the CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global Media, which is an 
important post that is only gaining more importance in a world 
where information and disinformation is so important.
    The U.S. Agency for Global Media has undergone great change 
over the last decade, most notably through the creation of a 
permanent CEO position at the head of the agency.
    Meanwhile, global media consumption has changed rapidly 
with the rise of social media and messaging technology, while 
traditional media institutions have experienced a loss of 
audience and a loss of influence.
    Regardless of how the agency is structured, it is clear 
that its mission of providing balanced and objective media to 
societies without a free press has never been more important.
    The current crackdown in Russia on voices opposing the 
illegal invasion of Ukraine demonstrates how fragile the right 
to free expression is in so many parts of the world and how 
quickly the flow of free information can be stopped by 
governments.
    How the U.S. Agency for Global Media balances its mission 
with other directives, broadly advancing U.S. foreign policy 
objectives, is an enduring challenge for the agency and I hope 
we can explore that today.
    The committee looks forward to hearing from you today, Ms. 
Bennett. I look forward to working with you, and I want to now 
turn to the ranking member of this committee, Senator Barrasso, 
for his opening remarks.

                STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN BARRASSO,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM WYOMING

    Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman. Thanks for 
holding this very important committee hearing today. The 
committee is going to examine the nomination of Amanda Bennett 
to be the Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. Agency for Global 
Media.
    I want to congratulate you on the nomination for this 
important position and extend a warm welcome to your friends as 
well as your family.
    Amanda has a long and distinguished career in journalism, 
as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, over 20 years served as a 
reporter at the Wall Street Journal, editor of the Philadelphia 
Inquirer in Philadelphia, the Herald Leader in Lexington, 
Kentucky, the Oregonian in Portland, and the Bloomberg News in 
New York City.
    She is a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and investigative 
journalist and an editor. She also has experience working at 
the agency as the director of the Voice of America for over 
four years. With her background and experience, Amanda will add 
value and much needed direction to the U.S. Agency on Global 
Media.
    At a time when press freedom and democracy are starting to 
decline, U.S. international broadcasting has a very important 
role to play. With authoritarian governments shut down the news 
and censor their people, this agency can give credible and 
timely and accurate information.
    There is a need to provide the international community with 
balanced and objective information. This is especially true in 
areas of the world where disinformation, propaganda, and 
terrorist ideology dominate the news.
    It is also important to remember this agency is tasked with 
promoting foreign policy goals and national security interests 
of the United States. This position has an impact on our 
nation's interests across the globe.
    The U.S. Agency for Global Media supervises and oversees a 
global broadcast network reaching over 350 million people. Its 
programming is distributed via radio, television, internet, and 
other news media broadcasts in 62 languages.
    Should you serve our nation in this important position, it 
is critical that you continue to provide strong leadership and 
stewardship of American taxpayer resources, demonstrate 
professionalism and good judgment, and vigorously work to 
advance the priorities of the United States.
    During your testimony, I hope you will lay out your plan 
for the efficiencies, improvements, and strategic direction for 
the agency.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Barrasso.
    We will now proceed with Ms. Bennett. I would ask you to 
provide your opening remarks.

   STATEMENT OF AMANDA BENNETT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
 NOMINATED TO BE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF THE UNITED STATES 
                    AGENCY FOR GLOBAL MEDIA

    Ms. Bennett. Thank you so much, Chairman Kaine and Ranking 
Member Barrasso, and members of the committee for welcoming me 
here today.
    It is such an honor to be considered by this committee for 
the position of Chief Executive Officer for the U.S. Agency for 
Global Media, and I thank members and their staff for taking 
the time to meet with me.
    I would like to take a moment to recognize behind me my 
husband, Don Graham, and my son, Terry Foley, as well as to 
acknowledge my daughter, Georgia Foley, stepchildren Liza, 
Laura, Will, and Molly, my late husband, Terence Foley, and my 
mentors, Sandra Mims Rowe and Chuck Camp, and I am so grateful 
for their generosity, their support, and their encouragement.
    We are at a critical moment in history. Journalism and 
public diplomacy alike are targeted as never before by 
authoritarian regimes using myths and disinformation to 
undermine those seeking credible, fact-based, and unbiased 
coverage of the world around them.
    Journalism has been my life. At 11 years old, I published 
my first newspaper story about the day my father told me that 
my newborn sister had Down syndrome. Yesterday, she turned 60.
    I began my professional career as a French-speaking 
journalist in Ottawa, Ontario. I spent 23 years at the Wall 
Street Journal, where I became only the second Wall Street 
Journal correspondent in China and, thus, experiencing life in 
an authoritarian state where journalists and sources were 
watched and detained.
    I went on to lead newsrooms in Oregon and in Kentucky and 
in Pennsylvania, where I became the top editor before returning 
to financial journalism at Bloomberg News. I have been a 
reporter, an editor, a manager, and a news organization leader.
    I shared two Pulitzer Prizes, including the much coveted 
Public Service Prize. I have also spent significant time 
contributing to nonprofit and journalistic and foreign policy 
institutions as well as mentoring the next generation of news 
leaders.
    Most recently during my four years in public service as the 
director of Voice of America, I witnessed extraordinary passion 
and devotion to mission. I saw how much can be accomplished, 
yes, even in government by harnessing that passion to surmount 
obstacles.
    I am a pragmatic leader and I believe organizations work 
best when things around them work well. At VOA, I traveled to 
22 countries, witnessing the depth of China, Russia, and Iran's 
misinformation around the world.
    But more importantly, I saw people's hunger for believable, 
trustworthy information and I realized that the BBC and USAGM 
networks were, for all practical purposes, the only free press 
in a huge part of the world.
    If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I would emphasize 
the strong, nonpartisan nature of this agency and focus on the 
following priorities.
    I would work to ensure that everything that USAGM does 
supports its mission as a stable, coordinated, efficient, and 
transparent organization serving its broadcasters and creating 
conditions in which truthful journalism can be most effectively 
practiced.
    I would seek to accelerate the advances in technology to 
ensure that information can be seen and heard by the people who 
need it the most. Authoritarian regimes are increasingly 
sophisticated in blocking information and USAGM needs to become 
even more sophisticated in breaching those barriers. Playing 
catch up can no longer be our only option.
    We need to look ahead to protect truthful, believable, free 
news and information from the increasingly rigorous attempts to 
block it. The best journalism and news is of no use if people 
cannot see and hear it.
    And I would reaffirm both the mission and the firewall that 
underpins the worldwide credibility that USAGM broadcasters all 
enjoy. The firewall is essential to that credibility, ensuring 
editorial independence and protecting USAGM and its journalists 
from outside influence.
    As my personal experience confronting state-controlled 
media taught me, there is nothing more important to USAGM than 
its independence. Celebrating successes is crucial as is the 
freedom to expose and explore flaws.
    Audiences see our example of candor in exercising press 
freedom in a democratic society as a proof of our credibility. 
In so many countries people yearn for that truth, even if it is 
a painful truth.
    I do not take this opportunity lightly nor underestimate 
its challenges. I am also grateful to the dedicated people at 
USAGM and its entities who work tirelessly in support of its 
mission.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work with them to uphold the 
highest journalistic standards and work persistently to protect 
the safety and the privacy of both journalists and audiences 
worldwide.
    I also commit to being accessible and transparent, and to 
work collaboratively within government, external stakeholders, 
with this committee, and all of Congress in a bipartisan 
fashion to ensure that USAGM has the support and resources 
necessary to fulfill its mission and that the agency is held 
accountable to its obligations.
    I am grateful to the committee for considering my 
nomination and I look forward to answering your questions.
    Thank you very much.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Bennett follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Amanda Bennett

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of 
the committee for welcoming me here today.
    It is an honor to be considered by this committee for the position 
of Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the U.S. Agency for Global Media 
(USAGM), and I thank its Members and their staff for taking the time to 
meet with me.
    I would like to take a moment to recognize my husband, Don Graham, 
and my son, Terry, here with me today, as well as acknowledge my 
daughter Georgia, stepchildren Liza, Laura, Will, and Molly, my late 
husband Terence Foley, and mentors Sandra Mims Rowe and Chuck Camp. I 
am grateful for their generosity, support, and encouragement.
    We are at a critical moment in history. Journalism and public 
diplomacy alike are targeted as never before by authoritarian regimes 
using mis- and disinformation to undermine those seeking credible, 
fact-based, and unbiased coverage of the world around them.
    Journalism has been my life. At 11 years old, I published my first 
newspaper story--about the day my father told me my newborn sister had 
Down Syndrome (she's now 60). I began my professional career as a 
French-speaking journalist in Ottawa, Ontario. I spent 23 years at The 
Wall Street Journal where I became only the second WSJ correspondent in 
China, experiencing life in an authoritarian state where journalists 
and sources were watched and detained. I went on to lead newsrooms in 
Oregon, and in Kentucky and Pennsylvania where I became the top editor, 
before returning to financial journalism at Bloomberg News.
    I have been a reporter, editor, manager, and news organization 
leader. I shared two Pulitzer Prizes, including the much-coveted Public 
Service prize. I have also spent significant time contributing to 
nonprofit and journalistic and foreign-policy institutions, as well as 
mentoring the next generations of news leaders.
    Most recently, during my four years in public service as the 
Director of Voice of America (VOA), I witnessed extraordinary passion 
and devotion to mission. I also saw how much can be accomplished--even 
in government--by harnessing that passion to surmount obstacles. I am a 
pragmatic leader and believe organizations work best when things around 
them work well.
    At VOA, I traveled to 22 countries witnessing the depth of China, 
Russia, and Iran's misinformation around the world. But more 
importantly, I also saw people's hunger for believable, trustworthy 
information. I realized that the BBC and USAGM networks were, for all 
practical purposes, the only free press in a huge part of the world.
    If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I would emphasize the 
strong nonpartisan nature of this agency and focus on the following 
priorities. I would work to ensure that everything USAGM does supports 
its mission--as a stable, coordinated, efficient, and transparent 
organization serving its broadcasters and creating conditions in which 
truthful journalism can be most effectively practiced.
    I would seek to accelerate advances in technology to ensure 
information can be seen and heard by the people who need it most. 
Authoritarian regimes are increasingly sophisticated in blocking 
information, and USAGM needs to become even more sophisticated in 
breaching those barriers. Playing catch-up can no longer be our only 
option. We need to look ahead to protect truthful, believable, free 
news and information from the increasingly rigorous attempts to block 
it. The best journalism is of no use if people cannot see or hear it.
    And I would reaffirm both the mission and the firewall that 
underpins the worldwide credibility that USAGM's broadcasters all 
enjoy. The firewall is essential to that credibility, ensuring 
editorial independence and protecting USAGM and its journalists from 
outside influence. As my personal experience confronting state-
controlled media taught me, there is nothing more important for USAGM 
than this independence. Celebrating successes is critical--as is the 
freedom to expose and explore flaws. Audiences see our example of 
candor in exercising press freedom in a democratic society, as proof of 
our credibility. In so many countries, people yearn for the truth--even 
painful truth.
    I do not take this opportunity lightly, nor underestimate its 
challenges. I am also grateful for the dedicated people at USAGM and 
its entities who work tirelessly in support of its mission. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work with them to uphold the highest 
journalistic standards and work persistently to protect the safety and 
privacy of both journalists and audiences worldwide.
    I also commit to being accessible and transparent and to work 
collaboratively within government, with external stakeholders, with 
this committee and all of Congress in a bipartisan fashion, to ensure 
USAGM has the support and resources necessary to fulfill its mission 
and that the agency is held accountable to its obligations.
    I am grateful to this committee for considering my nomination, and 
I look forward to answering your questions.
    Thank you very much.


    Senator Kaine. Ms. Bennett, thank you very much for that 
testimony.
    I have a few housekeeping questions that we ask of all 
nominees and I want to begin there before moving to five-minute 
rounds of policy questions.
    So first, do you agree to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    Ms. Bennett. I do.
    Senator Kaine. Do you agree--do you commit to keep this 
committee fully and currently informed about the activities 
under your purview?
    Ms. Bennett. I do.
    Senator Kaine. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator, I do.
    Senator Kaine. And finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, I do.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Bennett.
    Let me begin with a topic I wish I did not have to begin 
with. I would like to talk about campaigns against 
disinformation and how we objectively promote journalism and 
our own foreign policy ideas.
    But I want to start off with talking about the murder of 
journalists. This is not something that we should have to talk 
to.
    Jamal Khashoggi was a Virginia resident who was murdered in 
a state-sponsored assassination by the Saudi Arabian 
government. There still has not been accountability for that 
murder.
    I read accounts that the President may meet with the 
leaders of Saudi Arabia, who have thus far escaped 
accountability. Within the last month, a prominent Al Jazeera 
journalist, Shireen Abu Akleh, was killed by Israeli Defense 
Forces in Palestine. There have been significant murders of 
journalists in Mexico.
    We could go country after country. This is not unique to 
any particular left or right or kind of government. It is not 
unique to any continent, sadly.
    But we are seeing journalists increasingly under pressure, 
not just having their stories suppressed or editorial content 
blocked but actually at risk for their very lives.
    What could the U.S. Agency for Global Media do to either 
provide some security or at least elevate this topic in the 
eyes of Americans and those around the world so that we might 
be able to protect people practicing the craft that you have 
been about for your entire professional career?
    Ms. Bennett. Thank you very much for that question, 
Senator, and I, too, wish it was something that we did not have 
to lead this committee with because it is clear that the 
situation--the security situation and the safety situation for 
journalists around the world is becoming just increasingly 
fraught, increasingly dangerous, and protecting those 
journalists and not only those journalists but also the 
audiences and sources that work with them has got to be a high 
priority, and there is many things that are already being done 
to try and protect their security. But there are also many 
other things that can be done, including working on 
notification and digital security, and making sure that we have 
the most up-to-date policies and practices.
    Senator Kaine. I appreciate that, and I also believe that 
even in the selection of content, factually accurate but 
scrupulously focused attention to the situation of journalists 
around the world who are under any kind of pressure, certainly, 
under any threat to their life, can have a way of elevating 
this in the mind's eye of the public in ways that could be 
helpful and I would encourage you in that way.
    I do not need to kind of cite chapter and verse of 
challenges but I will say--and you are certainly aware of this 
because of your recent service on the VOA, which is one of the 
things, I think, makes you very, very well suited to this 
position--there have been challenges in morale in the employees 
within the USAGM.
    What steps would you take, using your background not only 
as a journalist but as a manager--what steps would you take to 
slowly improve morale among leadership and staff within the 
agency?
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, thank you. Thank you, Senator. And I take 
very, very seriously not just the safety of the staff but also 
their morale, and one thing I found is even during the periods 
of the most deep, profound morale issues there was still this 
hunger and passion for the mission.
    The first thing I would do is make sure they understand 
that I share that hunger and passion and that I understand what 
they are doing and I want to help them do it the best possible 
way.
    And the second thing I would do is to make sure that the 
conditions at USAGM support them in their mission and that 
everything we do at USAGM is used to advance the incredibly 
important work that they do.
    Senator Kaine. Let me ask you this question. How do you 
approach--and again, your VOA experience is very valuable 
here--how do you approach these twin missions of USAGM being 
completely independent, trustworthy in delivering information, 
also advancing U.S. foreign policy interests?
    We want to do both. But we, certainly, cannot sacrifice 
objectivity and accuracy for the latter goal. How do you--what 
is your philosophy about how you accomplish both those goals?
    Ms. Bennett. Thank you, Senator.
    I have never seen those goals as being in opposition. I 
feel that they are very similar and that modeling the values 
that we hold as Americans in a democratic society of free press 
is really an extremely powerful message about the freedoms of a 
democratic society.
    I find that modeling these messages and also bringing 
truthful news and information about the world and also about 
American foreign policy--we are, in some parts of the world, 
the only source of truthful and objective news about American 
foreign policy, about many subjects.
    I think that those two things are really very important and 
will continue to be so.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Bennett.
    Before I hand you over to Senator Barrasso for questions, I 
will just reflect to a time earlier in my life. It was 
Christmas of 1980, Christmas Eve, and I was on my way to what I 
thought was going to be a celebration of Christmas with Jesuit 
missionaries in Honduras where I was working. But instead, our 
car broke down and the person I was with me said that we had to 
spend the night sleeping on a dirt floor in a one-room 
schoolhouse high in the mountains of Honduras.
    But we had a radio and we could turn on Voice of America 
and listen to their Christmas programming. Other than 
everything else it was the worst Christmas Eve of my life 
because we only had a can of peanuts to share rather than the 
dinner we hoped to enjoy with others.
    But Voice of America was the one bright spot of that very 
grim Christmas evening and I will never forget that even though 
it was 42 years ago.
    With that, I will hand it over to Senator Barrasso.
    Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman.
    Again, congratulations on the nomination. I have a couple 
of questions, and I want to get into the issue of Russia and 
Ukraine and not just the unprovoked military attack on innocent 
people but also the propaganda that I see being used by Russia 
targeting specific populations around the world.
    It is a fascinating thing that I was not aware of until I 
really dug into this and, you know, Russia is attempting to 
influence and persuade African nations, interestingly enough. 
Evidence of its impact, clearly, shown during the vote at the 
United Nations on March 2nd of this year.
    The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution 
condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The vote was 140 to 5 
demanding that Russia immediately cease its use of force 
against Ukraine, refrain from other--any further unlawful 
threat, condemned the violations, all of that.
    Yet, over half of the African countries did not vote to 
support it. On the vote to condemn Russia's invasion, 28 
African nations backed the resolution. Seventeen abstained, 
eight were no shows, and one nation opposed it.
    We know that Russia has had an extensive propaganda 
operation. When I met with President Zelensky in his office in 
Kyiv a number of weeks ago and asked what is the 
disappointment, he said, we expected more support out of Africa 
in terms of the amount of food that goes to Africa and the 
relationship and the friendship.
    It does seem that Russian-controlled media is pushing the 
false narrative that Putin is the hero versus telling the truth 
about his brutality, his military aggression in Ukraine.
    How can the United States better shed light on the 
atrocities and the coercive practices that are committed by 
countries like Russia?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, that is an incredibly important 
question and one that focuses on the strength that USAGM can 
bring to those questions.
    First off, the Russian invasion of Ukraine highlights as 
never before the power of information, both false information 
and true information.
    The true information about the way that Ukraine has 
responded to these aggressions is very, very powerful in 
underlining another nation's support for it and the false 
information is also very important in helping maintain the 
aggression the way it is.
    And so information is our most important asset in helping 
combat this.
    And, Senator, I thank you for underlying the fact that the 
mis- and disinformation that come out of Russia, out of China, 
and Iran do not affect only those populations and the 
populations around them.
    They are also, as I discovered in my travels, absolutely 
endemic, shockingly endemic, both in Africa and in South and 
Latin America, and we need to draw on our global capabilities 
and enhance our global capabilities to push back at this 
disinformation by flooding the zone with accurate information 
and I look forward to helping USAGM do that.
    Senator Barrasso. Mr. Chairman, you may have seen this 
yesterday.
    Ms. Bennett, yesterday the State Department spokesperson 
Ned Price stated this. He said, ``The Kremlin is engaged in a 
full assault on media freedom, access to information, and the 
truth.''
    He went on to say the Russian Government fundamentally and 
willfully disregards what it means to have a free press as 
evidenced by them blocking or banning nearly every independent 
Russian outlet seeking to report from inside the country.
    Putin is taking over complete control of news and 
information through censorship, attacks on the press. Russia is 
labeling media outlets as extremist. You may have seen that. 
Reading and sharing this--their content on social networks 
subjects individuals to criminal prosecution.
    Russia passed a law imposing 15 years in jail for sharing 
information that goes against Putin's narrative on Ukraine, 
basically, against the truth, and Western media is attempting 
to push back on the disinformation and efforts by leaders such 
as he to control the news.
    How has Russia's actions against the press and journalists 
impacted what you will be asked to do it at U.S. Agency for 
Global Media?
    Ms. Bennett. Thank you, Senator.
    It impacts in a couple of different ways. One, as you 
mentioned, the crackdown on the ability of ordinary citizens to 
receive information and for journalists inside the country to 
report information makes it increasingly important that our 
efforts to make sure that we keep ahead of the circumvention 
tools that we have at our disposal right now and advance them 
so that we can increasingly get into these closed societies.
    We have lots of evidence in Russia, in China, and Iran that 
the people there, when given the opportunity, will seek out 
this information and we need to make it available to them.
    And I would also underscore for you that the issues--the 
very dreadful issues that you have just talked about, about the 
security and safety issues going on affecting journalists 
there, I think, does help underscore the role that the passion 
and mission of journalists play in continuing to do this 
valuable work.
    Senator Barrasso. That leads into my final question, Mr. 
Chairman. Thank you for allowing me to go over my time.
    What steps can the agency take to get accurate information 
and news to the Russian people about what their government's 
actions really are in Ukraine?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, there are many different ways we can 
do that. Some of them are technological and some of them are 
social. But we can see right now that Voice of America and 
Radio Free Europe are right now getting record traffic from 
both inside and the Russian periphery. People who are offered 
the opportunity to get this information seek it out.
    We need to make their tools that help them seek it out more 
available to them, safer, and we also need to get ahead of the 
technology so that as the Russians and the other authoritarian 
regimes seek to shut down these countries that we are equally 
capable in bypassing those barriers.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you for your helpful answers. Thank 
you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Absolutely. Thanks, Senator Barrasso.
    By WebEx we have Senator Van Hollen now joining us.
    [No response.]
    Senator Kaine. I will turn to Senator Portman, who, I 
believe, is also here via WebEx.
    Senator Portman. Thank you very much, Chairman Kaine and to 
Ranking Member Barrasso.
    Thank you all for having this hearing and, Ms. Bennett, I 
appreciate your willingness to step up and serve our country 
again after your service at the Voice of America, and welcome 
to your family, including your husband, Don Graham, who I see 
back behind you somewhere lurking.
    I want to talk a little about my concern about what has 
happened to the U.S. Agency for Global Media. Without having 
leadership in place it has been kind of adrift. It is my sense 
that the staff has had some morale challenges and that stable 
leadership is really needed right now.
    I think you probably know better than most, having been 
director of the Voice of America, the importance of USAGM's 
reliability and consistency in terms of the foreign audience 
that trusts them and that, therefore, sets them apart from 
other news sources.
    My question to you is, if confirmed, it would be up to you 
to reestablish that trust and, by the way, with Congress and 
the American people as well, but certainly the foreign 
audiences.
    What are your plans and how would you empower the networks 
to protect freedom and democracy in countries that are 
increasingly, as we have heard today, under threat from Russia, 
from China, from other authoritarian regimes?
    Ms. Bennett. Thank you, Senator, and I am glad you used the 
word trust because one of the hallmarks of my leadership 
throughout my career has been the fact that I want to cultivate 
trust with everyone that our news organization touches.
    With the staff, with its stakeholders, with its audiences, 
trust is one of the most important things. Without it, you 
cannot do anything, going forward.
    So going in and reestablishing the trust inside USAGM, I 
hope, will go a long way towards helping improve the morale 
there because I saw that even under the most difficult 
circumstances, even when the morale was the lowest, no one 
ever, ever, ever abandoned their faith in the mission or their 
passion for the mission.
    And so helping people get the tools and the processes and 
the support that they need to do that mission, I think, will go 
a long way towards restoring trust and restoring a morale that 
is essential to operating effectively.
    Senator Portman. Thank you, Ms. Bennett.
    I think you will have your hands full and, again, with your 
background I think you will come in with some credibility with 
the other journalists there, and I hope that we can at this 
critical time have a very effective message countering the 
disinformation and propaganda that is increasing out there in 
every format, particularly online.
    I want to ask you a specific question, if I could, with 
regard to North Korea. Along with Senator Brown and Senator 
Coons and others, I wrote and introduced what is called the 
Otto Warmbier Countering North Korea Censorship and 
Surveillance Act.
    It passed this committee, actually, in October and we are 
hoping to get a vote on the floor soon. It seeks to combat the 
North Korea regime's repressive information environment, which 
is flooded entirely with regime-sponsored propaganda, as you 
know, and it actually censors outside news.
    What is your understanding of Radio Free Asia's and Voice 
of America's programming to the North Korean audiences?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, thank you very much, and my 
understanding, based on my time there, is that there is 
substantial programming that helps the people in North Korea 
see and understand what is happening in a truthful way that 
they cannot access any other way and also gives them a look at 
what life is like in other parts of the world that--an insight 
that they are, largely, forbidden to have.
    And I think I would like to say that even right now there 
is a surprising audience inside North Korea for truthful news 
and information. I have been lucky enough to read some reports 
that really surprised even me about the extent to which Voice 
of America and Radio Free Asia's content is available.
    And I wonder if I might be permitted--I carried--I was so 
struck by this that I carry this statement with me. I had it 
laminated. I put it in my purse, carried it with me and read it 
to anyone who would listen.
    It is about North Korea, and it is a statement that says, 
``My name is Thae Yong-ho. I am the former deputy ambassador of 
North Korea to the United Kingdom, and today I would like to 
say that the Voice of America has been playing a very important 
role to bring back the human rights to every citizen of the 
world and, so far, VOA has played a very important role to push 
the world to a better world.''
    And when I was in North Korea as a diplomat in the foreign 
ministry, I read every morning and afternoon the materials. We 
called them radio reference materials of VOA, and the North 
Korean regime also pays great attention to the context of VOA.
    I think it is very important that VOA should strengthen its 
activity and also its contents so that one day, I hope, VOA is 
remembered by the North Korean people as kind of the main 
player who contributed a lot for the reunification of the 
Korean Peninsula.
    Now, he was speaking on VOA broadcasts. Therefore, the 
emphasis on VOA. But Radio Free Asia also has the same kind of 
impact inside North Korea and I think it is one that we can 
build on and accentuate, going forward.
    Senator Portman. Great. Thank you very much.
    We also understand that there is some damage to some of the 
antennas that have been used in the past to be able to 
broadcast into North Korea and there is a need to repair those 
antennas.
    Should you be confirmed, I would love to work with you on 
that, and also the Open Technology Fund has some tools to be 
able to circumvent some of the censorship and I want to be sure 
that you are working with them as well, who could benefit from 
our legislation.
    Do you have any exposure to that group--to the Open 
Technology Fund?
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator, I do.
    I have met with and talked to the people on the Open 
Technology Fund. I have nothing but respect and admiration and, 
frankly, great excitement about the possibility of going there, 
working with them and helping develop those essential tools.
    Yes, Senator, and I will welcome discussions and support 
from anyone in helping achieve that mission.
    Senator Portman. Great. What is your assessment of RFE and 
Radio Liberty's coverage of the war in Ukraine?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, I think that the entire U.S. Agency 
for Global Media are doing just an extraordinary job of 
covering that conflict and providing useful information to the 
people there and also to the people around the world.
    As we mentioned earlier, it is very, very important to make 
sure the rest of the world also knows this, and I think that 
there is so much more that can be done to build on the work 
that is being done right now to make sure that more people see 
it, more people hear it, a bigger audience around the world 
gets that news and information.
    I really look forward to working to build on the wonderful 
work that is being done currently and make it even more 
available.
    Senator Portman. Do you think that Radio Free Europe and 
Radio Liberty should recommence its physical operations in 
Russia? Has that been an issue in terms of, as Senator Barrasso 
asked, allowing the Russian people to get the facts as to what 
is really going on in Ukraine?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, I apologize, but I am not very 
familiar with that particular issue right at the moment. But I 
look forward to looking into it and getting back to you if you 
would like.
    Senator Portman. That would be great. I think broadcasting 
news to our Russian audience is really important right now and 
that is something to think about is whether we should try to 
recommence our physical operations there.
    Thank you very much for your testimony today and, again, 
your willingness to step up and be involved in another 
leadership role, helping to spread truth and, frankly, allowing 
people around the world to know what America is really up to, 
which is we are involved in liberating people and helping 
people and, in Ukraine, trying to avoid atrocities from 
occurring from Russia, thanks to an unjustified, illegal, 
unwarranted invasion of that country.
    And so my hope is that you will be able to help to 
communicate that message and that is such a critical message 
right now, particularly, again, with all the disinformation and 
propaganda out there, particularly on social media.
    So thank you, and best of luck.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Portman.
    I let you exceed your time because I was told that Senator 
Schatz was on his way and he is here.
    And so, Senator Schatz, you are next.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and 
thank you, Ms. Bennett, for being willing to serve again.
    I want to start with internet freedom. What lessons did you 
learn at VOA about the importance of open and reliable internet 
access in authoritarian countries in particular?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator Schatz, that is a--thank you for that 
question because that is a very, very important question, and 
making sure that we stay technologically not just catching up 
but advanced in providing internet access to people around the 
world is really critical to making sure that the best work that 
is being done there gets made available to people around the 
world because that is increasingly the way people are obtaining 
their information and is very important, and as authoritarian 
regimes get better at locking down and closing down those 
systems we need to get better at breaking them down.
    Senator Schatz. Tell me about the Open Technology Fund. You 
do not have to summarize it for me at the more basic level, but 
how do you think OTF can fill some of these new gaps and, like 
you say, stay a little bit ahead of the curve of the 
authoritarians?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, I am looking forward to diving into 
that issue and making sure that the good work and research that 
is being done there we can draw on that to move forward.
    One of the most important things that the Open Technology 
Fund does right now is support and develop and distribute 
circumvention tools that enable people--audiences--safely to 
access the content provided by USAGM around the world even when 
it is denied to them through their own countries' mechanisms.
    Senator Schatz. And I assume there is an opportunity for 
private sector partnership here, as some of these 
circumvention--most of these circumvention tools, I would 
venture to guess, are developed outside of the four corners of 
the government.
    Ms. Bennett. It is one of the strengths, I think, of the 
Open Technology Fund is its ability to see and use those 
partnerships, and I look forward to expanding them as much as 
possible.
    Senator Schatz. I do not want to get you in trouble here. 
But I am going to say that USAGM was politicized in a way that 
was deeply unfortunate and has to be reversed, and so I would 
just like for you to talk through how we are going to maintain 
the reputation of USAGM and restore the sense among people on 
both sides of the aisle and across the planet that you are not 
doing anybody's bidding other than the bidding of fair and 
accurate information and the dissemination of facts across the 
planet.
    Can you speak to that for me?
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator. Thank you for that question 
because I think that my nearly 50-year career in journalism I 
have striven to make sure that I always uphold the principles 
of neutrality, nonpartisanship, unbiased reporting in 
journalism and I intend to keep on fulfilling those principles 
and those are the principles that USAGM wants at its very heart 
and soul to maintain.
    There is no room for partisanship inside the Voice of 
America. It is a nonpartisan unbiased operation without the 
ability to act independently and to present news of all kinds. 
It is of not the greatest use it could possibly be. There is no 
room for partisanship, Senator.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you. This question may be a little 
more challenging, not in a political sense but I am sort of 
puzzling through this as I think about the Voice of America and 
Radio Free Asia.
    You are producing content and you are putting it on the 
airwaves. I am not one of these people who thinks that every 
time there is a new medium for communication the other ones 
become irrelevant. Radio is still a very powerful tool and we 
ought to fund it and we--and what they are doing is essential.
    And, yet, people are getting their information in lots of 
new ways. How do you kind of envision--other than or in 
addition to OTF and kind of the convening authority that you 
have and the ability that you have to distribute dissemination 
tools, what does VOA look like in 50 years? Is it still radio? 
What does the future look like?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, I wish I could see ahead 50 years. 
But what I can say is that I am a very pragmatic leader. What I 
care about is what works.
    If people are receiving their news and information on their 
cell phones then we should provide news and information on 
their cell phones. If they are providing--if they are accessing 
news and information through shortwave radio we should be 
providing information and news to them via shortwave radio.
    We need to use the tools that work and it needs to be a 
fact-based decision on how we deploy our resources to do that 
and I think it is a very exciting opportunity to be able to 
continue to focus our resources where they can be most 
effectively used.
    Senator Schatz. Just one final question, though.
    Is there someone doing analysis of sort of the mix of 
mediums, right? When you do any kind of communications campaign 
you say, well, there is going to be 10 percent for print and 20 
percent for web and 10 percent for radio and the rest for 
television.
    Are you thinking through what the mix is? Because the 
government funding lines do not necessarily--they are not so 
anticipatory and they are probably not so flexible. I am just 
wondering if at least we can be in a dialogue about what that 
mix is over what period of time.
    And you do not necessarily--you are not in charge of 
precipitating the transformation but you, I think, are in 
charge of writing it, understanding it, and remaining effective 
in a changing landscape.
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator. I think there is--I think that 
is a very exciting challenge and I think it is one that we can 
continue to do most not only effectively but more effectively, 
and it is a very interesting challenge because that mix is 
different in different parts of the world and in different 
countries.
    And so doing deep analyses of who the audience is, what 
they need, what they are looking for, is really critical to 
making those decisions. The more information we have like that 
and the more attention we pay to it, the better decisions we 
are going to make on that subject in the future.
    Senator Schatz. Sure. As a perfect example, shortwave radio 
is not something that comes top of mind in the United States 
and is still an enormously powerful tool elsewhere.
    Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator. May I give you an example?
    Because at my time at Voice of America, I am sure you 
remember the tremendous tragedy inside Myanmar when the 
Rohingya were chased from their homes and were forced to 
resettle in Bangladesh.
    Shortly after that happened, people were still coming 
across the river. I went to the refugee camps in Bangladesh to 
see the Rohingya refugees and discovered that even if they had 
just been chased from their homes, their hunger for information 
was just as strong as in any other part of the world, and very 
quickly, very flexibly, very nimbly, we were able to set up a 
Rohingya language broadcast using shortwave into those camps 
and we created--back at Voice of America created a model that 
is replicable into other refugee camps around the world.
    So yes, I agree with you, Senator.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Thank you, Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Schatz.
    Ms. Bennett, one last question for me and then I will see 
if others here have questions. Senator Barrasso is introducing 
a witness at another committee hearing and will return.
    The question I want to ask is I sometimes worry about the 
silo effect of federal government or any institution that 
everybody has got their little piece, and instead of looking 
comprehensively we sort of get into our silos.
    USAGM is an important element of global--sort of global 
engagement, public diplomacy, but there is other agencies, 
institutions, and bureaus within the U.S. government that are 
also in that public diplomacy space.
    Talk a little bit about how you see USAGM kind of in that 
array of other actors and what are the appropriate 
relationships to build and nurture among the network without 
compromising the journalistic objectivity that USAGM needs to 
maintain.
    Ms. Bennett. Absolutely, Senator. Thank you for asking that 
question.
    And I hate silos. I hate silos. They are--they impede 
people doing their best work. And so I think that there are 
many, many tools in the information space that USAGM occupies, 
and making sure that USAGM is a willing and open and 
transparent and trustworthy partner to help look at the 
different ways that people are accessing information and the 
different lanes that people fulfill in doing that mission, I 
think, is incredibly important and I really commit to making 
sure that we avoid silos of all kinds in our work.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Menendez is on the way here so I am 
going to keep asking questions until he arrives.
    Let me ask you this. In your VOA experience, did you kind 
of--did you have the feeling as you looked at what other 
nations were doing, wow, we are out resourced, or we are 
getting the right amount of resources?
    I am assuming you did not feel like you were getting too 
many. So what has been your sense in the recent iteration of 
USAGM and Voice of America about the degree of resources that 
the U.S. is committing to this--these important goals vis-a-vis 
other nations?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, we appreciate the financial support 
that the Senate gives to us at any amount and, yet, I can say 
that looking out over the globe we are vastly out resourced by 
our competitors and our adversaries.
    Whatever the funding level we get, Voice of America, Radio 
Free Europe, Radio Free Asia, Office of Cuba Broadcasting, and 
the Office of Middle East Broadcasting will all continue to do 
our best.
    However, we are facing an extremely well resourced, 
professional, and very impressive infrastructure around the 
world, and whatever resources we can be given in the future 
will be put to good use.
    Senator Kaine. And those adversaries are, principally, 
Russia and China but not exclusively. I think Iran has Spanish 
language broadcasting capacity.
    Are there other nations than those that I have mentioned 
that are really active in this area that we need to pay 
attention to as we make our own resource decisions?
    Ms. Bennett. Those three nations are the primary sources of 
that kind of competition. The thing that I think people find 
surprising is that this kind of--these three adversaries are 
operating not just in their own countries and their neighboring 
countries but all over the world, and so it is equally 
important to be aware of the incredible inroads they are making 
in Africa and Latin and South America, as well as the rest of 
the globe.
    Senator Kaine. Ms. Bennett, thank you.
    I will now turn to Senator Menendez for his questions.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Bennett, congratulations on your nomination. I am sorry 
that other obligations kept me away from hearing the totality 
of your testimony so you will excuse me if something I ask you 
may have been asked already.
    When a foreign country like China goes ahead and puts a 
couple of million Uyghurs in concentration camps--and we know 
that to be true--when Cuba goes ahead and represses its 
citizens for peacefully protesting and recently passed a law 
that actually makes for what we would consider free speech 
rights a punishment by death--and we know that to be true--it 
is publicly reported--what is the--what is our obligation?
    I use those by ways of example. It can be--I can go to 
Africa. I can go to a whole bunch of places. What is our 
obligation, from your perspective, with the U.S. Agency for 
Global Media to do as it relates to reporting about those 
instances and those challenges in the world?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, thank you very much. That is--that 
kind of obligation is at the heart of the mission of USAGM 
because reporting truthfully and factually the kind of 
information that the repressive regimes such as the ones you 
named are trying to keep from the world and from their own 
people is really a key component of what USAGM does.
    And I also think that reporting on repressive regimes and 
human rights such as the ones that you just mentioned are felt 
by journalists in their very soul. It is what they want to do. 
They want to make sure that these unseen and unheard people are 
able to bring their stories to the world and that information 
is a powerful tool.
    The Chairman: And, especially, I would assume, that since 
that information, especially in closed societies where the 
state is the only actor in terms of providing information to 
its people to the extent that others can get in from--people 
within those countries can get information by circumvention 
tools or by the internet to the access--to the extent that they 
have access to the internet or in other forums, it seems to me 
that it is one of the critically important elements of what we 
do in surrogate broadcasting in the world is to give a window 
of information to closed societies and people who do not 
otherwise have--because of the nature of their repressive 
regimes do not have that open window.
    So is that a fair statement of your view of policy?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, it is an absolutely fair statement.
    The Chairman. Because there have been suggestions in the 
past that your previous roles suggests that that is not the 
view that you had, that in fact that you were, ``advocates'' 
for some of the views of these regimes, and I just wanted to 
set the record straight since not too many may attend the 
hearing but when it comes time for a business meeting we will 
hear a chorus of things from some people.
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, I appreciate that, and my entire 
journalistic career has been devoted to giving truthful news 
and information and not advocating for any position whatsoever, 
especially not that of a repressive regime.
    The Chairman. And one last thing. As you are probably 
aware, Congress has legislated a series of reforms to the 
board, as we would refer to it, following the dissolution of 
the Broadcasters Board of Governors model.
    In all these changes, Congress has made clear that an 
advisory board comprised of experienced professionals who are 
not otherwise employed by the U.S. government is critical to 
protecting the firewall that we have sought to establish.
    If confirmed, do you agree and how would you expect to 
utilize that advisory board?
    Ms. Bennett. Senator, I agree that boards can and should be 
an important partner in making the kinds of decisions that you 
need to make inside an agency like this, and I will commit to 
working collaboratively, openly, truthfully, and on a 
nonpartisan basis with such an advisory board.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Senator Kaine. Ms. Bennett, I thank you for your testimony. 
Again, congratulations on your nomination.
    I am going to ask that the committee record on this hearing 
be open until 5:00 p.m. on Thursday, the 9th of June.
    If any colleagues either who have been here or who were not 
unable to attend submit questions before that time, I would 
encourage you to answer them fully and promptly.
    And with that, the committee hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 3:53 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator Robert Menendez

Grantees vs. Broadcasters
    Question. You have experience running Voice of America, which has a 
unique mission among the various surrogates under USAGM's mandate.

   How will you work to ensure that each of the surrogates can fulfill 
        its unique mandate?

    Answer. If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I would work to 
ensure that everything USAGM does supports its mission as a stable, 
coordinated, efficient, and transparent organization serving its 
surrogates and to create conditions in which truthful journalism can be 
most effectively practiced. I would work to ensure coordination and 
cooperation among networks to make the most efficient use of all the 
agency's assets. And I would reaffirm both the mission and the 
editorial independence that underpins the worldwide credibility that 
USAGM surrogates all enjoy.

Imbalance of Resources
    Question. Despite Congressional efforts to boost resources across 
the U.S. Government to counter misinformation, , malign actors like 
Russia and China continue to invest significant amounts in their 
disinformation and propaganda efforts.

   What specific efforts through the broadcasters and grantees do you 
        believe are the most valuable in countering misinformation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to accelerate across all USAGM 
broadcasters and grantees advances in technology and effective 
implementation, including circumvention tools and other emerging means, 
to ensure that information can be seen and heard by the people who need 
it the most, especially those in closed societies where people do not 
otherwise have access. This requires USAGM to become even more 
sophisticated in its efforts to break down information-blocking 
barriers from repressive authoritarian regimes, like Russia and China, 
and to be maximally and strategically prepared to flood the zone with 
fact-based, truthful reporting to the largest global audiences and in 
as many easily accessible means as possible.

    Question. What role do you see for USAGM in growing audiences for 
fact-checking and combatting disinformation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work 
within USAGM and its entities and with interagency partners, Congress 
and stakeholders on this matter.

    Question. Do you commit to engage constructively with 
representatives of organized labor on behalf of any employees of USAGM 
or its affiliates?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed.

    Question. Do you commit to convene promotion boards for any 
eligible Foreign Service Officers at USAGM or its affiliates?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed.

    Question. During your time as head of VOA, did you convene 
promotion boards for eligible Foreign Service Officers at VOA?

    Answer. To my knowledge, boards for eligible Foreign Service 
Offices were convened during my tenure.

    Question. What is your view on the role of Foreign Service Officers 
as journalists for USAGM or its affiliates?

    Answer. I respect the role of Foreign Service Officers as 
journalists for USAGM and its affiliates in support of its mission, and 
if confirmed, I pledge to carefully balance various agency equities, 
including best use of resources and avoiding duplication.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator James E. Risch

Management and Operations
    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the U.S. 
Agency for Global Media (USAGM)?

    Answer. While I am not at USAGM and cannot speak with certainty, I 
can appreciate that the past few years have likely been stressful for 
the agency and staff due in large part to the global pandemic and its 
impacts, as well as the fact that there have been four different heads 
of agency over the past three years. Furthermore, threats to freedom of 
the press and journalist safety are at an all-time high. This prolonged 
strain, uncertainty, and insecurity has no doubt taken its toll on 
morale overall. That said, I have deep respect and admiration for this 
agency's workforce and experienced first-hand their hunger and passion 
for the mission despite possible morale shortcomings.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at USAGM?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would take morale very seriously and devote 
attention to achieving significant positive impacts, like what we were 
able to accomplish during my tenure at VOA as shown by annual 
improvements to its FEVS ratings during my tenure. If confirmed, the 
first thing I would do is make sure agency staff understand that I 
share their hunger and passion for the mission, that I understand what 
they're doing, and that I would do my best to help them achieve 
success. The second thing I would do is to make sure that the 
conditions at USAGM support them in their mission and that everything 
at USAGM will be used to advance the incredibly important work that 
they do.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at USAGM?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that everything that 
USAGM does supports its mission as a stable, coordinated, efficient, 
and transparent organization serving its broadcasters and creating 
conditions in which truthful journalism can be most effectively 
practiced.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. Over my nearly 50-years long career, I have done my best to 
lead by example, to set expectations regarding the highest journalistic 
standards, and to communicate clearly about those expectations. If 
confirmed, this is the approach I would continue to take as CEO. I am a 
pragmatic leader. I want to do what works best. I make decisions based 
on facts and with input from relevant stakeholders. I have a history of 
producing and leading the production of fact-based, nonpartisan news 
coverage.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. To the extent a leader must deliver constructive feedback 
to subordinates, my strong preference, if confirmed, would always be to 
do so in a respectful manner and in private.

    Question. Was bullying tolerated at VOA during your tenure?

    Answer. No, bullying was not and should not be tolerated, and if 
confirmed, I would not tolerate bullying or any other form of 
harassment.

    Question. What is the appropriate leadership response upon learning 
that a supervisor is bullying employees?

    Answer. The appropriate leadership response, and one I would adhere 
to if confirmed, would be to alert agency officials and to follow all 
required policies and procedures.

    Question. Is it appropriate to mislead or lie about one's 
background on a resume? If not, what is the appropriate remedy to such 
a situation?

    Answer. No, it is never appropriate to be intentionally deceptive 
on a resume, including to mislead or lie. The appropriate remedy, and 
one I would adhere to if confirmed, would be to alert agency officials 
and to follow all required policies and procedures.

    Question. In your opinion, when is it appropriate for a federal 
employee of USAGM or a USAGM affiliate to participate in the activities 
of another U.S. government entity or initiative? When is it not 
appropriate?

    Answer. To my knowledge, there are rules and regulations regarding 
federal employee participation in the activities of another U.S. 
government entity or initiative which, if confirmed, I commit to 
continuing to follow.

    Question. When leading an organization, is it appropriate to hire 
personal acquaintances to senior positions? In what instances would it 
be appropriate?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would look forward to bringing a deep and 
broad knowledge of industry and government wide expertise to my role as 
CEO to attract the best talent while as I have done in the past, 
committing to continuing to follow all required policies and procedures 
related to attracting, recruiting, and retaining top talent in service 
to our country.

    Question. Are you aware of flaws in USAGM's security processes that 
were identified by the Office of Personal Management as well as the 
Office of the Director of National Intelligence? If yes, what do you 
intend to do to address those flaws, if confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, I am aware that there are security processes USAGM has 
been working to improve, and if confirmed, I commit to immediately 
focusing on all aspects of USAGM's security processes, as well as 
agency actions taken or underway.

    Question. Are USAGM networks and grantees higher priority targets 
than other news organizations due to its connections to the U.S. 
government?

    Answer. Yes, the safety and security of journalists (and in some 
cases also their families) is at higher risk because of the agency's 
commitment to providing factual news and information to people under 
authoritarian regimes who have no other access to do this. The safety 
and security of journalists is of utmost priority as risks to reliable, 
fact-based reporting increase at historic rates.

    Question. Is it important for USAGM to do its best to ensure that 
the employees of networks and grantees are not in any way influenced by 
foreign governments?

    Answer. Absolutely.

Grantees
    Question. Should USAGM have control over not just funding for the 
grantees--Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, Middle East 
Broadcasting Networks, and the Open Technology Fund)--but also 
operational or editorial control? Should they have more autonomy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would abide by all statutory authorities 
and provisions provided by Congress to the CEO of USAGM and would 
welcome engagement with Congress on these topics or any proposed 
changes.

    Question. Should USAGM control the make-up of the grantee boards?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would abide by all statutory authorities 
and provisions provided by Congress to the CEO of USAGM and would 
welcome engagement with Congress on these topics or any proposed 
changes.

Voice of America (VOA)
    Question. What is VOA's mission and would you change it in any way, 
if confirmed?

    Answer. Enacted in 1976, Congress enumerated in Public Law 94-350 
(also known as the VOA Charter) three principles to define the 
organization's mission (PL 94-350), and if confirmed, I commit to 
following Congress' mandate and would welcome engagement with Congress 
on any proposed changes.

    Question. Is one of VOA's primary responsibilities covering U.S. 
news, including actions and statements by the U.S. government?

    Answer. Yes, according to Congress, two of PL 94-350's (also known 
as the VOA Charter) guiding principles expressly state that VOA will 
cover America, and if confirmed, I commit to following Congress' 
mandate.

    Question. How is VOA different from CNN/CNN International? From BBC 
and its language services?

    Answer. CNN/CNN International is different from VOA in many ways. 
CNN/CNN International is a for-profit, commercial-driven model; while 
its broadcasts are occasionally available in locations such as 
international airports and hotels frequented by international business 
travelers, they have almost no audience in USAGM markets outside such 
high-end venues. CNN/CNN International provide news and information 
geared mainly to U.S. and international travelers. Unlike USAGM 
networks, CNN/CNN International provide almost no coverage of 
international or local news geared toward audiences with no other 
access to fact-based information, nor are they required to share news 
and information about the U.S., its people and policies to the world. 
Unlike USAGM networks, which provide news and information in (62) local 
languages, CNN/CNN International provides news and information in seven 
languages, including such languages as English, German, and Japanese, 
aimed at economically developed and largely free markets. While CNN/ 
CNN International is typically available to audiences via costly 
satellite subscription and high-bandwidth services, USAGM's networks 
are distributed free via satellite, social media, our websites, OTT 
applications, FM radio, medium wave radio, shortwave radio, always 
catered to the viewing and listening preferences of its target 
audiences in each market. While the BBC operates in 22 fewer languages 
than does USAGM, its journalism is similar to VOA and USAGM's other 
networks in that it does a good job in hard-to-reach places and is able 
to reach audiences inside authoritarian regimes where there is no other 
access for truthful, fact-based information. USAGM works closely with 
the BBC to ensure that, in markets where both are operating, efforts 
are co-productive and not redundant.

    Question. Who are VOA's most important audiences?

    Answer. VOA's most important audiences are those inside 
authoritarian regimes where there is no other access for truthful, 
fact-based information.

    Question. Should VOA journalists be forward deployed to report on 
non-U.S. news?

    Answer. As circumstances warrant, there may be value in support of 
USAGM mission for this to happen, and if confirmed, I would require 
collaboration and coordination across entities to ensure best use of 
resources and to avoid duplication.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Earlier this year, USAGM notified Congress of its intent 
to explore a reduction in force (RIF) for the Office of Cuba 
Broadcasting (OCB). Following through on this action would mean letting 
go of dozens of OCB staff. This RIF seems like a counterintuitive plan 
given that Cuba experienced historic protests on July 11, 2021. These 
protests demonstrated the demand for uncensored information is higher 
than ever on the island.

   Do you agree with the decision to reduce the size of OCB in light 
        of recent events in Cuba?

    Answer. While I am not privy to USAGM's current internal budget 
considerations, I am aware that OCB's appropriation has taken a 
significant cut and one that would present notable challenges for any 
organization. I commit that, if confirmed, I will review this issue 
closely and work to ensure that OCB creates the greatest impact for 
every dollar Congress provides the network and seek additional funding 
wherever possible to assist OCB in fulfilling its mission.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting an increase to 
OCB's budget and role in countering the Castro/Diaz-Canel regime?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Are you supportive of the efforts to relocate OCB from 
Miami to Washington, D.C., even though most of the Cuban American 
community supports it remaining in Miami?

    Answer. Though I do not have a full sense of what USAGM may have 
under consideration regarding changes to its footprint in Florida or 
elsewhere, I recognize that OCB has a strong historic connection to the 
Cuban American community in Miami, and if confirmed, I would be very 
mindful of the importance of those connections.

    Question. USAGM must do more to counter and balance the narratives 
amplified by China and Russian state media, which are increasingly 
sophisticated in their international offerings. In some cases, Russia 
Today (RT) and Chinese Global Television Network (CGTN) affiliates are 
among the most popular news sources in Latin America, Africa, and 
Southeast Asia. In short, Russia and China are starting to win the war 
for hearts and minds in the countries we need to support the U.S.

   If confirmed, how will you enhance USAGM's efforts to provide media 
        offerings that can compete with RT and CGTN, as well as other 
        versions of our adversaries' state-run media?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to doing all I can to enhance 
USAGM's efforts to provide media offerings that can compete with Russia 
Today (RT) and Chinese Global Television Network (CGTN) to audiences 
who need it the most. USAGM also must become more sophisticated and 
strategic than its adversaries and be maximally prepared to flood the 
zone with fact-based, truthful reporting to the largest global 
audiences--including in Latin America, Africa, and Southeast Asia--and 
in as many more easily accessible means as possible.

    Question. While you led Voice of America, you faced criticism from 
Chinese and Cuban diaspora communities who accused VOA of glorifying 
communist leaders like Fidel Castro and Che Guevara and for repeating 
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) talking points without offering other 
views. In particular, an April 7, 2020 article documents the end of the 
lockdown in Wuhan without clarifying that the CCP implemented the 
lockdown with brutal severity--and in some cases, welding people shut 
into their apartments.

   Why did VOA articles, including the April 7 article, consistently 
        not provide additional information countering Chinese 
        Government statements about the lockdown?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue my 50-year commitment to 
unbiased, fact-based, truthful, believable reporting and protecting 
news and information from the increasingly rigorous attempts to block 
it.

    Question. Is it appropriate for VOA to implicitly endorse the 
policies of our top strategic competitor?

    Answer. No.

    Question. In April 2017, USAGM broadcasted an interview with Guo 
Wengui, a well-known critic of General Secretary Xi Jinping. Mid-
interview, the broadcast was cut off. According to some critics, this 
was at the behest of the People's Republic of China embassy in D.C.

   Can you confirm if VOA personnel, under your watch, cut off the 
        interview due to pressure from the Chinese embassy? If not, why 
        was the interview abruptly ended?

    Answer. Respectfully, the interview was not cut off due to pressure 
from the Chinese embassy. VOA leadership ended the interview when it 
was clear that required journalistic ethics and professional standards 
were not being followed.

    Question. Did the agency acknowledge, in a timely way, that the CCP 
raised objections to the interview?

    Answer. I am not entirely clear what this question is asking, but 
my experience was that in all appropriate venues, including in 
discussions with Congress, the agency acknowledged the objections 
raised by the CCP and the fact that these objections did not influence 
content. The agency routinely received objections related to its 
programming (from CCP, as well as other governments and stakeholders), 
and did not bow to pressure or influence from foreign governments in 
its decision-making or in its production of full, fair, and balanced 
journalism in the face of even the most extreme pressures.

    Question. Were agency employees disciplined in this matter, and if 
so, to what extent?

    Answer. Yes, agency employees were disciplined in this matter, but 
respectfully, my understanding is that privacy rules may prevent me 
from discussing details in employee personnel files.

    Question. There are reports that a new China Branch director 
ordered employees to ``balance'' the ``anti-China'' tone with more 
``pro-China'' voices in their reports.

   Given the Chinese record of human rights violations and its 
        significant anti-US propaganda effort, what is your view of 
        this?

    Answer. To be clear, there is absolutely no place for biased 
coverage in favor of China or any other regime. Over my nearly 50-year 
career in journalism, I have striven to make sure that I always uphold 
the principles of unbiased reporting in journalism, neutrality, and 
nonpartisanship. During my tenure at VOA, I took every allegation of 
bias coverage seriously and scrupulously looked into them. I also have 
a strong track record as an open, accessible, and transparent leader 
who routinely engaged with Congress and stakeholders. If confirmed, I 
commit to continuing this approach on behalf of USAGM.

    Question. Reports indicate that USAGM/VOA has experienced a loss of 
55 million people of VOA's audience in China. This information emerged 
in a program review meeting that included the entire China branch, in 
which VOA's program review office informed staff of the audience 
survey. By some calculations, that translated to an 85-90 percent 
audience loss for VOA's Mandarin Service.

   Can you confirm that VOA's Mandarin service experienced this loss 
        in viewership in China?

    Answer. Respectfully, I am unfamiliar with these reports and cannot 
confirm; rather, I recall an increase in the Chinese audience thanks in 
part to online access.

    Question. What are the reasons for this loss in viewership?

    Answer. Again, I am not aware of this loss in Chinese viewership 
and question whether something may have been misunderstood about the 
information presented at the time.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to reverse this 
loss?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that information can be 
seen and heard by the people who need it the most.

    Question. What is your response to other claims that VOA has not 
sufficiently covered human rights abuses in Cuba, Iran, and China?

    Answer. At the heart of the mission of USAGM is the responsibility 
to report truthfully and factually the kind of information and human 
rights abuses that the repressive regimes are trying to keep from the 
world and from their own people. Making sure that these unseen and 
unheard people can bring their stories to the world is a key component 
of what USAGM does, and if confirmed, one I intend to uphold.

    Question. In light of these claims, how can the committee be 
confident of your ability to lead USAGM to counter Chinese and Russian 
propaganda, if you are confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would intend to lead by empowering USAGM 
and its entities to model the values of a free press that we hold as 
Americans in a democratic society. This is an extremely powerful 
message to send to authoritarian regimes intent on undermining 
credible, fact-based, and unbiased coverage around the globe. If 
confirmed, I look forward to helping USAGM draw upon and enhance our 
global capabilities to push back at Chinese and Russian propaganda, to 
amplify its capacity and to flood the zone with accurate information.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator Ted Cruz

VOA/China
    Question. In May 2017, Sasha Gong--then the Voice of America's 
Mandarin Service Chief--suggested that VOA's top management caved to 
pressure from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to censor a broadcast 
built around allegations made by CCP critic Guo Wengui. Specifically, 
Ms. Gong wrote in the Wall Street Journal that ``On April 13, six days 
in advance, VOA began promoting the interview to audiences on all of 
its platforms. On April 17 the Chinese Government issued an arrest 
warrant for Mr. Guo without making public any details of his alleged 
crimes. That same day, the Chinese Foreign Ministry summoned VOA's 
Beijing correspondent and complained that the interview constituted 
interference in China's internal affairs. Specifically, the Chinese 
said the interview would disturb the 19th Communist Party Congress, 
which is scheduled to be held later this year. The Chinese threatened 
to `respond seriously' if the interview went forward. A few hours 
later, the VOA's top management in Washington asked me to cancel the 
live interview.'' The interview was ultimately aired in a limited 
version. Ms. Gong was subsequently fired by VOA management in 2018.

   Were you contacted by any officials of the CCP or the People's 
        Republic of China (PRC) regarding VOA's plans to air the 
        broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations? If so, please 
        identify the names and titles of those CCP or PRC officials, 
        and describe their requests. For each case, please be specific 
        whether the officials requested that you in any way change the 
        broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations, and if so in what 
        way?

    Answer. No, I was not personally contacted by officials of the 
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or the People's Republic of China (PRC).

    Question. Were you contacted by any officials from Chinese news 
organizations regarding VOA's plans to air the broadcast related to Mr. 
Guo's allegations? If so, please identify the names and titles of those 
CCP or PRC officials, and describe their requests. For each case, 
please be specific whether the officials requested that you in any way 
change the broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations, and if so in 
what way?

    Answer. No, I was not personally contacted by officials from 
Chinese news organizations.

    Question. To your knowledge, were any other VOA officials contacted 
by any officials of the CCP or the PRC regarding VOA's plans to air the 
broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations? If so, please identify the 
names and titles of those CCP or PRC officials, and describe their 
requests. For each case, please be specific whether the officials 
requested that you in any way change the broadcast related to Mr. Guo's 
allegations, and if so in what way?

    Answer. To my knowledge, VOA officials were contacted by CCP or PRC 
officials. I recall that the Chinese Foreign Ministry contacted the VOA 
Beijing Bureau Chief to raise concerns about going forward with the 
interview and that the VOA Deputy Director took a call demanding that 
VOA not air the proposed broadcast. I am not aware of names or titles. 
This is not uncommon when journalists and news organizations receive 
threats from authoritarian regimes; they often do not identify 
themselves.

    Question. Since the decision to limit Mr. Guo's interview, have you 
met with either CCP or PRC officials in a personal or professional 
capacity? If so, did you discuss with those officials, at those 
subsequent meetings, the circumstances around Mr. Guo's interview and 
its ultimate airing?

    Answer. No, I have not met with either CCP or PRC officials in a 
personal or professional capacity.

VOA/Iran
    Question. The management of VOA's Persian News Network (VOA 
Persian) before and during your tenure was deeply controversial. In 
2020, U.S. special representative for Iran Brian Hook--who according to 
public reports continues to be targeted for murder by the Iranian 
regime for his service--wrote that ``Iranian viewers say its American 
taxpayer-funded programming often sounds more like the `Voice of the 
mullahs' than the `Voice of America.' '' Hook noted that the outlet's 
reputation for pro-regime propaganda and bias went back years: ``In 
2014, a group of congressional representatives from both sides of the 
aisle called for an investigation into VOA Persian after allegations 
that it deliberately papered over the regime's brutal human rights 
record.''
    VOA Persian has also faced sustained scrutiny, including recent 
Congressional inquiries sent to the USAGM, regarding the on-again-off-
again employment of Setareh Derakhshesh Sieg. During your tenure at 
VOA, VOA Persian was headed by Ms. Sieg. She was reportedly fired in 
2021 for misusing official funds and falsifying her resume. The culture 
she had established at VOA Persian during your tenure was corrosive, 
according to government investigations and whistleblower accounts. A 
2016 OPM investigation reportedly uncovered a culture in which more 
than half of employees at VOA Persian believed that arbitrary action, 
personal favoritism, and coercion for partisan political purposes were 
tolerated. Last year Ms. Sieg was reinstated.

   What steps did you take during your tenure to counter the broadcast 
        and publication at VOA Persian of materials biased in favor of 
        the Iranian regime?

    Answer. To be clear, there is absolutely no place for biased 
coverage in favor of Iran or any other regime. Over my nearly 50-year 
career in journalism, I have striven to make sure that I always uphold 
the principles of unbiased reporting in journalism, neutrality, and 
nonpartisanship. During my tenure at VOA, I took allegations of biased 
coverage seriously and scrupulously looked into them. I also have a 
strong track record as an open, accessible, and transparent leader who 
routinely engaged with Congress and stakeholders.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to take 
to counter the broadcast and publication across all of USAGM of 
materials biased in favor of the Iranian regime?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that everything that 
USAGM does supports its mission as a stable, coordinated, efficient, 
and transparent organization serving its broadcasters and creating 
conditions in which truthful journalism can be most effectively 
practiced.

    Question. Do you agree with the characterization made by Special 
Envoy Hook? If not, why not?

    Answer. No, I respectfully do not agree with that characterization. 
At the heart of the mission of USAGM is the responsibility to report 
truthfully and factually the kind of information and human rights 
abuses that the repressive regimes, including Iran, are trying to keep 
from the world and from their own people. Making sure that these unseen 
and unheard people can bring their stories to the world is a key 
component of what USAGM does, and if confirmed, one I intend to uphold.

    Question. Were you aware of Ms. Sieg's false credentials when she 
served during your tenure at VOA? What role did you play in hiring or 
supervising her?

    Answer. During my tenure, I recall being made aware of allegations 
like these and referring them to the appropriate USAGM officials for 
handling in accordance with all required agency policies and 
procedures. I did not play a role in hiring Ms. Sieg; she was already 
employed by VOA prior to my arrival. I did not directly supervise Ms. 
Sieg; she was a direct report to the VOA Program Director.

    Question. If confirmed, what role do you envision in USAGM or VOA 
for Ms. Sieg? What steps do you intend to take to insulate USAGM 
employees from political pressure, including and especially to produce 
coverage biased in favor of the Iranian regime?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would arrive without a predetermined vision 
regarding any agency staff absent first conducting a review in 
accordance with that agency's editorial independence to better 
understand USAGM resources and needs to best serve its mission. Over my 
nearly 50-year career in journalism, I have strived to make sure that I 
always uphold the principles of neutrality, nonpartisanship, unbiased 
reporting in journalism. If confirmed, I intend to keep on fulfilling 
those principles.

DREAMer advocacy/conflicts of interest
    Question. You are a co-founder of TheDream.US, which is a project 
of the New Venture Fund, a leftwing 501(c)(3). The group describes 
itself as, ``the nation's largest college access and success 
scholarship program for DREAMers,'' i.e. those who have lived in the 
United States illegally since coming to the country as a minor. 
According to TheDream.US, ``supporters of TheDream.US nationally 
include the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Pershing Square 
Foundation, Bloomberg Philanthropies, Bill and Steve Graham and the 
Omidyar Network.''
    You have allegedly engaged in these and similar advocacies in your 
official capacity at VOA. In July 2016 you reportedly sent an internal 
email urging readers to ``check out this week's highlights'' which 
included you highlighting that ``VOA Spanish interviewed two 
undocumented immigrants who are high school valedictorians in Texas. 
Larissa Martinez of Dallas, who received a full scholarship to Yale 
University, said that many illegal immigrants like her live in fear. 
She called Republican presidential hopeful Donald Trump's immigration 
plan one of `hate and prejudice.'''

   Is it accurate that you sent the email describing then-candidate 
        Donald Trump's immigration plan as one of ``hate and 
        prejudice''? If so, to what extent do you consider that to have 
        been a lapse in personal judgment?

    Answer. While I am not entirely clear what is being referred to 
here, I do recall compilation emails consisting of multiple news items 
chosen by its services were periodically sent to staff and were in no 
way intended to represent advocacy by me in my official capacity. To be 
clear, I served in no advocacy role at VOA, and if confirmed, I would 
not serve in any advocacy role at USAGM.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to take 
to insulate the USAGM from your personal political advocacy, including 
on issues related to immigration?

    Answer. Prior to joining VOA in 2016, I resigned from any and all 
roles and responsibilities as co-founder of TheDream.US. In 
anticipation of this confirmation process, I also resigned from my 
positions on all remaining external organizations. If confirmed, I 
would comply with all aspects of my required ethics agreement with the 
Office of Government Ethics.

    Question. How much funding has TheDream.US received from each of: 
the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Pershing Square Foundation, 
Bloomberg Philanthropies, Bill and Steve Graham and the Omidyar 
Network?

    Answer. Respectfully, I am responding in my personal capacity as a 
nominee; as stated above, I resigned from TheDream.US and do not have 
access to this information.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to take 
to insulate USAGM from influence related to each of the Bill & Melinda 
Gates Foundation, the Pershing Square Foundation, Bloomberg 
Philanthropies, Bill and Steve Graham and the Omidyar Network?

    Answer. As stated above, if confirmed, I would comply with all 
aspects of my required ethics agreement with the Office of Government 
Ethics.

    Question. Please list any other donors to TheDream.US who have 
contributed in excess of $1000 and describe the specific steps you 
intend to take, if confirmed, to insulate USAGM from influence related 
to those funders.

    Answer. Respectfully, I am responding in my personal capacity as a 
nominee; as stated above, I resigned from TheDream.US and do not have 
access to this information. Further, if confirmed, I would comply with 
all aspects of my required ethics agreement with the Office of 
Government Ethics.

    Question. Please list any foreign donors to TheDream.US who have 
contributed any amount of funding and describe the specific steps you 
intend to take, if confirmed, to insulate USAGM from influence related 
to those funders.

    Answer. None, to my knowledge. However, I am responding in my 
personal capacity as a nominee; as stated above, I resigned from 
TheDream.US and do not have access to this information.

    Question. Has TheDream.US received funding for the U.S. Federal 
Government, and if so how much?

    Answer. None, to my knowledge. However, I am responding in my 
personal capacity as a nominee; as stated above, I resigned from 
TheDream.US and do not have access to this information.

Spending/Oversight
    Question. USAspending.gov, the official source for spending data 
for the U.S. Government, shows a completed delivery order--PIID 
95170018F1222--from USAGM to Mobomo, LLC in 2018. The obligated amount 
was listed as $10.8 million and the potential award amount was $16.5 
million. According to documentation on Mobomo's site, they developed 
for VOA a Content Management System (CMS) named ``Voltron.'' The 
development would have moved VOA away from its long-time reliance on 
the Pangea CMS platform.
    USAGM's FY 2021 ``Performance and Accountability Report,'' however, 
notes that ``In FY 2021, USAGM completed an enterprise audit of content 
management systems across all of its networks. As a result of this 
review, the decision was made to bring all networks to a common CMS 
platform and VOA began transitioning all of its services back to the 
common Pangea system.''

   How much money was spent on the failed transition from Voltron to 
        Pangea, to your knowledge?

    Answer. I left VOA in June 2020, and to my knowledge, Voltron had 
only been partially completed. Respectfully, I would defer to the 
agency on costs associated with any subsequent transition from Voltron 
to Pangea.

    Question. What was the justification for transitioning to a new 
CMS?

    Answer. When I arrived at VOA, the agency needed significant 
upgrades across a wide range of technologies. I focused on improvements 
to a content management system to better equip the agency and its staff 
to fulfill its mission.

    Question. Why and how was Mobomo chosen to be the vendor for 
developing a new CMS?

    Answer. My understanding is that this vendor would have been 
selected pursuant to an independent procurement process conducted by 
USAGM's Office of Contracts in accordance with federal acquisition 
regulations and agency policies on procurement.

    Question. In your understanding, why did the transition to a new 
CMS fail?

    Answer. Voltron was still in its early stages of implementation at 
the time I left VOA. Since I am no longer at VOA, I do not have 
visibility on why the transition to a new CMS ultimately failed.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to ensure 
that future digital projects and transitions are not subject to such 
failures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek government-wide best practices 
in contracting, designing, and implementation and understanding of 
lessons learned related to Voltron.



                               __________




                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        THURSDAY, JUNE 16, 2022

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:19 a.m., in 
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L. 
Cardin presiding.
    Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Shaheen, Schatz, Van 
Hollen, Rubio, Romney, Portman, Young, Cruz, and Hagerty.

         OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 
come to order.
    We are here today to consider several important 
nominations: Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes to be an Assistant 
Administrator of the United States Agency for International 
Development in the Middle East; Mr. Michael Alan Ratney to be 
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; Mr. Timothy T. Davis 
to be Ambassador to the State of Qatar; and Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta 
to be Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues.
    Congratulations to all of you and we thank you very much 
for your public service and your willingness, in many cases, to 
continue in public service.
    You are all eminently qualified for the positions that you 
have been nominated for, and we thank you for being willing to 
serve at this challenging time in public service and we also 
thank your families.
    We would ask when you have an opportunity to address the 
committee, if you have family members that are present we would 
welcome your introduction of your family members.
    Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes currently is working at the State 
Department as a senior advisor in the Office of the Ambassador-
at-Large for Sanctions Policy. She was for more than a decade a 
senior fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy at the 
Brookings Institution where she directed research and 
publications on U.S. policies in the Middle East.
    Dr. Wittes previously served as Deputy Assistant Secretary 
of State for Near Eastern Affairs from November of 2009 to 
January 2012 and was one of the first recipients of the Rabin/
Peres Peace Award established by President Bill Clinton in 
1997.
    Dr. Wittes is well known as one of our country's leading 
experts on the politics and development challenges in the 
Middle East region.
    The Middle East is, obviously, a critically important area 
for U.S. national security, as the President just recently 
announced he will be visiting that region next month.
    Michael Alan Ratney is a career member of the Senior 
Foreign Service with the rank of Minister-Counselor and is 
currently the acting Deputy Director of the Department of 
State's Foreign Service Institute.
    Mr. Ratney recently served as charge at the U.S. Embassy in 
Jerusalem where I had a chance to visit him and see firsthand 
his incredible talent as a diplomat and the respect that he 
earned not just with the Israelis but with the Palestinians and 
with the major players in the region.
    If confirmed, Mr. Ratney would serve at a critical time in 
U.S.-Saudi affairs as relations have been strained, given the 
kingdom's human rights abuses, particularly its involvement in 
the brutal murder of U.S. resident and Washington Post 
columnist Jamal Khashoggi and its controversial military 
campaign in Yemen.
    President Biden is scheduled to visit Saudi Arabia in July. 
The administration has looked to Saudi Arabia and others to 
step up oil supply amid rising gas prices after the U.S. banned 
Russian oil imports over Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This 
will be a critically important assignment and we look forward 
to hearing from Mr. Ratney how he will deal with those 
challenges.
    Timothy T. Davis is a career member of the Senior Foreign 
Service with the rank of counselor who most recently served as 
the executive assistant to the Secretary of State.
    Prior to that, Mr. Davis served as the U.S. counsel general 
for Basra and southern Iraq. He served in the United States 
Marine Corps for nearly a decade, I understand, following in 
your father's footsteps, who is here, who is a master sergeant.
    It is an honor to have both of the Davises here today, and 
you served including in operations in the Horn of Africa and 
Iraq before joining the Foreign Service.
    The Government of Qatar played a leading role in addressing 
the crisis in Afghanistan, assisting with the evacuation last 
August, providing diplomatic support and housing more than 
58,000 Afghans during the noncombatant evacuation operations 
from Kabul.
    On the other hand, I am deeply concerned about the 
exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in Qatar, with 
workers exposed to forced labor, unpaid wages, and excessive 
working hours as the country prepares for the World Cup in 
November.
    Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta is currently a senior fellow at the 
United Nations Foundation and senior advisor to Co-Impact. 
While at the United Nations Foundation, Dr. Gupta founded and 
served as the executive director of the 3D Program for Girls 
and Women.
    She currently serves as co-chair of the WHO Independent 
Oversight and Advisory Committee for Health Emergencies and 
chairs the Global Advisory Board of WomenLift Health, a new 
initiative to promote women's leadership in global health. Dr. 
Gupta is well qualified for this key position for U.S. foreign 
policy advancement of equality for women.
    The position for which you have been nominated are all 
highly important, each requiring specific skills and 
experience.
    Once again, I thank you very much for your willingness to 
serve, and I will now yield to my colleague and friend, Senator 
Young.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA

    Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
    I, too, want to thank our four nominees today for their 
willingness and, in some cases, their continued willingness to 
serve the United States of America in these important 
positions.
    As the ranking member of this committee's Near East panel, 
I am hopeful to hear from all of our nominees today on how they 
will advance American leadership and interests in this pivotal 
region of the world.
    While we cannot predict how the face of U.S. relations with 
the Middle East will change over the coming years, now is a 
crucial moment for the United States to embrace the collective 
capabilities of our allies and partners in the region as we 
turn our attention to strategic great power competition.
    While many are justifiably focused on the war in Ukraine, 
the looming crisis in Taiwan, and the South China Sea, this 
competition is also taking place in the Middle East.
    If we want to succeed in this competition, we must find the 
best way forward to balance our interests while remaining the 
partner of choice for those in the Middle East.
    Unlike in years past, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, 
and others in the region have options for security 
partnerships.
    Our task must be to enforce and uphold our standards while 
recognizing the fact that if we move goalposts or set 
unattainable goals we will risk pushing them closer to China 
and Russia instead of keeping them in our corner.
    As the regime in Tehran marches towards a nuclear weapon 
and foments terror in Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, and throughout the 
Gulf, we must employ some empathy in understanding the threat 
that our partners in the region are facing, and the urgent task 
of hardening their countries to defend their people.
    At the same time, we must not ignore the need to advance 
real development, diplomatic, and humanitarian priorities.
    But, again, if our policy actions drive them into the arms 
of Russia and China we will be undercutting these very 
priorities.
    Our witnesses will be approaching all of these challenges 
from different perspectives and I look forward to hearing their 
views on this conversation.
    Thank you again to our nominees for their willingness to 
serve the United States in their respective roles. I look 
forward to our discussion today.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Young.
    I am going to ask consent, without objection, to put into 
the record the introductory comments of Senator Shaheen for Dr. 
Gupta.
    Senator Shaheen is in the markup of the Senate Armed 
Services Committee on their National Defense Authorization Act. 
So that is the reason why she could not be here.
    I read her introductory comments and it is a glowing 
introduction on Dr. Gupta. She says, ``I cannot think of a more 
qualified candidate and I look forward to working with you once 
you have been confirmed.''
    So without objection, that will be made part of the record, 
and without objection, I am going to enter into the record the 
letter from the American Jewish Committee in support of Dr. 
Wittes.


    [The information referred to above follows:]


        Statement for the Record Regarding Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta 
                  Submitted by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    I am pleased to finally get to introduce to this committee Dr. 
Geeta Rao Gupta, President Biden's nominee to be Ambassador-at-Large 
for Global Women's Issues.
    Having spent her career in service to gender equality and women's 
empowerment, Dr. Gupta is eminently qualified for the role to which she 
has been nominated. For more than 20 years, she has worked to advance 
women's and girls' rights at every stage of life.
    She has researched and implemented strategies to promote gender 
equality and development issues, including poverty reduction and 
economic empowerment.
    As Deputy Executive Director for Programs at UNICEF, Dr. Gupta 
oversaw programs that provide fundamental services to the world's most 
underserved communities and address the factors that contribute to 
gender inequality from birth.
    While with the International Center for Research on Women, she 
studied the intersection of health outcomes and gender equality, 
particularly where women and girls are impacted by HIV/AIDS and other 
infectious diseases. Her devotion to the subject resulted in a landmark 
10-year program to understand women's vulnerability to HIV/AIDS in 
order to tailor international interventions to help women.
    She knows better than most the impact that gender norms and 
inequalities have on economic opportunities and health outcomes for 
women. This is why I am thrilled to finally have her nomination 
considered by this committee.
    The Office of Global Women's Issues is an integral part of the 
Department of State's implementation of a whole-of-government devotion 
to women's equality and empowerment. And we know that women must be 
involved in the process of policy and decision making. With the Women, 
Peace and Security Act, it's a requirement that the U.S. Government 
promote women's involvement abroad but also within our own Government. 
The Office of Global Women's Issues is important to achieving both of 
these aims.
    I also want to take a moment to recognize the devoted staff at the 
Office of Global Women's Issues. For three years under the previous 
administration, the office went without an Ambassador. Now, because of 
delays by this committee, it has sat without a head for over a year. 
Despite this, the staff of the GWI continue to work hard to promote 
women's rights around the world.
    We must now support them by confirming Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta to be 
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues. I cannot think of a more 
qualified candidate, and I look forward to working with you once you've 
been confirmed, Geeta.
    Thank you.


    Senator Cardin. With that, Dr. Wittes, glad to hear from 
you.

   STATEMENT OF DR. TAMARA COFMAN WITTES OF THE DISTRICT OF 
  COLUMBIA, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE 
       UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Ms. Wittes. Thank you, Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member 
Young, distinguished members of the committee. I am so grateful 
for your consideration today.
    I am deeply honored by the trust placed in me by the 
President and the Vice President, and by the support of USAID 
Administrator Samantha Power, and I can never sufficiently 
express my thanks to my husband, Ben, who is here today, and my 
sons, Gabe and EJ.
    I was born at a U.S. Army hospital in Ankara, Turkey, where 
my father was serving at our Embassy on behalf of the U.S. 
Information Agency. As a young adult, I lived in Israel on 
kibbutz and then again while studying at Tel Aviv University.
    I have spent over 20 years working on Middle East policy 
and traveled through nearly every country of the region, and I 
was also privileged to serve the American people in the Near 
East Affairs Bureau at the State Department, where I worked 
with our embassies across the region to support civil society 
and democratic reforms, and I organized the first wave of U.S. 
assistance to Tunisia after the uprising in 2011.
    Engagement with the governments and peoples of the Middle 
East has been part of my entire personal and professional life 
and that is why I am so excited at the prospect of leading 
USAID's Middle East Bureau and so grateful for your 
consideration.
    The region today presents tremendous challenges and human 
suffering, as well as opportunities to build greater human 
security, stability, and prosperity. Stabilizing the Middle 
East and strengthening our partnerships there will advance 
American interests and values while enhancing U.S. national 
security.
    The people of this region are overwhelmingly young and seek 
a better future. So lasting stability demands human security 
and governments that are transparent, responsive, and 
accountable to their people.
    It is essential that America's civilian engagement in this 
region, our diplomatic and economic engagement, and especially 
our development assistance be robust and persistent.
    All of Administrator Power's priorities for USAID globally, 
including COVID response, fighting corruption, advancing 
democracy and diversity frame the work ahead in the Middle 
East.
    Many states in the region, including key American partners, 
have been hit hard by COVID-19, a health crisis and an economic 
contraction layered on top of existing crises in governance and 
security.
    Social and political and economic progress will be 
absolutely key to regional stability, and USAID's development 
work is a central tool in that effort.
    Administrator Power is also focused on pushing back on the 
People's Republic of China's predatory model of development, 
combating corruption and supporting democratic progress, and if 
I am confirmed that will be a focus of my work as well.
    Iran's destabilizing influence around the region, bitter 
conflicts in Syria and Yemen, and a tough political environment 
in Libya all present obstacles to promoting stability and 
prosperity in the region.
    USAID provides life-saving support now and can play a key 
role down the road in securing the peace.
    Despite all these challenges, I also see opportunities for 
the United States. I am grateful for this committee's 
bipartisan support for the Abraham Accords.
    As I said when they were first announced, they relieve 
Israelis' sense of isolation and they reflect shared interests 
between Israel and her neighbors. The Accords offer a 
foundation for more cooperation between Arab states and Israel 
on shared interests, including on development.
    And so if I am confirmed, I look forward to engaging with 
you on how we can build on the Abraham Accords to bolster 
positive engagement across the region on issues like energy, 
environment, water, and health.
    Another opportunity is MEPPA, the Nita Lowey Middle East 
Partnership for Peace Act. I believe strongly in the power of 
people-to-people engagement. It can encourage leaders to take 
difficult steps and it can rebuild Israelis' and Palestinians' 
hope in the possibility of coexistence.
    If I am confirmed, I look forward to working with you on 
this exciting new initiative. I understand that advancing 
stability in the Middle East in the face of crisis, conflict, 
and challenge is no simple task. I want to emphasize to you 
that I see no monopoly on wisdom on these issues.
    My commitment to you is to open and honest engagement, 
transparency, dialogue with Congress with the shared goal of 
advancing American interests.
    I am so grateful for your consideration and look forward to 
your questions. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Wittes follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes

    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, and distinguished members of 
the committee: I am deeply honored to appear before you today as the 
President's nominee to serve as Assistant Administrator for the Middle 
East at the U.S. Agency for International Development. I also want to 
thank Administrator Power for her support, and I can never sufficiently 
express my gratitude to my husband Ben, and my sons, EJ and Gabe.
    I was born at a U.S. Army hospital in Ankara, Turkey, where my 
father was serving at our Embassy with the U.S. Information Agency. I 
spent my childhood summers in and around the Middle East as he served 
in Riyadh, Tel Aviv, and several other posts. As a professional, I have 
spent over twenty years working on Middle East policy and traveled 
through nearly every country in the region. I was also privileged to 
serve the American people in the State Department's Near Eastern 
Affairs Bureau. In that position, I worked with our embassies across 
the region to support civil society and democratic reforms, and I 
organized the first wave of U.S. assistance to Tunisia after the 2011 
Uprising.
    Engagement with the governments and peoples of the Middle East has 
been part of my entire personal and professional life, which is why I'm 
so honored to be considered to lead USAID's Middle East Bureau and so 
grateful for your consideration.
    The Middle East today presents tremendous challenges and human 
suffering, as well as opportunities to build greater human security, 
stability, and prosperity. Stabilizing the Middle East and 
strengthening our partnerships there will advance American interests 
and values while enhancing U.S. national security.
    The peoples of the region are overwhelmingly young and seek a 
better future. Lasting stability demands human security and governments 
that are transparent, responsive, and accountable to their people. It 
is essential that America's civilian engagement in this region--our 
diplomatic and economic engagement, and especially our development 
assistance--be robust and persistent.
    Administrator Power's priorities for the Agency for International 
Development globally--COVID-19, People's Republic of China (PRC), 
corruption, democracy, and diversity--frame the work ahead in the 
Middle East.
    Many states in the Middle East, including key American partners, 
have been hit hard by COVID-19--a health crisis and economic 
contraction layered atop existing crises in governance and security. 
Social, political, and economic progress will be absolutely key to 
regional stability. USAID's development assistance is a central tool in 
that work.
    Administrator Power is also focused on pushing back on the PRC's 
predatory model of development, combating corruption, and supporting 
democratic progress--and if I am confirmed, these will be a focus of my 
work as well.
    In addition, Iran's destabilizing influence around the region, 
bitter conflicts in Syria and Yemen, and a challenging political 
environment in Libya present major challenges to promoting stability 
and prosperity in the region. The U.S. Government is working with 
regional and international partners to resolve these conflicts. USAID 
provides life-saving humanitarian support now and can also play a key 
role in securing peace for the future.
    While the region presents many challenges, the Middle East also 
presents opportunities for the United States. One that most drives me 
is the Nita M. Lowey Middle East Partnership for Peace Act. I believe 
in the power of people-to-people engagement. It can grow the 
constituency for peace, encourage leaders to take difficult steps 
towards peace, and rebuild Israelis' and Palestinians' hope in the 
possibility of coexistence. If I am confirmed, I look forward to 
working with Congress on this exciting initiative.
    There are also opportunities for regional cooperation on shared 
issues like energy, water security, and health. In marking the 
anniversary of the Abraham Accords, Secretary Blinken said that ``We 
want to widen the circle of peaceful diplomacy.'' I am grateful for 
this committee's strong bipartisan support for the Abraham Accords and 
look forward to engaging with each of you on how we can bolster 
positive engagement across the region.
    In closing, I want to emphasize that advancing stability in the 
Middle East in the face of crisis, conflict, and challenges from malign 
actors is no simple task. There is no monopoly on wisdom about these 
issues. My commitment to you is to maintain open and honest engagement, 
transparency, and dialogue with Congress, with the shared goal of 
advancing American interests.
    I am grateful for your consideration of my nomination and look 
forward to your questions. Thank you.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony.
    Mr. Ratney?

  STATEMENT OF MICHAEL ALAN RATNEY OF MASSACHUSETTS, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINSTER-
    COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM 
                        OF SAUDI ARABIA

    Mr. Ratney. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, 
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of 
Saudi Arabia.
    I would like to thank the President and Secretary Blinken 
for the confidence they have shown in me with this nomination. 
If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this committee 
and with the U.S. Congress, more broadly, on our country's 
critical national security interests in Saudi Arabia.
    I have spent more than 30 years in the Foreign Service, 
much of that in the Middle East, and I found that Saudi Arabia 
represents so much of what is compelling and at the same time 
challenging about working in the region and advancing U.S. 
interests there.
    The prospect of being confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Saudi 
Arabia is very exciting and I would like to take a moment to 
thank my wife, Karen Sasahara, who is also a Foreign Service 
Officer and is with us today, as well as my father and my 
family, for all their support.
    If confirmed, I am committed to a strong and sustainable 
U.S.-Saudi partnership that advances U.S. interests and 
reflects U.S. values.
    We have so much at stake in this relationship: encouraging 
the modernization project underway, including on interfaith 
tolerance, building on our vital counterterrorism cooperation, 
working to help Saudi Arabia defend its territory and deter 
Iran's aggressive behavior, helping to end the horrific war in 
Yemen, stabilizing global energy markets, deepening our 
engagement on human rights, and solidifying links with the many 
thousands of young Saudis, men and women, building their 
country's future.
    My top priority will be the protection of U.S. citizens. 
The Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen launched more than 400 cross-
border attacks last year alone on infrastructure, schools, 
mosques, and workplaces, endangering the 70,000 U.S. citizens 
there, along with the Saudi population.
    If confirmed, I will work to strengthen Saudi defenses 
through security cooperation and training, demonstrating the 
durable American commitment to our partners and allies and to 
our values.
    The U.S. has a powerful interest in ending the war in 
Yemen, a tragic conflict that has left many lives and families 
destroyed and the Yemeni population impoverished.
    To that end, the President ended U.S. support for offensive 
operations in Yemen, even as we remain committed to helping 
Saudi Arabia defend its people and territory.
    Fortunately, over the last two months, the warring parties 
have accepted and recently extended a truce, bringing a measure 
of relief to millions of Yemenis. This truce would not have 
been possible without Saudi Arabia's support.
    I look forward to working closely with our U.S. Special 
Envoy for Yemen to support U.N.-led efforts to transform that 
truce into a durable and inclusive resolution to the conflict.
    Iran poses a significant threat to U.S. and Saudi 
interests, as well as to those of our other regional allies and 
partners. We must work with our Saudi partners to counter 
Iranian threats to global energy flows, regional stability, and 
the lives of our fellow U.S. citizens in the region.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize working with Saudi leaders 
on mitigating and containing Iranian threats to these 
interests.
    The President and the Secretary have rightly made human 
rights a key pillar of our foreign policy. This was a key 
aspect of the Administration's reorientation of the U.S.-Saudi 
bilateral relationship and we consistently have made clear to 
Saudi officials that progress on human rights will help 
strengthen the bilateral relationship and make it more 
sustainable over the long term.
    The Saudis have made important reforms already, including 
concrete steps to integrate women into the workplace and 
economy. But these reforms are incomplete.
    If confirmed, I will continue to make that a priority.
    The United States and Saudi Arabia have extensive economic 
ties and, if confirmed, my team and I will work hard to support 
American businesses in the Saudi market, especially as Saudi 
Arabia's Vision 2030 economic program presents new 
opportunities for Americans to compete.
    Saudi Arabia is, of course, a major player in global 
energy. Recently, the OPEC+ ministers endorsed a recommendation 
to increase production quotas in July and August.
    This will, hopefully, contribute to providing relief to 
Americans struggling with high gas prices, though it does not 
necessarily address the broader factors now destabilizing 
global energy markets, particularly Russia's unprovoked and 
unjustified war against Ukraine.
    Energy supplies and encouraging a Saudi energy policy that 
aligns with U.S. priorities will be a major focus of my 
discussions with the Saudi Government.
    The United States and Saudi Arabia established diplomatic 
relations back in 1931. Over the years, as our relationship has 
become more complex and multifaceted, it has remained key to 
U.S. national security.
    If confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that the U.S.-
Saudi partnership serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S. 
values.
    I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Ratney follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Michael Alan Ratney

    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, distinguished members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the 
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I would like to thank the President and 
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me with this 
nomination. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this 
committee, and the U.S. Congress more broadly, on our country's 
critical national security interests in Saudi Arabia.
    I have spent more than 30 years in the Foreign Service, much of 
that in the Middle East. I have found that Saudi Arabia represents so 
much of what is compelling, and at the same time challenging, about 
working in that region and advancing U.S. interests there. The prospect 
of being confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia is very exciting, 
and I would like to take a moment to thank my wife, Karen Sasahara, who 
is also a Foreign Service Officer, as well as my father and family for 
all their support.
    If confirmed, I am committed to a strong and sustainable U.S.-Saudi 
partnership that advances U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values. We 
have so much at stake in this relationship--encouraging the 
modernization project underway, including on interfaith tolerance; 
building on our vital counterterrorism cooperation; working to help 
Saudi Arabia defend its territory and deter Iran's aggressive behavior; 
helping to end the horrific war in Yemen; stabilizing global energy 
markets; deepening our engagement on human rights; and solidifying 
links with the many thousands of young Saudis, men and women, building 
their country's future.
    My top priority will be the protection of U.S. citizens. The Iran-
backed Houthis in Yemen launched more than 400 cross-border attacks 
last year on infrastructure, schools, mosques, and workplaces, 
endangering 70,000 resident U.S. citizens, along with the Saudi 
population. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen Saudi defenses 
through security cooperation and training, demonstrating the durable 
American commitment to our partners and allies and to our values.
    The U.S. has a powerful interest in ending the war in Yemen, a 
tragic conflict that has left many lives and families destroyed, and 
the Yemeni population impoverished. To that end, the President ended 
U.S. support for offensive operations in Yemen, even as we remain 
committed to helping Saudi Arabia defend its people and territory.
    Fortunately, over the last two months the warring parties have 
accepted, and recently extended, a truce, bringing a measure of relief 
to millions of Yemenis. This truce would not have been possible without 
Saudi Arabia's support. I look forward to working closely with our U.S. 
Special Envoy for Yemen to support U.N.-led efforts to transform that 
truce into a durable and inclusive resolution to the conflict.
    Iran poses a significant threat to U.S. and Saudi interests, as 
well as those of our other regional allies and partners. We must work 
with our Saudi partners to counter Iranian threats to global energy 
flows, regional stability, and the lives of our fellow U.S. citizens in 
the region. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with Saudi leaders 
on mitigating and containing Iranian threats to these interests.
    The President and the Secretary have rightly made human rights a 
key pillar of our foreign policy; this was a key aspect of the 
Administration's reorientation of the U.S.-Saudi bilateral 
relationship, and we consistently have made clear to Saudi officials 
that progress on human rights will help strengthen the bilateral 
relationship and make it more sustainable over the long term. The 
Saudis have made important reforms already, including concrete steps to 
integrate women into the workplace and economy. But these reforms are 
incomplete. If confirmed, I will continue to make this a priority.
    The United States and Saudi Arabia have extensive economic ties, 
and if confirmed, my team and I will work hard to support American 
businesses in the Saudi market, especially as Saudi Arabia's Vision 
2030 economic program presents new opportunities for Americans to 
compete. Saudi Arabia is of course a major player in global energy. 
Recently, the OPEC+ Minsters endorsed a recommendation to increase 
production quotas in July and August. This will hopefully contribute to 
providing relief to Americans struggling with high gas prices, though 
it does not necessarily address the broader factors now destabilizing 
global energy markets, particularly Russia's unprovoked and unjustified 
war against Ukraine. Energy supplies and encouraging a Saudi energy 
policy that aligns with U.S. priorities, will be a major focus of my 
discussions with the Saudi Government.
    The United States and Saudi Arabia established diplomatic relations 
back in 1931. Over the years, as our relationship has become more 
complex and multifaceted, it has remained key to U.S. national 
security. If confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that the U.S.-Saudi 
partnership serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values. I welcome 
your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
    We will now go to Mr. Davis.

STATEMENT OF TIMMY T. DAVIS OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE 
  SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
            STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF QATAR

    Mr. Davis. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, 
distinguished members of this committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to be United States Ambassador to the State of Qatar.
    I am honored by this nomination and grateful to the 
President and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have 
shown in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely 
with this committee and Congress to advance U.S. foreign policy 
and national security interest in Qatar.
    I want to thank my family, Patti and Parker, who are here 
today. I am so grateful for their support and sacrifice.
    Patti, in particular, has carried the burden of being both 
parents with grace and has helped create a smart, thoughtful 
young man in Parks. They exemplify the dedication and service 
of all of our Foreign Service families.
    I want to also recognize family members lost, Robbie and 
Jim. My father, Carlie, served as a U.S. Marine for over 30 
years with service from Vietnam to Lebanon, and my mom, Eddie, 
has been the foundation of a family of Marines. They are both 
with us today.
    The family of Marines include my sister, Yolanda, her 
husband, Marc, and two of my uncles, Isaac and Woody. My 
sister, Tammy, is a university research nurse.
    My grandparents, Clotee and Jack Davis, Edna and Reverend 
Arthur Johnson, built a foundation in Mississippi out of hard 
work and faith.
    That I sit before you today is a testament to their belief 
in an America of great possibility. If confirmed, I would be 
only the eighth African-American Ambassador to be posted to the 
Middle East.
    My son, Parker, asked last week if my nomination was a big 
deal for the Davis family. I told him his great grandparents 
would not believe it but they had worked hard every day of 
their lives to make it possible.
    As a New Orleanian, I know firsthand the benefits of a 
strong bilateral relationship with Qatar. When Katrina 
destroyed communities and killed thousands in 2005, Qatar 
donated $100 million in humanitarian aid for medical care, 
reconstruction of homes and places of worship, and educational 
scholarships.
    I have stood in the Boys and Girls Club in Pass Christian, 
Mississippi, that was rebuilt with Qatari funds. Their 
generosity, quite simply, helped rebuild lives.
    Our partnership with Qatar again yielded dividends when the 
United States withdrew from Afghanistan and Qatar opened its 
doors as a critical transit site for over 75,000 U.S. citizens, 
lawful permanent residents, and Afghans.
    Qatar is still helping with our efforts to resettle Afghans 
and, if confirmed, I would work to deliver on President Biden's 
commitment to take on Afghans who worked side by side with U.S. 
forces by continuing that cooperation.
    Mr. Chairman, I know from my decade of service as a Marine, 
including overseas deployments in Iraq and the Horn of Africa, 
that we cannot defend our country without support from our 
allies and partners.
    Security and defense cooperation is vital to our strong 
relationship with Qatar. Since 1996, Qatar has hosted Al Udeid 
airbase, our largest base in the region, and home of U.S. 
CENTCOM's forward operating headquarters.
    Qatar is a safe, secure, and welcoming home to 8,000 U.S. 
military personnel. President Biden designated Qatar as a major 
non-NATO ally earlier this year as a testament to our 
longstanding strategic partnership.
    The President and the Secretary have been clear that human 
rights are a pillar of our foreign policy. If confirmed, a 
primary focus for our bilateral engagement will be to advance 
human rights and encourage full implementation of labor reforms 
Qatar has made in previous years. I believe honest 
conversations about human rights will make our relationship 
stronger and more resilient.
    Qatar plays an important role in bolstering global energy 
security and as our European partners look to reduce their 
dependence on Russian oil and gas in the wake of Russia's 
brutal and unprovoked war in Ukraine.
    If confirmed, I would encourage Qatar's positive 
contributions. I also would make it a priority to continue 
working to address--together to address the climate crisis, 
including by working with Qatar to continue its progress on 
reducing domestic methane emissions.
    Qatar's economic assistance to and diplomatic engagement 
with the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza helps reduce 
tensions in the region. If confirmed, I would work to further 
develop the pragmatic relationship between Qatar and Israel and 
further regional stability and security underpinned by the 
Abraham Accords.
    Our commercial relationship with Qatar directly benefits 
the American people and, if confirmed, I would seek to deepen 
commercial ties.
    Qatar has already invested tens of billions of dollars in 
the U.S. economy and wants to increase that, including through 
engagement with state governments.
    Finally, as Qatar hosts the FIFA Men's World Cup tournament 
this year, my highest priority will be ensuring the safety, 
security, and dignity of visiting U.S. fans.
    Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to testify 
today and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Davis follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Timmy T. Davis

    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, distinguished members of 
this committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today as President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador 
to the State of Qatar.
    I am honored by this nomination and grateful to the President and 
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee and 
Congress to advance U.S. foreign policy and national security interests 
in Qatar.
    I want to thank my family, Patti and Parker; I am so grateful for 
their support and sacrifice. It exemplifies the dedication and service 
of all our Foreign Service families. My father, Carlie, served as a 
Marine for over 30 years, with service from Vietnam to Lebanon, and my 
mom, Eddie, has been the foundation of a family of Marines, including 
my sister, Yolanda, her husband, Marc, and two of my uncles. My sister, 
Tammy, is a university research nurse. My grandparents, Clotee and Jack 
Davis; Edna and Reverend Arthur Johnson built a foundation in 
Mississippi out of hard work and faith. That I sit before you today is 
a testament to their belief in an America of great possibility. If 
confirmed, I would be only the 8th African American Ambassador posted 
to the Middle East. My son, Parker, asked last week if my nomination 
was a big deal for the Davis family. I told him his great grandparents 
would not believe it, but they worked hard every day to make it 
possible.
    As a New Orleanian, I know firsthand the benefits of a strong 
bilateral relationship with Qatar. When Katrina destroyed communities 
and killed thousands in 2005, Qatar donated $100 million in 
humanitarian aid for medical care, reconstruction of homes and places 
of worship, and educational scholarships. I have stood in the Boys and 
Girls Club in Pass Christian, MS that was rebuilt with Qatari funds. 
Their generosity helped rebuild lives.
    Our partnership with Qatar again yielded dividends when the United 
States withdrew from Afghanistan and Qatar opened its doors as a 
critical transit site for over 75,000 U.S. citizens, Lawful Permanent 
Residents, and Afghans. Qatar is still helping with our efforts to 
resettle Afghans, and if confirmed, I would work to deliver on 
President Biden's commitment to take on Afghans who worked side-by-side 
with U.S. forces by continuing our cooperation.
    Mr. Chairman, I know from my decade of service as a Marine, 
including overseas deployments, that we cannot defend our country 
without support from our allies and partners. Security and defense 
cooperation is vital to our strong relationship with Qatar. Since 1996, 
Qatar has hosted Al Udeid Air Base, our largest base in the region and 
the home of USCENTCOM's forward operating headquarters. Qatar is a 
safe, secure, and welcoming home to 8,000 U.S. military personnel. 
President Biden designated Qatar as a Major Non-NATO Ally earlier this 
year as a testament to our long-standing strategic partnership.
    The President and the Secretary have been clear that human rights 
are a pillar of our foreign policy. If confirmed, a primary focus of 
our bilateral engagement will be to advance human rights and encourage 
full implementation of labor reforms Qatar has made in previous years. 
I believe honest conversations about human rights will make our 
relationship stronger and more resilient.
    Qatar plays an important role in bolstering global energy security 
as our European partners look to reduce their dependence on Russian oil 
and gas in the wake of Russia's brutal and unprovoked war in Ukraine. 
If confirmed, I would encourage Qatar's positive contributions. I also 
would make it a priority to continue working together to address the 
climate crisis, including by working with Qatar to continue its 
progress on reducing domestic methane emissions.
    Qatar's economic assistance to and diplomatic engagement with the 
Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza helps reduce tensions in the 
region. If confirmed, I would work to further develop the pragmatic 
relationship between Qatar and Israel, and further regional stability 
and security underpinned by the Abraham Accords.
    Our commercial relationship with Qatar directly benefits the 
American people, and if confirmed, I would seek to deepen commercial 
ties. Qatar has already invested tens of billions of dollars in the 
U.S. economy and wants to increase, including through engagement with 
state governments. Recent deals between Qatari and Americancompanies 
like Boeing's sale of cargo planes to Qatar Airways have created tens 
of thousands of American jobs. I would also advocate on behalf of 
American companies pursuing opportunities in Qatar.
    Finally, as Qatar hosts the FIFA Men's World Cup tournament this 
year, my highest priority would be ensuring the safety, security, and 
dignity of visiting U.S. fans.
    Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to testify today and I 
look forward to your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Mr. Davis, thank you for your testimony.
    We do note that there are three generations of your family 
here with your parents and your son.
    And, Parker, we want you to know your father's appointment 
is a very big deal and that he has made an incredible 
contribution to the progress in peace globally.
    So it is wonderful to have your family present with us.
    Mr. Davis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. With that, Dr. Gupta?

 STATEMENT OF DR. GEETA RAO GUPTA OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
         AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES

    Ms. Gupta. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, and 
members of the committee, it is an honor to be before you as 
President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador-at-
Large for Global Women's Issues at the Department of State.
    Here with me today are my husband, Arvind, and our 
daughter, Nayna, whose commitment to justice inspires me every 
day. I want to underscore how much their love and support mean 
to me as well as that of all my friends and family who are 
probably watching online, particularly my late parents, Sarah 
and Srini Rao, who modeled for me the value of public service.
    I am grateful for the trust placed in me by the President 
and Secretary Blinken to serve the American people and advance 
the economic rights, leadership, and safety of women and girls 
around the world.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the 
Administration and Congress in a bipartisan way to lead the 
Secretary's Office of Global Women's Issues and the integration 
of gender equality across the work of the department.
    Research suggests countries are more prosperous and 
peaceful when women have economic security and are fully able 
to participate in their societies. Investing in women and 
advancing their human rights, as the Office of Global Women's 
Issues is mandated to do, is one of the most powerful ways to 
advance U.S. foreign policy interests and national security 
priorities.
    Mr. Chairman, I am proud to be a U.S. citizen and a first-
generation immigrant. I belong to a family of professional 
women, each of whom dedicated their lives to serving their 
communities, and from a family of men who supported them fully.
    I was aware that the opportunities available to me and the 
roles exemplified by the women in my family were not the same 
as those available to the majority of women globally.
    This led me to focus my doctoral research on understanding 
the barriers that women face in pursuing a career and, 
ultimately, propelled me toward a career focused on rectifying 
the inequities experienced by women, and that became both my 
passion and my profession.
    Over the past three decades as the leader of a gender and 
development research institution, a senior executive of a 
multilateral organization, and as an adviser to philanthropies, 
I have learned that economic security and the guarantee of 
health and personal safety are critical ingredients for women 
to thrive and prosper, and when they do so do their families, 
communities, and nations.
    It is for this reason that I have dedicated myself to 
advocating for evidence-based policies and programs to allow 
women and girls to fulfill their economic and leadership 
potential and conduct their lives with dignity, without fear of 
violence or discrimination.
    Through that work, I witnessed the courage, 
resourcefulness, and resilience of women in the face of 
seemingly insurmountable challenges, such as in the Zaatari 
camp for Syrian refugees in Jordan or in the Rohingya camps in 
Bangladesh.
    From the women entrepreneurs in Kenya and India who sustain 
small businesses despite limited access to financial services, 
to the brave women in Liberia, who mobilized against great odds 
to demand peace for their families and communities, I have seen 
women use the limited resources they have to provide for their 
families and protect others.
    Mr. Chairman, the status of women and girls has improved 
since I began my career. However, the pace of change has been 
slow and the gains are vulnerable to backsliding. COVID-19 has 
forced many women to leave their jobs and countries across the 
globe report sharp increases in violence against women and 
girls.
    The pandemic, however, is not the only threat facing women 
globally today. They are uniquely affected by the climate 
crisis, the weakening of democratic institutions, and the 
conflict, political instability, and fragility that 
characterize more countries today than ever before.
    Today, in real time, we are all witnessing the courage and 
resilience of Ukrainian women as they fight alongside men and 
seek safety for their children and families.
    Simultaneously, we watch in awe and determination the 
Afghan women who, despite the threat of imprisonment and 
torture, are protesting increasingly stringent limits that have 
been placed on their rights by the Taliban. Those brave women 
need their voices amplified and championed.
    Women's equality is a moral and economic imperative of U.S. 
foreign policy. It has transcended both Democratic and 
Republican administrations. Ever since the position of 
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues was established 
in 2009 with bipartisan congressional support, the issue has 
been a foreign policy priority.
    If confirmed, I will continue this bipartisan tradition and 
work closely with interagencies, civil society, government, and 
private sector partners, and especially with Congress to 
advance the mandate of the office to integrate gender equality 
throughout foreign policy.
    I confess that I can almost hear my parents say now enough 
with the talk; go get the job done. So should I be confirmed, I 
reaffirm to you I am ready to get the job done.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Gupta follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee: It is 
an honor to be before you as President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. 
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues at the Department of 
State.
    My husband, Arvind and our daughter, Nayna are here with me today. 
I want to underscore how much their love and support mean to me, as 
well as that of all my family members, particularly my late parents, 
Sarah and Srini Rao.
    I am grateful for the trust placed in me by the President and 
Secretary Blinken to serve the American people and advance the economic 
rights, leadership and safety of women and girls around the world. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the Administration and 
Congress, in a bipartisan way, to lead the Secretary's Office of Global 
Women's Issues and the integration of gender equality across the work 
of the Department.
    Research suggests countries are more prosperous, peaceful, and 
stable when women have economic security and are fully able to 
participate in their societies. Investing in women and advancing their 
human rights, as the Office of Global Women's Issues is mandated to do, 
is one of the most powerful ways to advance U.S. foreign policy 
interests and national security priorities.
    I am proud to be a U.S. citizen and a first-generation immigrant. I 
belong to a family of professional women, each of whom dedicated their 
lives to serving their communities--and from a family of men who 
supported them fully.
    Inspired by the values of my family, I was aware that the 
opportunities available to me and the roles exemplified by the women in 
my family were not the same as those available to the majority of women 
globally. This led me to focus my doctoral research in India on 
understanding the barriers that women face in pursuing a career, and 
ultimately, propelled me toward a career focused on rectifying the 
inequities experienced by women--that became both my passion and my 
profession.
    Over the past three decades, as the leader of a gender and 
development research institution, a senior executive of a multilateral 
organization, and as an adviser to philanthropies, I have learned that 
economic security and the guarantee of health and personal safety are 
critical ingredients for women to thrive and prosper--and when they do, 
so do their families, communities and nations. It is for this reason 
that I have dedicated myself to advocating for evidence-based policies 
and programs to allow women and girls to fulfill their economic and 
leadership potential and conduct their lives with dignity, without fear 
of violence or discrimination.
    Through that work, I witnessed the courage, resourcefulness and 
resilience of women in the face of seemingly insurmountable challenges, 
such as in the Zaatari camp for Syrian refugees in Jordan or the 
Rohingya camps in Bangladesh, or in Northern Nigeria. From the women 
entrepreneurs in Kenya and India who sustain small businesses despite 
limited access to financial services, to the brave women in Liberia who 
mobilized against great odds to demand peace for their families and 
communities, I have seen women use the limited resources they have to 
provide for their families and protect others.
    The status of girls and women has improved since I began my career. 
However, the pace of change has been slow, and the gains are vulnerable 
to backsliding. COVID-19 has forced many women to leave their jobs, and 
countries across the globe report sharp increases in violence against 
women and girls. The pandemic, however, is not the only threat facing 
women and girls today. They are uniquely affected by the climate 
crisis, the weakening of democratic institutions, and the political 
instability and fragility that characterize more countries today than 
ever before.
    Today, in real time, we are all witnessing the courage and 
resilience of Ukrainian women as they fight alongside men and seek 
safety for their children and families. Simultaneously, we watch in 
awe, the determination of Afghan women who despite the threat of 
imprisonment and torture, are protesting the increasingly stringent 
limits that are being placed on their rights by the Taliban. Those 
brave women need their voices amplified and championed.
    Women's equality is a moral and economic imperative of U.S. foreign 
policy. It has transcended both Democratic and Republican 
administrations. Ever since the position of Ambassador-at-Large for 
Global Women's Issues was established in 2009 with bipartisan 
Congressional support, the issue has been a foreign policy priority.
    If confirmed, I will continue this bipartisan tradition and work 
closely with interagency, civil society, government and private sector 
partners, and especially with Congress, to advance the mandate of the 
Office to integrate gender equality throughout U.S. foreign policy.
    I confess that I can almost hear my parents say: Enough with the 
talk--go get the job done! Should I be confirmed, I reaffirm to you: I 
am ready to get the job done.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Dr. Gupta, for listening to your 
parents.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Cardin. This committee has a great tradition of 
working across party lines and working with the executive 
branch on foreign policy.
    We pride ourselves in the unity that we can have between 
the Congress and the executive branch but maintaining the 
separation of branches. That depends upon the cooperation of 
our confirmed representatives.
    We have four questions that we are going to ask you, each 
one of you to answer by a simple yes or no. That is extremely 
important for this committee to be able to carry out its work 
on behalf of the American people.
    I am going to ask all four of you. You will respond to each 
question individually.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited? That is assuming you all are 
confirmed. Do you agree to do that?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation when policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee or its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Congratulations. You passed the first test.
    I want to ask--we will have five-minute rounds and we will 
probably be able to get to a second round.
    Let me start on the human rights front and I will start 
with Dr. Gupta.
    Each one of you have major roles to play in regards to 
advancing American human rights. Women are under attack 
globally, as you pointed out in your testimony, but they are 
particularly vulnerable in Ukraine.
    As we know the men, because of the policy, many women have 
been separated from their--the men have been separated from 
their families. They are subject to being abused. They are 
subject to trafficking, et cetera.
    In Afghanistan, we invested a great deal and part of the 
reason for our investment was to help and respect the rights of 
women in Afghanistan. Now that we are no longer physically 
present it is much more challenging.
    Tell me how you are going to deal with those two concerns 
that we have in regards to the welfare of women in Ukraine and 
in Afghanistan.
    Ms. Gupta. Thank you, Senator.
    I agree with you Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine has 
had severe impacts on the health, safety, and rights of women 
there, just as the women left behind in Afghanistan are 
suffering the rollback of their rights under the rule of the 
Taliban.
    The majority of women displaced in Ukraine, as we have all 
seen, are women, children, and the elderly, and I think, if 
confirmed, as part of the women, peace, and security agenda in 
Ukraine I would like to see three streams of work move forward.
    One is to have methods for documentation, but documentation 
that is survivor centered and that is trauma informed to be 
able to document acts of sexual violence, in particular.
    I was very disturbed recently to hear the report from the 
SRSG Patten after her visit to Ukraine where she got credible 
reports of rape--gang rape--being used as a weapon of war, and 
I would like to see that being documented and perpetrators 
being brought to account.
    Obviously, humanitarian assistance should still be targeted 
to women and children who are most in need or seeking refuge in 
other countries but also those who are trapped, seeking shelter 
within Ukraine.
    And I would like to establish--would like to see if 
communication can be established with high-level women still in 
Ukraine so that we can know what the situation is and continue 
to monitor it regularly.
    In Afghanistan, it is sad to see that the greatest gains 
that have been made--I visited there, Senator, many years ago 
and met many of the brave women rights leaders and I could see 
the gains that they had made. So to see those roll back now is 
particularly traumatic.
    I have been involved in a neighborhood effort to help 
resettle Afghan families in northern Virginia, and the family 
that I am taking care of I get firsthand reports of the trauma 
they went through because of the takeover by the Taliban.
    If confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Amiri, who has 
been appointed by Secretary Blinken to be placed in the office 
of GWI, and I will work closely with her to pursue two lines of 
effort--one, to make clear to the Taliban through our 
international partners that normalization and any relaxation of 
the sanctions is contingent upon women's rights being upheld, 
and to find ways to continue to assist Afghan people through 
multilateral organizations so that the money is safeguarded and 
does not fall into the wrong hands.
    So that is what I hope I will be able to do if confirmed.
    Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Mr. Ratney, I heard your priorities, which are important 
for the United States. We, certainly, need the Saudis to be 
more sensitive on the oil prices. We want them to be more 
engaged in regards to Russia and Ukraine. We, certainly, would 
like to see progress made to normalization between the Saudis 
and the Israelis.
    But this all needs to be wrapped within our values. The 
outstanding lack of accountability on the tragic death of 
Khashoggi is an issue that America cannot ignore.
    Tell me how you establish the clear message to the Saudis, 
if you are confirmed, that the human rights abuses in that 
country are ones that we are going to continue to put a 
spotlight on and have consequences in our relationship.
    Mr. Ratney. Thank you, Senator.
    And let me say at the outset that the murder of Jamal 
Khashoggi was just a heinous act. I cannot say that I knew him 
well, but I met him a few times and he was a decent man, and no 
decent person deserves what happened to him.
    The administration has taken some steps in that regard, 
including declassifying and publishing the intelligence 
community's assessment of responsibility for his murder.
    Numerous sanctions from State and Treasury have been 
issued, including against the members of the unit that was 
responsible for the murder, and we have used statutory 
authority to implement what we have called the Khashoggi ban, 
which is, essentially, to say that those who would reach out 
across borders to suppress dissent will face consequences, 
including an inability to travel to the United States.
    Those are consequential measures and I think they would 
have a powerful dissuasive impact on those who would 
contemplate that sort of act in the future.
    More broadly than that, the President has made clear that 
he has elevated human rights as a pillar of U.S. foreign policy 
globally, and Saudi Arabia is no different, and, clearly, if 
confirmed, that would be a major element of my discussions with 
the Saudi leadership and, more broadly, with Saudi society.
    We have seen a bit of progress there in certain areas, 
including things like freedom of expression and the rights of 
women, judicial transparency. These are areas where we have 
emphasized in our conversations with Saudi leaders and would 
most assuredly continue to be prominent on our agenda--my 
agenda, if confirmed, certainly, the President's agenda during 
his upcoming trip.
    I think it is important that we have these 
straightforward--these forthright conversations with the Saudi 
Government. I take your point, absolutely, that it is--
continues to be a mixed picture.
    Even the advances, which I think the Saudi Government has 
achieved, there are instances. There is a lot of work left to 
be done before we can call it systemic change.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Senator Young?
    Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
    Congratulations, again, to all of our nominees for your 
nominations.
    Dr. Wittes, in 2020 you indicated that you were not in 
favor of the Abraham Accords. On social media you said you 
agreed with an article that called the deal a triumph for 
authoritarianism.
    You suggested the deal was, quote, ``oversold,'' unquote, 
and that Middle Eastern countries normalizing relations with 
Israel was a, quote, ``betrayal of Palestinian interests,'' 
unquote.
    I am curious to hear if your views have changed in the two 
years since.
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you for the opportunity to be 
very clear about my views.
    I support the Accords. I support the profound 
transformation that they have wrought in the region, and I said 
publicly when they were signed that they are a boon to the 
Israeli Government and to Israelis, who have long felt isolated 
in their neighborhood.
    That is the profound transformation we see not just at the 
government-to-government level but at the people-to-people 
level, and it is very meaningful.
    I have written that they strengthen the pro-American 
coalition in the region, and before I was nominated I 
encouraged the Biden administration to follow up on the Accords 
to promote regional cooperation that would advance peace and 
stability.
    So I think my record is clear.
    Senator Young. Not to me.
    How do we reconcile all those statements, which were just 
crystal clear with the statement that the deal was a triumph 
for authoritarianism and that the deal was oversold?
    If your views have changed, that would be helpful to me, 
quite easy to reconcile. If, instead, it is my job to reconcile 
the previous statements with the current views, I am having 
difficulty. So help me out.
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you.
    I will say I was skeptical that other countries would join 
the UAE in the Accords when the UAE first made its announcement 
in August of 2020, and I was wrong about that.
    We have seen Morocco, we have seen Sudan, we have seen 
Bahrain come in, and that, I think, creates tremendous 
opportunity that we need to seize.
    Senator Young. Thank you. I do appreciate that.
    Doctor, last week it was reported that the now resigned 
president of the Brookings Institution was an unregistered 
foreign agent on behalf of one of Brookings' donors. He is not 
a nominee before the Senate for consideration. I want to be 
crystal clear about that.
    But we, as policymakers who often refer to Brookings 
material, must ask the uncomfortable question about whether or 
not Brookings remained impartial in its scholarship, especially 
that which focused on the Middle East.
    Do you believe that we can trust the scholarship and 
independent views presented by a think tank that receives 
foreign funding?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you. Let me speak to Brookings 
and my work at Brookings.
    Every grant agreement that supported my work and the work 
that I supervised included strong language guaranteeing the 
independence of that work. I have absolute confidence that that 
work was conducted with independence from donors and that it 
stands on its own merits.
    I had no knowledge of any of these disturbing allegations 
regarding General Allen. I never discussed research on Qatar 
with General Allen. I never participated in fundraising from 
foreign governments with General Allen.
    Senator Young. Thank you. I think it is important that you 
got that on record. Thank you so much.
    Doctor, are you willing to urge Brookings to voluntarily 
work with this committee so that we can have a full accounting 
of foreign donations to the institution, especially funding 
that supported the work at the Center for Middle East Policy?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, all nonprofits, I think, have to 
demonstrate their independence from donors. I think Brookings 
has strong policies on transparency, on conflict of interests, 
on research independence.
    I am no longer employed there, as you know. I, certainly, 
hope that they will live up to their values and their policy.
    Senator Young. Would you be willing to urge them to 
voluntarily work with the committee in furtherance of living up 
to their values as you have characterized it?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, I would like them to be as transparent 
as possible.
    Senator Young. Okay.
    Ms. Wittes. I think the work stands on its own.
    Senator Young. I would, too.
    While director of the Center, did you, Doctor, advocate, 
including informally, to any federal employee on issues 
relating to the region, especially relating to the affairs of 
the Gulf Cooperation Council or member states?
    Ms. Wittes. Did I advocate?
    Senator Young. Yes.
    Ms. Wittes. No, Senator. My job was to put forward policy 
recommendations to the public and that is what I did.
    Senator Young. Doctor, thank you for your answers to my 
questions.
    Chairman?
    Senator Cardin. Senator Schatz?
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking 
Member.
    Thank you to all of you and your families for your 
willingness to serve, and, in many cases, continue to serve.
    Mr. Ratney, OPEC countries are producing oil at levels well 
below their collective quota due in large part to the sanctions 
related to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
    The administration has made very reasonable requests of the 
Saudis to ramp up oil production and make up for the shortfall. 
And just to be clear, this is not some huge favor we are 
asking. Saudi Arabia has spare capacity that it could drawn on 
to quickly make up for the under producers in the group.
    If stable energy markets are a key goal of U.S.-Saudi 
relations and the Saudis are not holding up their end of the 
relationship, why make concessions on other key objectives like 
human rights?
    Mr. Ratney. Thank you, Senator.
    At the outset, let me say I do not think we are making 
concessions on human rights. I think it will remain--has been 
and will remain a forthright element of our dialogue with the 
Saudi Government.
    On the specific issue of energy, you mentioned--and I think 
we need to start by pointing the finger directly at the 
immediate cause of the global instability in energy markets and 
that is Russia's utterly unjustified invasion of Ukraine and 
all of the implications of that war that has taken place.
    Dealing with----
    Senator Schatz. Let me ask the question another way. Part 
of our relationship with Saudi Arabia has to do with oil 
production. Is that fair?
    Mr. Ratney. Yes.
    Senator Schatz. And a reasonable expectation is that during 
a global crisis, when necessary to stabilize prices they would 
step up and do so, especially when they do not have to do much 
other than just make the choice.
    Is that a reasonable expectation?
    Mr. Ratney. Sure. I was actually getting to that point 
because, in fact, this has been a major topic of discussion 
with the Saudi Government and we are gratified to see that 
OPEC+, this larger group in which Saudi plays a leadership 
role, made a decision to increase their quotas for July and 
August considerable--something like a 50 percent increase in 
their quotas--which should have some impact on global oil 
supplies and, ultimately, gas prices.
    It is not a silver bullet. It is not the answer to all of 
that. The administration, the U.S., and some of our partners 
have also made the strategic decision to release stocks of our 
global oil reserves.
    There is a lot more diplomacy to be done on this, and I 
think conversations--forthright conversations about the Saudis' 
contribution to stability of global energy markets has to be a 
part of our conversations with the Saudis and, if confirmed, 
that would, certainly, be a part of my dialogue.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Let us talk a little bit about arms sales. You know the 
Administration has to notify Congress in advance of major arms 
sales. Given what we all know about actions in Yemen and human 
rights violations, what kinds of weapons are appropriate to 
sell to Saudi Arabia and what kinds are inappropriate?
    Mr. Ratney. There is a technical element to that answer, 
and I want to be careful because it is not something that I 
have been heavily involved in or involved in at all with 
respect to Saudi prior to my preparations for this confirmation 
hearing.
    I will say, as part of the President's commitment to 
solving--ending the war in Yemen through principled diplomacy, 
he also made a decision to end support for offensive military 
operations in Yemen.
    At the same time, he also made a commitment to ensure that 
Saudi Arabia had the ability to defend itself and Saudi Arabia 
was also facing an onslaught, really, of rockets and drone 
attacks from the Iranian-supported Houthis directed at people 
and infrastructure and others in Saudi Arabia.
    So it is a balance we need to strike. The decisions on what 
constitutes support for offensive military operations and the 
specific weapon systems associated with that, that has to get 
considered on a case by case basis.
    My colleagues at the State Department look at a variety of 
factors, including how those weapon systems have been used in 
the past.
    Senator Schatz. I would just offer that some of this is 
about end use monitoring, some of this is about transparency in 
the country, and some of this is a judgment for Congress to 
make because whether a weapon system or a weapon is defensive 
or offensive depends on the circumstances, right, and that--
this is the hard part.
    Mr. Ratney. I agree. It is--it is a hard--it is a judgment 
that has to get made and it is one that I think we are 
committed to doing in full transparency and consultation with 
Congress.
    Senator Schatz. Final question. According to media reports, 
China is helping Saudi Arabia manufacture its own ballistic 
missiles. The Saudi Government has government ministry linkages 
to Huawei and has explored the possibility of selling oil in 
yuan.
    How, specifically, would you address PRC policies that 
undermine regional security with the United States vis-a-vis 
Saudi Arabia?
    Mr. Ratney. Thank you for the question.
    As Secretary Blinken made clear in a speech he gave at 
George Washington University just a couple of weeks ago, the 
challenge--the U.S. challenge of dealing with China it is a 
global competition. It is not restricted to Asia or any one 
country and, certainly, Saudi Arabia is no exception.
    I do not know--China has--and Saudi Arabia have a 
significant trade relationship. I think that China is probably 
the largest purchaser of Saudi oil. There is a bit of Chinese 
investment in Saudi Arabia.
    I do not know that there are significant defense 
relationships. The report you cite is one that I have seen in 
the media. But I know nothing more than that, and I think--I 
would suggest a briefing in a different setting from some of my 
colleagues.
    But let me just say that this challenge of dealing with 
China, the risks of dealing with China, particularly a China 
that pursues policies that are utterly antithetical to our own 
values and the values of even Saudi Arabia, including genocide 
in Xinjiang, for example, that is something that we have to 
make clear to our Saudi partners to all our partners globally.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Senator Cardin. I understand Senator Portman is available 
through WebEx.
    Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks to the 
nominees for stepping up to serve. Again, many of you have 
already been in public service. We appreciate your continued 
service, as I have talked to Mr. Ratney about.
    I have listened with great interest to the back and forth, 
Dr. Wittes, with you and Senator Young. I am the co-author of 
what is called the Israel Relations Normalization Act, which is 
now law. It was signed into law in March and it promotes the 
so-called Abraham Accords and their expansion.
    And the one question I would have in addition to the ones 
that you have already answered regarding your previous comments 
about the Abraham Accords is whether you are committed to this 
and committed to pursuing a policy agenda which would be 
deepening the existing Abraham Accords agreements and expanding 
to other countries, including some countries whose Ambassador 
nominees are with us today, like Saudi Arabia.
    Would you be committed to expanding it and would you be 
committed to deepening existing relationships?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator Portman, thank you, and the answer is 
yes, absolutely.
    Senator Portman. I will not prolong this, and it does seem 
counter to your previous comments but I am glad that you have 
had a change of heart and I think it is incredibly positive in 
terms of peace in the Middle East, not just for Israel, as you 
noted, but for those countries that choose to connect in that 
way.
    Mr. Davis, Qatar has become a significant producer of 
liquefied natural gas, as you know, including for export. Last 
month, they signed an energy cooperation deal with Germany, 
which I was glad to see. They need new sources of energy in 
Germany, obviously, and other parts of Europe to get away from 
their dependency on Russia.
    Can you talk a little about that and what role you expect 
to play in expanding that U.S. cooperation with Qatar with 
regard to energy production and particularly with regard to 
exports that relate to the Ukraine-Russia war?
    Mr. Davis. Senator, I appreciate the question.
    In fact, you make a good point about Russia's aggression in 
Ukraine. Qatar has been very clear about their view that 
Russia's aggression in Ukraine was--is unjustified.
    As you note, they have signed a deal with Germany. They 
have worked with the European Union to provide whatever 
capacity they have to the EU. They have also made clear that 
countries in Asia and around the world cannot, during this war, 
outbid European countries on current contracts.
    The truth is that Qatar is leading the way on liquid 
natural gas and working to build capacity through a couple of 
deals that they have in the United States--the Golden Pass LNG 
terminal in Texas and at petrochemical plants in which they 
have invested $8 billion, also in Texas.
    But the Qataris have made clear that they want to be a 
resource for the Europeans during this time and, if confirmed, 
it will be a priority for me to work with the Qataris to ensure 
that we identify areas of cooperation and opportunities for 
helping alleviate the energy crisis in Europe.
    [Technical issue.]
    Senator Cardin. Senator Portman, we are not hearing you.
    Senator Portman. Sorry about that. Can you hear me now?
    Senator Cardin. Yes, you are on.
    Senator Portman. We had a technical issue here with the 
mute button.
    Mr. Davis, I was just saying I appreciate so much your 
response to that. I was recently with Sheikh Mohammed, who is 
the Foreign Minister and--of Qatar and he made it very clear to 
me that they are taking a proactive approach here both with 
regard to Russia's brutal attack on Ukraine and also with 
regard to this issue of helping Russia to wean itself from 
Russian sources of energy.
    I think you can play a very important role there and, 
again, thank you for your previous service and your willingness 
to step forward. I think you will find that Qatar wants to 
deepen our relationship and wants to be an active player in 
this current problem.
    Dr. Gupta, just quickly--my time is running out here--you 
have expressed strong support for access to abortion as a 
reproductive right. You have publicly opposed the Mexico City 
policy. You have urged the World Health Assembly to classify 
sexual reproductive health services as essential services.
    My question for you is are you aware of all the statutory 
restrictions on the use of taxpayer money to perform abortions 
or to advocate for or against them. That would include the 
Leahy amendment, the Helms amendment, the Siljander amendment, 
the Biden amendment.
    Do you, if confirmed, commit to uphold these restrictions 
in law?
    Ms. Gupta. I do, Senator. Thank you for the question.
    I am very aware of those legal restrictions on the use of 
foreign assistance funds and, if confirmed, I will follow the 
letter of the law.
    Senator Portman. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. We now have Senator Van Hollen by WebEx.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to all of you on your nominations. As Senator 
Cardin said at the outset, you all are immensely qualified and 
I look forward to supporting your nominations.
    Mr. Ratney, I do want to press you a little more on some of 
the issues that Senator Cardin and Senator Schatz raised. You 
are--the last line of your testimony today reads, quote, ``If 
confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that the U.S.-Saudi 
partnership serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values.''
    I want to focus on the U.S. values for a part because I see 
you did not mention Khashoggi in your testimony. It is a fact, 
is it not, that U.S. intelligence determined that the Crown 
Prince did mastermind the Khashoggi murder?
    Mr. Ratney. Senator, thank you.
    The President made a decision early in the Administration 
to release the intelligence community assessment of 
responsibility for that and I have no reason to differ with 
that assessment.
    Senator Van Hollen. And I have also got an article here in 
my hand about a Saudi Arabia mass execution of 81 men. This was 
in March of this year. You indicated in response to a question 
that there is more transparency now in the Saudi judicial 
process. I do not see it. Could you elaborate a little bit on 
that?
    Mr. Ratney. Yeah. Actually, I would like to be clear on 
that because the point I wanted to make is that judicial 
transparency is a major element of our engagement with the 
Saudis.
    I was not trying to convey, and I think I may have 
misspoke, that that is something where we were lauding the 
Saudis for progress.
    Senator Van Hollen. Right. I do not see it now. I hope you 
will be successful at pushing them in that direction.
    We all know that the President has an upcoming visit to 
Saudi Arabia. Can you talk a little bit more about how vocal 
the President should be in pressing the human rights aspect of 
our policy?
    As you stated, and I agree, putting human rights back at 
the forefront of our foreign policy was an important move by 
this administration.
    Can you talk a little bit more about how we should be 
dealing with that in the context of Saudi Arabia?
    Mr. Ratney. I am, obviously, not involved in the 
preparations for the President's visit. But I know he is a man 
that believes in person-to-person diplomacy. He also believes 
in having forthright conversations with our partners, even 
partners with whom we sometimes have significant differences.
    He was the one that made the decision to put human rights 
at the center of U.S. foreign policy, to elevate it as one of 
the major pillars of our engagement, not just in Saudi Arabia 
but globally, and I have every expectation that that will 
figure in his discussions in Saudi Arabia, which, as you 
recall, is not just with the Saudis but there is also a much 
broader meeting with GCC leaders, plus the Iraqis, Jordanians, 
and Egyptians. I have every expectation that human rights in 
all its forms will be a significant part of his program.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that hopeful word, and I 
hope that the President will also pursue those principles 
vigorously on his upcoming trip, and it was great to have a 
chance to meet you on one of my--my most recent trip to Israel 
and Jerusalem.
    Thank you for your service there and your service 
elsewhere, and as I said, I look forward to supporting your 
nomination.
    Dr. Wittes, congratulations on your nomination.
    As you know, Putin's brutal war against Ukraine has created 
price shocks around the world in energy and food, and many 
countries in the Middle East and north Africa have been very 
reliant on Russian and Ukrainian wheat.
    If you could talk a little bit about AID's programs 
generally, not just in the--in food assistance, but some of 
the--in some of the areas that have been hardest hit. Lebanon 
has been hard hit. Already had, of course, a desperate 
situation, and in--and the West Bank and Gaza have been highly 
dependent on some of those imports for their wheat.
    Can you just talk broadly about USAID's efforts in those 
areas to advance U.S. interests?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you.
    Yes. As you noted, Russia's war on Ukraine and its blockade 
of the Black Sea ports has prevented Ukraine from getting that 
wheat to the global market and a lot of countries in our region 
are feeling the effects.
    Egypt, for example, normally imports half of its grain. One 
of the activities that I understand USAID is engaged in there 
is helping Egypt produce more and keep what it produces because 
some of this wheat, when it is grown, is not properly stored 
and it spoils.
    USAID has a range of these kinds of food security 
activities around the region to promote higher yields, to 
manage water better, and to promote resilience to these kinds 
of shocks.
    But in the face of this global food security crisis there 
is also a lot of emergency food aid USAID is providing around 
the region as well.
    Senator Van Hollen. I am going to ask you to follow up, I 
guess, in writing, since my time is going to expire shortly, in 
terms of some of the efforts USAID is undertaking, as I said, 
in Lebanon, in the West Bank, and in Gaza, as well as some of 
the other parts of the region, just with a little more 
granularity.
    Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
    Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good morning. 
Congratulations to each of you on your nominations and I look 
forward to working with you, once confirmed.
    Dr. Gupta, I would like to begin with you because, as you 
know, four out of the last five years we have not had anyone as 
Ambassador to the Office of Global Women's Issues and so much 
of that opposition has been women's reproductive health, and I 
think it is important to point out that what the Office of 
Global Women's Issues does has a lot more to do than just 
reproductive health for women and that there are important 
reasons why we have an office that looks at half of the world's 
population and the important roles that women have to play in 
the world.
    Can you talk a little bit about why the Office of Global 
Women's Issues is so important and why we need to be thinking 
about what women are doing in the rest of the world?
    Ms. Gupta. Thank you so much, Senator Shaheen.
    It is absolutely essential for the State Department that is 
the representative of U.S. foreign policy to pay attention to 
women, being half the population of this world.
    There are many inequities and indignities that women suffer 
around the world which hold them back from participating fully 
in the economy.
    They are subject to threats to their safety and have a fear 
of violence even on a daily basis and that determines their 
mobility and they, in situations of conflict and emergencies 
and humanitarian crises, are particularly vulnerable, both in 
terms of their safety but also in terms of their being able to 
look after their families and feed their families.
    If you look at the world today, the situation of women--if 
you look at the gender inequality indicators, the indicators 
show that the inequality has increased.
    We have regressed on gender equality because of the threats 
that we have had at the moment which is the COVID-19 pandemic, 
which has kept women from the labor force, the climate crisis, 
the rise of authoritarianism, conflicts around the world.
    So the priorities the Office of Global Women's Issues has 
currently are the right ones, given the reality of the world 
today, because it focuses on advancing women's economic 
security and opportunity.
    It focuses on advancing the women, peace, and security 
agenda and preventing and responding to gender-based violence, 
and those seem to me to be the three most important priorities 
today and those have been identified in the national strategy 
that the U.S. has just put out on gender equality and equity, 
the first ever national strategy for both domestic and global 
issues, and I think that those are the right ones, from my 
point of view.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I certainly agree with that.
    Can you also speak to what empowering women does for their 
families, for their communities, and for their countries?
    Ms. Gupta. Thank you.
    Women play essential roles at the household and community 
level. They are the frontline caretakers and mothers of 
children. They are the providers and processors and producers 
of food, and they are income earners and they are leaders 
within their communities.
    And yet, they face disadvantages in being able to access 
productive resources such as employment, education, income, 
land, et cetera. That puts them at a disadvantage to fully play 
their roles.
    By disadvantaging them in that way, you are holding them 
back but you are also holding back their families, their 
households, their communities, and the economies of entire 
nations.
    In fact, a McKinsey report recently identified that in 2015 
that the cost to the global GDP is about $28 trillion over a 
10-year period if those inequality indicators were not 
improved, if the gap was not closed. So it has economic 
consequences as well as it is a rights issue.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Dr. Wittes, I am very concerned about the situation in 
Lebanon. It is one of the countries in the Middle East that has 
significant challenges--the impact on young people and their 
interest in staying in the country and offering a future there.
    Can you talk about what our focus is right now on Lebanon 
and what we can do to help address the challenges that the 
country is facing?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you for the question.
    The situation in Lebanon is quite dire--the humanitarian 
situation, the economic situation. There is an opportunity now 
because of the successful conduct of parliamentary elections 
last month.
    I was able to serve as an international observer in the 
previous two rounds of Lebanese parliamentary elections and I 
was really encouraged to see that they were able to hold those 
elections. I think that the new government now has both the 
opportunity and the need to focus urgently on some long overdue 
reforms.
    I understand that there is an agreement with the IMF that 
would include reforms in the banking sector that could really 
start to stabilize the economy.
    On the humanitarian side, as you know and as Senator Van 
Hollen mentioned, there is a shortage of wheat globally and 
Lebanon does not have domestic storage because of this horrific 
explosion at the Beirut port. It can only store about one month 
or so of grain locally.
    USAID has been providing emergency food packages to 
Lebanese and it is also working with civil society and working 
with municipalities.
    To your question about keeping young people in the country, 
USAID also, as I understand it, has had a focus on trying to 
grow the private sector and trying to create a better 
environment for the private sector so that young people feel 
those opportunities and we do not see brain drain.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I am out of time.
    But I would just close with an admonition that I hope each 
of you will work on what is continuing to get worse in 
Afghanistan with respect to the rights of women and the economy 
in that country.
    It is something that I think each of you have the ability 
in your new roles to have some influence on, and I hope you 
will really look at that opportunity.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Mr. Davis, Qatar, certainly, is a strategic 
partner of the United States--defense, other issues. They have 
serious human rights issues on their workers, those that have 
come to their country being protected with internationally 
recognized labor rights.
    Tell me how you are going to prioritize that concern we 
have if you are confirmed as our representative in Qatar.
    Mr. Davis. Senator, thank you for the question.
    First, I want to note that I share your concern about 
Qatar's human rights record. They have made progress. They were 
the first country in the Middle East to have a minimum wage 
law.
    They have instituted a tribunal to adjudicate cases of 
labor abuse. They have set up a fund to help compensate 
employees who have not received their wages, and specific to 
the World Cup, they have a regulation that bans working in the 
hottest part of the day.
    My own work in southern Iraq, where I saw similar labor and 
human rights abuses, informs how I view this. Often, it is a 
case where it is not a lack of will but a lack of capacity.
    Our Trafficking Persons report lays out avenues for the 
Qatari Government to improve their human rights record. The 
Department of Justice human trafficking prosecution unit has 
been working with the Qatari Government.
    It is not enough to want to prosecute abuses of labor and 
human rights. You have to build that capacity.
    If confirmed, I would think that we would be able to bring 
experts to Qatar to help build the capacity of the judicial 
system of lawyers, of prosecutors, of police. Domestic violence 
issues cannot stop with arrest. They have to be followed 
through to prosecution.
    For the United States, there is not a calendar or a clock 
or a deadline on our advocacy for human rights. Qatar has made 
a number of strides in the lead-up to the World Cup.
    If confirmed, it will be one of my highest priorities to 
work with the Qatari Government to solidify the gains that they 
have made, but also to move them forward in labor and human 
rights reform.
    It will not be easy but it is something that is, as noted, 
a pillar of U.S. foreign policy, and I will not hesitate, if 
confirmed, to raise at the highest levels of the Qatari 
Government our concerns about human rights and labor rights.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
    Dr. Wittes, I just really want to reinforce the comments 
that were made by Senator Young and Senator Portman in regards 
to the Abraham Accords.
    In our conversation before we started the hearing, I was at 
a dinner last night, a unique opportunity where the Ambassador 
from UAE hosted the Israeli Ambassador's visit to the placement 
in the United States. We had to postpone it a little bit 
because of COVID. And it was a stark moment to see Israel and 
an Arab state co-hosting an event here. So it was a wonderful 
occasion.
    One of the articles that were circulated under your tweet 
during the initial consideration of the Abraham Accords was 
very critical that there was no concessions made by the 
Israelis in entering into the agreement with UAE.
    I mention that because there was a major progress made in 
getting Israel off of the annexation issue, which could have 
been rather explosive, and that was done by the UAE without the 
expansion to the other countries of the Abraham Accords. So 
there was a significant reason to celebrate the UAE and Israel 
reaching an agreement on normalization.
    I just point that out because I have heard your response, 
and I understand your commitment to further normalization in 
the region.
    But I want you to know that we saw sensitivity at that 
time. We try to conduct as much foreign policy as we can not on 
partisan grounds. We really try to work together to strengthen 
our country on foreign policy issues.
    With that----
    Senator Young. Senator Hagerty, please.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Mr. Ratney, I would like to, first, turn to you to talk 
with you about the country that you are intending to represent 
the United States to.
    American families are suffering everywhere from high gas 
prices, and I understand that President Biden is on his way to 
Saudi Arabia next month, presumably to ask the Saudis to 
produce more oil and bail the United States out of this energy 
disaster that the Biden administration has created based on its 
war on the American fossil fuel industry.
    This trip comes not long after President Biden, during his 
presidential campaign in a Democratic presidential debate, 
decided that he would turn Saudi Arabia into a, quote, 
``pariah'' and he added that there is, quote, ``very little 
social redeeming value in the present Government in Saudi 
Arabia.'' Those were his words during the presidential debate.
    I actually believe that the Saudis can be a very critical 
partner to us in the Middle East and I would, first, like to 
know if you agree with President Biden's stated posture towards 
Saudi Arabia.
    Mr. Ratney. Thanks for the question, Senator.
    I do not think I am in a position to comment on comments 
that the President made during the campaign or more than a year 
ago.
    I can tell you what he has said since he has been President 
and I can tell you what he has been determined to do since he 
has been President and that is to carve out a relationship with 
the Saudi Government that both advances U.S. interests and also 
reflects U.S. values, and we have vast U.S. interests in Saudi 
Arabia including----
    Senator Hagerty. I agree with you.
    Mr. Ratney [continuing]. As you point out, a conversation 
about energy prices, gas prices that we are facing here and 
global turbulence in energy markets. There is a lot of other 
things, and in the war in Yemen cooperating on 
counterterrorism, pushing back on Iran's nefarious activities 
in the region that threaten us and our partners, and at the 
same time advancing our values.
    I have every expectation that the President will use this 
trip which he is making to Saudi Arabia in addition to 
conversations with other Gulf leaders and other Middle Eastern 
leaders to have forthright discussions about a responsible role 
of Saudi Arabia.
    Senator Hagerty. Do you agree that our diplomatic relations 
are better off without an antagonistic relationship with a 
country as important as Saudi Arabia?
    Mr. Ratney. I do not think I would relish the possibility 
of being a U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia if I thought an 
antagonistic relationship was a good direction to go in. I 
think my colleagues and our leadership in this administration 
agree with that, and in terms----
    Senator Hagerty. If you are confirmed, you are going to 
have a lot to clean up, I think, given the situation as it 
exists right now.
    I would like to turn now to your time as Consul General in 
Jerusalem. Under your watch, the State Department provided 
$465,000 in grants to a group called OneVoice, which then 
joined a group called Victory 15 and worked to defeat Benjamin 
Netanyahu and his Likud party in Israel's elections.
    This struck many observers, including me, as highly 
inappropriate if not unethical, especially given that the Obama 
administration disagreed with Netanyahu and his many policies 
including the Iran nuclear deal.
    I understand that the Senate Committee on Homeland Security 
and Governmental Affairs' Permanent Subcommittee on 
Investigations reviewed this case and reported out its 
findings, and according to that report, OneVoice's pivot to 
electoral politics was consistent with its strategic plan that 
was developed by OneVoice leadership.
    OneVoice had emailed this strategic plan to the State 
Department officials during the grant period.
    However, the State Department placed no limitations on the 
post-grant use of resources developed by OneVoice using the 
funds provided by the United States. Again, there were no 
limitations placed on how the resources of the funds would be 
used. The grant was just given by the State Department even 
though the State Department had their strategic plan in hand.
    I think it is a failure of the State Department, again, 
under your watch, to take the necessary steps to guard against 
the risk that OneVoice would engage in political activities to 
unseat a particular foreign head of government.
    I want to ask you, Mr. Ratney, given that OneVoice engaged 
in political activism in the 2013 Israel elections, before 
applying for a State Department grant how was it that you 
failed to foresee and guard against this risk? The ease of that 
would have--that recipient organizations can use to repurpose 
public diplomacy resources is something that is very concerning 
and I am very concerned about what happened here.
    Mr. Ratney. Thanks for the question, and I do recall the 
incident and I recall my work there.
    I was responsible for oversight of a piece of that grant, 
which was to the Palestinian component of OneVoice, which are 
responsible for, essentially, building grassroots support for a 
two-state solution and the negotiating process that was 
underway at that point.
    The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations that 
Senator Portman chaired at the time looked into it, as you 
mentioned, and noted a few deficiencies in the way that that 
grant was handled, one of which is exactly what you point out, 
which is there was no restriction in the grant agreement for 
how they would use the data.
    In this case, it was a database and some other things they 
had developed in the process of doing the work that sort of----
    Senator Hagerty. I think it is extremely concerning that 
that failure occurred. But I want to ask you one more question 
before my time is expended.
    Do you dispute what was reported in the findings, that you 
deleted emails related to the review of these OneVoice grants?
    Mr. Ratney. The Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations 
identified two shortcomings. One had to do with the 
Administration of the grant, which we talked about, which was 
that there was no prohibition on----
    Senator Hagerty. Political activities.
    Mr. Ratney [continuing]. The OneVoice organization using it 
later. That is something that I have made clear in my 
conversations with the staff on the Permanent Subcommittee. 
That would be unacceptable had we known about it.
    The other problem was had to do with a systemic issue 
associated with records management at the State Department that 
has since been addressed. There was no routine method.
    There was no routine way at that time to archive all of the 
routine emails that the State Department sent and received. 
That has since been remedied as well through changes in policy 
and changes in technology.
    Senator Hagerty. To be clear, did you delete emails that 
were relevant to this? Did you specifically pursue those emails 
and remove them from the record?
    Mr. Ratney. As I recall what happened at the time--and I 
want to be very precise about this because it is an important 
issue--at the time--this is somewhat of a technical issue but 
at the time the State Department--the email systems did not 
have the storage capacity to retain large numbers of emails in 
people's inboxes.
    We were routinely instructed by--and this was not unique to 
me--we were routinely instructed by our IT staff that if you do 
not delete emails, especially those with large attachments, 
your inbox freezes and you stop getting emails.
    That was a systemic problem that was addressed both by 
improvements in the technology and also a change to the policy 
about archiving of these messages.
    Senator Hagerty. You can understand my concern over that 
part of it but my even deeper concern is that funds were 
allowed to go to an organization that was going to take direct 
action against one of our political allies and get involved 
politically in that manner. I think it is a great oversight and 
it creates grave concern for me.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I would note that I think the Democratic majority on this 
committee may have inadvertently convened a hearing on the 
profound anti-Israel bias of the Biden administration.
    I very much agree with the questions Senator Hagerty just 
asked about Mr. Ratney's involvement in sending taxpayer funds 
to a group that employed Obama political operatives to run a 
campaign against the sitting Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin 
Netanyahu, and undermine our friend and ally, Israel.
    But as disturbing as that conduct was, Ms. Wittes' conduct 
is even more concerning.
    Ms. Wittes, if you are confirmed you will be in charge of 
distributing vast amounts of funding across the Middle East. 
Since 2015, the Brookings Institution that employs you has 
taken at least $12.5 million dollars from the Embassy of Qatar. 
That is the amount that can be traced publicly.
    Just four days ago, the president of Brookings resigned in 
a scandal because he is facing an investigation for being an 
undisclosed lobbyist for Qatar, and he resigned because he 
said, ``I know it is best for all concerned at the moment.''
    Now, the president of Brookings has resigned over this but 
you ran the Middle East Center at Brookings. To what extent did 
you participate in fundraising from Qatar?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you.
    I want to be very clear I had no knowledge of any of these 
disturbing allegations regarding General Allen. I did not 
discuss research on Qatar with General Allen. I did not do 
fundraising meetings for foreign governments with General 
Allen.
    Senator Cruz. Did you know that your work was being paid 
for by Qatar?
    Ms. Wittes. Yes, sir.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. So you knew you were funded by a 
foreign Embassy?
    Ms. Wittes. Yes, sir. We had funding from several foreign 
governments, including the Norwegians and the Emiratis.
    Senator Cruz. The Norwegians and the Emiratis do not work 
to undermine us and they do not work to undermine Israel. The 
Qataris do.
    Did you participate in any way in the fundraising?
    Ms. Wittes. I participated in one fundraising meeting in, I 
think, 2012.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. Just a second ago you said you did not 
participate in the fundraising----
    Ms. Wittes. Not with General Allen, sir. General Allen 
became president after I stepped down as----
    Senator Cruz. But you participated in 2012 in fundraising 
from the Qataris?
    Ms. Wittes. I sat in a meeting in which Ambassador Indyk 
was asking for a renewal of our grant.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. You published a report with the Qatari 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs logo on the cover of it, correct?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, we had a grant agreement with the 
Qataris to conduct a joint conference, which we did in Doha 
every year.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. The president of Brookings just 
resigned over allegations that he was an unregistered lobbyist 
for Qatar. Did you register as a lobbyist for Qatar?
    Ms. Wittes. No, sir. I never conducted advocacy for Qatar.
    Senator Cruz. Should the president of Brookings have 
resigned over this? Was he right to do so?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, I cannot speak to what General Allen 
did or did not do. I had no knowledge----
    Senator Cruz. Should the same standards apply to you?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, the rules at Brookings were very 
clear. We received regular trainings on FARA compliance. I had 
no problem understanding the rules.
    Senator Cruz. Should the American taxpayers be concerned 
that President Biden wants to put in charge of distributing 
millions of dollars of taxpayer money someone who has spent 
years being funded by a foreign nation who is not our friend?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, I think my research and the research 
that I supervised was conducted with complete independence from 
all of our donors and it stands on its own merit.
    Senator Cruz. But it was funded by the Qataris. It was 
funded by the Qataris and it just happened to so comply with 
their agenda that they put their damn logo on the cover, 
correct?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, they did not put their logo on any of 
the----
    Senator Cruz. You put their logo on the cover?
    Ms. Wittes. No, sir.
    Senator Cruz. Who put the logo?
    Ms. Wittes. Their logo is not on the research.
    Senator Cruz. Who put the logo on the cover----
    Ms. Wittes. Senator----
    Senator Cruz [continuing]. Of the report you published?
    Ms. Wittes. The logo----
    Senator Cruz. Did you put the logo or did they?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, we co-produced a conference.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. So you both put the logo.
    All right. I want to shift to another topic.
    The Biden administration claims to support the Abraham 
Accords. I got to say your record on the Abraham Accords is 
stunning.
    It is one thing for your colleague, Mr. Ratney, to fund 
political campaigns against the sitting Prime Minister of 
Israel. But when the Abraham Accords came out, in September 
2020 you tweeted that Arab leaders should not deepen ties with 
Israel until they saw whether President Trump won reelection.
    Why were you urging Arab countries not to deepen ties with 
Israel?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, I was skeptical when the Emiratis made 
their announcement, which was breathtaking, in August 2020. I 
was skeptical that other Arab states would join them and I----
    Senator Cruz. But you urged them not to.
    Ms. Wittes. I was proven wrong.
    Senator Cruz. But you urged them not to. So they did not 
follow your advice. But you wanted them not to make peace with 
Israel.
    Ms. Wittes. No, Senator, I did not urge. I was----
    Senator Cruz. All right. You tweeted that peace between 
Israel and the UAE was a ``new Naksa'' setback. You also said 
it was a triumph for authoritarianism and just a normalization 
of men, which I do not know what the hell that means.
    Why did you actively lobby against historic peace accords 
in the Middle East and how could anyone have any confidence 
that you can be a senior government official?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, I support the Accords. I support the 
profound transformation.
    Senator Cruz. I guess that is the right political answer to 
say now but it is not what you said then.
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, those are not my words. I tweeted out 
two articles critical of the Accords, one by an Israeli and one 
by an Egyptian, both of which----
    Senator Cruz. All right. A final question on the Egyptians.
    You have tweeted that Egyptian President Sisi is running a 
reich that is a fascist regime. How exactly do you think you 
are going to be able to work with our Egyptian allies when you 
have called their president a Nazi?
    Ms. Wittes. Senator, those are not my words.
    Senator Cruz. You did not say he is running a reich?
    Ms. Wittes. No, Senator. I have no recollection of ever 
using those words about President Sisi.
    Senator Cruz. I am going to follow up in writing because 
the record is clear.
    But it is really stunning the anti-Israel bias of senior 
nominees in this administration, and it is inconsistent both 
with American national security interest and with standing with 
our friend and ally, the State of Israel.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Young, anything further?
    Senator Young. Just picking up on one loose thread.
    Ms. Wittes, you are director of the Center for Middle East 
Policy at Brookings, and did you disclose your organization 
received funding from Qatar? Did you disclose that matter?
    Ms. Wittes. Yes, sir, including when I testified before 
Congress. As you know, the forms require it.
    Senator Young. Okay.
    With respect to--Mr. Davis, with respect to the U.S. 
Embassy to Qatar and its interaction with the U.S. Embassy to 
Afghanistan, which will be operating from Doha, it is really 
important that this committee--we are so distracted by many 
challenges around the world--does not lose sight of the trying 
situation in Afghanistan in the wake of the botched exit.
    If confirmed, how would you coordinate actions between 
those two embassies?
    Mr. Davis. Thank you for the question, Senator.
    I want to make sure that I make note and honor your service 
as a U.S. Marine. When the evacuation of Afghanistan began in 
August, I, like you, probably were inundated with former fellow 
Marines, former soldiers, and folks who had known interpreters, 
spotters, people, Afghans who had worked with us for years and 
years.
    And so I take personally the responsibility, confirmation 
notwithstanding, to ensure that we are helping our allies, 
which is what they were.
    I had a number of sleepless nights in August 24/7 trying to 
help people get out of the country.
    Your question is an important one and one that, I think, 
requires a sitting Ambassador--a confirmed Ambassador--to 
coordinate the efforts and the message of the Afghanistan 
affairs unit that is now in Doha, the bilateral mission which I 
would head, if confirmed, and our care colleagues who are 
working with Afghans waiting to be relocated.
    And so my role, if confirmed as the head of the bilateral 
mission, will be to coordinate message, to ensure community 
communication is happening all of the time between U.S. 
entities in Doha to include the work of Special Envoy Tom West.
    We cannot have competing messages coming from any of those 
four entities. I think the idea of folks from any of them being 
able to go into the foreign ministry to make requests of the 
Qataris without having coordinated will only lead to slowing 
down the process and, as we have learned over the last nine or 
10 months, any delay in assistance and help to those who fought 
alongside us and helped us in Afghanistan over two decades can 
be fatal.
    And so it will be a major priority for me to make sure that 
we are speaking with one voice to the Qataris and to those in 
Afghanistan, whose assistance is absolutely vital.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    I understand that further clarity will come post 
confirmation on exactly how the interaction will occur and I 
will look forward to working with you in overseeing those 
responsibilities and I know others will as well.
    Thank you, Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Young.
    Let me just follow up on points that were raised by my 
colleagues.
    Mr. Ratney, if I understand correctly, your role with 
OneVoice dealt with the outreach to the Palestinian community.
    Mr. Ratney. That is right.
    Senator Cardin. And that you were in compliance with all of 
the policies of the State Department during that period of time 
as well as the technology that was available in regards to how 
emails were handled and stored to the extent they could be 
stored and deleted because of capacities.
    Mr. Ratney. That is correct. And if I might add, the 
subcommittee report made clear that the grant funds were used 
for their intended purpose.
    Senator Cardin. I think you have clarified that point, and 
I do not really think there is any misunderstanding here.
    But let me just ask for the record, if confirmed, do you 
agree to adhere to all the State Department rules and 
regulations regarding record keeping and the retention of 
emails?
    Mr. Ratney. Absolutely.
    Senator Cardin. And, Dr. Wittes, in regards to your 
relationships at Brookings, it is my understanding that you 
complied with all the rules of Brookings that had in regards to 
foreign participation and funds and that you made all the 
disclosures that were required by law and you complied with all 
of the federal rules at the time.
    Ms. Wittes. Absolutely, Senator.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    I have no further questions. Let me, if I might, announce 
that the record will remain open until close of business 
Friday, June 17th, for questions for the record.
    I would urge our nominees to try to complete those answers 
as rapidly and as thoroughly as possible so that we can try to 
clear for committee action your nominations as quickly as 
possible.
    Each of you have critical positions that we need 
confirmed--representatives and Ambassadors. So we would urge 
you to try to complete this work as quickly as possible.
    If there is no further business, the committee will stand 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:52 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                              ----------                              


              Additional Material Submitted for the Record



[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


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       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. You were asked during your confirmation hearing about 
Brookings Institution materials that had the logo of the Qatari 
Government on them. You began to answer that the document in question 
related to a conference, but you were cutoff before answering. Could 
you please clarify what that document was, and whether it was a report? 
Was it authored by you and did it contain any of your research?

    Answer. During my time as Center Director from 2012-2017, I oversaw 
the work of the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World. The 
Project co-sponsored a conference, the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, with 
the Qatari Foreign Ministry's Permanent Committee for Organizing 
Conferences. Speakers at these Forums included a number of U.S. 
officials, leaders from Muslim-majority countries, civil society 
activists and scholars from a wide variety of perspectives.
    This conference was held in Doha during my time as Center Director 
on the following dates: May 28-31, 2012; June 9-11, 2013; June 9-12, 
2014; June 1-3, 2015.
    The Conference also hosted working groups focused on issues such as 
interfaith dialogue, arts and culture, Muslim minorities in the West, 
and women's empowerment. These working groups were selected through a 
competitive process by the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic 
World, and the Qatari Government had no role in the process of 
selection. The working groups produced papers prior to the conference, 
and a report of their discussions after the conference. These were 
published by Brookings, subject to Brookings's usual review process for 
published reports, and not reviewed or edited by the Government of 
Qatar. I've attached an example of such a report.
    Some of these conference-related publications produced by Brookings 
included the logo of the Qatari Permanent Committee for Organizing 
Conferences alongside the Brookings logo. Those publications were 
published with the same independence, and subject to the same review 
process as other Brookings Foreign Policy publications.
    I did not author any working group reports or papers during my time 
as Center Director.

    Question. Has any of your research been influenced by any donor to 
Brookings, including any foreign government?

    Answer. No.

    Question. Have you ever altered any of your research or work at the 
request of a donor or foreign government?

    Answer. No.

    Question. What safeguards were in place to ensure that your 
research at Brookings was not influenced by any donor or foreign 
government?

    Answer. Brookings has transparent policies in place to protect the 
independence of its scholarship, which are publicly available on the 
Brookings Institution website.
    Brookings included language in grant and gift agreements to protect 
scholar independence. In 2016, Brookings President Strobe Talbott wrote 
that Brookings uses the following language in gift agreements with 
donors:

          Brookings scholars, in conformity with the Institution's 
        mission of developing independent, nonpartisan analysis and 
        recommendations that reflect objective and rigorous 
        scholarship, will make the final determinations regarding the 
        scholarly activities supported by [the gift/grant], including 
        the research agenda, content, product, outcomes, use and 
        distribution of resulting publications, and selection of 
        personnel associated with the projects supported by [the gift/
        grant]. Brookings scholars and staff will at no time lobby or 
        otherwise promote the interests of any donor.
          In the course of their research, Brookings scholars engage 
        with a broad range of people with specific expertise in the 
        areas they are researching, including stakeholders, policy 
        makers, other scholars and, in some cases, donors. Brookings's 
        scholars always have the final say in what is published, in 
        terms of their analysis, judgement, and recommendations.

    Question. Can you clarify the authors and dates of publication of 
the articles and tweets regarding the Abraham Accords mentioned during 
your nomination hearing? Did you author, co-author or otherwise comment 
on any of these publications? If yes, how?

    Answer. I never opposed the Abraham Accords. I also never urged 
Arab governments not to join the Accords.
    I said to the New York Times, and to an audience at Brandeis, when 
the Accords were announced, that Israel and the UAE had good reasons 
for opening formal ties and that shared interests and shared threats 
brought them together. I called in writing for the Biden administration 
to build on the Accords.
    As I noted in the hearing, I did express skepticism very early on, 
in August 2020, that other governments would join the UAE; I was 
quickly proven wrong and believe that the inclusion of Bahrain, Sudan 
and Morocco made the significance of the Accords clear and presented an 
opportunity that I believe the U.S. Government must seize. If 
confirmed, I absolutely will work assiduously to build upon these 
transformative agreements, in line with the Administrator's and the 
Biden administration's efforts.
    I believe, but cannot be sure, that Senators at the hearing 
referenced the attached tweets. I tweeted sharing these two articles, 
one by an Israeli and one by an Egyptian, because they presented 
aspects of the Accords I thought needed grappling with. I did not tweet 
them because I agreed with the articles, and my tweets very 
specifically did not endorse the articles or even suggest or imply that 
I agreed with them. I have shared many articles on Twitter, with which 
I may agree, disagree, or not have a view.
    The Accords were a transformative event in the region with many 
dimensions and many implications; my role as a policy analyst was to 
understand how different audiences in the region and in Washington 
viewed what was happening and to integrate that knowledge into my own 
analysis.

    Question. Did you have any role in fundraising efforts while at 
Brookings, and specifically for the Middle East program?

    Answer. During my time at Brookings, primary fundraising 
responsibility for Brookings research rested with the President and the 
Vice Presidents of the five research programs. I participated in 
fundraising activities at the direction of the Vice Presidents for 
Foreign Policy Studies under whom I served, and of Brookings President 
Strobe Talbott, as well as their development staffs. During my time as 
director of the Middle East Center, I worked under the supervision of 
Vice Presidents Amb. Martin Indyk, Acting Vice President Ted Piccone, 
and Vice President Bruce Jones, as well as Amb. Talbott.

    My participation in fundraising at Brookings had two elements: 
First, when requested by development staff or supervisors, I 
participated in substantive briefings on current policy topics, often 
in a panel with other scholars, for organizations and individuals who 
were donors and/or potential donors. Second, I engaged directly with 
several individual donors to the Center's work, including its founding 
donor, Haim Saban. These contacts were also organized by and/or 
coordinated with the Brookings development staff, the Vice President 
for Foreign Policy Studies, and the President.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator James E. Risch

                        humanitarian assistance
Stabilization, Early Recovery, Reconstruction
    Question. If confirmed, how will you define and differentiate 
between ``humanitarian response,'' ``stabilization,'' ``early 
recovery,'' and ``reconstruction'' activities in responding to 
conflicts in the MENA region, including Syria, Afghanistan, and Yemen?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with USAID colleagues to ensure 
the Agency continues to differentiate and coordinate between 
``humanitarian response,'' ``stabilization,'' ``early recovery,'' and 
``reconstruction'' activities in the MENA region, including in Syria 
and Yemen. While Afghanistan falls under the authority of the Assistant 
Administrator for the Asia Bureau and not within the purview of the 
Assistant Administrator for the Middle East, if confirmed, I pledge to 
ensure that these definitions are consistent across the Agency.
    I understand that humanitarian assistance is a needs-based response 
that saves lives, alleviates human suffering, and reduces the impact of 
disasters by helping people in need become more resilient. I further 
understand that USAID follows the relevant appropriations law and 
implements humanitarian programs primarily using International Disaster 
Assistance and Title II Food for Peace Act Assistance to meet 
humanitarian imperatives.
    I understand that USAID utilizes early recovery, a humanitarian 
assistance tool, to reduce immediate and protracted humanitarian needs 
by strengthening the resilience of affected populations through small-
scale programs at the individual, household, and local community level; 
improving individual, household, and community welfare; and therefore, 
reducing dependence on external assistance. Early recovery programs are 
based on assessed community needs and humanitarian imperatives, and 
conducted in a conflict-sensitive manner by independent and impartial 
humanitarian agencies, without direction or interference of government 
authorities.
    Unlike humanitarian assistance, which is needs-based, stabilization 
is a political endeavor involving an integrated civilian-military 
process where local authorities and systems can peaceably manage 
conflict and there will be a strong focus on prevention to reduce risks 
for a resurgence in violence. Transitional and policy-driven in nature, 
stabilization may include efforts to establish civilian security, 
provide access to dispute resolution, deliver targeted basic services, 
and establish a foundation for the return of displaced people and 
longer-term development.
    Reconstruction is different from both humanitarian and 
stabilization assistance by design, intent, and scale. I understand 
that USAID does not provide reconstruction assistance in Syria or 
Yemen, and that in Yemen, USAID is focused on providing humanitarian 
and development assistance to address the most immediate needs.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that common 
definitions of these terms are understood, adopted, and upheld by any/
all international mechanisms receiving and programming United States 
foreign assistance funds, such as U.N. agencies and multi-donor trust 
funds? How?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promoting prudent management of 
awards managed by USAID's Middle East Bureau and those awards made by 
the Bureau to and implemented by U.N. agencies and multilateral trust 
funds, and ensuring common definitions of these terms that are relevant 
to Middle East Bureau programming are understood and adopted in support 
of U.S. Government foreign policy. If confirmed, I pledge to coordinate 
with the Assistant to the Administrator for the Bureau for Humanitarian 
Assistance, who has authority over any humanitarian response, including 
early recovery programs.

Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
    Question. A recent report by the Center for International Private 
Enterprise (CIPE) Anti-Corruption and Governance Center suggests that 
an estimated five to ten percent of annual humanitarian aid is lost to 
corruption, while an estimated seven percent of global spending on 
public health is lost to waste, fraud, and abuse. The United States is, 
by far, the single most generous donor of both humanitarian and global 
health assistance, including in the Middle East.

   If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero tolerance policy 
        for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your purview?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to upholding a zero tolerance 
policy for waste, fraud and abuse in programs under my purview

    Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance 
policy for USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the 
sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable communities they are 
meant to serve?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will uphold a zero tolerance policy for 
USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the sexual 
exploitation and abuse.

    Question. What is your understanding of the strengths and 
weaknesses of third party monitoring and evaluation?

    Answer. I understand that USAID defines Third-Party Monitoring 
(TPM) as ``the systematic and intentional collection of performance 
monitoring and/or contextual data by a partner that is not USAID or an 
implementing partner directly involved in the work.''
    I also understand that third-party monitors are contracted by USAID 
to act as its eyes and ears when USAID staff are unable to visit all 
project/activity sites in non-permissive environments which are often 
characterized by instability, inaccessibility, and/or insecurity. 
Verification of activities and equipment delivery is the primary 
purpose for TPM. It is also a tool that mitigates the risk of USG 
resources going to sanctioned groups. The TPM service provider may also 
inspect implementation progress, collect feedback from beneficiaries, 
and gather contextual data to get a sense of the larger environment 
affecting activity implementation.
    Strengths in using TPM include increased partnerships, capacity 
building of local monitors, and the ability to travel and monitor 
programs in locations where USAID staff access may be limited.

    Question. The primary weakness in using TPM occurs when the risks 
of operating in non-permissive environments are shifted to local 
monitors. However, I understand that there are measures that USAID and 
TPM contractors take to reduce such risks. For example, I understand 
that the TPM provider can develop a security plan that addresses the 
particular concerns for the context in which the contractor is 
operating.

   What is your understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of 
        USAID's partner vetting procedures, particularly in areas under 
        the control of foreign terrorist organizations?

    Answer. I understand that USAID's partner vetting program 
significantly reduces the chances that USAID or its implementing 
partners are working with organizations or individuals that have 
connections to a foreign terrorist organizations. If confirmed, I 
commit to ensuring USAID's vetting processes are as robust and 
effective as possible.
    I understand that USAID partners are required to review publicly 
available lists including, but not limited to, the System for Award 
Management and the Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctions list to 
ensure compliance with applicable laws and regulations. In addition to 
these measures, I understand that USAID currently utilizes partner 
vetting in five Middle East locations: West Bank and Gaza, Iraq, 
Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen and that partner vetting is part of USAID's 
strategy to mitigate the risk of diversion of taxpayer funds and 
resources to terrorists, supporters of terrorists, or affiliates of 
terrorists, while facilitating the Agency's ability to deliver programs 
in support of U.S. national security and foreign-policy priorities.

    Question. In your opinion, do USAID personnel get out from behind 
U.S. embassy/mission walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?

    Answer. It is my understanding that USAID regularly seeks ways to 
improve its ability to better accomplish its mission and that the 
mobility of USAID personnel within a host country is dependent on a 
number of factors, including staff safety and security. If confirmed, I 
commit to finding ways to ensure key aspects of our mission are 
achieved while balancing the safety of USAID personnel.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of USAID staff 
to better access local populations and conduct direct oversight of U.S. 
foreign assistance, including in conflict areas and fragile states?

    Answer. I understand that USAID augments the direct oversight of 
assistance by staff with a variety of approaches to verify that 
assistance is reaching its intended beneficiaries, including by 
utilizing geo-tagged photos and videos of distributions and through 
feedback hotlines for beneficiaries. I also understand that USAID works 
closely with its implementing partners to develop activity-specific 
monitoring and evaluation plans, and coordinate with other donors and 
the Agency's Inspector General to identify risks and take steps to 
mitigate the potential for taxpayer dollars to be diverted.
    In places where direct oversight is impracticable due to safety and 
security of USAID staff particularly in conflict areas and fragile 
states--I understand that USAID utilizes a number of tools, including 
vetting and remote, third-party monitoring to support oversight of 
activity implementation. I understand that through independent, field-
based monitoring of activities and monthly progress reporting, third 
party monitors allow USAID to monitor programs in areas that are 
inaccessible to U.S. Government staff. The third-party mechanisms 
provide USAID with an additional level of assurance-similar to the role 
field visits play for USAID monitoring activities in more stable 
environments. If confirmed, I pledge to work with Agency leadership to 
ensure that the Agency continues to prioritize robust oversight of U.S. 
foreign assistance, including in conflict areas and fragile states.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to aggressively pursuing 
access in complex operating environments by USAID direct hires, so they 
can regularly perform direct oversight of the programs under your area 
of responsibility?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to pursuing access in 
complex operating environments, while balancing the safety and security 
of USAID personnel, to ensure responsible oversight of USAID programs.

                              manangement
Policy and Authority
    Question. Having previously served as a policy analyst at a think 
tank and as Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs, your 
experience appears to be focused on policy rather than on development.

   Do you acknowledge and, if confirmed, will you uphold the statutory 
        division of authority between the Department of State and 
        USAID, whereby USAID falls under the policy direction of the 
        Secretary?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will uphold the statutory structure 
and organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes 
U.S. foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs, 
subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary 
of State, and the National Security Council.

    Question. When it comes to democracy promotion in the Middle East, 
who is responsible for crafting the strategy--the Secretary or the 
Administrator?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will uphold the statutory structure and 
organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes U.S. 
foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs, 
subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary 
of State, and the National Security Council.
    It is my understanding that the 2022-2026 Middle East and North 
Africa Joint Regional Strategy was developed by USAID and the 
Department of State as a part of an interagency process and under the 
foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary of State, and 
the National Security Council.

Mission, Morale, and Management
    Question. How do you intent to ensure unity of mission and purpose 
between Washington, DC and USAID's overseas missions in the region?
   What is your understanding of morale within the USAID's Bureau for 
        the Middle East and within each of the USAID missions in the 
        region?

   How do you intend to improve morale in Washington, DC and overseas?

    Answer. Having worked in the Near East Affairs Bureau during the 
instability that followed the Arab uprisings, I am particularly mindful 
of staff morale and unity of purpose, especially in a dynamic 
environment. If confirmed, I am committed to maintaining open dialogue 
with USAID personnel across the Bureau--including those in the field--
to allow individuals to provide feedback, voice concerns, and share 
ideas. I'm committed to learning from the employees working in the 
Bureau for the Middle East and keeping my door open to hear their 
concerns.
    Despite the challenging environment in which many USAID staff work, 
I have noted that USAID personnel I've met are consistently committed 
to their work and the mission that drives U.S. assistance to the 
peoples of the region. If confirmed, I commit to supporting USAID 
personnel as they carry out the Agency's critical development mission.
    If confirmed, the safety and security of USAID personnel would be 
my highest priority. I expect that one of the major morale challenges I 
would face in addition to security is the workload carried by USAID 
employees. If confirmed, I am eager to work with Administrator Power to 
address staffing needs across the Middle East region and to ensure 
USAID has the staff needed to implement programming rigorously and 
responsibly.

    Question. What is your expectation for returning USAID staff to the 
work place, following prolonged telework arrangements necessitated by 
COVID-19?

    Answer. I understand that the Agency has moved to a hybrid work 
schedule that allows staff to use telework when it is suitable for 
their position and the work of the Agency. Telework can increase 
productivity, improve work-life balance, and reduce the stress of 
commuting in a congested region. I expect the Bureau and the Agency 
will likely need to make continued adjustments in the future as they 
continue to learn from this new model. If confirmed, I commit to 
ensuring the Bureau maintains the appropriate balance to support its 
important mission. With regard to Bureau staff working at USAID 
missions across the region, I understand that the telework policy at 
Missions is dictated by each country's respective Chief of Mission, and 
thus varies from post to post.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to providing timely, 
thorough, and accurate responses to Congressional requests for 
information, including by restoring in-person briefings on the Hill, as 
necessary and appropriate?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to maintaining open dialogue with Congress by 
providing timely, thorough, and accurate responses to Congressional 
requests for information, including through in-person briefings, as 
necessary and appropriate.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style is collaborative. I believe team 
members work to their best ability when they feel themselves to be 
working alongside colleagues advancing a shared mission, with a clear 
vision and clear goals articulated by their leadership. This unleashes 
their expertise and problem-solving on behalf of our goals, and 
promotes mutual support within the workforce.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, within the guidelines established by the Agency for 
such efforts.

                                branding
    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to taking a forward-leaning 
approach toward ``branding'' United States foreign assistance?

    Answer. Yes. While recognizing there are limited exceptions to 
branding to maintain partner safety and security, I am committed to 
USAID branding, and if confirmed, will work to ensure that United 
States foreign assistance in the Middle East is appropriately branded 
in all possible instances. I believe appropriate branding sends a 
strong public diplomacy message, conveying that United States 
assistance is due to the generosity of the American people. If 
confirmed, I commit to complying with all USAID branding legal and 
policy requirements.

    Question. Will you commit to continuously reviewing agreements to 
waive U.S. branding requirements, such that they are applied on a case-
by-case and as-needed basis, rather than on a long-term, global basis?

    Answer. Yes. I understand that USAID branding waivers must be 
limited in scope and regularly reviewed. If confirmed, I commit to 
rigorously reviewing all branding waivers I receive to ensure they are 
appropriately narrow both in scope and duration, so as to ensure 
beneficiaries of U.S. taxpayer assistance are informed of the source of 
that assistance.

                family planning and reproductive health
    Question. The President's FY 2022 budget request for the Department 
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs proposes a 
substantial increase for Family Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/
RH), through both bilateral aid programs and contributions to the U.N. 
Population Fund.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and complete USAID 
        compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
        foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method 
        of family planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or 
        lobby for or against the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign 
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign 
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote 
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary 
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to comply with 
all applicable laws, including the Helms and Siljander amendments.

                              localization
    Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and 
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign 
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to 
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as 
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. Each of these initiatives has had mixed 
results.

   What is your view of ``localization'' in the Middle East region?

   How can the Bureau for the Middle East more effectively empower 
        local partners through its program consultation, design, and 
        implementation processes?

   Is it appropriate to set targets for ``localization'' and, if so, 
        what would you consider to be reasonable and appropriate for 
        the programs under your purview, particularly given access and 
        vetting constraints in the region?

    Answer. I support the vision of localization Administrator Power 
presented in her November 2021 speech at Georgetown University, A New 
Vision for Inclusive Development, in which she outlined USAID's 
commitment to build on past efforts in making its work more inclusive; 
and that the Agency will pursue this, in part, through localization. I 
understand that USAID will shift its programs and practices to expand 
and enhance its support for locally-led development, the process in 
which local actors--encompassing individuals, communities, networks, 
organizations, private entities, and governments--set their own 
agendas, develop solutions, and bring the capacity, leadership, and 
resources to make those solutions a reality. I agree with Administrator 
Power that around the world, when USAID's efforts are responsive to 
local priorities, and draw upon local capacities, diverse networks, and 
resources-results are more likely to be sustained by local 
organizations and institutions.
    For the Agency and the Middle East Bureau, I understand 
localization to mean channeling a portion of development and 
humanitarian awards directly to local civil society, business, and 
other institutions that are supported by and accountable to local 
communities. It means changing the power dynamics that have 
historically characterized the relationships among local actors, 
international prime partners, and donors, with renewed focus on 
empowering local actors-and, within that goal, ensuring meaningful 
participation by marginalized populations, including women, people with 
disabilities, youth, indigenous populations, displaced persons, and 
ethnic and religious minorities.
    I think it is appropriate to set targets to help motivate and track 
the Agency's localization efforts. I understand that the targets that 
the Administrator announced in November--25 percent of USAID's funding 
going to direct local awards and 50 percent of the Agency's activities 
incorporating good practices to put local actors in the lead--are 
global targets. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with 
Congress and with the Bureau and Mission staff, to identify appropriate 
targets given the unique context of the region.

        investigation into foreign influence and illegal foreign
                 lobbying at the brookings institution
    Question. According to U.S. District Court records, the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is currently conducting an investigation 
into Gen. John Allen (retired)--former president of the Brookings 
Institution where you served as a Director of the Middle East Center 
and as a Senior Fellow from 2012-2022. The investigation concerns 
suspected illegal lobbying on behalf of the Government of Qatar in 
violation of the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). Qatar was a 
major donor to the Brookings Institution for much of this time.

   How long did you work with Gen. Allen at Brookings?

    Answer. General Allen became president of Brookings in November 
2017; I was at that time a Senior Fellow in the Center for Middle East 
Policy, and remained in that role until November 2021 when I went on a 
leave of absence.

    Question. How would you describe both of your roles throughout your 
respective tenures at Brookings?

    Answer. I was first hired at Brookings as a Fellow in November 
2003; I was promoted to Senior Fellow in the summer of 2008 and 
remained in that role until November of 2009 when I entered government 
service.
    I rejoined Brookings as Senior Fellow and Director of the Center 
for Middle East Policy in March 2012. I remained in that role until 
March 2017, when I left the directorship and remained as a Senior 
Fellow until November 2021. From November 2021 until June 3, 2022, I 
was on a leave of absence from Brookings. I resigned effective June 3, 
2022.
    I believe that General Allen first joined Brookings as a 
Distinguished Fellow in June 2013. He then was named by President Obama 
as the Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition Against ISIL 
and remained in that role until November 2015. He became president of 
Brookings on November 6, 2017.
    General Allen became president of Brookings in November 2017; I was 
at that time a Senior Fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy, and 
remained in that role until November 2021 when I went on a leave of 
absence.

    Question. How would you describe the way your role interacted with 
his?

    Answer. I saw General Allen mainly at Brookings events where he was 
providing welcoming remarks, and at occasional Institution-wide town 
halls. I cannot recall any specifics regarding one-on-one conversations 
with him in his role as Brookings President. There were two managerial 
layers between my role as Center Director and the President.

    Question. Did you ever attend a meeting at Brookings with Gen. 
Allen where the question of foreign donations to Brookings was 
discussed? If so, please describe.

    Answer. Not to the best of my recollection.

    Question. Did you ever attend a meeting with Gen. Allen where 
foreign officials or representatives of a foreign government were 
present? If yes, please provide the date, names of attendees, and 
topics discussed.

    Answer. The Brookings Institution holds many meetings and events 
with foreign officials, at which General Allen would often provide 
opening remarks or give a formal welcome in his role as president.

    Question. Did you ever attend a meeting with Gen. Allen where 
Qatari officials or representatives of the Government of Qatar were 
present? If yes, please provide the date, names of attendees, and 
topics discussed.

    Answer. On June 3, 2015, when General Allen was serving in 
government as the head of the anti-ISIS coalition, he spoke as a guest 
at the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, a conference which the Center I ran at 
Brookings co-hosted in Doha with the Qatari Foreign Ministry's 
Permanent Committee on Organizing Conferences.

    Question. Did you ever discuss United States policy toward Qatar 
with U.S. Government officials? If yes, please provide the date, names 
of attendees, and topics discussed.

    Answer. Over the course of my career both in government and non-
government roles, I have had many engagements with U.S. Government 
officials on a wide array of topics. I cannot recall, nor do I have 
records of, all such instances.

    Question. Have you spoken with law enforcement about this 
investigation? Please answer yes or no. If yes, please provide the date 
and agency.

    Answer. No.

    Question. During your confirmation hearing, Sen. Young asked you if 
you would be ``willing to urge Brookings to voluntarily work with this 
committee so that we can have a full accounting of foreign donations to 
the institution, especially funding that supported the work of the 
Middle East Center.'' You answered that: you would like Brookings to be 
as transparent as possible.'' That is not a commitment.

   Do you commit to work with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
        to conduct thorough oversight into allegations of foreign 
        influence and illegal lobbying at the Brookings Institution and 
        by Gen. John Allen? Do you commit to urge the Brookings 
        Institution to voluntarily share with the Senate Foreign 
        Relations Committee information relating to the committee's 
        oversight on this issue?

    Answer. I would urge the Brookings Institution to cooperate with 
any Senate oversight investigation.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. You have an extensive history of tweets and publications 
supporting a deeply divisive and partisan view of American foreign 
policy, especially towards Israel. In January 2019, you tweeted on my 
bill from last Congress, S.1, the Strengthening America's Security in 
the Middle East Act of 2019, that would have overhauled American 
foreign policy towards the Middle East. Included in that bill was my 
bipartisan Combatting BDS Act, which clarifies that state and local 
governments have the right to not award contracts to companies that 
engage in the hateful, antisemitic boycott, divestment, and sanctions 
movement. You said at the time, ``Democrats are not taking the bait on 
BDS.''

   Do you believe state governments should be allowed to avoid doing 
        business with companies participating in the antisemitic BDS 
        movement?

    Answer. I unequivocally oppose the BDS movement. President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken have made it clear that the Administration firmly 
opposes the BDS campaign against Israel. The movement unfairly singles 
out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism.

    Question. In November 2020, you wrote a blog saying that BDS is not 
always antisemitic. That would imply you support the BDS movement.

   Do you support the movement?

    Answer. I unequivocally oppose the BDS movement. President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken have made it clear that the Administration firmly 
opposes the BDS campaign against Israel. The movement unfairly singles 
out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism. While the 
Administration respects the American people's First Amendment rights, I 
support the Administration 's vocal disapproval of the BDS campaign and 
any effort to delegitimize Israel on the world stage.

    Question. Why did you call the inclusion of my bipartisan bill 
``bait?''

    Answer. Senator, I unreservedly apologize for my comments. To 
clarify, I was not referring to the content of the bill, but to the 
tactical and procedural behavior then underway between the two parties 
in Congress involving pressing for competing votes on competing 
legislative proposals regarding support for Israel, rather than forging 
a bipartisan consensus on a matter where both parties agree. As I have 
noted, including in an article published in the Atlantic, the partisan 
polarization around Israel in the United States is, in my view, 
deleterious to the health of the US-Israel relationship.

    Question. Senator Manchin and I have reintroduced the Combatting 
BDS Act this Congress and are seeking a path towards its passage. If 
confirmed, would you recommend that the President oppose or even veto 
this bipartisan bill?

    Answer. If confirmed, my opinion on this bill would be outside of 
my responsibilities as Assistant Administrator for the Middle East at 
USAID.

    Question. Brookings Institution President John Allan recently 
resigned following revelations that he secretly lobbied for the Qatari 
Government. Unfortunately, Qatar's deep influence at Brookings does not 
start or end with John Allan. While you led Brookings Middle East 
Center from around 2012 to 2017, the Middle East Center received a 
$14.8 million grant from Qatar. While the Senate is extremely 
supportive of the U.S.-Qatar relationship--I joined many of my 
colleagues in cosponsoring a resolution recognizing Qatar's role in 
helping the American evacuation from Afghanistan--that does not mean we 
should give it free rein to influence American policymakers without any 
transparency.

   While you were at Brookings, did Qatar have any influence over 
        hiring decisions and the publication of written work?

    Answer. While I led the Brookings Middle East Center from 2012 to 
2017, Qatar did not have any influence over hiring decisions and the 
publications of written work for which I was responsible.

    Question. Are you able to disclose the details of an agreement 
Qatar announced with Brookings in 2017? If not, why not?

    Answer. I do not have details of any agreement announced between 
Brookings and the Government of Qatar in 2017. At the time of a press 
release issued by the Government of Qatar in May 2017 titled ``Qatar 
and Brookings Center Sign Agreement,'' I was no longer the Director of 
the Center for Middle East Policy. My understanding of the press 
release is that it refers to the final, three-year renewal of the 
longstanding grant to Brookings for its Project on U.S. Relations with 
the Islamic World, which was part of the Center for Middle East Policy.

    Question. Unfortunately, your tenure at Brookings indicates you 
have a history of avoiding hard criticism for regimes that donated 
significant sums of money to you. In 2018, you praised Saudi Arabia's 
rapid urbanization and reforms under Crown Prince Mohamad Bin Salman. 
This effusive praise was puzzling given Saudi Arabia's crackdown on 
women's rights and religious freedom advocates, who you typically write 
in support of. However, this all made sense when it was revealed in 
October 2018 that Brookings had a previously undisclosed donation from 
Saudi Arabia. Since cancelling that grant, you've been almost overly 
enthusiastic in your criticism of Saudi Arabia.

   We know that Qatar gave a significant amount of money to Brookings. 
        Are you currently receiving money, or the promise of future 
        payment from Qatar or any other foreign government, if 
        confirmed?

    Answer. No. I am not receiving payments from Qatar, and I have 
never received any payments from Qatar. I have no promise of future 
payment from Qatar or any other foreign government.

    Question. Will you disclose the full history of foreign government 
grants to Brookings so that the American people can review and compare 
it with your extensive history of publications?

    Answer. I do not have access to that information and refer you to 
the Brookings Institution to respond to any questions about their 
agreements. The relationships with Qatar and other foreign government 
donors predated my arrival as Director of the Middle East Center and 
were managed by the Brookings President and the Vice President for 
Foreign Policy. I can say with absolute confidence that my research was 
conducted with complete independence and stands on its own merits.

    Question. Will you commit that your decisions at USAID will not be 
influenced by Qatar or any other foreign government, if you are 
confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, absolutely.
    I would like to add that I have never engaged in ``effusive 
praise'' of the Saudi Government, neither in 2018 nor in any other 
year. I have had one friend, Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered by the 
Saudi Government, and another imprisoned for months without trial. 
Other friends have left the country seeking freedom. I was never 
involved in any Brookings work with Saudi Arabia.

    Question. You have written extensive criticism of the Abraham 
Accords, retweeting articles that called the normalization agreements a 
``triumph for authoritarianism'' and the ``normalization of men.'' 
Israel is our strongest ally in the Middle East and the region's only 
full democracy. Encouraging normalization of its relations with other 
countries in the region also serves to encourage freer conditions in 
those countries. That's why this committee overwhelmingly voted in 
favor of the bipartisan Israel Relations Normalization Act to further 
promote this process.

   Do you believe that other states in the region should normalize 
        relations with Israel?

    Answer. Yes. I fully support the Abraham Accords and if confirmed, 
I commit to supporting the Administrator's and the Biden administration 
's efforts to build upon these agreements to further strengthen 
cooperation between Israel and its neighbors and to encourage other 
Arab and Muslim countries to normalize relations with Israel.
    As I noted in the hearing, I did express skepticism very early on, 
in August 2020, that other governments would join the UAE in opening 
ties to Israel; I was quickly proven wrong and, as I told the hearing, 
the inclusion of Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco made the significance of 
the Accords clear and presented an opportunity that I believe the U.S. 
Government must seize. As I said in my opening statement and again to 
Senator Portman, if confirmed, I absolutely will work assiduously with 
my colleagues in the Biden administration to build upon these 
transformative agreements.
    I tweeted sharing two articles critical of the Accords, one by an 
Israeli and one by an Egyptian, because they presented aspects of the 
Accords I thought needed grappling with. I did not tweet them because I 
agreed with the articles, and my tweets very specifically did not 
endorse the articles or even suggest or imply that I agreed with them. 
I have shared many articles on Twitter, with which I may agree, 
disagree, or not have a view.
    The Accords were a transformative event in the region with many 
dimensions and many implications; my role as a policy analyst was to 
understand how different audiences in the region and in Washington 
viewed what was happening and to integrate that knowledge into my own 
analysis.

    Question. If confirmed, will you work against the promise of 
normalizing relations between Israel and other countries?

    Answer. Absolutely not. As I said in my opening statement and again 
to Senator Portman, if confirmed, I absolutely will work assiduously 
with my colleagues in the Biden administration to build upon these 
transformative agreements. to further strengthen cooperation between 
Israel and its neighbors and to encourage other Arab and Muslim 
countries to normalize relations with Israel.

    Question. Given your past advocacy against the Abraham Accords, how 
can this committee be confident in your ability to eagerly promote the 
normalization of relations with Israel?

    Answer. As stated in the hearing, I did express skepticism very 
early on, in August 2020, that other governments would join the UAE; I 
was quickly proven wrong and, and believe that the inclusion of 
Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco made the significance of the Accords clear 
and presented an opportunity that I believe the U.S. Government must 
seize. If confirmed, I pledge to support the administrator's and the 
Biden administration's efforts to build upon these agreements.



                               __________


      Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted 
            to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. The Assistant Administrator for Middle East at USAID has 
responsibility for overseeing a fund of nearly $2 billion across the 
region, including for projects the following countries and territories: 
Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Israel. Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, 
Tunisia, West Bank & Gaza, and Yemen. Some projects are regional in 
nature, and necessarily regional in nature, and implicate conditions in 
Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi 
Arabia, Iran, and Qatar.
    Qatar and Brookings have partnered to hold the U.S.-Islamic World 
Forum since 2004, and Qatar has supported Brookings with tens of 
millions of dollars. During that time, you strongly and publicly 
advocated positions that advanced the foreign policy of the Qatari 
Government. You've praised Qatar's human rights record despite their 
abuses, some of which have been discussed earlier today.
    You began your tenure at Brookings in December 2003.

   Please outline any financial relationship the Brookings Institution 
        has had with any of these countries or their close regional 
        allies since 2004. For each grant, please list the exact amount 
        and purpose of the grant.

    Answer. I do not have that information, and refer you to the 
Brookings Institution. Financial relationships and grants with Qatar 
were established and managed by my superiors at Brookings.

    Question. Were you ever present for meetings relating to 
fundraising for the Brookings Institution with officials from any of 
these countries since 2004? If so, please describe the date, purpose 
and participants of those meetings. If the meetings generated grants, 
please cite those with their exact amount and purpose.

    Answer. During my time at Brookings, primary fundraising 
responsibility for Brookings research rested with the President and the 
Vice Presidents of the five research programs. I participated in 
fundraising activities at the direction of the Vice Presidents for 
Foreign Policy Studies under whom I served, and of Brookings President 
Strobe Talbott, as well as their development staffs. During my time as 
director of the Middle East Center, I worked under the supervision of 
Vice Presidents Amb. Martin Indyk, Acting Vice President Ted Piccone, 
and Vice President Bruce Jones, as well as Amb. Talbott.
    My participation in fundraising at Brookings had two elements: 
First, when requested by development staff or supervisors, I 
participated in substantive briefings on current policy topics, often 
in a panel with other scholars, for organizations and individuals who 
were donors and/or potential donors. Second, I engaged directly with 
several individual donors to the Center's work, including its founding 
donor, Haim Saban. These contacts were also organized by and/or 
coordinated with the Brookings development staff, the Vice President 
for Foreign Policy Studies, and the President.

    Question. Have you ever been registered as a foreign lobbyist for 
any of those countries or territories, or for their governments, 
embassies, and other entities controlled by their governments?

    Answer. No.

    Question. Please identify any advocacy or analysis you conducted at 
the federal level since 2004, outside of periods when you were serving 
as a U.S. Government official, regarding U.S. policy toward these 
nations. Please specifically list any Congressional hearing testimony, 
Congressional briefings, or other public support.

    Answer. All of my congressional testimony as a non-government 
expert witness was provided to the committee as part of my nomination 
package. Here is a list:

Congressional Testimony
   ``Egypt: Trends in Politics, Economics, and Human Rights,'' 
            testimony before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and 
            North Africa of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, 
            September 9, 2020.

   ``Lebanon and Iraq: After the Elections,'' testimony before the 
            Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the 
            House Foreign Affairs Committee, May 22, 2018.

   ``The Latest Developments in Saudi Arabia and Lebanon,'' testimony 
            before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa 
            of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, November 29, 2017.

   ``War in Syria: Next Steps to Mitigate the Crisis,'' testimony 
            before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, May 17, 
            2016.

   ``Israel Imperiled: Threats to the Jewish State,'' testimony before 
            the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade 
            and the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of 
            the House Foreign Affairs Committee, April 19, 2016.

   ``Regional Impact of U.S. Policy Towards Iraq and Syria,'' testimony 
            before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa 
            of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, April 30, 2015.

   ``Demonstrations in Tahrir Square: Two Years Later, What has 
            Changed?'' testimony before the Subcommittee on the Middle 
            East and North Africa of the House Foreign Affairs 
            Committee, February 26, 2013.

   ``Syria: U.S. Policy Options,'' testimony before the Senate 
            Committee on Foreign Relations, April 19, 2012.

   ``Reflections on the Revolution in Egypt: Part I,'' testimony before 
            the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the 
            House Foreign Affairs Committee, February 15, 2012.

   ``Women and the Arab Spring,'' testimony before the Subcommittee on 
            International Operations and Organizations, Human Rights, 
            Democracy, and Global Women's Issues and the Subcommittee 
            on Near Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs of the 
            Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, November 2, 2011 
            (representing the Department of State).

   ``Shifting Sands: Political Transitions in the Middle East, Part 
            2,'' testimony before the Subcommittee on the Middle East 
            and South Asia of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, May 
            5, 2011 (representing the Department of State).

    I signed occasional advocacy letters as a member of the bipartisan 
Working Group on Egypt and similar efforts.

    Question. Did you personally participate in any fundraising 
meetings with Qatari officials? If so, please describe the meetings and 
any grants that emerged from the meeting. Please list the exact amount 
and purpose of the grant.

    Answer. As noted above, I recall supporting a fundraising meeting 
once with my Vice President for Foreign Policy in Doha in 2012 to 
request a renewal of the grant supporting the U.S.-Islamic World 
Project, on the margins of the U.S.-Islamic World Forum. I do not have 
specific details on that request, nor do I recall specifics on any 
other such meeting, and do not have access to records that would 
provide them.

    Question. Did you personally participate in any fundraising 
meetings about raising money from Qatar? If so, please describe the 
meetings and any grants that emerged from the meeting. Please list the 
exact amount and purpose of the grant.

    Answer. As noted above, I recall supporting a fundraising meeting 
once with my Vice President for Foreign Policy in Doha in 2012 to 
request a renewal of the grant supporting the U.S.-Islamic World 
Project, on the margins of the U.S.-Islamic World Forum. I do not have 
specific details on that request, nor do I recall specifics on any 
other such meeting, and do not have access to records that would 
provide them.

    Question. Since 2012, have you ever lobbied Congress on specific 
legislative items pertaining to the Middle East, whether through 
meetings, letters, emails, phone calls, or other forms of 
communication?

   For each instance, please list the date, legislative item, and 
        congressional office you lobbied.

    Answer. Over the past ten years both as a member of the Obama 
administration and at the Brookings Institution, I engaged 
Congressional staff and members on a host of issues relevant to my 
expertise. That engagement included providing information and 
resources, consulting with staff and members on issues of concern to 
them, providing expert testimony, and participating in educational 
programs for members of Congress and/or programs held on Capitol Hill 
with Congressional staff and/or members, and sponsored by other 
organizations. As a State Department official responsible for 
overseeing the Congressionally-funded Middle East Partnership 
Initiative, and as Deputy Special Coordinator for Middle East 
Transitions, I engaged regularly with staff of the committees with 
jurisdiction over that assistance: HFAC, SFRC, and the Foreign 
Operations subcommittees in both houses of Congress.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to recusing yourself from 
projects that implicate any countries with which Brookings had a 
financial relationship since 2004?

    Answer. I commit to follow the guidance of the Agency Ethics 
Official, and the commitments made in my ethics agreement, along with 
all relevant laws, policies and regulations.

Brookings Ties To Qatar--Disclosure
    Question. During your testimony to SFRC, you indicated that you had 
previously disclosed to Congress the financial entanglements between 
Brookings and Qatar. You gestured toward so-called Truth in Testimony 
Disclosure Forms that would have been filled out pursuant to testimony 
in front of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. The forms you filled 
out do not appear to mention Qatar, though they do have references to 
foreign funding, e.g. Item 6.

   Are there any Truth In Testimony forms, or other forms pursuant to 
        Congressional testimony, that do mention Qatar?

    Answer. As a matter of institutional policy, these forms were 
completed with standard language which refers to Brookings's annual 
reports, in which Qatari support for the Institution is clearly noted.

    Question. Were the answers in Item 6 what you were referencing when 
you testified to SFRC that you had disclosed to Congress the financial 
ties between Qatar and Brookings?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Who drafted the explanations in Item 6 of these forms?

    Answer. As a matter of institutional policy, these forms were 
completed by Brookings Development staff for all Foreign Policy 
scholars whose testimony was requested.

    Question. Did you consult with competent legal counsel over filling 
out these forms?

    Answer. I did not.

    Question. Did you consult with any Qatari officials before filling 
out these forms?

    Answer. I did not.

Brookings Ties To Qatar--Dinner
    Question. In 2013 you were directory of the Brookings Center for 
Middle East Policy, amid Qatar's ongoing financial support for 
Brookings. In spring 2013 Brookings hosted an off-the-record dinner 
between Qatari officials, including Prime Minister and Foreign Minister 
Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Than, and leading Washington DC 
policymakers and journalists. In the private sector, coordinating such 
an event would likely have required American persons to register under 
the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA).
    Journalist Jeffrey Goldberg attended that dinner and criticized it 
publicly, describing Qatar as ``the Hamas-loving, worker-exploiting, 
party-banning, dissent-stifling, Muslim Brotherhood-funding U.S. 
ally.'' You publicly defended the dinner, telling a journalist that 
``Jeffrey can and should write whatever he wants to write. But we got a 
leading foreign official to respond, on the record, to the questions 
that everyone wanted to ask... Brookings is fortunate to have funders 
from a variety of sectors. It's clear to the organization and to its 
funders that we maintain our independence, and our relationship with 
[Qatar] is not different than our relationship with any other donor.''

   Did you register under FARA for activities related to the event? If 
        not, why not?

    Answer. I did not.

    Question. Before making your decision whether to register under 
FARA for those activities, did you consult with a lawyer competent in 
FARA? If not, why not?

    Answer. I do not have any specific recollection about this matter, 
and I do not have access to records that might provide that 
information.

    Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings register under 
FARA for activities related to the event? If so, who?

    Answer. I have no information on that.

    Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings consult with a 
lawyer competent in FARA about whether they should register under FARA 
for such activities? If so, who?

    Answer. I have no information on that.

    Question. Did you consult or coordinate with any Qatari official 
before publicly issuing the response that you gave to journalists about 
the spring 2013 dinner?

    Answer. No.

    Question. Do you agree with Goldberg's assessment that Qatar is 
``the Hamas-loving, worker-exploiting, party-banning, dissent-stifling, 
Muslim Brotherhood-funding U.S. ally''?

    Answer. I have publicly criticized Qatar's approach to terror 
financing, as well as its hosting of Hamas and Taliban officials.

Brookings Ties To Qatar--Joint Publications
    Question. On at least two occasions, the Brookings Institution 
produced joint publications with Qatar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs: a 
June 2016 article titled ``Between Interference and Assistance: The 
Politics of International Support in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya'' and a 
January 2017 ``Islamism after the Arab Spring: Between the Islamic 
State and the nation-state.'' Both of these reports feature Brookings 
logos alongside the logo of the Qatari Ministry of Foreign Affairs. You 
were on the steering committee of these. Please describe the 
circumstances under which these reports were produced.

    Answer. During my time as Center Director from 2012-2017, I oversaw 
the work of the Project on U.S.-Relations with the Islamic World. The 
Project co-sponsored a conference, the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, with 
the Qatari Foreign Ministry's Permanent Committee for Organizing 
Conferences. Speakers at these Forums included a number of U.S. 
officials, leaders from Muslim-majority countries, civil society 
activists and scholars from a wide variety of perspectives.
    This conference was held in Doha during my time as Center Director 
on the following dates: May 28-31, 2012; June 9-11, 2013, June 9-12, 
2014, and June 1-3, 2015
    The Conference also hosted working groups focused on issues such as 
interfaith dialogue, arts and culture, Muslim minorities in the West, 
and women's empowerment. These working groups were selected through a 
competitive process by the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic 
World, and the Qatari Government had no role in the process of 
selection. The working groups produced papers prior to the conference, 
and a report of their discussions after the conference. These were 
published by Brookings, subject to Brookings's usual review process for 
published reports, and not reviewed or edited by the Government of 
Qatar. I've attached an example of such a report.
    Some of these conference-related publications produced by Brookings 
included the logo of the Qatari Permanent Committee for Organizing 
Conferences alongside the Brookings logo. Those publications were 
published with the same independence, and subject to the same review 
process as other Brookings Foreign Policy publications.
    I did not author any working group reports or papers during my time 
as Center Director.

    Question. Which if any Qatari officials contributed to the 
production of these reports?

    Answer. None.

    Question. Are you aware of any Qatari Government officials who 
cleared this report? If so, which?

    Answer. No.

    Question. What role was played by the Government of Qatar or Qatari 
Government officials in the production of the reports? To what degree 
did they affect the content of the final reports?

    Answer. No Qatari official played any role in producing the 
reports.

    Question. Did you register under FARA for activities related to 
this report? If not, why not?

    Answer. No, I did not.

    Question. Before making your decision whether to register under 
FARA for those activities, did you consult with a lawyer competent in 
FARA? If not, why not?

    Answer. I do not have specific recollection about this matter, and 
I do not have access to records that might provide that information.

    Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings register under 
FARA for activities related to this report? If so, who?

    Answer. I have no information on that.

    Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings consult with a 
lawyer competent in FARA about whether they should register under FARA 
for such activities? If so, who?

    Answer. I have no information on that.

Post-Brookings
    Question. You left the Brookings Institution in November 2021. 
Since then you have engaged in a variety of activities since departing 
from the Brookings Institution, including publishing a book on 
academic-adjacent professions. Most recently, you publicly disclosed 
that you are a senior advisor in the State Department's Office of the 
Sanctions Coordinator.

   Please describe the circumstances of your departure from Brookings 
        in November 2021.

    Answer. In late 2020 or early 2021, Brookings established a new 
policy by which scholars under consideration for senior government 
roles had to undergo a review by the General Counsel's office to 
determine whether their candidacy for said role interfered with their 
job duties. Because of a determination by Brookings that my nomination 
constrained my ability to undertake my Brookings duties, I was placed 
on an unpaid leave of absence beginning November 1, 2021.

    Question. Please describe the circumstances under which you were 
approached, or you pursued, the position in the State Department's 
Office of the Sanctions Coordinator.

    Answer. Based on my expertise and my experience with the policy 
process and the State Department, I was offered a role as a senior 
adviser in the Office of Sanctions Coordination. I underwent the 
required security background checks and began work on June 5, 2022.

    Question. To your knowledge, what steps did the State Department 
take to ensure that the hiring was competitive, and that equal 
employment opportunity (EEO) laws and regulations were followed?

    Answer. I have no information on that question. I would refer you 
to the State Department.

    Question. When did you interview for the position in the State 
Department's Office of the Sanctions Coordinator?

    Answer. My first interview was in February 2022.

    Question. When you offered the position of an advisor in the State 
Department's Office of the Sanctions Coordinator?

    Answer. I received a tentative offer letter on March 21, 2022 and a 
final offer letter on May 26, 2022 after the completion of a background 
investigation.

    Question. When did your employment start in the position of an 
advisor in the State Department's Office of the Sanctions Coordinator?

    Answer. June 5, 2022

    Question. Who held this position prior to you?

    Answer. The office was established in legislation passed in 
December 2020. Amb. O'Brien is the first incumbent in the Senate-
confirmed role of Sanctions Coordinator. I was hired as part of 
staffing up this new office, and thus, to my knowledge, I had no 
predecessor.

    Question. If you are confirmed, are you aware of any plans to 
replace you with another senior advisor? To your knowledge has the 
hiring process started?

    Answer. I have no information on this question. I would refer you 
to the State Department.

Policy--BDS
    Question. In January 2019, you criticized Leader McConnell in the 
context of legislation that included provisions countering the Boycott, 
Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel. Specifically, 
Leader McConnell was seeking to add additional provisions to the 
legislation, and you tweeted that ``McConnell realizes Democrats are 
not taking the bait on BDS, so he's desperately adding random 
provisions to this bill.'' BDS has been broadly criticized as 
antisemitic, and the U.S. Senate has passed a resolution about 
highlighting the role that boycotts of Jewish businesses have 
historically played in endemic anti-Jewish bigotry. In contrast, you 
have tweeted that ``BDS isn't always antisemitism.''

   Under what specific circumstances do you believe that BDS is not 
        antisemitism?

   What did you mean by describing anti-BDS provisions as ``bait''?

   Do you support the BDS movement?

    Answer. Senator, I unreservedly apologize for my comments. To 
clarify, I was not referring to the content of the bill, but to the 
tactical and procedural behavior then underway between the two parties 
in Congress involving pressing for competing votes on competing 
legislative proposals regarding support for Israel, rather than forging 
a bipartisan consensus on a matter where both parties agree. As I have 
noted, including in an article published in the Atlantic, the partisan 
polarization around Israel in the United States is, in my view, 
deleterious to the health of the U.S.-Israel relationship.
    I unequivocally oppose the BDS movement. President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken have made it clear that the Administration firmly 
opposes the BDS campaign against Israel. The movement unfairly singles 
out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism. While the 
Administration respects the American people's First Amendment rights, I 
support the Administration's vocal disapproval of the BDS campaign and 
any effort to delegitimize Israel on the world stage.

Policy--Abraham Accords
    Question. An enormous part of your job, if confirmed, would be 
distributing aid aimed at bolstering our Middle East allies and 
alliances. For decades, one of the most significant frameworks in the 
region were the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. More 
recently, the Abraham Accords have transformed the region. You have 
been deeply critical of actors in both of those frameworks.
    In September 2020, you tweeted that Arab leaders shouldn't deepen 
ties with Israel until they saw whether President Trump won reelection. 
You wrote ``If I were an Arab leader weighing ties with Israel, I would 
have 2 things in mind: 1) a promise from Kushner now isn't worth much. 
Why not wait until after Nov elections? 2) Bibi's backtracked on his 
commitments ot UAE; his promises aren't worth much either. Let's wait 
and see.'' You also tweeted that peace between Israel and the UAE was a 
``New Naksa'' (naq-sa)--a setback. You said that it was a ``triumph for 
authoritarianism'' and just ``normalization of men.''

   Why did you advise Arab leaders not to deepen ties with Israel 
        until after the November election?

   Do you believe that your comments about the trustworthiness of 
        Israeli officials, and specifically former PM Netanyahu, would 
        hinder your ability to work with Israeli officials in the 
        context of your role at USAID, if confirmed?

   What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Israeli 
        colleagues in the context of your previous criticisms, both of 
        Israel and of the Abraham Accords?

    Answer. I'm committed to widening the circle of peace between 
Israel and its neighbors and deepening cooperation among the 
participants in the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I will seek 
opportunities to further expand the Agency's existing cooperation with 
MASHAV, the Israeli international development agency, on major regional 
issues of concern--such as food security, water conservation, 
agriculture, and green energy--emphasizing trilateral cooperation 
between USAID, Israel, and with Abraham Accords countries. If 
confirmed, I will also work to encourage participation from Abraham 
Accord country researchers in the Middle East Regional Cooperation 
(MERC) program, which fosters Arab-Israeli scientific cooperation 
through multi-year research grants on topics of regional development 
relevance.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the USAID Middle East Bureau to 
continue what I understand are regular engagements with Israeli 
counterparts at all levels and to increase USAID-Israeli cooperation 
both within the region, and on other shared development priorities. If 
confirmed, I will personally engage and seek to build close, 
constructive relationships with Israeli Government colleagues, with 
whom I understand USAID already maintains regular contact and 
coordination to ensure Israeli input and support for USAID activities 
in the West Bank and Gaza.

Policy--Qatar
    Question. During your confirmation hearing Sen. Cardin said: ``I am 
deeply concerned about the exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in 
Qatar, with workers exposed to forced labor, unpaid wages, and 
excessive working hours as the country prepare for the World Cup in 
November.''

   Do you agree with Sen. Cardin's assessment that in Qatar there is 
        ``the exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in Qatar, with 
        workers exposed to forced labor, unpaid wages, and excessive 
        working hours as the country prepare for the World Cup in 
        November?''
   Did you ever raise concerns within Brookings that the financial 
        relationship between the Institution and Qatar risked exposing 
        Brookings to reputational risk because of human rights 
        violations inside Qatar?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In 2012, you tweeted positively about Qatar's record for 
human rights: ``Brookings has partnerd with Qatar many years on this 
topic. And Doha's become a global gathering place for dialogue!'' Do 
you continue to hold that assessment?

    Answer. No, I do not.

Policy--Egypt
    Question. USAID has a significant bilateral program with Egypt. 
During your career you have been deeply critical of Egyptian President 
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and have specifically advocated cutting aid. In 
2016 you wrote that it was imperative for the U.S. to ``no longer be in 
the unseemly position of providing taxpayer largesse--however small in 
the grand scheme of things'' to the Sisi Government. Your criticisms 
have been both pitched and have included predicting the collapse of the 
Government: in March 2020 you retweeted that ``Egypt's Reich will also 
fall, but list fascist regimes before it.''

   Why did you retweet the comparison of the Sisi Government to Nazi 
        Germany?

   Do you believe that your comments about the Sisi Government in 
        general will hinder your ability to work with Egyptian 
        officials in the context of your role at USAID, if confirmed?

   What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Egyptian 
        colleagues on issues of aid specifically, and more generally 
        the U.S.-Egypt relationship, to mitigate potential 
        complications from your public stances?

    Answer. Throughout my career I have engaged fruitfully and in good 
faith with Egyptians, whether government officials, business figures, 
journalists, academics, private sector, or civil society activists, 
including co-organizing with Egyptian partners two nongovernmental 
U.S.-Egyptian strategic dialogues. These engagements have frequently 
included discussions on assistance. I expect to continue such fruitful 
engagements.

Policy--Muslim Brotherhood
    Question. You've said that the terrorist Muslim Brotherhood, which 
has been supported by Qatar and opposed by the Egyptian Government, is 
actually ``not a terrorist movement.'' You have advocated withholding 
American aid on issues related to the Egyptian Government's efforts to 
suppress the Brotherhood.
    You have also been publicly supportive of the case of Salah Soltan, 
a Muslim-Brotherhood linked preacher imprisoned by the Egyptian 
Government on terrorism related charges. You've called his imprisonment 
``shortsighted and narrow policy.'' Meanwhile Soltan has said: ``I 
travel all over the world, and I met supporters of Al-Aqsa, of the 
prisoners, of Jerusalem, and of Palestine--people who thirst for the 
blood of the Jews, and who are eager for the promised war against the 
sons of Zion, until Palestine is liberated in its entirety.'' He has 
also said ``I want our brothers, and the whole world, to know what's 
going on these days, during Passover. Read Dr. Naghuib Al-Kilani's 
book, Blood for the Matzos of Zion. Every year, at this time, the 
Zionists kidnap several non-Muslims [sic]--Christians and others. . . . 
By the way, this happened in a Jewish neighborhood in Damascus. They 
killed the French doctor, Toma, who used to treat the Jews and others 
for free, in order to spread Christianity. Even though he was their 
friend and they benefited from him the most, they took him on one of 
these holidays and slaughtered him, along with the nurse. Then they 
kneaded the matzos with the blood of Dr. Toma and his nurse . . . the 
world must know these facts about the Zionist entity and its terrible 
corrupt creed. The world should know this.'' Do you consider this 
statement genocidal? He has also said ``Any Zionist--tourist or other--
who enters Egypt must be killed. We will not kill tourists from any 
[other] country. We stress that this fatwa is directed only toward 
those Zionists, who destroyed our country, killed our people, and shed 
our blood on our land.'' Do you consider this statement antisemitic?

   Do you consider the Muslim Brotherhood to be a terrorist group?

    Answer. No U.S. administration has ever determined that the Muslim 
Brotherhood qualifies for designation as a foreign terrorist 
organization.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit not to withhold aid from 
Egypt, or advocate withholding aid in the context of USAID's role in 
the interagency process, related to Egypt's stance on the Muslim 
Brotherhood?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will conduct my role as required by law and 
regulation and according to the policies of the Administration.

    Question. Do you consider any of these statements by Mr. Soltan to 
be antisemitic hate?

    Answer. These are vile and hateful statements, and I condemn them 
completely.

    Question. Do you consider any of these statements by Mr. Soltan to 
advocate genocide against Jews?

    Answer. These are vile and hateful statements, and I condemn them 
completely.

    Question. Do you consider Mr. Soltan to be a ``hate preacher''?

    Answer. These are vile and hateful statements, and I condemn them 
completely.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit not to withhold aid from 
Egypt, or advocate withholding aid in the context of USAID's role in 
the interagency process, related to the release of Mr. Soltan?

    Answer. Any future decisions on withholding of funds would be 
policy decisions made through an interagency process that includes the 
White House and State Department. While I cannot anticipate future 
discussions on this matter, if confirmed, I commit to consulting with 
Congress about any decisions related to the withholding of USAID 
assistance to Egypt.

Public Social Media Advocacy
    Question. You have advanced your policy and political views over a 
variety of new media platforms, from social media to podcasts. You 
opened your Twitter account in November 2011, since then, you posted 
more 118,500 tweets (other than tweets that were delated).
    During your confirmation process, you have locked your Twitter 
account so that your public record can no longer be reviewed.
   Why did you lock your Twitter account? Do you intend to unlock it 
        after your confirmation process?

    Answer. As I was entering a role in the State Department on June 6, 
I followed Department guidelines and best practices for social media in 
setting my Twitter account to private. If I am confirmed, I will follow 
Agency guidelines on the use of social media.

    Question. Can you please provide all of your tweets in a searchable 
form to the committee?

    Answer. My Twitter feed is searchable.

    Question. You have tweeted negatively about members of the U.S. 
Senate. Have you deleted any of those tweets? If so, can you please 
provide them to the committee?

    Answer. I do not have a general practice of deleting tweets. My 
Twitter feed is searchable.
    I sincerely regret any tweets or retweets that characterized 
others, including members of the Senate, in unkind terms. I apologize 
unreservedly. If confirmed, I assure you that I respect and intend to 
fully honor the fundamentally nonpartisan nature of USAID's activities. 
I believe that my long public record and my relationships and 
activities across the political spectrum make clear that these 
statements on Twitter do not represent how I engage in policy or 
politics. I want to assure you directly that, if confirmed to this 
position, I will always be respectful with those who have different 
views from my own and will hold myself to the highest of standards in 
such conduct.

Disinformation
    Question. Earlier this year Nina Jankowicz was named director of 
the DHS Disinformation Governance Board. You tweeted that you were 
``thrill to see [her] take on this urgent and essential work'' and that 
it was a ``big win for our democracy and national security.'' The Biden 
administration subsequently albeit partially reversed progress on the 
board, and Jankowicz is now unconnected to the project.
    Before and after this controversy, Biden administration officials, 
including USAID officials, publicly advocated to use the resources of 
the U.S. Government to combat disinformation. Identifying 
disinformation has become a subject of significant public controversy.

   In July 2020 you amplified a tweet that alleged that Republicans in 
        Congress and the Trump administration were trying to undermine 
        the U.S. Postal Service ``to undercut vote by mail & suppress 
        votes.'' You echoed the concern and commented on top of the 
        tweet that ``We are all going to need to send our ballots in 
        early and/or have easy access drop off locations.''

   Do you believe that Republicans sought to interfere with the U.S. 
        Postal Service to undermine the integrity of the 2020 election?

    Answer. I do not have a view on this question.

    Question. Do you believe that this claim--that Republicans 
interfered with the U.S. Postal service to undermine the integrity of 
the 2020 election--constitutes disinformation?

    Answer. I do not have a view on this question.

    Question. What do you view as the role of the U.S. Government in 
combatting alleged disinformation?

    Answer. I understand that a large part of USAID's mission is to 
elevate and integrate democracy, human rights, and governance within 
the Agency's overall development portfolio. By promoting and 
demonstrating democratic values abroad, USAID works to advance a free, 
peaceful and prosperous world.
    In part, I understand that USAID democracy, human rights, and 
governance programming works to strengthen the resilience of societies 
and the media environment in countries that are targets of 
disinformation campaigns from actors that work to undermine the efforts 
of the United States and its interest. Programming focused on media 
development, media and digital literacy, and cybersecurity is critical 
in ensuring that people and institutions in these countries in target 
countries have credible access to information and resources to protect 
themselves from all forms of instability.

    Question. An enormous part of your job, if confirmed, would be 
distributing aid aimed at bolstering our Middle East allies and 
alliances. For decades, one of the most significant frameworks in the 
region were the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. More 
recently, the Abraham Accords have transformed the region. You have 
been deeply critical of actors in both of those frameworks. In 
September 2020, you tweeted that Arab leaders shouldn't deepen ties 
with Israel until they saw whether President Trump won reelection. You 
wrote ``If I were an Arab leader weighing ties with Israel, I would 
have 2 things in mind: 1) a promise from Kushner now isn't worth much. 
Why not wait until after Nov elections? 2) Bibi's backtracked on his 
commitments to UAE; his promises aren't worth much either. Let's wait 
and see.'' You also tweeted that peace between Israel and the UAE was a 
``New Naksa'' (naq-sa)--a setback. You said that it was a``triumph for 
authoritarianism'' and just ``normalization of men.''

   What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Israeli 
        colleagues in the context of your previous criticisms, both of 
        Israel and of the Abraham Accords?

    Answer. I'm committed to widening the circle of peace between 
Israel and its neighbors and deepening cooperation among the 
participants in the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I will seek 
opportunities to further expand the Agency's existing cooperation with 
MASHAV, the Israeli international development agency, on major regional 
issues of concern--such as food security, water conservation, 
agriculture, and green energy--emphasizing trilateral cooperation 
between USAID, Israel, and with Abraham Accords countries. If 
confirmed, I will also work to encourage participation from Abraham 
Accord country researchers in the Middle East Regional Cooperation 
(MERC) program, which fosters Arab-Israeli scientific cooperation 
through multi-year research grants on topics of regional development 
relevance.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the USAID Middle East Bureau to 
continue what I understand are regular engagements with Israeli 
counterparts at all levels and to increase USAID-Israeli cooperation 
both within the region, and on other shared development priorities. If 
confirmed, I will personally engage and seek to build close, 
constructive relationships with Israeli Government colleagues, with 
whom I understand USAID already maintains regular contact and 
coordination to ensure Israeli input and support for USAID activities 
in the West Bank and Gaza.

    Question. USAID has a significant bilateral program with Egypt. 
During your career you have been deeply critical of Egyptian President 
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and have specifically advocated cutting aid. In 
2016 you wrote that it was imperative for the U.S. to ``no longer be in 
the unseemly position of providing taxpayer largesse--however small in 
the grand scheme of things'' to the Sisi Government. Your criticisms 
have been both pitched and have included predicting the collapse of the 
Government: in March 2020 you retweeted that ``Egypt's Reich will also 
fall, but list fascist regimes before it.''

   Do you believe that your comments about the Sisi Government in 
        general will hinder your ability to work with Egyptian 
        officials in the context of your role at USAID, if confirmed?

   What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Egyptian 
        colleagues on issues of aid specifically, and more generally 
        the U.S.-Egypt relationship, to mitigate potential 
        complications from your public stances?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the Government of 
Egypt on shared development priorities and to proactively seek 
opportunities for engagement with Egyptian officials, the private 
sector, and civil society.

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to travel to Cairo to engage with 
USAID's key partner ministries within the Government of Egypt, 
including the Ministry of International Cooperation, along with 
nongovernmental stakeholders. I understand that leaders from USAID and 
other U.S. agencies recently met with Egyptian Government officials 
across multiple ministries to discuss the country's efforts to counter 
corruption. If confirmed, I would build on those discussions to support 
the reform efforts the country is already undertaking, as well as 
exploring opportunities to increase those efforts. Egypt's selection as 
the host for COP27 also offers several opportunities for engagement 
with Egyptian officials as the country prepares to host this highly 
visible international summit.

    Question. You've said that the terrorist Muslim Brotherhood, which 
has been supported by Qatar and opposed by the Egyptian Government, is 
actually ``not a terrorist movement.'' You have advocated withholding 
American aid on issues related to the Egyptian Government's efforts to 
suppress the Brotherhood. You have also been publicly supportive of the 
case of Salah Soltan, a Muslim-Brotherhood linked preacher imprisoned 
by the Egyptian Government on terrorism related charges. You've called 
his imprisonment ``shortsighted and narrow policy.'' Meanwhile Soltan 
has said: ``I travel all over the world, and I met supporters of Al-
Aqsa, of the prisoners, of Jerusalem, and of Palestine--people who 
thirst for the blood of the Jews, and who are eager for the promised 
war against the sons of Zion, until Palestine is liberated in its 
entirety.'' He has also said ``I want our brothers, and the whole 
world, to know what's going on these days, during Passover. Read Dr. 
Naghuib Al-Kilani's book, Blood for the Matzos of Zion. Every year, at 
this time, the Zionists kidnap several non-Muslims [sic]--Christians 
and others... By the way, this happened in a Jewish neighborhood in 
Damascus. They killed the French doctor, Toma, who used to treat the 
Jews and others for free, in order to spread Christianity. Even though 
he was their friend and they benefited from him the most, they took him 
on one of these holidays and slaughtered him, along with the nurse. 
Then they kneaded the matzos with the blood of Dr. Toma and his nurse . 
. . the world must know these facts about the Zionist entity and its 
terrible corrupt creed. The world should know this.'' Do you consider 
this statement genocidal? He has also said ``Any Zionist--tourist or 
other--who enters Egypt must be killed. We will not kill tourists from 
any [other] country. We stress that this fatwa is directed only toward 
those Zionists, who destroyed our country, killed our people, and shed 
our blood on our land.'' Do you consider this statement antisemitic?

   If confirmed, do you commit not to withhold aid from Egypt, or 
        advocate withholding aid in the context of USAID's role in the 
        interagency process, related to Egypt's stance on the Muslim 
        Brotherhood?

    Answer. Any future decisions on withholding of funds would be 
policy decisions made through an interagency process that includes the 
White House and State Department. While I cannot anticipate future 
discussions on this matter, if confirmed, I commit to consulting with 
Congress about any decisions related to the withholding of USAID 
assistance to Egypt. To my knowledge, no USAID funds have been withheld 
to date related to Egypt's stance on the Muslim Brotherhood.



                               __________


      Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted 
          to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. On June 22, 2015, in response to Senator Rubio's 
statement on then-Governor of South Carolina Nikki Haley's statement in 
support of removing the Confederate flag from the South Carolina 
statehouse grounds, you wrote on Twitter that ``Rubio lauds Haley's 
leadership while revealing his own lack of same.''

    On February 4, 2016, you wrote on Twitter that the sight of Senator 
Sanders ``shouting'' is "so . . . unattractive.''

    On January 11, 2017, in response to Rex Tillerson's nomination 
hearing to be the U.S. Secretary of State, you wrote on your Twitter 
account (@tcwittes) that Senator James Risch was ``making us all wonder 
why he bothered showing up to this hearing.''

    On July 29, 2019, you wrote on Twitter that Republicans are 
``transparent and servile'' while referencing Senator Mitt Romney.

    On March 7, 2020, you wrote on Twitter that Senator Ted Cruz 
``reveals himself (again) to be an ugly-hearted, small-minded, hateful 
human.''

   Do you believe that you exercised sound temperament and good 
        judgment when you posted these tweets on Twitter? I request you 
        begin your answer with yes or no.

    Answer. I sincerely regret any tweets or retweets that 
characterized others, including members of the Senate, in unkind terms. 
I apologize unreservedly. If confirmed, I assure you that I respect and 
intend to fully honor the fundamentally nonpartisan nature of USAID's 
activities. I believe that my long public record and my relationships 
and activities across the political spectrum make clear that these 
statements on Twitter do not represent how I engage in policy or 
politics. I want to assure you directly that, if confirmed to this 
position, I will always be respectful with those who have different 
views from my own and will hold myself to the highest of standards in 
such conduct.

      Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted 
           to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Please describe your role in approving or overseeing the 
OneVoice grant during your time as Consul General in Jerusalem, to 
include the timing and circumstances of OneVoice's absorption of other 
companies as it relates to the U.S. grant it received.

    Answer. In September 2013, the State Department provided grants to 
two affiliates of ``One Voice'' to build grass roots support for a two-
state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and for the U.S.-led 
negotiating process then underway. OneVoice, which still exists (http:/
/www.onevoicemovement.org/), is a U.S.-based NGO that described itself 
at the time as ``a global initiative that supports grassroots activists 
in Israel, Palestine, and internationally who are working to build the 
human infrastructure needed to create the necessary conditions for a 
just and negotiated resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.'' 
OneVoice had approached the State Department in the summer of 2013 as 
Secretary Kerry's Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts were gearing up 
with a proposal to support those efforts by building grassroots support 
among Israelis and Palestinians for the negotiating process. The 
initiative to support OneVoice's two local affiliates, OneVoice Israel 
and OneVoice Palestine, came from the team in Washington working with 
Secretary Kerry on Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Execution and 
oversight of the grant agreements fell to the U.S. Embassy to Israel 
and the U.S. Consulate General in Jerusalem.
    A grant was provided to OneVoice Israel, and a separate, smaller 
grant was provided to OneVoice Palestine. Day-to-day oversight of the 
OneVoice Palestine grant fell to the Public Affairs Section of the U.S. 
Consulate General in Jerusalem, which I led at the time as Consul 
General. In that capacity, I had overall responsibility for the work of 
the Public Affairs Section and met at least once with the leadership of 
OneVoice Palestine to discuss their work. Oversight of the OneVoice 
Israel grant fell to the U.S. Embassy to Israel. Dan Shapiro, then U.S. 
Ambassador to Israel, and I had our teams work closely with OneVoice 
Israel and OneVoice Palestine, respectively, to ensure that their 
activities didn't touch on sensitive final status issues like Jerusalem 
or borders and stuck instead to building more generic grassroots 
support for the negotiation effort.
    The peace process effectively came to an end in March/April 2014. 
The grant agreements formally ended later in 2014, but by then, lacking 
any prospect of renewed negotiations, their work had lost relevance. We 
did not know it at the time, but OneVoice had decided at some point 
that their Israeli affiliate, OneVoice Israel, would absorb what had 
then been a small, though explicitly political, Israeli organization 
called V15 (for ``Victory 15''). After the grant period ended, they 
would use the contact database developed by OneVoice Israel to support 
an initiative to build support for Israeli centrists who supported a 
two-state solution in the next Israeli elections. (The work of OneVoice 
Palestine, and the West Bank-focused grant that Consulate General 
Jerusalem oversaw, had no apparent relevance to this new effort.) In 
February 2016, the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations 
(PSI) undertook an inquiry into the connection between the State 
Department grants and V15's political activities. I met with the 
investigators.
    The Senate PSI report concluded that ``the Subcommittee found no 
evidence that OneVoice spent grant funds to influence the 2015 
elections.'' The PSI report went on to state that ``After the elections 
were called following the collapse of the peace negotiations, and after 
the State Department grant period ended, OneVoice shifted its focus to 
influencing the electoral outcome by working to defeat incumbent Prime 
Minister Netanyahu. Planning for this effort began during the period 
when OneVoice was still a State Department grantee. OneVoice did not 
use State Department funds directly for political activities or seek 
State Department grants in anticipation of the Israeli elections, but 
it did use the campaign infrastructure and resources it had built in 
part with State Department funds, to support a campaign to defeat PM 
Netanyahu in the 2015 elections.''
    The Subcommittee did point out that State Department grant 
procedures did not prohibit the use of the database OneVoice Israel 
developed with USG funds for the later, political, purpose after the 
grant period was over, a possible weakness in contracting procedures. 
Although I was not involved in the OneVoice Israel grant, it is safe to 
say that if we had any inkling that USG resources would be used in this 
way, the USG would have terminated the relationship with OneVoice, a 
point I made in my interview with PSI investigators.

    Question. Please describe the content of the email related to 
OneVoice that you discussed with the Senate Permanent Select Committee.

    Answer. In late September 2014, about one month before the OneVoice 
Palestine grant period formally ended, I received an email from Marc 
Ginsberg, then CEO of One Voice, in which he was lamenting the low 
state of the peace process and complaining about some inflammatory and 
inappropriate comments President Abbas had made. I had known Ginsberg 
since the mid-1990s when I was assigned to the U.S. Consulate General 
in Casablanca and Ginsberg was U.S. Ambassador to Morocco. I had seen 
him very occasionally in the intervening years, and I met him a few 
times when he became involved with One Voice. After our exchange on 
Abbas, he said he was working on a ``major strategy directed at 
centrist Israelis,'' and asked if I ``would like to see a copy just for 
friendship's sake?'' I agreed he could send it--which he apparently 
did--but I never focused on it, and nor do I recall ever reading the 
document.
    When I was shown the strategy document by the PSI staff (which they 
apparently obtained from Ginsberg), it was completely unfamiliar. At 
the time, State Department IT staff urged employees to delete emails 
with large attachments lest we exceed inbox storage limits and stop 
receiving new messages. Ginsberg's strategy document was apparently 
among those emails I dispensed with. This was about five months after 
the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations ended, and according to Ginsberg, 
concerned ``centrist Israelis,'' a constituency with which I had no 
role. This was not the sort of document I would spend time reading.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have affected the 
health of U.S. Government personnel are very troubling and must be 
taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that nothing 
is more important than the health and safety of our employees. These 
incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their country 
abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, the health, 
safety, and security of the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia staff, their 
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest 
priority. This includes contributing to the extensive, ongoing 
interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and how we 
can best protect our people. I will ensure that any reported Anomalous 
Health Incidents at the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia are responded to 
quickly and thoroughly.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response 
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report symptoms of 
Anomalous Health Incidents. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all 
reported potential anomalous health incidents are given serious 
attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that all employees and their family members at 
the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia are aware of Anomalous Health 
Incidents and the means to report them, as well as the availability of 
resources and care. I will also ensure that staff who are affected by 
these incidents receive prompt access to the treatment, support, and 
medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff 
and the Regional Security Office to discuss any reported anomalous 
health incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of 
Mission Saudi Arabia and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous 
health incidents are being followed appropriately, in consultation with 
the Department's Health Incident Response Task Force and the 
appropriate teams in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and Bureau of 
Medical Services.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator James E. Risch

                      middle east and north africa
Security Relationship
    Question. According to the Carter Doctrine, as articulated in 1980, 
it is in the U.S.'s vital national interest to defend our Gulf partners 
against attacks that undermine their stability and sovereignty. Is it 
your understanding that the Carter Doctrine remains operative and is 
supported by the Biden administration?

    Answer. It remains in the United States' vital national interest to 
help defend our Gulf partners--and to help our Gulf partners defend 
themselves--against external aggression. On February 4, 2021, in his 
first foreign policy speech, alongside announcing an end to U.S. 
support for Saudi-led coalition offensive operations in Yemen, 
President Biden reiterated the U.S. commitment to support Saudi 
Arabia's territorial defense.
    The President and Secretary Biden have since reiterated this 
commitment multiple times, both publicly and in direct conversations 
with our Saudi partners. The administration continues to support arms 
transfers to Saudi Arabia for its legitimate defense needs, 
particularly to defend against incoming Houthi missile and drone 
attacks from Yemen, of which there were more than 400 in 2021. The 
United States also provides Saudi-funded technical assistance to 
certain Saudi security and law enforcement organizations.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the departments and 
agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting transparently with 
Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S. 
values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.

    Question. Saudi Arabia's territory, people, and infrastructure are 
under constant attack from Iranian-backed proxies, particularly in 
Yemen. Is the Administration committed to selling Saudi Arabia the 
military capabilities it needs to provide for its legitimate defense 
needs against Iran, irrespective of any artificial distinction that 
some are now making between offensive and defensive weapon systems?

    Answer. Yes. The President and Secretary have been clear that the 
United States will continue to support Saudi Arabia's legitimate 
defensive needs in order to meet existing and emerging threats, 
including cross-border attacks from Yemen and elsewhere against targets 
inside Saudi Arabia--including the 70,000 U.S. citizens in Saudi 
Arabia.
    U.S. arms transfers that bolster and replenish Saudi Arabia's 
defenses, particularly air defenses, are consistent with the 
Administration's pledge to lead with diplomacy to end the conflict in 
Yemen and to cease support for offensive operations in Yemen, while 
also ensuring Saudi Arabia has the means to defend itself from cross-
border air attacks by the Iran-supported Houthis, of which there were 
more than 400 in 2021. The United States provides maintenance support 
to the Royal Saudi Air Force, so they are equipped to intercept the 
persistent drone and missile attacks on Saudi Arabia and to counter 
Iran.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the departments and 
agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting transparently with 
Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S. 
values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.

    Question. To what extent do you view the Houthis as a threat to 
Saudi Arabia? What steps, if any, is the Biden administration prepared 
to take to address this threat?

    Answer. The Houthis launched more than 400 cross-border drone, 
missile, and explosive boat attacks against Saudi Arabia in 2021, and 
continued to launch attacks threatening or striking Saudi military, 
energy, and civilian infrastructure facilities through the first three 
months of 2022, before the parties to the Yemen conflict accepted the 
U.N.-brokered truce, now extended through August 2, 2022.
    U.S. arms transfers that bolster and replenish Saudi Arabia's 
defenses, particularly air defenses, are consistent with the 
Administration's pledge to lead with diplomacy to end the conflict in 
Yemen and to cease support for offensive operations in Yemen, while 
also ensuring Saudi Arabia has the means to defend itself from air 
attacks by the Iran-supported Houthis. The United States provides 
maintenance support to the Royal Saudi Air Force, so they are equipped 
to intercept the persistent drone and missiles attacks on Saudi Arabia 
and to counter Iran.
    The President and Secretary have been clear that the United States 
will continue to support Saudi Arabia's legitimate defensive needs in 
order to meet existing and emerging threats, including cross-border 
attacks from Yemen and elsewhere against targets inside Saudi Arabia--
including the 70,000 U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the departments and 
agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting transparently with 
Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S. 
values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.

    Question. Are there opportunities to encourage greater defense 
cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional 
interests, particularly countering the threats from Iran and Iranian-
supported groups. These common interests present significant 
opportunities for greater cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia. 
If confirmed, I will work to encourage this cooperation, in 
coordination with the Department of Defense.
    There's great interest in Congress in encouraging increased defense 
and security cooperation between Israel and its Arab neighbors, 
especially in the area of integrated regional defense against the 
growing threat of Iranian missiles and drones. The Saudis will be key 
to maximizing those efforts and should have as great an interest in 
such cooperation as any country in the region in light of the hundreds 
of Houthi missile and drone attacks that they've endured in recent 
years.

    Question. Can you give us your assessment of the prospects for 
Saudi participation, and can you assure us that, in cooperation with 
CENTCOM, you'll make encouraging Saudi cooperation in such a 
multilateral effort one of your top priorities?

    Answer. The United States has robust defense and security 
cooperation, both bilaterally and multilaterally, with the member 
states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and is seeking to deepen and 
expand this cooperation. In March 2022, the Department of Defense co-
hosted U.S.-GCC working groups on air and missile defense and maritime 
security, in which Saudi Arabia participated and at which the United 
States reiterated its commitment to regional cooperation to confront 
our adversaries in the region, including Iran and Iran-supported 
groups.
    Two member states of the GCC, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, 
have signed the Abraham Accords and are developing deeper cooperation 
with Israel in connection with those agreements. The other GCC members 
also have many common regional interests with Israel, particularly 
countering the threat from Iran and the aggressive behavior by Iran-
supported groups. These common interests present significant 
opportunities for greater defense cooperation between Israel and its 
Arab neighbors, including Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, it will be a 
priority to encourage this important cooperation, in coordination with 
the Department of Defense.

    Question. Are there opportunities to encourage greater defense 
cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia? If so, what are they?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional 
interests, particularly countering the threat from Iran and the 
aggressive behavior by Iran-supported groups. These common interests 
present significant opportunities for greater defense cooperation 
between Israel and Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, I will make it a 
priority to encourage this important cooperation, in coordination with 
the Department of Defense.

    Question. Do you envision the current U.S. mediation of Egypt-
Saudi-Israel talks on Red Sea islands as an initial step in a broader 
U.S. effort to help promote Saudi-Israel normalization, and if so, what 
additional steps do you think feasible/necessary?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, normalizing relations with 
Israel is a decision each country has to make on its own. The 
administration supports normalization by highlighting the tangible 
benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of 
diplomatic tools at our disposal. The Abraham Accords have produced 
real benefits for people, including rapidly growing connections among 
businesses, students, and tourists and new opportunities for U.S. 
engagement and multilateral cooperation. The United States hopes that 
greater prosperity and new opportunities for cooperation will encourage 
other countries, including Saudi Arabia, to become part of the process.
    Normalizing relations with Israel is in the best interest of the 
stability of the region and of Israel, whose security is of critical 
importance to the United States. Any substantive talks between Israel 
and its Arab neighbors are constructive towards those goals.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with Saudi Arabia to seek 
to expand the Abraham Accords.

    Question. Short of full normalization, do you envision a U.S. role 
in helping facilitate initial Saudi-Israeli security cooperation 
against shared threats like Iranian missiles and drones?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional 
interests, particularly countering the threat from Iran and the 
aggressive behavior by Iran-supported groups. These common interests 
present significant opportunities for greater defense cooperation 
between Israel and Saudi Arabia, even short of full normalization. 
Given our important defense partnerships with both nations, the United 
States can indeed play a helpful role in encouraging and supporting 
such mutually beneficial cooperation. If confirmed, I will work to 
encourage security cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Israel, in 
coordination with the Department of Defense.

Vision 2030
    Question. What is your evaluation of the historical significance of 
the social and economic reforms now underway in Saudi Arabia?

    Answer. Under the banner of ``Vision 2030''--a plan for reform of 
the Saudi economy and society--Saudi Arabia has announced it aims to 
diversify its economy by mobilizing more than $1 trillion in domestic 
and foreign direct investment in infrastructure, entertainment, 
tourism, industry, and other sectors. These changes present 
opportunities for both the United States and for the Saudi population. 
Many U.S. companies already have significant projects in development. 
For example, U.S. companies have recently concluded deals to construct 
factories in Saudi Arabia for electric vehicle manufacturing and green 
hydrogen production. Meanwhile, following social and economic reforms, 
women's participation rate in the workforce doubled from about 17 
percent in 2017 to more than 35 percent at the end of 2021.
    These reforms and changes are unlike anything in Saudi Arabia's 
history in their size and pace, but they are also incomplete. As the 
Department's most recent Human Rights Report details, Saudis continue 
to face a broad range of human rights abuses. Labor reforms have 
enabled many private sector expatriate workers to change jobs and 
obtain exit and re-entry visas after one year without their employer's 
permission. however, these advances do not apply to domestic workers. 
Despite their rising numbers in the workforce, most women still do not 
formally participate in the economy, and there remain legal 
inequalities in property and inheritance laws, as well as restrictions 
on marriage and maternal leave, despite recent positive reforms to the 
guardianship system. The implementation of legal reforms announced to 
date has been incomplete and uneven.
    If confirmed, I will encourage Saudi Arabia to achieve the full 
potential of Vision 2030 and enact legal and policy reforms to respect 
and protect the human rights of all people.

    Question. To what extent do you feel Vision 2030 and Saudi Arabia's 
parallel reform plan serve long-term U.S. interests?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia's mobilization of more than $1 trillion in 
domestic and foreign direct investment is an economic opportunity for 
U.S. companies, many of which already have projects in development. 
U.S. companies have recently concluded deals to construct factories in 
Saudi Arabia for electric vehicle manufacturing and green hydrogen 
production.
    If reforms are fully implemented and expanded, that will create 
increased economic and social opportunities for a generation of Saudi 
citizens, most notably Saudi women. The changes underway have potential 
to encourage the transformation of Saudi Arabia into a more open and 
dynamic society, further marginalize violent extremism and support 
regional stability, all of which would benefit the United States. 
Improvements in women's and labor rights, though incomplete, are 
inherently in the U.S. national interest; President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken have made clear that human rights are central to U.S. foreign 
policy. If confirmed, I will encourage Saudi leaders to continue such 
reforms and expand and accelerate them.

    Question. What should we be doing that we're not doing to help 
ensure those reforms succeed?

    Answer. As Saudi Arabia embarks on its Vision 2030 program to 
diversify its economy and transform its society, there are 
opportunities for cooperation with the United States to support the 
advancement of the program's various reforms. Importantly, we must 
continue to engage on human rights and related concerns, including full 
equality for women and further reforms to protect human rights and 
fundamental freedoms.
    A significant component of Vision 2030 is deploying renewable 
energy and advancing climate initiatives. Saudi Arabia has pledged to 
achieve 50 percent electricity generation capacity from renewables, 
plant 50 billion trees in the Middle East, divert 94 percent of rubbish 
from landfills, and have 30 percent of vehicles in Riyadh be electric 
by 2030. Saudi Arabia also joined the Global Methane Pledge to reduce 
global emissions of methane by 30 percent by 2030. Possible bilateral 
cooperation areas include U.S. clean technology (such as carbon 
capture), and technical and financial assistance to third countries on 
methane reduction and renewables deployment.
    If confirmed, I look forward to identifying any gaps in U.S. policy 
and engagement and advancing additional cooperation initiatives between 
the United States and Saudi Arabia in support of both U.S. national 
interests and Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 goals.

China
    Question. What is the extent of Saudi Arabia's relationship with 
the Chinese firm Huawei in the area of 5G, and whether the Biden 
administration remains committed, as its predecessor was, to making it 
a top priority to stop Huawei from penetrating the telecom sectors of 
our most important international defense partners, including in the 
Gulf?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia has one of the most highly developed 
telecommunications markets in the Middle East, with high mobile 
penetration and a saturated market. Huawei partners with Saudi mobile 
operators to provide 5G to dozens of cities, and Saudi Arabia is also a 
major importer of telecoms broadcasting equipment from the People's 
Republic of China (PRC).
    The administration views 5G security as a high priority; countries 
and citizens need to be able to trust that 5G and other sensitive 
equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national 
security, privacy, or respect for human rights.
    The United States raises its concerns with Saudi Arabia and other 
U.S. partners in the Gulf, including defense counterparts, over the 
PRC's role in 5G technology and sensitive infrastructure. The 
administration seeks to ensure that PRC influence and activities in the 
Middle East do not come at the expense of the region's prosperity, 
stability, and long-standing relationships with its global partners, 
including the United States.
    If confirmed, I will reiterate these concerns to Saudi leaders and 
endeavor to dissuade them from considering untrustworthy and high-risk 
suppliers, regardless of national origin.

    Question. There has been a lot of speculation in the press about 
Saudi cooperation with China to build ballistic missile facilities in 
the kingdom, as well as other reporting about the Saudis seeking help 
from Russia and China to help it build certain civilian nuclear 
capabilities. Without going into classified matters, how deep a concern 
is this kind of potential cooperation between the kingdom and our two 
main great power adversaries, and what will you do as ambassador to 
make sure it doesn't come to fruition?

    Answer. The administration is very concerned with the potential for 
proliferation of missile technology in the Middle East and raises 
concerns with all partners and allies about a range of actions by 
Russia and the People's Republic of China that run counter to our 
values and interests.
    The United States has long stressed its support for the responsible 
development of civil nuclear power in a manner consistent with the 
highest standards of safety, security, and nonproliferation. The 
administration has emphasized with all partners the importance of 
adhering to these standards in developing nuclear power programs.
    Commensurate with the high importance of this issue, if confirmed, 
I will raise these concerns with Saudi officials and encourage 
adherence to the strongest nonproliferation standards.

    Question. The Saudis are rapidly building a huge economic 
relationship with China at the same time China is fast becoming the 
most important economic lifeline for the regime in Tehran ostensibly 
the kingdom's number one security threat. Isn't it time that the Saudis 
began using more of their own economic leverage with China to stop the 
Chinese from strengthening their number one enemy in Iran? If the 
Saudis want us to put more pressure on Iran, shouldn't they be doing 
more as well? Can you assure us that one of your priorities will be 
encouraging the Saudis to put greater pressure on China to back off its 
strategic relationship with Iran?

    Answer. The United States acknowledges that U.S. allies and 
partners in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, have complex 
relationships with the People's Republic of China (PRC). The PRC is now 
the top destination for Saudi crude oil exports, importing nearly $25 
billion worth in 2020. As Secretary Blinken has said, the United States 
will not force our allies and partners into an ``us-or-them'' choice, 
preferring instead to navigate these challenges together.  The 
administration seeks to ensure that Beijing's influence and activities 
in the Middle East do not come at the expense of the region's 
prosperity, stability, and long-standing relationships with its global 
partners, including the United States.
    The United States and Saudi Arabia are of the same view that Iran's 
aggressive behavior poses the greatest threat to regional stability, 
which Saudi Arabia has acutely experienced, as it faced more than 400 
missile and drone attacks launched against its territory in 2021 by the 
Iran-supported Houthis in Yemen. If confirmed, I will consult regularly 
with the Saudi Government on pursuing effective ways to deter Iran and 
its aggressive behavior in the region, including encouraging Saudi 
Arabia to press China to curb its troubling support to Iran.

    Question. In light of Saudi concerns about Iran's nuclear program 
whether or not there is a nuclear deal, what else can, and should, the 
United States do to address Riyadh's concerns and rebuild trust in the 
bilateral U.S.-Saudi security partnership?

    Answer. The United States has consulted regularly with Saudi Arabia 
and other Gulf Cooperation Council member states on the 
Administration's pursuit of a mutual return to full implementation of 
the Joint Cooperative Plan of Action as the best means of ensuring that 
Iran will not acquire a nuclear weapon. The U.S.-GCC working group on 
Iran met in Riyadh in November 2021 and condemned Iran's malign 
behavior through its support for proxies and other violent groups and 
direct use of advanced ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and 
unmanned aircraft systems. The Department of Defense co-hosted U.S.-
Gulf Cooperation Council working groups on air and missile defense and 
maritime security in March 2022 and reiterated the U.S. commitment to 
regional cooperation to confront our adversaries in the region, 
including Iran and Iran-supported groups.
    The United States also is committed to supporting Saudi Arabia's 
territorial defense. In accordance with the relevant laws, the 
Administration supports arms transfers to Saudi Arabia to deter Iran 
and bolster Saudi defenses, particularly against incoming drone and 
missile attacks. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
departments and agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting 
transparently with Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are 
consistent with U.S. values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to 
defend itself.
    President Biden's recently-announced trip to Saudi Arabia, 
including a multilateral meeting with GCC and other regional leaders, 
presents another opportunity to consult bilaterally and multilaterally 
on Iran and on security cooperation.

State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Riyadh?

    Answer. U.S. diplomats and their families can encounter challenging 
conditions and environments overseas. For some, Saudi Arabia can be a 
difficult place to work and live. Prohibitions against alcohol and pork 
are strictly enforced, and there are more limited recreational options 
than can be found in the United States. In recognition of these 
conditions, all posts in Saudi Arabia receive 25 percent post 
differential, and most tours of duty are only two years. Many positions 
at U.S. Embassy Riyadh, U.S. Consulate General Jeddah, and U.S. 
Consulate General Dhahran are listed as hard-to-fill, indicating 
historically few employees have been interested in those positions.
    However, many social restrictions in Saudi Arabia have eased over 
the past several years, with the introduction of public concerts, movie 
theaters, and lifting the ban on women driving. Morale at all three 
posts has significantly improved with the removal of Covid-related 
restrictions that had closed nearly all international travel from Saudi 
Arabia in 2020.
    If confirmed as the Chief of Mission, my top priority will be the 
health, safety, and wellbeing of U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia, 
including employees of the U.S. Mission and their families. I look 
forward to hearing directly from them about any challenges they face 
and how we can work to overcome or mitigate them.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Riyadh?

    Answer. If confirmed as the Chief of Mission, my top priority will 
be the health, safety, and wellbeing of U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia, 
including employees of the U.S. Mission and their families. I will seek 
to ensure the Mission is a diverse, effective, cohesive, and respectful 
workplace that supports high employee morale. Employee and family 
member morale is often a function of multiple factors in both the 
workplace and the local society. In the workplace, morale is often of a 
function of clear communication, mutually respectful behavior, and a 
strong sense of mission and purpose driving the work we do. If 
confirmed, I expect to bring those values to my work leading the 
Mission. Outside the workplace, Saudi Arabia has certain social and 
weather conditions that make it a challenging place to live for some 
people. In recognition of the difficult conditions, all posts in Saudi 
Arabia receive 25 percent post differential, and most tours of duty are 
only two years. Money, however, only goes so far, so it would be 
incumbent on me as Ambassador to ensure that the mission is welcoming 
to mission families and creates a sense of community for our employees 
and their family members.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Riyadh?

    Answer. The United States has important national security interests 
in Saudi Arabia, and it is critical that the entire Mission team 
understands those interests and their role in advancing them. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that all sections of the Embassy, and the 
Consulates General in Jeddah and Dhahran, receive clear, direct, and 
accurate communications and direction on both policy goals and internal 
procedures, in pursuit of achieving effective performance. I will 
ensure the Mission is a diverse, effective, cohesive, and respectful 
workplace that supports high employee morale. This will require my 
steady presence and interaction through the mission, including regular 
travel by me and our DCM to each of the Consulates and other mission 
elements.
    With U.S. Embassy Sana'a operations still suspended and the Yemen 
Affairs Unit co-located with the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh, if confirmed, 
I will also coordinate closely on these issues with the U.S. Ambassador 
to Yemen.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe in delegating authority, but not delegating 
ultimate responsibility. I need to depend on our experts, and they need 
to know I have their backs. Employees perform their best and achieve 
the most effective results when their leaders provide clear, direct, 
and accurate communications, particularly on expectations; establish 
and maintain a respectful and collaborative work environment; and 
provide them with the necessary support to propose new ideas and be 
confident that good-faith mistakes, while analyzed for improvement, 
will not be ridiculed. It is important that all members of the U.S. 
Mission in Saudi Arabia know their Chief of Mission will listen to 
their ideas and concerns while supporting them fully in their pursuit 
of U.S. policy goals.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. Absolutely not. Berating, yelling, or using aggressive 
language is never acceptable, under any circumstances, including when 
discussing performance or management issues. It is also a sign of weak, 
insecure leadership. Tolerating such behavior in subordinates is also 
unacceptable. If confirmed, I will ensure that the workplace at Mission 
Saudi Arabia is characterized by mutual respect among all our 
colleagues, starting with me, and encompassing every American, Local 
Staff member, Eligible Family Member, and contractor. The Department 
has deployed resources and tools in recent years to report instances of 
workplace bullying and toxic work environments. If confirmed, I will 
ensure that employees at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia are aware of 
these resources and tools to report such unacceptable behavior, both 
within the Mission and to the appropriate offices within the 
Department, and I will follow up personally to ensure any incidents are 
addressed and rectified.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. Collaborative, honest, and mutually supportive. The Deputy 
Chief of Mission is a critical role in any mission, and it is essential 
that he or she receive the full support of the Chief of Mission. As the 
direct supervisor of most of an Embassy's section chiefs, the DCM 
serves as the conduit for information and decisions to reach the 
Ambassador, as well as communicating the Ambassador's priorities and 
decisions to the rest of the Mission and translating those into 
actions. I know firsthand from my experience while DCM at the U.S. 
Embassy in Doha, Qatar, that the DCM plays an indispensable role in 
fostering an effective Mission team.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to entrust the DCM with supervision of 
most day-to-day operational functions of the Mission, while ensuring 
that I support her or him however is necessary to create and maintain a 
diverse, effective, cohesive, and mutually respectful Mission team. As 
the direct supervisor of most of an Embassy's section chiefs, the DCM 
serves as the conduit for information and decisions to reach the 
Ambassador, as well as communicating my priorities and decisions to the 
rest of the Mission and translating those into actions.
    I would also expect the DCM to mentor and guide the skills 
development of the newest members of the Mission and Department. And 
while the DCM's role is largely internal to the Mission, I would also 
expect him or her to be prepared to act in my stead during periods as 
Charge and lead policy-focused discussions with Saudi officials, the 
private sector, and civil society, and representing the Embassy at 
public events.
    In order to create and continue employee excellence at the 
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for 
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback that is clear, accurate, and 
direct is an integral part of encouraging high performance. If 
confirmed, I will commit to providing this feedback to employees at the 
U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia, both through regular, mandatory 
performance review discussions and informal conversations. This is 
equally important for both addressing areas where employees can improve 
their performance and recognizing and rewarding those who are 
successfully advancing Mission goals.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback that is clear, accurate, and 
direct is an integral part of encouraging high performance. If 
confirmed, I will commit to providing this feedback to employees at the 
U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia, both through regular, mandatory 
performance review discussions and informal conversations. This is 
equally important for both addressing areas where employees can improve 
their performance and recognizing and rewarding those who are 
successfully advancing Mission goals.

    Answer. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Saudi Arabia.

    Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. It is absolutely essential to the functions of U.S. 
embassies that our diplomats interact with host government officials, 
non-government organizations, fellow foreign diplomats, and the local 
population more broadly. The new tools that the Department has deployed 
over the course of the Covid-19 pandemic to accommodate working 
remotely have also ushered in new ways for us to engage with host 
country interlocutors. The U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia moved more of 
its outreach online, which brought increased connections between 
Mission programs and people outside of the major urban centers, as the 
virtual format mandated by the pandemic equalized people's ability to 
participate.
    Despite the benefits of online and virtual programming, much of a 
Mission's work requires that we still be physically present and conduct 
in-person meetings to be truly effective. At the same time, the health, 
safety, and security of U.S. citizens overseas, including those working 
in our foreign missions, is the Department's paramount priority. It is 
thus imperative that we appropriately and effectively balance the need 
to be active locally outside the Embassy with commensurate security and 
safety measures to sufficiently protect our people.
    If confirmed, I will be committed to achieving that balance to 
ensure that the employees of the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia and their 
family members remain safe while also achieving our Mission goals 
through effective external outreach with local and international actors 
and institutions in Saudi Arabia.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. It is absolutely essential to the accomplishment of a U.S. 
Mission's goals that our diplomats interact with host government 
officials, non-government organizations, fellow foreign diplomats, and 
the local population more broadly.
    If confirmed, I will commit to achieving our Mission goals through 
external outreach with local actors and institutions, while ensuring 
that employees of the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia and their family 
members remain safe. 

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Saudi 
Arabia?

    Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Saudi Arabia is 
characterized by both challenges and opportunities. As noted in the 
Department's 2021 Country Report on Human Rights Practices for Saudi 
Arabia, there are serious restrictions on free expression and media, 
including unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, and 
censorship. Security authorities actively monitor internet activity, 
with some human rights activists reporting government surveillance or 
blocking of internet and mobile phone access. Nongovernmental and civil 
society organizations, which can often be partners in public diplomacy 
programs, are severely restricted.
    Saudi citizens are generally very active on social media, with more 
than 14 million Twitter users as of January 2022, out of a population 
of approximately 35 million. The U.S. Embassy Riyadh Twitter and 
Facebook pages each have more than 137,000 followers. Hundreds of 
thousands of Saudi citizens have received a U.S. education over the 
last decade, cultivating strong people-to-people connections between 
both countries. Saudi student enrollments at U.S. universities peaked 
at 61,000 in 2016, and reached 22,000 in 2021, despite the drop in 
international travel due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Saudi Arabia is 
characterized by both challenges and opportunities. As noted in the 
Department's 2021 Country Report on Human Rights Practices for Saudi 
Arabia, there are serious restrictions on free expression and media, 
including unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, and 
censorship. Security authorities actively monitor internet activity, 
with some human rights activists reporting government surveillance or 
blocking of internet and mobile phone access. Nongovernmental and civil 
society organizations, which can often be partners in public diplomacy 
programs, are severely restricted.
    Security concerns also can limit the scope of some activities. The 
Department's travel advisory for Saudi Arabia currently recommends U.S. 
citizens reconsider travel to the country due to the threat of missile 
and drone attacks on civilian facilities, and that they exercise 
increased caution due to terrorism. U.S. Government personnel must 
adhere to travel restrictions as noted in the travel advisory, limiting 
the delivery of services, including consular assistance programs, 
within 50 miles of the Saudi-Yemen border and the cities of Abha, 
Jizan, Najran, and Khamis Mushayt, as well as the Eastern Province city 
of Qatif and its suburbs. Mission programming is also limited due to 
host country requirements in approving meeting requests, events, 
exchange programs, and other engagements, which can entail lengthy 
bureaucratic delays.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Our public diplomacy messages must be tailored sufficiently 
to the local population so that our intent and meaning are 
understandable and effective, while ensuring they remain faithful to 
U.S. values and foreign policy priorities. In order to be effective, an 
embassy's public diplomacy messages must remain in close alignment with 
messages emanating from Washington. If confirmed, I will ensure that I, 
along with the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia's public diplomacy team, 
coordinate all of our public messages with the respective teams at the 
Department to ensure they are advancing our overall U.S. foreign policy 
goals and objectives while crafting messages that will resonate with 
the local Saudi audience.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. 
Government personnel and their family members are very troubling and 
must be taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that 
nothing is more important than the health and safety of our employees. 
Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of one's 
health. If confirmed, I will ensure that any reported Anomalous Health 
Incidents at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia are responded to quickly 
and thoroughly. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of 
Embassy staff, their family members, and all those supporting the 
Mission will be my highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Riyadh personnel?

    Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response 
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report symptoms of 
Anomalous Health Incidents. If confirmed, I will ensure that all 
employees and their family members at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia 
are aware of Anomalous Health Incidents and the means to report them, 
as well as the availability of resources and care. If confirmed, I am 
committed to regularly share new information on this issue consistent 
with ensuring the integrity of ongoing investigations.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
report, Saudi Arabia was upgraded to Tier 2 for its increased efforts 
to report on investigations, prosecutions, and convictions.

   If confirmed, how will you engage with the Saudi Government to 
        capitalize on this positive progress?

    Answer. There have been notable advancements in Saudi Arabia over 
the last few years in gender equality, trafficking-in-persons, and 
empowering those with disabilities. In 2021, Saudi Arabia reported more 
trafficking investigations, prosecutions and convictions and expanded 
its provision of services to TIP victims. As a sign of this progress, 
Saudi Arabia was upgraded from Tier 2 Watch List to Tier 2 in the 
Department's annual Trafficking in Persons Report in 2021.
    This is important progress, although more remains to be done. If 
confirmed, I will engage with the appropriate Saudi authorities, 
including the Human Rights Commission, to solidify this progress and 
work with them on additional improvements, such as expanding 
protections to domestic workers, which was a priority recommendation in 
the 2021 TIP Report. Such priority recommendations highlight key 
efforts necessary for a country to better meet the minimum standards in 
the U.S. Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) and is part of the 
assessment to determine a Tier ranking.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious 
Freedom Report, Saudi Arabia was noted as having quite severe 
violations of religious freedom and little societal respect for 
religious minorities.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. The Department's 2021 International Religious Freedom 
Report noted severe issues with religious freedom in Saudi Arabia. 
There have also been advancements, such as the redeployment and reduced 
authorities of the religious police, the removal of inflammatory 
content about non-Muslims in Saudi school textbooks, growing acceptance 
of non-Islamic celebrations, and the Muslim World League, a Saudi 
Government-funded religious affairs entity, hosting an interfaith 
dialogue in May 2022 that attracted more than 100 religious leaders, 
including a dozen rabbis. However, there is clearly more work to be 
done on this in Saudi Arabia, for which the United States should 
strongly advocate.
    Senior U.S. officials routinely raise and discuss reports of abuses 
of religious freedom, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforcement of 
discriminatory laws against religious minorities, and promotion of 
respect and tolerance for minority Muslim and non-Muslim religious 
practices and beliefs.
    If confirmed, I will help address religiously motivated abuses, 
harassment, and discrimination in Saudi Arabia. I will work with the 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to recommend, 
develop, and implement policies and programs to address these concerns.

    Question. Do you commit to raising this issue directly with the 
host government and with the Human Rights Commission in country?

    Answer. Yes. The State Department aims to promote core U.S. values 
of tolerance, respect for diversity, and religious freedom.  This is an 
important aspect of our ongoing engagement with the Saudi Government. 
Senior U.S. officials routinely raise and discuss reports of abuses of 
religious freedom, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforcement of 
discriminatory laws against religious minorities, and promotion of 
respect and tolerance for minority Muslim and non-Muslim religious 
practices and beliefs.
    If confirmed, I will help address religiously motivated abuses, 
harassment, and discrimination in Saudi Arabia, and I will raise 
concerns over religious freedom directly with Saudi officials, 
including those from the Saudi Human Rights Commission.

    Question. Saudi Arabia has been designated as a ``country of 
particular concern (CPC)'' under the International Religious Freedom 
Act of 1998 since 2004. The Secretary recently reaffirmed this 
designation but waived sanctions for national security interests.

   What steps can you take, if confirmed, to graduate Saudi Arabia 
        from the CPC list and bolster societal and governmental respect 
        for religious freedom on the ground?

    Answer. The Department's 2021 International Religious Freedom 
Report noted severe issues with religious freedom in Saudi Arabia. 
There have also been advancements, such as the redeployment and reduced 
authorities of the religious police, removal of some inflammatory 
content about non-Muslims in Saudi school textbooks, and the Muslim 
World League, a Saudi Government-funded religious affairs entity, 
hosting an interfaith dialogue in May 2022 that attracted more than 100 
religious leaders, including a dozen rabbis. However, there is clearly 
more work to be done on this in Saudi Arabia, for which the United 
States should strongly advocate.
    If confirmed, I will raise concerns over religious freedom directly 
with Saudi officials, including those from the Saudi Human Rights 
Commission, and work with them on recommendations for bolstering 
societal and governmental respect for religious freedom that, if 
successfully implemented, could see Saudi Arabia no longer designated 
as a country of particular concern under the International Religious 
Freedom Act.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Saudi 
Arabia's list of human rights issues was quite long, but included 
allegations of torture, reports of political prisoners and detainees, 
harassment of dissidents abroad, restrictions on internationally 
recognized human rights, a lack of internet freedom, among other 
concerning issues.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these 
        instances with the host government?

    Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that 
human rights are a central tenet of our foreign policy, including in 
our bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia. The Secretary and other 
U.S. officials have consistently raised specific human rights cases and 
broader human rights concerns in almost every senior meeting and call, 
whether in Riyadh or Washington, including urging the release of 
detained human rights activists and lifting of travel bans and other 
restrictions for activists previously released from detention.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize addressing these concerns, and I 
will not shy away from raising these issues at the most senior levels.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. As noted in the Department's 2021 Country Report on Human 
Rights Practices for Saudi Arabia, nongovernmental and civil society 
organizations are severely restricted. Civil society organizations 
independent from the government essentially do not exist.
    There are many aspects of Saudi Arabia's human rights record that 
remain troubling, particularly severe restrictions on freedom of 
expression and political activism, censorship, and other issues. There 
has also been progress, albeit uneven and incomplete, on women's, 
labor, and disability rights and actions to combat trafficking in 
persons.
    If confirmed, I will press for the full resolution of the cases of 
U.S. nationals and others detained for peaceful activism, including 
lifting of travel bans and other restrictions. I, and the broader team 
at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia, will keep pushing at every 
opportunity to make progress on broader reforms to protect freedom of 
expression, improve judicial transparency, and expand the rights of 
women, and keep standing with human rights defenders.

    Question. Do you commit to raising these issues personally with the 
host government?

    Answer. Yes. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear 
that human rights are a central tenet of our foreign policy, including 
in our bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize addressing these concerns, and I will not shy away from 
raising these issues at the most senior levels.

    Question. U.S. citizen Dr. Walid Fitaihi remains under a travel ban 
in Saudi Arabia after serving a prison sentence.

   How will you work to advocate for the lifting of the travel ban for 
        Dr. Fitaihi?

    Answer. The safety and security of U.S. citizens overseas is the 
Department's paramount priority. After sustained and consistent 
engagement by the U.S. Government pressing Saudi authorities to resolve 
his case, Dr. Walid Fitaihi's sentence was reduced to time served in 
January 2021, with no return to prison. However, he remains subject to 
a travel ban.
    The Secretary and other U.S. officials have consistently raised his 
case and those of other detained human rights activists, as well as 
broader human rights concerns, in almost every senior meeting and call, 
whether in Riyadh or Washington, including urging the release of 
detained activists and lifting of travel bans and other restrictions 
for those, like Dr. Fitaihi, previously released from detention.
    Along with Department leaders, if confirmed, I will raise concerns 
over the detention of U.S. citizens, including those released but 
subject to travel bans, and those detained for peacefully advocating 
for freedom of expression and religion. As the Department has 
repeatedly made clear to Saudi officials, promoting and advocating for 
human rights should be commended, not criminalized.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. When running for President, Joe Biden famously said he 
would turn Saudi Arabia into a ``pariah state'' and, since coming into 
office, actively enacted this policy. The results are plain to see: 
Saudi Arabia detains American citizens, does not cooperate with 
American-led international energy strategies, and may even be open to 
cooperating with our chief geopolitical adversary, the Chinese 
Communist Party. If confirmed, you have a long road ahead of you to 
restore the U.S.-Saudi Arabian partnership.

   Do you believe that the President's decision to visit Saudi Arabia 
        next month, for the first time since becoming President, is an 
        admission that his ``pariah state'' strategy has not worked?

    Answer. At its outset, the Administration decided that it was 
important to reorient--but not rupture--relations with Saudi Arabia, 
including elevating human rights as a priority in the bilateral 
relationship. The United States shares a host of interests with Saudi 
Arabia, from containing Iran, to counterterrorism, to helping Saudi 
Arabia protect its territory, to achieving the recent extension of the 
truce in Yemen, which has saved countless lives.
    The administration's agenda with Saudi Arabia is focused on 
delivering results for the American people. The United States consults 
regularly on energy issues with Saudi Arabia which demonstrated 
leadership earlier in June when it achieved consensus for accelerating 
quota increases, the largest of which is for increased Saudi 
production.
    The United States raises concerns with all partners and allies, 
including Saudi Arabia, about the range of People's Republic of China 
(PRC) actions that run counter to our values and interests and 
undermine the international rules-based order. Saudi Arabia states that 
the United States is its most important bilateral partner, including in 
the defense realm, and Saudi Arabia is not a major consumer of PRC 
defense systems.
    The Secretary and other U.S. officials have consistently raised 
human rights concerns in almost every senior meeting and call, whether 
in Riyadh or Washington. There has been some progress on cases of 
detained U.S. citizens, and the Department's efforts likely influenced 
decisions within the past year to conditionally release several U.S. 
citizens from detention. But this has been incomplete; those activists 
who have been released remain under a combination of travel bans, 
communications restrictions, and asset freezes.
    If confirmed, I will advocate at every opportunity for the lifting 
of travel bans and other restrictions on U.S. citizens and other 
peaceful activists; as well as pressing for broader human rights 
reforms that protect freedom of expression, improve judicial 
transparency, and expand the rights of women, while standing with human 
rights defenders.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to secure the release of 
American citizens wrongfully detained in Saudi Arabia?

    Answer. The Department's top priority is the safety and welfare of 
U.S. citizens, including those who are detained--wrongfully or not--or 
unable to depart a foreign country. The Secretary and other Department 
leaders have consistently raised U.S. national detention cases with 
their Saudi counterparts and urged them to lift the travel bans and 
fully resolve these cases.
    Along with Department leaders, if confirmed, I would raise concerns 
over the detention of U.S. nationals including any detained for 
peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and 
religion or belief. Moreover, I will encourage Saudi Arabia to enact 
legal and policy reforms that respect the human rights of all people. 
As the Department has repeatedly made clear to Saudi officials, 
promoting and advocating for human rights should be commended, not 
criminalized.

    Question. If confirmed, will you recommend the United States 
continue to provide robust support for Saudi efforts to protect 
themselves from attacks on Saudi civilians by the Houthi terrorist 
group in Yemen?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will recommend the United States continue 
to provide support for Saudi efforts to defend its territory and 
civilians from Houthi cross-border attacks. The President and Secretary 
have been clear that the United States will continue to support Saudi 
Arabia's legitimate defensive needs in order to meet existing and 
emerging threats, including cross-border attacks from Yemen and 
elsewhere against targets inside Saudi Arabia--including the 70,000 
U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia.
    U.S. arms transfers that bolster and replenish Saudi Arabia's 
defenses, particularly air defenses, are consistent with the 
Administration's pledge to lead with diplomacy to end the conflict in 
Yemen and to end support for Saudi-led coalition offensive operations 
in Yemen, while also ensuring Saudi Arabia has the means to defend 
itself from air attacks by the Iranian supported Houthis. If confirmed, 
I look forward to working with the departments and agencies of the 
Executive Branch and consulting transparently with Congress on arms 
sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S. values and support 
Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.
    Both Israel and Saudi Arabia are critical security partners of the 
United States. It is in our interest to promote the normalization of 
relations between the two countries. To date, Saudi Arabia has not 
joined the Abraham Accords.

    Question. Under what circumstances might the kingdom's rulers 
embrace a more overtly cooperative relationship with Israel?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional 
interests, including countering the threats from Iran and Iranian-
supported armed groups, as well benefiting from opportunities presented 
by greater regional economic integration. These common interests 
present significant opportunities for greater cooperation between 
Israel and Saudi Arabia.
    As President Biden has said, this administration welcomes and 
supports the Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between 
Israel and Arab and Muslim-majority countries. If confirmed, I will 
work to expand cooperation and opportunities among countries in the 
region, including strong support for expanding and deepening the 
Abraham Accords.

    Question. What factors do you believe shape Saudi decision-making 
on this issue?

    Answer. There are undoubtedly numerous factors, including regional 
threat perceptions, economic opportunities, as well the Palestinian 
issue. For example, Saudi Arabia continues to support the Arab Peace 
Initiative, which it introduced at the 2002 Arab summit and that calls 
for normalization of relations between Israel and Arab countries, 
including Saudi Arabia, in exchange for Israeli recognition of an 
independent Palestinian state, among other conditions.
    Saudi Arabia has stated it fully supports the Biden-Harris 
administration's approach to advance equal measures of freedom, 
prosperity, and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians in the immediate 
term, and keeping the door open for achievement of a negotiated two-
state solution in the longer term, as this remains the best way to 
ensure Israel's future as a democratic and Jewish state while enabling 
the Palestinian people to live with dignity and security in a viable 
state of their own.
    As President Biden has said, this administration welcomes and 
supports the Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between 
Israel and Arab and Muslim-majority countries. If confirmed, I will 
work to expand cooperation among countries in the region, including 
support for the Abraham Accords.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to promote normalization 
between Riyadh and Jerusalem?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, normalizing relations with 
Israel is a decision each country has to make on its own. The 
administration supports normalization by highlighting the tangible 
benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of 
diplomatic tools at our disposal. The Abraham Accords have produced 
real benefits, including rapidly growing connections between 
businesses, students, and tourists. The United States hopes that this 
prosperity will encourage other countries, including Saudi Arabia, to 
advance the process.
    Normalizing relations with Israel is in the best interest of the 
stability of the region and for Israel, whose security is of critical 
importance to the United States. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with Saudi Arabia to seek to expand the Abraham Accords.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator Bill Hagerty

On the Retention of Official State Department Emails Related to 
        OneVoice

    Question. During your Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
nominations hearing on June 16, 2022, we examined your oversight of the 
OneVoice grant applications and retention of official State Department 
emails related to the matter. In response to my question on whether you 
dispute what was reported in the findings that you deleted emails 
related to the review of these One Voice grants, you said there was ``a 
systemic issue associated with records management at the State 
Department that has since been addressed. There was no routine method. 
There was no routine way at that time to archive all of the routine 
emails that the State Department sent and received. That has since been 
remedied as well through changes in policy and changes in technology.''
    The Staff Report from the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and 
Governmental Affairs Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, however, 
found that:

        The State Department was unable to produce all documents 
        responsive to the Subcommittee's requests due to its failure to 
        retain complete email records of Michael Ratney, who served as 
        U.S. Consul General in Jerusalem during the award and oversight 
        of the OneVoice grants. The Subcommittee discovered this 
        retention problem because one important email exchange between 
        OneVoice and Mr. Ratney--described in Part III.C--was produced 
        to the Subcommittee only by OneVoice. After conducting 
        additional searches, the Department informed the Subcommittee 
        that it was unable to locate any responsive emails from Mr. 
        Ratney's inbox or sent mail. Mr. Ratney later elaborated, 
        ``[A]t times I deleted emails with attachments I didn't need in 
        order to maintain my inbox under the storage limit.'' There was 
        an option to archive emails to stay below storage limits, but 
        Mr. Ratney stated that he ``did not know [he] was required to 
        archive routine emails'' (emphasis added).

   Mr. Ratney, the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations found 
        although you stated you did not know there was a requirement to 
        archive emails, there was, in fact, an option to archive 
        emails. Would you like to amend your answer provided during 
        your nominations hearing that there was no option to archive 
        emails at the State Department?

    Answer. It would be more accurate to say that ``I was unaware of 
any routine way at that time to archive all of the routine emails that 
the State Department sent and received.'' It is not clear what the 
``option to archive emails'' mentioned in the Subcommittee report 
refers to. I do clearly recall, as do others working at the Department 
at the time, that we were routinely urged to delete emails with large 
attachments in order to stay under inbox limits. The following 
Department press guidance that was prepared following release of the 
subcommittee report in 2016 noted the systemic nature of the challenge 
we faced:

        On the record attributable to State Department Spokesperson 
        Mark Toner: The Department cooperated with the Senate's 
        investigation, which found no wrongdoing. As is made clear in 
        the report itself, Mr. Ratney was working under State 
        Department IT limitations with regard to the size of his inbox, 
        and his deletion was content-neutral housekeeping, not an 
        attempt to purge emails on any specific topic. The Department 
        recognizes that we need to provide better tools to our 
        employees to assist with records management. Secretary Kerry 
        appointed Janice Jacobs as Transparency Coordinator to help us 
        address these challenges. Beyond that, we are focused on 
        implementing a system that meets NARA requirements for the 
        management of records in an electronic format. We are in the 
        process of purchasing new technology for records management to 
        meet the OMB/NARA directed deadline for U.S. Government 
        agencies to manage email records electronically by the end of 
        2016.''

    If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia 
and all its staff--including me personally--follow all applicable laws 
and regulations with regards to Federal records management.

On Saudi Coalition Airstrikes
    Question. What is the percent increase or decrease in year-over-
year civilian casualties from Saudi coalition airstrikes in Yemen? 
Please provide a specific timeframe and percentage change. The 
aggregate numbers would be helpful if available.

    Answer. The U.N. Civilian Impact Monitoring Project (CIMP) noted in 
its 2021 annual report that ``for the third year running, the number of 
civilian casualties on account of airstrikes decreased, down to 185, 
with a two-month hiatus in airstrike casualties seen in July and August 
2021.'' The 2020 CIMP annual report noted that ``since the Stockholm 
Agreement at the end of 2018, the number of civilian casualties on 
account of airstrikes has seen a significant reduction.'' CIMP reported 
2,504 civilian casualties from airstrikes in 2018, 796 in 2019, and 216 
in 2020. Per the U.N. data, civilian casualties from airstrikes dropped 
by 68 percent from 2018 to 2019, another 73 percent from 2019 to 2021, 
and a further 14 percent from 2020 to 2021. Overall, from 2018 to 2021, 
civilian casualties from airstrikes fell by about 93 percent. There was 
an increase in civilian casualties during the early months of 2022, 
driven largely by a mass civilian casualty incident in January; 
however, there have not been any reports of civilian casualties due to 
air strikes since the truce took effect in April. Airstrikes were 
responsible for only 7 percent of all civilian casualties in 2021, 
according to CIMP.

    Question. Please provide a detailed explanation for any change. If 
there was a significant reduction in civilian casualties from Saudi 
coalition airstrikes, what explains the change? Was it improved 
procedures, changes on the battlefield, and/or other considerations?

    Answer. There are likely several factors that have influenced the 
reduction in civilian casualty incidents from airstrikes over the past 
several years. These include changes in the nature of the conflict and 
also may involve improvements in aircrew proficiency, improved rules of 
engagement specifically regarding airstrikes, and U.S.-provided 
training related to civilian casualty mitigation.
    Without visibility on all Saudi strike planning processes and with 
U.S. Embassy Sana'a operations suspended, it is challenging to 
establish a definitive causal link between U.S. training and engagement 
with the RSAF and the dramatic reductions in civilian casualty 
incidents since 2018. However, the United States is the only country 
offering sustained, intensive training over multiple years on civilian 
casualty mitigation to the RSAF. The Department is in constant contact 
with Saudi Arabia about the need to avoid and mitigate civilian 
casualties and has urged Saudi transparency and accountability 
regarding civilian casualty incidents both privately and publicly. We 
do not just encourage improvements in operational procedures, but also 
urge thorough and transparent investigations be conducted after any 
incidents. Based on these factors, it is very likely that U.S. efforts 
have played an important role in positively influencing Saudi actions.

    Question. What are the Saudi Government's views of industrial-scale 
drug trafficking of captagon by the Assad regime in Syria and Hizballah 
into the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia?

    Answer. The Saudi Government is deeply concerned about the 
increasing volumes of Captagon flowing into the Kingdom, mainly 
originating in Lebanon and Syria. Captagon now constitutes the 
Kingdom's largest drug problem, and in 2021, Saudi Arabia stated that 
it had seized approximately 190 million Captagon pills. Saudi Arabia 
recognizes that drug revenues may reach terrorist organizations and 
contribute to regional instability and insecurity, while Captagon 
trafficking also presents social consequences and a security challenge. 
In response to the threat, the Saudi Government has taken measures to 
halt the flow. After repeatedly interdicting Captagon pills smuggled in 
Lebanese produce, the Saudi Government banned produce imports from 
Lebanon in April 2021 and then all Lebanese imports in October 2021, 
contributing to a serious deterioration in Saudi-Lebanese relations, 
that only in recent months has moderately improved. Law enforcement 
authorities in the Kingdom are working with their U.S. counterparts on 
information sharing arrangements that could increase Captagon 
interdiction. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Saudi Arabia 
to combat the flow of Captagon into the Kingdom. The Department would 
be happy to provide you with more information in a classified setting 
if that would be helpful.

    Question. Do you assess that scheme to allow for the delivery of 
gas through Syria into Lebanon--despite the provisions in the Caesar 
Syria Civilian Protection Act--would benefit the Assad regime in Syria?

    Answer. The administration is strongly committed to holding the 
Assad regime accountable for its actions and appreciates the tool to do 
so that Congress has provided in the form of the Caesar Act. The 
Administration is also deeply concerned about the prospect of state 
collapse in Lebanon, where the lack of fuel and power threatens the 
delivery of critical services like health care and water. We continue 
to work with the parties to the regional proposals to sell Egyptian gas 
and Jordanian electricity to Lebanon, as well as the World Bank, to 
ensure that these deals, which are fundamentally about providing 
Lebanon with more sustainable energy sources, would not involve any 
financial payments to Assad that would violate our sanctions laws. The 
Department of State and the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign 
Assets Control (OFAC) are working together to ensure that the proposals 
fully comport with U.S. sanctions, including the Caesar Act. The U.S. 
sanctions regime targeting the Assad Government remains fully in force, 
and as Secretary Blinken has made clear, we have not lifted or waived 
Syria-related sanctions in this case, and the U.S. remains committed to 
applying additional sanctions against the Syrian regime in the future, 
as appropriate. The Department would be happy to provide you with more 
information in a classified setting if that would be helpful.

    Question. Do you believe that Saudi Government supports energy 
schemes that would render either gas or gas revenue to the Assad regime 
in Syria and Hizballah, both of which are involved in the industrial-
scale drug trafficking of captagon into the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Saudi Arabia 
to both combat the flow of Captagon into the Kingdom and to preventing 
any arrangements designed to relieve the energy and economic crisis in 
Lebanon from providing any benefit to the Assad regime or Lebanese 
Hizballah that would be in violation of U.S. sanctions. The United 
States consults regularly on both regional and energy issues with Saudi 
Arabia. The United States is deeply concerned about the prospect of 
state collapse in Lebanon, where the lack of fuel and power threatens 
the delivery of critical services like health care and water to the 
Lebanese people. Regional proposals to sell Egyptian gas and Jordanian 
electricity to Lebanon would not involve any financial payments to 
Assad or Hizballah. The Department would be happy to provide you with 
more information in a classified setting if that would be helpful.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Timmy T. Davis by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have endangered the 
health of U.S. Government personnel are very troubling and must be 
taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that nothing 
is more important than the health and safety of our employees. If 
confirmed, I would ensure that any reported Anomalous Health Incidents 
at U.S. Mission Qatar are responded to quickly and thoroughly.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response 
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report Anomalous 
Health Incidents. If confirmed, I would ensure that all employees and 
their family members at U.S. Mission Qatar are aware of Anomalous 
Health Incidents and the means to report them, as well as the 
availability of resources and care. I commit to reporting any incidents 
quickly through the appropriate channels and to referring them promptly 
to the appropriate medical care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would commit to meeting with medical 
staff and the Regional Security Office to discuss any past reported 
incidents and ensure that all protocols are being followed, in 
consultation with the Department's Health Incident Response Task Force 
and the appropriate teams in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and 
Bureau of Medical Services.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Timmy T. Davis by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What, if anything, can/should the United States be doing 
to ensure Qatari LNG can help Europe transition away from its 
dependence on Russian natural gas?

    Answer. The United States is encouraging Qatar's discussions with 
European partners about potential LNG supply. Additionally, QatarEnergy 
is considering several U.S. companies as potential partners to develop 
Qatar's North Field East LNG field. This LNG expansion project is 
expected to boost Qatar's LNG output by 64 percent by 2027 and supply 
many of the new LNG contracts Qatar is discussing with European 
partners.

    Question. Should the United States demand changes in Qatari policy 
as a condition for helping strengthen regional cooperation with other 
U.S. Gulf partners?

    Answer. The United States welcomed the historic breakthrough made 
with the Al Ula Declaration at the GCC summit by Qatar and Bahrain, 
Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. The decision to open their mutual 
borders, lift transportation restrictions, and restore diplomatic 
relations was a welcome step. My understanding is that the United 
States remains supportive of continued reconciliation, and it continues 
to identify areas of potential cooperation on which our partners can 
make incremental progress.
    Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over the last 
few years, in large part due to COVID.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Doha?

    Answer. Mission Doha played a significant role in the Non-Combatant 
Evacuation Operation from Afghanistan in August 2021, which was a 
challenging time for diplomats and local staff. Continued Afghanistan 
operations in Qatar have required further Embassy engagement and 
support, stretching resources in a post that has been without an 
Ambassador since 2017. The COVID-19 pandemic also caused stress to the 
mission. Throughout these challenges, Mission Doha has remained a tight 
knit community.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Doha?

    Answer. From day one, I would underscore the importance to Mission 
Qatar employees of their work in Qatar and the value of their service 
to our country. Secondly, having a confirmed Ambassador allows better 
leadership and oversight, as everyone else down the chain of command 
can return to their normal jobs. Finally, the Department has developed 
and deployed resources and tools in recent years, including mental 
health resources, that I would take full advantage of in supporting our 
team at Mission Qatar.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Doha?

    Answer. U.S. Embassy Doha, the Afghanistan Affairs Unit, and the 
team supporting Afghan relocation efforts in Doha already work closely 
together to advance U.S. interests in a unified way. If confirmed, I 
would continue to strengthen that exemplary teamwork. I would also 
develop a strategic vision for the bilateral relationship that will 
foster a unity of purpose within the Mission.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe in inclusiveness, promoting good ideas, and 
teamwork. It is important that the team at Mission Qatar knows that 
their safety and security is my highest priority and that I share a 
clear vision for policy success with clear expectations. My management 
style is based on maximum responsibility for me as the leader, and 
maximum credit for the team.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. Berating, yelling, or using aggressive language is 
never acceptable, under any circumstances, including when discussing 
performance or management issues. If confirmed, I would neither use 
such unacceptable methods or language in discussions with employees, 
nor would I tolerate those under my supervision using such methods or 
language. The Department has deployed resources and tools in recent 
years to report instances of workplace bullying and toxic work 
environments. If confirmed, I would ensure that employees at Mission 
Qatar are aware of these resources and tools to report such 
unacceptable behavior, both within the Mission and to the appropriate 
offices within the Department, and I would follow up to ensure any 
incidents are addressed and rectified.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) is a critical role in any 
mission, and it is essential that he or she receive the full support of 
the Chief of Mission. Embassy Doha has an excellent DCM in Natalie 
Baker, who has served in leadership roles on some of our top foreign 
policy priorities. If confirmed, I would support DCM Baker (and any 
other DCM) and fully empower her to foster an effective Mission team.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. As the direct supervisor of most of an Embassy's section 
chiefs, the DCM serves as the conduit for information and decisions to 
reach the Ambassador, as well as communicating the Ambassador's 
priorities and decisions to the rest of the Mission and translating 
those into actions. If confirmed, I plan to entrust the DCM with 
supervision of most day-to-day operational functions of the Mission, 
while ensuring that I support her in appropriate ways to create and 
maintain a diverse, effective, cohesive, and respectful Mission team.
    In order to create and continue employee excellence at the 
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for 
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback that is clear, accurate, and 
direct is an integral part of encouraging high performance. If 
confirmed, I would commit to providing this feedback to employees at 
U.S. Mission Qatar, both through regular, mandatory performance review 
discussions and informal conversations. This is equally important for 
both addressing areas where employees can improve their performance and 
recognizing and rewarding those who are successfully advancing Mission 
goals.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would commit to providing this 
feedback to employees at U.S. Mission Qatar, both through regular, 
mandatory performance review discussions and informal conversations.
    It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts abroad to 
meet with local actors, including host government officials, non-
government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Qatar.

    Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. U.S. diplomats must interact with host government 
officials, civil society, and the local population to protect American 
interests on the ground and represent American values to the local 
population. However, the health, safety, and security of U.S. citizens 
overseas, including those working in our foreign missions, is the 
Department's paramount priority. I have learned from my various 
postings, including in leadership positions, how to appropriately 
balance the need to be active outside the embassy with commensurate 
security and safety measures to sufficiently protect our people.
    If confirmed, I would commit to achieving that balance to ensure 
that the employees of Mission Qatar and their family members remain 
safe while also advancing our Mission goals through external outreach.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would commit facilitating regular external 
outreach with local actors and institutions, while ensuring that 
employees of Mission Qatar and their family members remain safe.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the 
Qatar?

    Answer. Educational and cultural partnerships are important 
components of our bilateral relationship, and the Qatari Government is 
largely supportive of Embassy programming and partnerships. Targeting 
public diplomacy programming to the 10 percent of Qatar's population 
who are Qatari citizens can be challenging. The Government and people 
of Qatar have largely favorable views of the United States, but mixed 
views on U.S. foreign policy in the region.
    Our public diplomacy efforts in Qatar are bolstered by Qatar's 
confidence in U.S. education, science, technology, and business, 
especially as the Government of Qatar seeks to pivot to a knowledge-
based economy. Six American university campuses are currently housed at 
Education City in Qatar, with the support of Qatar Foundation: 
Georgetown University, Virginia Commonwealth University, Carnegie 
Mellon University, Texas A&M University, Weill Cornell Medical College, 
and Northwestern University.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The greatest challenge is accessibility to Qatar's small 
Qatari national population. Qataris on social media and in the press 
are very supportive of U.S. education and American culture but tend to 
be critical of U.S. Government policies in the region and values they 
perceive to be exclusively ``Western.''
    While the Government of Qatar actively participates in a yearly 
Strategic Dialogue, implementation of various memoranda of 
understanding and other public diplomacy agreements is sometimes a 
challenge.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Our diplomats and local staff at U.S. Embassy Doha possess 
deep knowledge of the cultural context and audiences in Qatar. As such, 
they are primarily responsible for effectively tailoring public 
diplomacy messages in country, in close collaboration with public 
diplomacy and public affairs colleagues in Washington, D.C.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have endangered the 
health of U.S. Government personnel are very troubling and must be 
taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that nothing 
is more important than the health and safety of our employees. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that any reported Anomalous Health Incidents 
at U.S. Mission Qatar are responded to quickly and thoroughly.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Doha personnel?

    Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response 
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report Anomalous 
Health Incidents. If confirmed, I would ensure that all employees and 
their family members at U.S. Mission Qatar are aware of Anomalous 
Health Incidents and the means to report them, as well as the 
availability of resources and care. I commit to reporting any incidents 
quickly through the appropriate channels and to referring them promptly 
to the appropriate medical care. I also commit to meeting with medical 
staff and the Regional Security Office to discuss any past reported 
incidents and ensure that all protocols are being followed, in 
consultation with the Department's Health Incident Response Task Force 
and the appropriate teams in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and 
Bureau of Medical Services.
    In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Qatar 
was identified as Tier 2 for its ongoing efforts to meet the minimum 
standards to eliminate trafficking but did not adequately do so in a 
few key areas, including in the number of trafficking investigations 
and training for law enforcement.

    Question. How will you work with the Qataris to address these 
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. I share your concern about these issues and, if confirmed, 
would commit to working with the Government of Qatar to address them. 
Specifically, I would continue U.S. Government exchange programs and 
trainings with Qatari officials to strengthen their capabilities in the 
areas of victim identification, support services, and investigation and 
prosecution under Qatar's anti-trafficking law. I would also encourage 
Qatar's close cooperation with the International Labour Organization as 
well as other international and domestic NGOs to make further progress.
    I would also consult closely with the office of the Ambassador-at-
Large to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to improve Qatar's 
anti-trafficking efforts.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious 
Freedom report, societal respect for religious freedom in Qatar was 
generally lacking, especially among registered religious minorities.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. The United States promotes universal respect for freedom of 
religion or belief for all as a core objective of U.S. foreign policy. 
Qatar's constitution guarantees freedom to practice religion, but 
places limits on that freedom. The public worship or display of 
religious symbols for people of non-Islamic faiths is restricted, for 
example. There are also concerning trends such as residency renewal 
refusals and criminal proceedings against people of unregistered faiths 
such as the local Baha'i community.
    If confirmed, in addition to direct engagement with the Qatari 
Government, I would work with the Ambassador-at-Large to help monitor 
religiously motivated abuses, harassment, and discrimination and 
recommend, develop, and implement policies and programs to address 
these concerns.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Qatar 
was noted as having several significant human rights abuses, including 
limits on the freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, 
excessive restrictions on NGOs, migrant workers' rights, and forced 
labor. It was noted the Government did take some steps to address these 
issues.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these 
        concerns with the host government?

    Answer. As the President and Secretary have said, human rights are 
a pillar of our foreign policy and of our relationships around the 
world. If confirmed, I would prioritize addressing these concerns, and 
I would not shy away from raising these issues at the most senior 
levels.
    Specifically, if confirmed, I would work closely with Qatari 
partners to strengthen implementation of positive changes like labor 
reforms that allow migrant workers to change jobs and exit the county 
without employer permission. I would also regularly encourage Qatar to 
take additional steps to protect the fundamental freedoms of expression 
and association. I believe honest conversations about human rights will 
make our relationship stronger and more resilient.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. Restrictive laws govern civil society organizations in 
Qatar. If confirmed, I would direct embassy employees to continue 
engaging regularly with civil society, and I would engage directly with 
the Government of Qatar to encourage greater freedom of association.

    Question. What is your assessment of the forced labor issue, 
especially as Qatar prepares to host the 2022 World Cup? If confirmed, 
do you commit to personally raising human rights issues with the Qatari 
Government?

    Answer. According to the State Department's annual Trafficking in 
Persons report, the Government of Qatar is making significant efforts 
to eliminate human trafficking, including forced labor, but currently 
does not fully meet minimum standards of the Trafficking Victims 
Protection Act. Qatar has passed laws to better protect World Cup 
stadium construction workers specifically, for example a decree in 2019 
that prohibits work outdoors in the extreme heat, but serious problems 
still exist. If confirmed, I would commit to raising human rights 
issues with the Government of Qatar as a priority and working with 
Qatari partners to address these issues.

    Question. If confirmed, you will be Ambassador to an important 
major non-NATO ally that is currently the main interlocutor in the U.S-
Taliban relationship, specifically as it relates to evacuations of U.S. 
nationals and vulnerable Afghans from Afghanistan.

   What is your assessment of continued evacuations from Afghanistan 
        and evacuees transit through Camp Al-Saliyah (CAS) in Qatar?

    Answer. The Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE) and 
her team continue the U.S. Government's important work to fulfill the 
President's commitment to support the Afghan nationals who worked side-
by-side with the United States in Afghanistan. The Government of Qatar 
has been an invaluable partner in those efforts.

    Question. What is your assessment of Qatar's role in the long-term 
planning for evacuations?

    Answer. I am not apprised of conversations with the Government of 
Qatar on this topic. I would refer you to Coordinator for Afghan 
Relocation Efforts (CARE) for further details, and if confirmed, I 
would look forward to engaging with Qatari partners to secure their 
continued support for our ongoing Afghan relocation efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with other regional 
Ambassadors to support evacuations?

    Answer. The Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE)'s 
mission requires collaboration and teamwork from U.S. embassies around 
the world. If confirmed, I would work closely with other regional 
Ambassadors at the Coordinator's advice to support these efforts.

    Question. It is our understanding that the Qataris have agreed to 
an extension for the MOU outlining continued support for evacuations 
until 2023. Knowing that evacuations will likely continue beyond this 
time, what is the best path forward to ensure CAS remains open for 
processing?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Coordinator for Afghan 
Relocation Efforts (CARE), other U.S. Government agencies, and the 
Government of Qatar to maximize support for our ongoing Afghan 
relocation efforts. I would refer you to CARE for any specific 
questions.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict between the 
Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE) and Mission Doha 
regarding evacuations?

    Answer. Mission Qatar and the Coordinator for Afghan Relocation 
Efforts (CARE) have a very close working relationship. CARE's operation 
in Doha is an integrated component of Mission Qatar. If confirmed, I 
would commit to maintaining and further strengthening this 
collaboration.

    Question. Do you commit to briefing this committee on the continued 
conversations between the U.S., Qatar, and the Taliban regarding 
evacuations?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to keeping this committee apprised of 
important developments.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Many State Department Offices have been under enormous 
stress over the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout the Office of 
        Global Women's Issues?

    Answer. Since January of last year, the office has been led by a 
longtime career public servant who has prioritized addressing 
recommendations from the Office of the Inspector General's assessment 
conducted under the previous administration. My understanding of morale 
throughout the Office is that it has significantly improved as it 
regains staffing, including and in line with the recommendations of the 
Inspector General, and with the current leadership's efforts to retain 
flexibility as COVID protocols have changed. I also understand the 
office currently enjoys a high degree of access and coordination with 
the White House, and that political will and support has been 
incredibly important to improving the morale of the dedicated team at 
S/GWI.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Office of Global 
Women's Issues?

    Answer. In my past professional experience, I have learned that all 
offices need at least three things to succeed, and that morale is 
concurrently served through: 1) sufficient personnel and financial 
resources; 2) political will and leadership; and 3) clear goals and 
metrics. If confirmed, I am committed to identifying and addressing the 
needs of the Office and empowering staff in their leadership of 
Department initiatives for half of the world's population, in 
coordination with Congress.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Office of Global Women's Issues?

    Answer. I have read the Office of the Inspector General assessment 
of S/GWI under the previous administration, including its 
recommendation for a greater focus on strategic planning and alignment 
of resources with priorities. It is my understanding that the Office 
has created a new team for this purpose and to oversee implementation 
of the National Strategy on Gender Equity and Equality, an umbrella 
framework issued by the White House last year. If confirmed, I will 
utilize this Strategy to unify related gender equality policy mandates 
developed, implemented, and coordinated by S/GWI.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Ambassadors. How 
would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I endeavor to lead by example, with my goal to manage in 
ways that are inclusive, collaborative, transparent and decisive. In 
the past, I have benefitted from input from my team and other 
stakeholders, but ultimately believe it is my responsibility to take 
full ownership for the decisions I make. I provide regular feedback and 
do not shy away from making and implementing difficult personnel 
decisions because it is an important way to improve the team's overall 
morale and performance. To develop a shared sense of responsibility, I 
communicate roles and responsibilities clearly, collaborate with my 
team to set goals with metrics to monitor progress, and celebrate 
successes jointly.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. I do not believe that it is ever acceptable or 
constructive to berate subordinates, whether in public or in private.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your deputies?

    Answer. To my understanding, there is no official deputy position 
in the Office of Global Women's Issues currently. However, I know the 
Office has been superbly managed by the current Senior Official, a 
career civil servant with deep program and policy experience. If 
confirmed, I intend to ask her to stay on as principal deputy, and to 
entrust her with significant leadership responsibilities, including and 
especially as I come up to speed. If confirmed, I also intend to 
explore how I can best work with and learn from others in the Office 
who have long served at the Department.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputies?

    Answer. It is my understanding that confirmed political leadership 
for State Department offices is critical, but the Office of Global 
Women's Issues has since January of last year been led superbly by a 
longtime career public servant who I intend to ask to stay. If 
confirmed, I intend to learn from and empower her continued leadership, 
that of the current senior advisor, and the leadership of others in the 
Office to build an environment of collaborative leadership and 
consistency for our staff, while advancing gender equality globally. 
This is especially important to maintaining programmatic continuity.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. I wholeheartedly believe that it is important to provide 
employees with timely, accurate, and constructive feedback on their 
performances in order to encourage improvement, as needed, empower high 
achievers, and raise the overall morale of the Office. As someone who 
has spent a career working with data, I relish the opportunity to 
provide my team with the information they need to grow and excel in 
their roles. I welcome that feedback from others as well. If confirmed, 
I will work to ensure EERs, as well as bi-annual performance reviews, 
are completed in a comprehensive manner for all S/GWI employees, to 
provide other, timely oral feedback, and to use awards cycles to 
recognize truly outstanding performance.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would absolutely support and encourage 
clear, accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers. I intend to lead by example and 
provide this feedback and will encourage others in a leadership 
position in the Office to do the same.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats.

   In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls 
        enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. The Department continues to engage our partners and 
contacts outside of embassy walls at all posts, to include our High 
Threat/High Risk posts. However, challenges remain for our diplomats 
and development officers to operate outside of capitals due to security 
concerns, which can prevent diplomatic engagement, as well as crisis 
mitigation and other stabilization efforts. I look forward to learning 
more about these efforts should I be confirmed.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, international and 
non-governmental organizations as well as civil society, have developed 
innovative virtual platforms to ensure engagement with local 
populations. While I do not believe anything truly replaces face-to-
face diplomacy, should I have the honor of being confirmed, I will 
support the Office's utilization of these virtual consultative 
mechanisms, especially as I believe they can be used to engage local 
civil society organizations that operate outside of capital regions to 
address the needs of grassroots populations.

    Question. Is access to abortion an internationally-recognized human 
right?

    Answer. My understanding is the United States is not a party to any 
international human rights instrument that states that access to 
abortion is a ``human right.'' The United States has been a global 
leader and a strong bilateral donor of voluntary family planning 
assistance, empowering women and girls to plan their futures, including 
by preventing unintended pregnancies.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                  dr. geeta rao gupta by senator risch
          Question. Is S/GWI involved in reproductive health policy 
        decisions?

          Answer. To my understanding, the Office of Global Women's 
        Issues leads on the portfolio on female genital mutilation 
        (FGM), which is a form of gender-based violence that also 
        detrimentally affects women's sexual, reproductive and maternal 
        health. However, it is my understanding that PRM leads on 
        sexual and reproductive health and rights policy at the 
        Department, and the extent of S/GWI's involvement relates 
        exclusively to providing consultation and clearance as 
        appropriate, given its leadership on gender equality within the 
        Department.


          Question. Should it be?

          Answer. I am supportive of PRM's continued leadership on 
        sexual and reproductive health and rights policy for the 
        Department. I believe that it is appropriate for S/GWI to 
        continue to lead on GBV, inclusive of FGM and child marriage. 
        Should I be confirmed, I will continue S/GWI's focus on its 
        three key priorities: 1) addressing and preventing GBV; 2) 
        increasing women's economic participation; and 3) advancing the 
        women, peace and security agenda.

                                *  *  *


    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and 
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family 
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against 
the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of law 
related to our foreign assistance including those relating to abortion 
and involuntary sterilization, and I will work with partners to ensure 
compliance.

    Question. Does the Office of Global Women's Issues work on health 
issues?

    Answer. Health outcomes are related to some of the Office's 
priorities, such as how gender-based violence impacts women's and 
girls' participation in public and private life due to its short- and 
long-term impact on physical and mental health. However, the Office 
does not have any global health-related funding or programs. If 
confirmed, I will focus on the policy and programmatic priorities of 
the Office for which I am nominated which include: women's economic 
security; gender-based violence; and advancing the women, peace, and 
security agenda.

    Question. In particular, does the Office of Global Women's Issues 
work on reproductive health policies?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Bureau of Population, 
Refugees, and Migration is the policy lead for the Department on sexual 
and reproductive health and rights, and that the Office for which I am 
nominated does not have targeted global health-related programming or 
funding. However, the Office of Global Women's Issues' work on gender-
based violence includes a focus on female genital mutilation (FGM), 
which has a direct bearing on reproductive and maternal health. Should 
I be confirmed, I will focus on the priorities of the office I am 
nominated for, which include women's economic security, gender-based 
violence to include FGM, and advancing the women, peace and security 
agenda.


                                *  *  *

                   follow up questions submitted to 
                  dr. geeta rao gupta by senator risch
          Question. I understand that the United States continues to 
        support the 1994 International Conference on Population and 
        Development (ICPD) Programme of Action, which was adopted by 
        consensus. The ICPD established international consensus 
        definitions of the term ``reproductive health'' and 
        ``reproductive rights,'' neither of which explicitly references 
        abortion or a right to abortion.

           Is it your interpretation that the Siljander Amendment 
        applies only to global health assistance, or also to the 
        development and economic assistance that GWI manages and 
        awards?

          Answer. My understanding is that the Siljander Amendment 
        stipulates that no funds appropriated under the Department of 
        State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs Appropriations 
        Act may be used to lobby for or against abortion. This includes 
        the foreign assistance that S/GWI manages and awards.

          Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that the 
        policies GWI advances in response to gender-based violence are 
        fully compliant with the Siljander and Helms amendments?

          Answer. Yes. I reaffirm that, should I be confirmed, I will 
        take legislative restrictions, including restrictions related 
        to abortion, very seriously and will work with partners to 
        ensure compliance.

          Question.  Secretary Blinken released the below press 
        statement on Friday, June 24, regarding the Supreme Court's 
        ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson:


                  As Secretary of State, I usually avoid commenting on 
                Supreme Court rulings. But today's decision overturning 
                Roe v. Wade has raised understandable questions and 
                concerns across the world and within our workforce.
                  So let me be clear: under this administration, the 
                State Department will remain fully committed to helping 
                provide access to reproductive health services and 
                advancing reproductive rights around the world. And 
                this Department will do everything possible to ensure 
                that all our employees have access to reproductive 
                health services, wherever they live.
                  We will not waver from this commitment.


     Do you agree with Sec. Blinken's June 24 press statement in 
            response to the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Dobbs v. 
            Jackson?

          Answer. Yes, but from my understanding, S/GWI does not engage 
        in policy affecting workforce issues.

                                *  *  *



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. You have written extensively on the need to consider 
abortion and reproductive health programs a human right. You have 
opposed common-sense policies, like the Mexico City Policy, which 
ensures that organizations which promote abortion are not subsidized by 
taxpayer money while pushing the World Health Assembly to designate 
reproductive health services as ``essential services.'' While the 
Office of Global Women's Issues at the State Department does not 
currently have a purview over women's health issues, the American 
people deserve to know whether or not you will seek to abuse your 
position to advance divisive abortion policies.

   Do you believe that access to abortion should be a fundamental 
        human right?

    Answer. My understanding is that the United States is not a party 
to any international human rights instrument that states that access to 
abortion is a ``human right.'' Instead, the U.S. has long supported 
efforts to make pregnancy and childbirth safer by strengthening health 
systems to provide women and girls with integrated health services, 
including increased access to maternal health care and high quality, 
voluntary family planning.

    Question. If confirmed, will you use your position to advance this 
belief in American foreign policy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on the priorities of the Office 
for which I am nominated, which include: promoting women's economic 
security; preventing and responding to gender-based violence; and 
advancing the women, peace, and security agenda.

    Question. A number of countries continue to have laws that respect 
the sanctity of human life, including the right to life of the unborn. 
Many of these are critical American partners, like Guatemala, the 
Dominican Republic, the Philippines, Jamaica, and Suriname.

   Is it in the interest of the United States to advocate for these 
        countries to repeal their pro-life laws?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the 1981 Siljander amendment 
prohibits the use of State Department or USAID funds to lobby for or 
against abortion. If confirmed, I commit to upholding this, and all 
provisions of law related to the use of State Department funds.

    Question. Are you worried that by doing so, we risk forcing these 
countries into the arms of China and Russia, who have no issues with 
these countries' positions on abortion?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of law 
restricting the use of funding from the Department of State from 
lobbying for or against abortion. I will focus on the mandate and 
priorities of the Office, which include: advancing women's and girls' 
economic security; preventing and protection from gender-based 
violence; and increasing women's meaningful participation in political 
and security decision-making.

    Question. If confirmed, will you include advocating for access to 
abortion in these countries among one of your priorities?

    Answer. Should I have the honor of being confirmed, I commit to 
upholding all provisions of law, including those restricting the use of 
Department of State funds as related to lobbying for or against 
abortion. As noted above, my intention is to focus on the mandate and 
priorities of the Office to support women's and girls' economic 
security, prevention and protection from gender-based violence, and 
their meaningful participation in political and security decision-
making.

                               __________


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