[Senate Hearing 117-642]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 117-642
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS,
SECOND SESSION_PART I
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
----------
Part I
January 12, 2022 thru June 16, 2022
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
51-736 PDF WASHINGTON : 2023
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
other material submitted for the record are located at the end
of each hearing transcript.
PART I
Wednesday, January 12, 2022...................................... 1
Cleveland, Sarah H., of New York, nominated to be Legal
Adviser of the Department of State......................... 9
O'Brien James C., of Nebraska, nominated to be head of the
Office of Sanctions Coordination, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 12
Tsunis, George J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
Greece..................................................... 15
Van Schaack, Beth, of California, nominated to be Ambassador-
at-Large for Global Criminal Justice....................... 18
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 33
Tuesday, February 8, 2022........................................ 91
Lipstadt, Dr. Deborah E., of Georgia, nominated to be Special
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 98
Dogu, Hon. Laura Farnsworth, of Texas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras..................... 101
Levine, Randi Charno, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Portuguese Republic................................. 104
Perry, Hon. N. Nickolas, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to Jamaica...................................... 107
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 128
Thursday, March 3, 2022.......................................... 167
Romanowski, Hon. Alina L., of Illinois, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq......................... 172
Hickey, Douglas T., of Idaho, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Finland.................................... 175
Fagin, Steven H., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Yemen................................... 177
McKee, Hon. Erin Elizabeth, of California, nominated to be an
assistant administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development.................................. 180
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 192
(iii)
Tuesday, March 15, 2022.......................................... 239
Meehan, Bernadette M., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Chile........................ 241
Nkengasong, Dr. John N., of Georgia, nominated to be
Ambassador-at-Large, Coordinator of the United States
Government Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally.......... 244
Muyangwa, Dr. Monde, of Maryland, nominated to be an
assistant administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development.................................. 247
Gonzales, Hon. Rebecca Eliza, nominated to be Director of the
Office of Foreign Missions................................. 250
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 273
Thursday, April 7, 2022.......................................... 317
Kennedy, Hon. Caroline, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Commonwealth of Australia................ 322
Goldberg, Hon. Philip S., of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea........ 325
Nathanson, Marc B., of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Kingdom of Norway................................... 328
Carlson, Marykay Loss, of Arkansas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines.............. 331
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 351
Wednesday, May 4, 2022........................................... 391
Turner, Dr. Bruce I., of Colorado, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva,
with the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service... 396
Leventhal, Alan M., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark....................... 400
Milstein, Constance J., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Malta........................ 403
Hartley, Hon. Jane D., of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland........................................... 405
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 419
Tuesday, May 10, 2022............................................ 511
Brink, Hon. Bridget A., nominated to be Ambassador to Ukraine 515
Richard, Hon. Elizabeth H., of Virginia, nominated to be
Coordinator for Counterterrorism, with the rank and status
of Ambassador-at-Large..................................... 518
Laskaris, Hon. Alexander Mark, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Chad......... 520
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 547
Wednesday, May 18, 2022.......................................... 585
Bagley, Hon. Elizabeth Frawley, of Florida, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil............ 590
Aponte, Hon. Mari Carmen, of Florida, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Panama....................... 593
Mora, Dr. Francisco O., of Florida, nominated to be Permanent
Representative to the Organization of American States, with
the rank of Ambassador..................................... 596
Kwan, Michelle, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
Belize..................................................... 599
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 622
Tuesday, May 24, 2022............................................ 651
Brigety, Hon. Reuben E. II, of Florida, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa................. 656
Battle, Hon. Michael A. Sr., of Georgia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania.............. 658
Whitman, Margaret C., of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Kenya................................... 660
Gonzales, Michael C., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia....................... 675
Godfrey, John T., of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Sudan................................... 677
Adler, Michael J., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of South Sudan................................ 680
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 690
Tuesday, June 7, 2022............................................ 763
Bennett, Amanda, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
Chief Executive Officer of the United States Agency for
Global Media............................................... 765
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 780
Thursday, June 16, 2022.......................................... 791
Wittes, Dr. Tamara Cofman, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the United
States Agency for International Development................ 794
Ratney, Michael Alan, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.................. 797
Davis, Timmy T., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the State of Qatar......................................... 800
Gupta, Dr. Geeta Rao, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues.............. 803
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 827
Part II
Thursday, June 23, 2022.......................................... 875
Shortino, Elizabeth, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be United States Executive Director of the International
Monetary Fund for a term of two years...................... 878
Pressman, Hon. David, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to Hungary................................................. 881
Pyatt, Hon. Geoffrey R., nominated to be an Assistant
Secretary (Energy Resources)............................... 883
Wood, Hon. Robert A., of New York, nominated to be Alternate
Representative for Special Political Affairs in the United
Nations, with the rank of Ambassador, and to be an
Alternate Representative to the Sessions of the General
Assembly of the United Nations, during his tenure of
service.................................................... 887
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 902
Wednesday, July 13, 2022......................................... 937
Godec, Hon. Robert F., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand...................... 941
Thompson, Dean R., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to
Nepal...................................................... 944
Abraham, Yohannes, of Virginia, nominated to be
Representative to the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations, with the rank and status of Ambassador............ 947
Buangan, Richard Lee, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to Mongolia..................................... 950
Damour, Marie C., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Fiji, and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and
Tuvalu..................................................... 953
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 972
Wednesday, July 27, 2022......................................... 1015
Talwar, Hon. Puneet, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco................. 1018
Henick, Dr. Jonathan, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Uzbekistan.............................. 1021
Viguerie, Lesslie, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Kyrgyz Republic........................................ 1024
Rosenblum, Hon. Daniel N., of Maryland, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan................... 1026
Hood, Joey R., of New Hampshire, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Tunisia................................. 1029
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1043
Thursday, July 28, 2022--a.m..................................... 1103
Duncan, William H., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of El Salvador................................ 1110
Rodriguez, Hugo F., Jr., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Nicaragua.................... 1112
Bond, Candace A., of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago........................ 1115
Fulton, Heide B., of West Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay............. 1118
Faucher, Robert J., of Arizona, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Suriname................................... 1121
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1138
Thursday, July 28, 2022--p.m..................................... 1173
Duggal, Shefali Razdan, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands............... 1177
Patman, Carrin F., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Iceland.................................... 1180
Aggeler, Angela Price, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Ambassador to the Republic of North Macedonia........ 1182
Rana, Gautam A., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Slovak Republic........................................ 1185
Berry, Hon. Randy W., of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Namibia................................. 1187
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1197
Wednesday, August 3, 2022........................................ 1231
Ba, Jessica Davis, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
be Ambassador to the Republic of Cote D'Ivoire............. 1239
Tamlyn, Hon. Lucy, of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of the Congo......... 1242
Korhonen, Rachna Sachdeva, of New Jersey, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Mali......................... 1245
Schiffer, Rolfe Michael, of New York, nominated to be an
Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development.................................. 1248
Fick, Nathaniel, of Maine, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy.................... 1250
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1271
Tuesday, November 29, 2022....................................... 1355
Robinson, Christopher T., of Maryland, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia....................... 1359
Kent, George P., of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Estonia................................. 1362
Merten, Hon. Kenneth, of Virginia, to the Republic of
Bulgaria................................................... 1365
Kavalec, Kathleen Ann, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to Romania...................................... 1367
Sabet, Bijan, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Czech Republic......................................... 1370
Sullivan, Hon. Stephanie Sanders, of Maryland, nominated to
be Representative to the African Union, with the rank and
status of Ambassador....................................... 1389
Jardine, Henry V., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Mauritius, and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Republic of Seychelles..................................... 1392
Gorordo, L. Felice, of Florida, nominated to be Alternate
Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years..... 1394
Weiner, Richard L.A., of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development................................................ 1397
Micaller, Manuel P., Jr. of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Tajikistan................... 1400
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1414
Wednesday, November 30, 2022..................................... 1513
Tracy, Hon. Lynne M., of Ohio, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Russian Federation..................................... 1516
Fisher, Hon. Julie D., of Tennessee, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus....................... 1542
Kvien, Kristina A., of California, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Armenia................................. 1545
Spahn, Carol, of Maryland, nominated to be Director of the
Peace Corps................................................ 1548
Dyer, Cynthia, of Virginia, nominated to be Director of the
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking, with the rank of
Ambassador-at-Large........................................ 1550
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1564
NOMINATIONS
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WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:23 a.m., in
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, Booker, Van Hollen,
Risch, Rubio, Johnson, Romney, Paul, Young, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senator Casey.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will now come to order.
We are here today to consider nominations for four
important positions: Sarah Cleveland to be the State Department
Legal Adviser, James O'Brien to be the Coordinator for
Sanctions Policy, Dr. Beth Van Schaack to be Ambassador-at-
Large for Global Criminal Justice, and George Tsunis to be the
Ambassador for Greece.
Congratulations to each of you. We appreciate your
willingness and that of your family, because we recognize that
this is a sacrifice by families as well, to serve your country
in this capacity.
I know that there are various colleagues who are looking to
make introductions of our nominees before the committee.
I understand that Senator Coons is seeking to introduce Ms.
Cleveland, Senator Booker will be introducing Dr. Van Schaack,
and Senators Casey and Paul will be introducing Mr. Tsunis.
So we will start with--I understand Senator Casey is
joining us virtually?
Senator Casey. That is correct.
The Chairman. Senator Casey, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey. Chairman Menendez, thank you for this
opportunity. I want to thank you and Ranking Member Risch and
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for this
opportunity and to appear before you in this format to support
George Tsunis' nomination to be the next Ambassador to Greece.
I have known George for over 15 years. He has friends on
both sides of the aisle in the United States Senate, and I want
to thank him for his willingness to serve.
I also want to thank, as Chairman Menendez made reference
to, his family: George's wife, Olga, his two daughters, Eleni
and Yanna, and his son, James. Families make it possible for an
American to serve our nation abroad and we are grateful for the
contribution that they make.
Let me start with the role of Ambassador to Greece. As the
committee members know better than I, this is a vital
diplomatic position for the United States Government.
As Russia continues its unprecedented aggression against
Ukraine and other democratic neighbors and Iranian threats in
the Middle East grow, the position of Ambassador to Greece has
become even more important to U.S. national security and
regional stability in Europe and the Middle East.
This Ambassador serves to promote the thriving U.S.-Greek
economic partnership and both of our nations' democratic values
and respect for human rights.
George is prepared to take on these responsibilities and
these challenges, and strengthen our relationship with Greece.
His legal and business acumen and strong commitment to public
service make him well qualified to serve as Ambassador.
He has practiced law in New York, rising to be a partner in
New York's largest real estate, municipal law, and commercial
litigation firm. In 2005, he left his firm to start his very
successful company, Chartwell Hotels.
George has grown Chartwell into a leader, operating hotels
across the East Coast and mid-Atlantic. I know personally in
Pennsylvania George has developed four hotels from ground-up
construction, creating hundreds of construction jobs and
permanent hospitality jobs.
Every job, especially in places like Williamsport,
Pennsylvania--Lycoming County, in the north central part of our
state--every single job is important to those communities, and
that community also rehabilitated the historic 1913 First
National Bank, returning this Williamsport landmark to
commercial use.
He has also been very active in the Chamber of Commerce in
Lycoming County. In addition to his private sector leadership,
George has also served his community, whether it is as a lawyer
for the New York City Council, work he has done in the town of
Huntingdon's Environmental Open Space Committee, the Dix Water
District, serving as an advisor here in the Senate to the
Senate Banking Committee, and chairman of the Battery Park City
Authority.
Again, in service of the people of Pennsylvania, George
founded a scholarship for promising students at the
Pennsylvania College of Technology, one of our premier
institutions in the state, and he remains active in his support
for Lycoming County communities and philanthropic
organizations.
George knows intimately the interests of the Greek people
and how to represent those interests at the highest levels. He
is the son of first-generation Greek immigrants, learning Greek
as his first language and actively participating in the
community of St. Paraskevi.
George has become a recognized leader in the Greek-American
community. He was a founding trustee of the foremost Greek
civic leadership organization in the United States, the
Hellenic American Leadership Council, and remains vice
president of the board of directors.
He continues to support other nonprofit organizations. His
missions revolve around the importance of the U.S.-Greek
relationship, including the Hellenic Initiative, Leadership
100, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese National Coordinating
Committee, and so much more.
For his leadership on behalf of the Greek-American
community, George has received the St. Paul's Medal, the
highest ecclesiastical honor for a layman from the Greek
Orthodox Church in America and a member to the Order of St.
Andrew the Apostle, the highest honor given to a lay person by
his All Holiness Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew.
George has extensive leadership experience, and his long
commitment to the U.S.-Greek relationship have prepared him
well to represent the United States as our next Ambassador to
Greece.
I enthusiastically support and recommend his nomination to
you and I am honored to have this opportunity today. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Casey, for that insightful
introduction.
I now turn to a distinguished member of this committee,
Senator Paul.
STATEMENT OF HON. RAND PAUL,
U.S. SENATOR FROM KENTUCKY
Senator Paul. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
the committee, thank you for allowing me to introduce my
friend, George Tsunis, to you and to encourage you to approve
him as the U.S. Ambassador to Greece.
I have known George for several years. I know him as a
patriot, a civic leader, and an exceptional executive, as well
as someone who has exhibited the bipartisanship that I think
will help him in negotiating as a diplomat and representing his
country.
He has been an important figure in U.S.-Greek relations. He
understands the dynamics of the long friendship between our
countries. We would be fortunate to have him as our
representative to the Government of Greece.
George has succeeded in business and is eager to bring that
expertise to the public sector. He heads Chartwell Hotels, as
you have heard, which is successful across the country.
He also chairs the Battery Park City Authority, which
manages a 92-acre development on Manhattan's Lower West Side.
He speaks Greek, is a proud American of Greek descent.
George is active in the Orthodox Church, was a founding
trustee of the Hellenic American Leadership Council and is a
trustee of the Hellenic Initiative, a global humanitarian
organization established a decade ago.
George has worked closely with the Greek-American leaders
in the United States, knows many of the important players in
Greece, and is conversant with the issues they deal with
regularly.
He also understands how to operate part of the Government--
as part of the Government in the United States. He served as a
legislative attorney for the New York City Council, as counsel
for the Dix Hills Water District in New York, and as an aide to
a U.S. senator.
In fact, he worked for Senator Alfonse D'Amato, who is here
today. Thank you, Senator D'Amato, for being here today to
support George's nomination.
George is involved in countless charities that give back to
the community, including various hospitals. We are fortunate
that George wants to return to government service.
Thank you for considering him for this important role and,
thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to speak on George's
behalf.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Paul.
Senator Booker, are you ready to introduce Dr. Van Schaack?
STATEMENT OF HON. CORY BOOKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Booker. Yes. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I have known Dr. Beth Van Schaack for 34
years. She had the unfortunate experience of meeting me when we
were both teenagers, and while I was a hunk of undeveloped
athletic and intellectual potential, she was an extraordinary
standout in her college years.
She was brilliant, wise beyond her years, and someone
deeply committed to her classmates. I made the smart decision
just to follow her and I followed her to Yale Law School where
we continued to develop our friendship, but more importantly to
the matter before us, I got to see her tie her intellectual
excellence with a commitment for larger issues of justice.
This is someone who has, I have seen, weather very
difficult personal challenges overcoming adversity, and yet she
continued to devote her life over and over to serving her
country and others.
After receiving her law degree from Yale, she has been
committed to achieving justice, beginning her career working on
behalf of victims of human rights abuses. She has served as
deputy in the same office that she has now been nominated to
lead.
She has been advisor, a valued advisor, to Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton, to Secretary of State John Kerry, on
ways the United States can prevent and respond to mass
atrocities and war crimes.
In 2014, she returned back to Stanford where she is
currently the Leah Kaplan Professor in Human Rights, focused on
training the next generation of human rights advocates. She has
earned a reputation amongst her students and colleagues and
peers as one of the preeminent experts in our nation on these
pressing issues.
It is an honor for me, one of the great of my time as
senator, to be able to not only introduce her but to press upon
my colleagues that I think she will be a tremendous addition to
our diplomatic corps, not just because of her vast experience,
not just because of her intellect and expertise, but because of
her character.
It is what I have seen for 34 years, that she has grit,
that she has guts, that she has dedication to others, and I
think she will be an extraordinary asset to this nation, not to
mention the fact that she can still beat me in a 40-yard dash.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Oh, and, Mr. Chairman, a point of privilege, please. I just
have to say to my friend, George Tsunis [speaks Greek] and,
sir, thank you for standing up [speaks Greek].
The Chairman. Wow.[Laughter.]
The Chairman. Forty-yard dash. Okay.
I understand that Senator Coons is here so we recognize him
now.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is my honor to
introduce my friend and law school classmate, Sarah Cleveland,
nominated by President Biden to serve as Legal Adviser for the
State Department.
I want to welcome her family--Roger, Grover, Richard,
Electa--who are with her today. I have known her more than 30
years, and I remember most clearly and sharply our working
together on international human rights litigation on behalf of
refugees being interdicted on the high seas--refugees from
Haiti who were fleeing a change of government there and seeking
refuge.
She was the legal brains of our team and was brilliant then
and is brilliant now. She has been nominated to be the State
Department's top lawyer at a critical moment when we need
someone with deep experience, great values, and the ability to
help give the most relevant and timely advice to the leaders of
our State Department and our nation.
If confirmed, she would be the second woman in our nation's
history to hold the position of the presidentially-appointed
Legal Adviser. She was raised in Alabama, worked as a sales
clerk and waitress in Birmingham to pay her way through Brown.
Went on to study at Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar and Yale Law
School, and to clerk on the Supreme Court for Justice Blackmun.
She has worked in red states and blue states, at home from
Texas to New York to South Florida and in far-flung corners of
the world from Namibia to Eastern Europe advancing justice,
human rights, and national security.
As a result of her nearly 30 years of teaching and
practicing international law, she has developed deep expertise.
I have a letter I will submit for the record of endorsement of
former legal advisers who served in both Republican and
Democratic administrations.
Fourteen of her years were spent working for or advising
the U.S. Government or the judiciary and eight as an
independent expert at the request of the U.S. Government.
If you do not know Sarah yet, it will soon become clear she
cares deeply about democracy, human rights, and the rule of law
around the world and is greatly knowledgeable about the threats
posed by Russia, China, Iran, and others.
Sarah Cleveland is a dedicated and capable public servant
with the intelligence, character, and experience to serve
admirably as the next State Department Legal Adviser. I look
forward to supporting her and urge my colleagues to support her
confirmation.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Coons.
Let me turn to the nominees, briefly.
Ms. Cleveland, welcome and congratulations on your
nomination. You have a stellar legal resume. I have no doubt
that your experience including in the Office of the Legal
Adviser, or L, as it is well known, will serve you well.
I am pleased to note that you have the strong support of
your predecessors. All nine living former legal advisers, six
Republicans and three Democrats, have written to Senator Risch
and myself endorsing your nomination, and without objection, I
will ask that those letters will be included in the record.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
transcript.]
The Chairman. As you know, the role of Legal Adviser is
somewhat unique in our government. If confirmed, you will be
the general counsel of the State Department leading L and its
cadre of exceptionally talented lawyers, and you will also be
the chief international legal diplomat for the United States.
You will be expected to provide objective legal advice to
the Secretary of State, other department policymakers, and
offices across the federal government.
I expect that, if confirmed, you will build upon the work
of the current administration to return the United States to a
place it once held on the global stage as a country that both
observes and advances the rule of law.
As an attorney for the executive branch, you will no doubt
be pressed to broadly interpret the President's Article Two
authorities.
I will look to you for a vigorous and objective legal
analysis, and I expect that consistent with our Constitution
you will understand the interest and role of Congress in the
area of foreign affairs and work in good faith with this
committee to ensure that Congress' constitutional role in
foreign affairs is fully and meaningfully respected.
Mr. O'Brien, I am pleased to have you before us, both
because I believe you are an excellent nominee and because your
presence signifies something that both Senator Risch and I
worked towards, the establishment of a Sanctions Coordinator
position in law.
It is a critical position, and the last administration's
decision to leave it unfilled was, in my view, shortsighted and
damaging. As you know, sanctions are one of the few meaningful
tools we have in our foreign policy toolkit.
If confirmed, you will have three statutorily-mandated
roles. You will be the lead sanctions diplomat, the lead for
State on sanctions in the interagency process, and the lead
within State in coordinating sanctions policy.
In short, your efforts will be instrumental to ensuring
that our sanctions policy are fully aligned with and advancing
our foreign policy. I look forward to hearing how you will
approach that complex set of challenges awaiting you, if
confirmed.
Dr. Van Schaack, congratulations on your nomination. I am
glad to hear you can outrun my distinguished colleague from New
Jersey. You have had a distinguished career that has prepared
you well for this position.
If confirmed, you will be tasked with advising the
Secretary of State and others in the U.S. Government on how to
prevent and respond to atrocities around the world. To say this
is a critical task would be an understatement.
For decades, the United States has led the world in seeking
responsible mechanisms of international justice to hold
accountable the dictators, thugs, and warlords who commit
atrocities against their own citizens.
And yet, when we look around the world today, we see rising
impunity for perpetrators of atrocities against innocent
civilians.
The genocide of Uighurs in China's Xinjiang region, the
murderous assault on the Rohingya and other ethnic and
religious minorities by the military junta in Burma, the Assad
regime's machinery of torture and death in Syria, and the use
of starvation and sexual assault as a weapon of war in Ethiopia
are only some examples.
Strengthening international mechanisms for accountability
is essential to helping prevent mass atrocity crimes, and I
look forward to hearing your ideas on how best we can
accomplish this.
Mr. Tsunis, I welcome your nomination, which comes at such
a high point in the U.S.-Greece relationship. Greece is a
critical U.S. ally, a strategic partner, and a lynchpin for
security and democracy in the Eastern Mediterranean.
As the birthplace of democracy, Greece continues to be a
beacon of freedom in southeastern Europe. In recent years, we
have taken several important steps towards strengthening our
strategic partnership with Greece.
Congress has reaffirmed its strong bipartisan support for
Greece with the landmark Eastern Mediterranean Security and
Energy Partnership Act in 2019, which I led with Senator Rubio
and other members of this committee.
Last year, we made strides in strengthening NATO's southern
flank with the passage of the U.S.-Greece Defense and
Interparliamentary Partnership Act, which I also led with
Senator Rubio and other members of this committee, and
Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Dendias recently signed
an updated and expanded Defense Cooperation Agreement,
furthering our ability to stand with our allies.
Mr. Tsunis, if confirmed, you will inherit the strongest
U.S.-Greece relationship in history, one that is well poised
for even further growth.
You know Greece and the dynamics of the region well, and I
am confident in your ability to bring the U.S.-Greece
relationship into the next era.
With that, let me turn to the distinguished ranking member
for his comments.
Senator Risch?
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
On the nomination of Legal Adviser to the Department of
State, this position advises the Secretary on all legal issues
related to the work of the department including matters of
compliance with congressional oversight--obviously, a very
important matter to his committee.
The use of force also in international agreements entered
into by the United States are also matters on which advice is
given.
Ms. Cleveland, I do not envy the task before you. You come
to this nomination at a pivotal juncture in U.S. foreign policy
as the United States faces some of what I believe are the
greatest challenges of our time.
You will be in the room as the department grapples with
difficult legal questions. But I wanted to emphasize another
critical element of the job: an obligation and a commitment to
keep Congress informed on these crucial legal questions.
I raise this point because so far in the Biden
administration, State's legal opinions have been missing in
action. I am sure they exist. I hope they exist. But they are
not shared with this committee.
It is hard to understand administration policy and to do
oversight without them. This lack of transparency damages
confidence. Responses to questions on Nord Stream 2 sanctions
have been delayed and are cursory when received.
The department has been unwilling to respond to the most
basic factual questions about why certain entities have not
been sanctioned under clear statutory requirements.
Questions about congressional oversight over potential
reentry into the JCPOA have been insufficient. The
administration's compliance with the Caesar Act has been
lackluster at best, and it is accelerating outreach to Assad
despite congressional inquiries.
These are just a few of the most egregious examples. Should
you be confirmed, I expect you to take seriously congressional
requests for information and transparency.
It is important to note that your job is to provide legal
opinions, not legal facts. The law is never as black and white
as legal advisers make it out to be, and since this body writes
the laws, interpreting them in contradiction to congressional
intent is dangerous.
On the nomination of Sanctions Coordinator, I am pleased
the Administration has nominated someone to this important
position.
As the Chairman indicated, he and I personally engaged to
create this office under law and evaluate it to the rank of
Ambassador with a direct report to the Secretary of State.
I believe the structure can improve U.S. sanctions policy
in three chief ways: improve internal department communications
about the goals of our sanctions regimes and most effective use
of implementation tools and resources, improve U.S. interagency
communication to ensure our sanction regimes are fully aligned
with U.S. foreign policy objectives, and create a centralized
point of contact for foreign governments to ensure effective
communication with allies and partners on sanctions
implementation and technical cooperation.
This particular position is so important now that this
country more and more relies on sanctions to adjust other
countries' actions and we do that in lieu of kinetic type of
activity that we have engaged in in the past. This can be more
important and actually more effective than kinetic action.
Should you be confirmed, I expect you to focus on
determining structure process and resourcing that will set the
office up for success now and in the future, and I ask for your
commitment to cooperatively engage with our office and Congress
on these issues, going forward.
On the nomination of Ambassador-at-Large for Global
Criminal Justice, this office is tasked with aiding in
interagency atrocity prevention efforts as well as driving
response and accountability efforts for war crimes, crimes
against humanity, and genocide.
This role is important in seeking accountability for crimes
committed in countries such as Syria, Burma, Iraq, Ethiopia,
Venezuela, and others in conflict.
While I remain a strong critic of the ICC, this office
needs to work with the international community and our like-
minded allies to find the proper avenues of accountability and
justice for victims of atrocities. I look forward to hearing
your thoughts on these issues.
Finally, on the nomination of Ambassador to Greece, Greece
faces challenges on multiple fronts as it manages China's
attempts to establish footholds in its economy, Russian malign
influence campaigns to divide the European Union, and massive
migration inflows.
Should you be confirmed as Ambassador, I hope your
experience in business and development will help you navigate
the difficult challenges regarding foreign influence and
competition in Greece's economy.
Thank you, Senator Menendez.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
Now we will turn to our nominees. We would like to give you
about five minutes or so to summarize your statements. Your
full statements will be included in the record, without
objection, and we will start with Ms. Cleveland.
STATEMENT OF SARAH H. CLEVELAND OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
LEGAL ADVISER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and thank you,
Senator Coons, for that generous introduction and your years of
friendship and leadership.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
as President Biden's nominee to serve as Legal Adviser of the
Department of State. I am deeply grateful to President Biden
and Secretary Blinken for their confidence and support.
I also want to express my gratitude to the members of this
committee and your staff for your consideration. For over 20
years, I have taught my students about the importance of the
constitutional role of Congress in U.S. foreign relations.
I have found my conversations with members of this
committee enlightening, and I look forward to our continued
engagement, if confirmed.
I would like to introduce my daughter, Electa Cleveland, my
son, Richard Tuddenham, my brother, Grover Cleveland--and yes,
that is his name--and my life partner, Roger Cohen, who are
with me today.
My 97-year-old father, Melford Cleveland, is watching from
his home in rural Alabama, and my ailing mother, Marcia
Cleveland, who danced with the National Ballet of Washington
here, is with us in spirit.
We all know the tremendous toll that government service
inflicts on our loved ones. I want to thank my family for their
steadfast enthusiasm and support and for all I have learned
from them. I love you deeply.
My family has worked at all levels of national, state, and
local government, and to them I owe my passion for public
service.
My father, a law clerk to fellow Alabamian Justice Hugo
Black, held his first legal position in the Office of the Legal
Adviser of the State Department, the office to which, if
confirmed, I would now return.
He then served for 20 years in the Justice Department
before completing his career as an administrative law judge for
the Social Security Administration.
My brother was legal counsel to King County in Washington
State. My great-grandfather was Speaker of the House of the
Massachusetts legislature, and my grandmother, Walter Frances
Cleveland, was a public school teacher and a member of the
Board of Electors of her rural Alabama community. She
registered numerous Black Americans to vote after World War II.
Inspired by their examples, it has been my mission to serve
the public good. I began as a law clerk to District Judge Lewis
Oberdorfer and Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun.
I have spent more than two decades teaching students about
the central place of law in U.S. foreign relations, first, at
the University of Texas, then at Columbia University. Some of
them are now among the excellent lawyers at the Office of the
Legal Adviser, or L.
I know L well. I served as the Legal Adviser's counselor on
international law from 2009 to 2011 and as an expert adviser to
the office until 2013. I have been a member of the Secretary of
State's Advisory Committee on International Law for over a
decade.
Having provided legal advice to the department under both
Democratic and Republican administrations, I understand L's
important role. Its 300 attorneys and other professionals
provide objective advice on the law to the department and the
U.S. Government. They problem solve, they identify legal
constraints, and offer their best judgment to policymakers
seeking to advance U.S. interests. They help explain U.S.
Government legal positions to this Congress, the public, and
counterparts around the world.
I would bring a lifetime of knowledge to the office, if
confirmed. My experience overseeing the definitive treatise on
U.S. foreign relations law and serving as the U.S. Government
nominated expert to international bodies makes me keenly aware
of the challenges involved, particularly as states such as
Russia, China, and Iran pose growing threats to our global
legal order.
If given the honor of serving as Legal Adviser, I would
seek to provide balanced, clear, practical, and objective legal
advice of the highest quality.
I would do so with integrity, humility, and a full sense of
the great responsibility I would bear. I would commit to
maintaining close relations with Congress and this committee.
As a teacher, I often close my course with a quote from
Oliver Wendell Holmes: ``Go out and live greatly in the law,
find your passion, and wear your heart out after the
unattainable.'' We may not always be able to secure all our
aspirations as a nation for ourselves and humanity, but
grounded in our values, our Constitution, and our laws, we must
never waver from that quest.
It would be a privilege to serve the U.S. in this capacity
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Cleveland follows:]
Prepared Statement of Sarah H. Cleveland
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to serve as Legal Adviser to the Department of State. I am
deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence and support. I also want to express my gratitude to the
Members of this Committee, and your staff, for your consideration. For
over twenty years, I have taught my students about the importance of
the constitutional role of Congress in U.S. foreign relations. I have
found my conversations with Members of this Committee enlightening, and
I look forward to our continued engagement, if confirmed.
I would like to introduce my daughter, Electa Cleveland, my son,
Richard Tuddenham, my brother, Grover Cleveland, and my life partner,
Roger Cohen, who are with me today. My 97-year old father, Melford
Cleveland, is watching from his home in rural Alabama, and my ailing
mother, Marcia Cleveland, who danced with the National Ballet here in
Washington, is with us in spirit. We all know the tremendous toll that
government service inflicts on loved ones. I want to thank my family
for their steadfast enthusiasm and support, and for all I have learned
from them. I love you deeply.
My family has worked at all levels of national, state and local
government. To them I owe my passion for public service. My father, a
law clerk to fellow Alabamian Justice Hugo Black, held his first legal
position in the Office of the Legal Adviser of the State Department--
the office to which, if confirmed, I would return as the second
Presidentially-appointed woman. He then served for 20 years in the
Justice Department, before completing his career as an Administrative
Law Judge for the Social Security Administration. My brother was legal
counsel to King County in Washington State. My great grandfather was
Speaker of the House of the Massachusetts legislature. And my
grandmother, Walter Frances Cleveland, was a public school teacher and
a member of the board of electors of her rural Alabama community. She
helped register numerous Black Americans to vote after World War II.
Inspired by their examples, it has been my mission to serve the
public good. I began as a law clerk to District Court Judge Louis
Oberdorfer and Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun. I have spent more
than two decades teaching students the central place of law in U.S.
foreign relations, first at the University of Texas, then at Columbia
University. Some of them are now among the excellent lawyers at the
Office of the Legal Adviser, or ``L'' as it is known. I know L well: I
served as the Legal Adviser's Counselor on International Law from 2009-
2011, and as an expert adviser to the office until 2013. I have been a
member of the Secretary of State's Advisory Committee on International
Law for over a decade.
Having provided legal advice to the Department under both
Democratic and Republican administrations, I understand L's important
role. Its three hundred attorneys and other professionals provide
objective advice on the law to the Department and the U.S. Government.
They problem solve. They identify legal constraints and offer their
best judgement to policy makers seeking to advance U.S. interests. They
help explain U.S. Government legal positions to Congress, the public,
and counterparts around world.
I would bring a lifetime of knowledge to the office, if confirmed.
My experience overseeing the definitive treatise on U.S. foreign
relations law and serving as the U.S. Government-nominated expert to
international bodies makes me keenly aware of the challenges involved,
particularly as states such as Russia, China and Iran pose growing
threats to our global legal order.
If given the honor of serving as Legal Adviser, I would seek to
provide balanced, clear, practical, and objective legal advice of the
highest quality. I would do so with integrity, humility, and a full
sense of the great responsibility I would bear. I would commit to
maintaining close relations with Congress and this Committee.
As a teacher, I often close my course with a quote from Oliver
Wendell Holmes: ``Go out and live greatly in the law, find your
passion, and wear your heart out after the unattainable.'' We may not
always be able to secure all our aspirations as a nation, for ourselves
and humanity. But grounded in our values, our Constitution and our
laws, we must never waver from that quest.
It would be an immense privilege to serve the United States in this
capacity. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. O'Brien?
STATEMENT OF JAMES C. O'BRIEN OF NEBRASKA, NOMINATED TO BE HEAD
OF THE OFFICE OF SANCTIONS COORDINATION, WITH THE RANK OF
AMBASSADOR
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member. It is
an honor to appear before the committee and to have been asked
to undertake this assignment, if the Senate agrees that I am to
be confirmed.
You each emphasized the role that this committee in
particular plays in shaping U.S. sanctions policy. I already
enjoy close relationships with some of your advisers. I expect
to deepen those relationships and engage with this committee if
I am confirmed to this position. I thank you for all the time
that you have given and the staff has given to my nomination.
I am also honored to be on this panel. These three people
are the best at what they do and I really hope we get the
chance to work together if the Senate decides that that is to
be.
I am here because of the support of my family--my wife,
Mary, my children, Sean and Jamie, my sisters, Meghan and Nan.
I want to offer a special word of thanks to my dad, Jim,
who is watching from Nebraska. His mother worked for Senator
Burke many years ago. So he has had the opportunity to revisit
some family history as I prepared for this hearing.
And I want to say a word about my late mother, Jane. She
died a year ago last week. It has been a difficult year for my
father. But I think now we are starting to see our way through
this.
She believed strongly in community service, having
supported efforts to bring refugees to Nebraska, to work with
integrating the people mentally challenged into their own
housing, to work with English as a second language students,
and to promote the sports among girls.
I think that heritage of community service makes me hope
that she would be proud of me for being willing to go back into
government service. I know she respected American institutions
and she would appreciate your role in deciding whether I am
suited to go back into public service.
I have worked in government almost 15 years of my career,
serving twice as Special Presidential Envoy. I worked as an
attorney adviser in L in my opening position in the U.S.
Government, and so I have been around U.S. sanctions policy for
more than 30 years.
I have seen how important sanctions are and I know it is
vital that we enforce and fully implement the sanctions that we
have on the books, and so I commit myself that that will be a
major part of my work if I am confirmed.
In preparing for our consultations, I have been very
impressed by the investment the executive branch has made in
identifying sanctions targets and trying to develop the
programs so that they can be effective.
There are several hundred people at State and Treasury as
well as the Department of Commerce, the White House, the
intelligence community, working on these issues.
As the Treasury Department noted in its review published
several months ago, it alone has submitted almost 9,500
individual sanctions over recent years. There are 20
independent sanctions programs and scores of legislation and
executive orders to be coordinated. So there is a lot of work
to do to see that this is effective.
Mr. Chairman, you asked how I would intend to do this. One
is with a lot of help. I will need the colleagues from across
the executive branch and also those in this room and across the
Congress to be sure that U.S. policy is clear and forceful.
I want to emphasize just a few points. First, sanctions are
part of a strategy. They cannot be the strategy.
So I will work with the colleagues responsible for U.S.
policy so that we are clear about what we intend by sanctions,
they have clear goals, we understand the power structures we
are trying to enforce, and we are adaptable so that when the
targets of our sanctions seek to evade them we are able to
respond.
Secondly, we have to understand both the effectiveness of
our sanctions and their impacts and, in particular, we need to
look at the humanitarian consequences of sanctions policy.
Nothing undermine sanctions more quickly than the idea that
they are hurting the innocent bystanders, and so I look forward
to working with you to be sure that we achieve the goals of our
sanctions while not hurting those who are not the intended
targets.
The third point is we have to work with our partners. Mr.
Chairman, you mentioned that I would be a lead diplomat. I
intend to work not only on my own but with all of my colleagues
from across the Administration such as ambassadors in post
because we need everyone to speak with one voice about what the
U.S. expects from our partners and what we can learn from our
partners so that we work well together.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, sanctions are vital to the fight
against corruption. This committee and others in Congress have
been resolute in declaring corruption to be a threat to the
United States.
President Biden has established a strong national strategy
to combat corruption globally, and I see the role of sanctions
as a critical part in this and also in bringing forward the use
of all the tools that are available to fight corruption.
With that, we can attack not only the targets--the people
who are responsible for human rights abuses and violations of
law that cause us to want to sanction them--but we will be able
to get at the networks of enablers that they rely upon to be
able to attack our national security.
So with that, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, I appreciate
the consideration so far and I look forward to further
conversation.
[The prepared statement of Mr. O'Brien follows:]
Prepared Statement of James C. O'Brien
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today. Thank you for
considering my nomination, and I also thank the committee staff for
meeting with me.
I am here because of the support of my wife Mary, our children Sean
and Jamie, my father Jim, and my sisters Meghan and Nan. My mother,
Jane, died just over a year ago. She was the bedrock of our family and
instilled a love of community and public service that has shaped my
life.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, I welcome the opportunity to
return to public service if I am confirmed. I began my career as an
attorney-adviser in the State Department in 1989 and was proud to serve
the U.S. Government and the American people until 2001, when I finished
an assignment as presidential envoy for the Balkans upon the democratic
transition in Serbia. In 2015, I became the first U.S. presidential
envoy for hostage affairs, a position that allowed me to work with many
brave Americans seeking the safe return of their family members. It was
a privilege.
I am honored that President Biden and Secretary Blinken have
nominated me to be Sanctions Coordinator. I thank the committee for its
strong advocacy--collectively and through several members--for the
position. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting closely with
Committee staff and with each of you.
Sanctions can be very powerful, and the use or threat of sanctions
can be extraordinarily effective when in support of a coherent strategy
and in concert with other elements of national power. The Executive
Branch under both parties and, with the urging of Congress, has
invested considerable resources in the U.S. capacity to design,
implement, and enforce sanctions. From my informal count, there are
hundreds of officials at the Departments of State and the Treasury, as
well as in other agencies, working to develop and implement authorities
that promote anticorruption, human rights, counterterrorism,
counternarcotics, nonproliferation, and other core principles of U.S.
policy. I am committed to making sure we preserve and enhance the
effectiveness of sanctions. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with these officials, as well as those responsible for other tools of
foreign policy and economic statecraft.
The scale of this effort means that proposals for sanctions arise
across the U.S. Government on different timelines and for disparate
reasons. The recent U.S. Treasury review of its sanctions noted an
increase in individual sanctions designations, under Treasury
authorities alone, to more than 9,421 in 2021. Each must be coordinated
by and with officials responsible for other facets of U.S. policy. This
poses several challenges.
First, sanctions must be part of a strategy; they themselves cannot
be the strategy. As the Treasury review notes and the Department of
State has also expressed, each sanction, however well-justified, should
support a clear policy objective and rest upon analysis of
alternatives, effects, and support from our partners. This requires
that its purpose be understood beyond the U.S. Government, that we work
with other governments, including at the United Nations, and that we
maintain and adapt sanctions regimes as technology changes and targets
of sanctions react. The Office of the Sanctions Coordinator cannot do
this alone and the office's success will require the leadership and
cooperation of colleagues from across the Government, the Department,
and especially from our embassies.
Second, we must do more to understand both the effectiveness and
the effects of U.S. sanctions, in particular human consequences.
Sanctions may serve many purposes, and we should know both what our aim
is and whether we have hit it. We should also work to avoid causing
unintended consequences and take into account the effects on U.S.
businesses and competitiveness. The White House has announced a review
of the humanitarian consequences of sanctions, and I look forward to
being active in those discussions if I am confirmed before the review
is complete.
Each of these goals requires that the U.S. Government and our
partners engage regularly with the business community and with
nongovernmental bodies and independent journalists. These groups add to
our understanding of the impact of our sanctions actions and where they
may help us achieve our foreign policy goals.
Third, if confirmed, I look forward to engaging with our global
partners whose cooperation will make sanctions programs more effective.
This would again require that the Sanctions Coordinators' office work
closely with US missions abroad and other officials who engage other
governments.
Finally, sanctions are crucial to the fight against corruption. The
administration has put forward a robust strategy, and Secretary Blinken
has announced that the Department will appoint a senior anticorruption
coordinator. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
coordinator to address the threat from corrupt actors and the networks
that enable them.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today and
for considering my nomination. I look forward to answering your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Tsunis?
STATEMENT OF GEORGE J. TSUNIS OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO GREECE
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, esteemed members
of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Greece,
and I thank Senator Paul and Senator Casey for their
introduction.
I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their trust
and confidence in me and I am grateful to this committee for
considering my nomination.
But most of all, if you will permit me, I want to express
my heartfelt thanks to my parents. They heard Emma Lazarus'
calling and they immigrated to this country from Greece to
build a better life for themselves and our family.
My family is very cognizant of the fact that if it was not
for the Truman Doctrine, the world's first democracy would have
been pulled into the Soviet orbit. If not for the Marshall
Plan, Greece would have had descended into mass starvation and
poverty, and very likely my family as well.
I would not be here today if it was not for the United
States' willingness to provide opportunity for immigrants like
my mom and dad and for first-generation Americans like me. I am
humbled by the President's nomination and I view it as a chance
to give back to the country that has given me and my family so
much.
I would also like to thank my wife, Olga, whose mom and dad
also immigrated from Greece, and our three children--James,
Eleni, and Yanna. They are my bedrock of support.
I would like to thank former Senator Alfonse D'Amato, my
former boss, who is here to offer moral support. Thank you,
Senator.
It is not an exaggeration to say that I am blessed to live
the American dream. After attending law school, I have worked
in government as an associate in a small law firm and then a
partner in a large firm until I followed my father in business
as an entrepreneur when I founded Chartwell Hotels.
During my tenure as CEO, Chartwell has weathered
recessions, pandemics, and experienced unprecedented growth.
Having witnessed the strength and resiliency of U.S. business
in the international marketplace, I understand the importance
of expanding our global business and trade and its effect on
U.S. jobs as well. As an executive in the hospitality industry,
I also understand how important it is to take care of people.
If confirmed, my top priority would be to ensure the safety
and security of the Americans who live, work, and travel to
Greece.
Throughout my career, I have maintained a strong interest
in foreign and economic affairs. I have had the pleasure of
contributing to public policy as a member of the Brookings
Institution Foreign Policy Leadership Committee and a trustee
with the Business Executives for National Security.
If confirmed, I arrive in Athens at a crucial moment in
U.S.-Greece relations. Our relationship is at an all-time high.
The Annual Strategic Dialogue has helped define the key pillars
of the U.S.-Greece relationship, including cooperation on
defense and security, law enforcement and counterterrorism,
trade and investment, disaster preparedness, energy and
climate, and people-to-people ties.
Greece continues to make progress on all fronts as it
pursues economic revitalization, overcomes the challenges of
the pandemic, and grapples with tensions in the Eastern
Mediterranean. What happens in Greece matters, not just for
Greece but for the Eastern Mediterranean region, NATO, the
European Union, and the United States?
Opportunity is vital to the United States and to Greece. If
confirmed, my top economic commercial goals will be to build on
the efforts to accelerate trade and investment opportunities.
The United States and Greece have made tremendous progress
on energy cooperation. If confirmed, I will encourage Greece to
continue investing in renewable energy as well as projects
important to regional energy security, including the
interconnector with Bulgaria, the interconnector with North
Macedonia, the Alexandroupolis Floating Storage Regasification
Unit, and electricity interconnectors that can support both gas
and renewable energy sources.
We are seeing an increased U.S. investment in Greece and
renewables. I believe there is room for greater cooperation.
The United States benefits from a strong growing bilateral
defense relationship with our NATO ally, Greece. If confirmed,
I will continue to deepen this key relationship.
Particularly noteworthy is the long-standing United States
military presence at Souda Bay on the island of Crete from
which the military conducted approximately 2,500 flights and
143 ship visits in 2021 alone.
Our defense relationship has grown significantly over the
last five years, including through updates to the Mutual
Defense Cooperation Agreement and greater training and
deployment in Greece.
People-to-people ties are the bedrock of the U.S.-Greek
relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
Greek cultural institutions, NGOs, municipalities, individual
citizens, the diaspora, this committee, to nourish these ties.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work with an outstanding
Mission Greece team in an inclusive manner to bolster this
already strong relationship.
Thank you for the opportunity to be here before you. I
welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Tsunis follows:]
Prepared Statement of George Tsunis
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and esteemed members of
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Greece and I thank Senator
Paul and Senator Casey for their introductions. I thank the President
and Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence in me, and I am
grateful to this committee for considering my nomination.
But most of all and if you will permit me, I would like to express
my heartfelt thanks to my parents. They heard Emma Lazarus' calling and
immigrated to this country from Greece to build a better life for
themselves and our family. My family is cognizant of the fact that if
not for the Truman Doctrine, the world's first democracy would have
been pulled into the Soviet orbit, and if not the Marshall Plan, Greece
would have descended into mass starvation and poverty. I would not be
here today were it not for the United States' willingness to provide
opportunity for immigrants like my parents and for first-generation
Americans like me. I am humbled by the President's nomination and view
it as a chance to give back to the country that has given me and my
family so much. I would also like to thank my wife Olga and our three
children--James, Eleni, and Yanna--who are my bedrock of support.
Thanks also to former Senator Alfonse D'Amato, my former boss, who's
here to offer moral support. Thank you, Senator.
It is not an exaggeration to say that I have been blessed to live
the American dream. After attending law school, I worked in government
as an associate in a small law firm and then as a partner in a large
firm until I followed my father into business as an entrepreneur when I
founded Chartwell Hotels. During my tenure as CEO, Chartwell weathered
the recession and experienced unprecedented growth. Having witnessed
the strength and resilience of U.S. business in the international
marketplace, I understand the importance of expanding our global
business and trade. As an executive in the hospitality industry, I also
understand how important it is to care for people. If confirmed, my top
priority would be to ensure the safety and security of the many
Americans who live, work, and travel in Greece.
Throughout my career, I've maintained a strong interest in foreign
and economic affairs, and I've had the pleasure of contributing to
public policy as a member of the Brookings Institution's Foreign Policy
Leadership Committee and as a trustee with the Business Executives for
National Security.
If confirmed, I will arrive in Athens at a crucial moment in U.S.-
Greece relations. Our relationship is at an all-time high. The annual
Strategic Dialogue has helped define the key pillars of the U.S.-Greece
relationship, including cooperation on defense and security, law
enforcement and counterterrorism, trade and investment, disaster
preparedness, energy and climate, and people-to-people ties. Greece
continues to make progress on all fronts as it pursues economic
revitalization, overcomes the challenges of the pandemic, and grapples
with tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. What happens in Greece
matters--not just for Greece, but for the Eastern Mediterranean region,
NATO, the European Union, and the United States.
Economic opportunity is vital to the United States and to Greece.
If confirmed, my top economic and commercial goals will be to build on
efforts to accelerate trade and investment opportunities.
The United States and Greece have made tremendous progress on
energy cooperation. If confirmed, I will encourage Greece to continue
investing in renewable energy as well as projects important to regional
energy security, including the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, the
Interconnector Greece-North Macedonia, the Alexandroupoli Floating
Storage Regasification Unit, and electricity interconnectors that can
support both gas and renewable energy sources. We are seeing increased
U.S. investment in renewables. I believe there is room for even greater
cooperation.
The United States benefits from a strong and growing bilateral
defense relationship with our NATO ally, Greece. If confirmed, I will
continue to deepen this key relationship. Particularly noteworthy is
the long-standing U.S. military presence at Souda Bay on the island of
Crete from which the military conducted around 2,500 flights and 143
ship visits in 2021 alone. Our defense relationship has grown
significantly over the last five years, including through updates to
the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement and greater training and
deployments in Greece.
People-to-people ties form the bedrock of the U.S.-Greece
relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work with
Greek cultural and educational institutions, NGO's, municipalities,
individual citizens, and the diaspora to nourish these ties.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work with the outstanding Mission
Greece team, in an inclusive manner, to bolster this already strong
relationship.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you. I welcome your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Dr. Van Schaack?
STATEMENT OF BETH VAN SCHAACK OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR GLOBAL CRIMINAL JUSTICE
Ms. Van Schaack. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished members of this committee and your staffers,
thank you so much for the opportunity to appear before you
today.
I am very touched by Senator Booker's lovely and somewhat
hyperbolic introduction. It is a great honor to have been
nominated by President Biden to return to the office where I
once served as deputy and to be Ambassador-at-Large for Global
Criminal Justice.
I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me and also for giving me
the opportunity to return to public service to advance global
justice on behalf of the American people.
I am very pleased to be accompanied today by my husband,
Brent Lang, and one of my dearest friends, Kim Keating.
Supporting me virtually are my mom, Carol, and my two kids,
Miles and Brooke. They are joining us from their respective
perches at the universities of the great states of Washington
and Michigan, respectively.
I am also thinking today of my late father, Eric, who was a
veteran of the U.S. Army and who would be so proud of his two
daughters--me, as I sit here before you today, and my sister,
who is a devoted pediatrician and also a veteran of the U.S.
Army.
My family has been an endless source of love and support
over the course of my career in international justice, and for
that I am forever grateful.
I am confident that my previous professional experiences
position me well to lead the Office of Global Criminal Justice,
which, as was mentioned, helps to advise the department and the
interagency and Congress on U.S. policies on atrocities
prevention and response and also to advance international
justice efforts around the globe.
I started my legal career in the Office of the Prosecutor
of the two War Crimes Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and
for Rwanda during the Renaissance of the Field in the 1990s.
Since then, I have worked in the field of transitional
justice and on behalf of victims of grave international crimes
as a practicing lawyer, as an academic, as a civil society
advocate, as a diplomat, and as a mentor.
If confirmed, I hope that I will bring lessons learned from
all of these incarnations to the role of Ambassador-at-Large
and also to draw inspiration from the aspirations of survivors
for justice and accountability.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with colleagues in
the department, the interagency, here in Congress, and within
civil society to advance the following interlocking priorities.
First, I would work to ensure that the United States
provides steady leadership for international justice efforts
around the world to tackle impunity and to ensure fair and
effective proceedings in regional, international, hybrid, or
national courts.
Second, if confirmed, I would ensure that the Office of
Global Criminal Justice provides trustworthy expertise to
department leadership, to our embassies and posts around the
world, on the whole range of transitional justice mechanisms
that are available to states emerging from situations of armed
conflict or violence.
Third, I would work with other relevant offices to
strengthen the atrocities prevention architecture across the
United States Government to ensure a timely early warning and a
robust response.
Fourth, I would commit to fully implementing the vitally
important pieces of legislation that have emerged recently from
Congress, including the groundbreaking Global Magnitsky and
Global Fragility Acts, the Uighur Human Rights Policy and
Forced Labor Acts, and the Elie Wiesel Act.
As you all well know, this a deeply bipartisan portfolio
and, if confirmed, I look forward to building strong
partnerships with members of Congress and all of your dedicated
staff to ensure the robust execution of U.S. laws.
Fifth, I pledge to be a careful steward of the funds that
Congress has entrusted to the Office of Global Criminal
Justice, including with respect to the groundbreaking War
Crimes Rewards program.
And finally, if invited to serve, I look forward to joining
a tremendous team of civil servants, Foreign Service officers,
and subject matter experts who are working tirelessly on a
daily basis on behalf of victims of grave international crimes.
In this regard, I support work to diversify the department.
I will mentor with care the next generation of U.S. diplomats
and I will ensure the ability to foster morale within our
office, notwithstanding its difficult subject matter.
Needless to say, there is much work to be done, given the
rise of authoritarianism, the endurance of brutal conflicts
around the world, and retrenchments in states' respect for
human rights.
The United States was present at the founding of the Field
of International Justice and, if confirmed, I will devote all
of my energies to building upon this proud Nuremberg legacy
within contemporary U.S. foreign policy.
I hope with these brief remarks I have conveyed my passion
for the work, the broad-based expertise I would bring to the
role of Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice, and my
enduring commitment to enhancing U.S. foreign policy around
atrocities prevention and response.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of
the committee, for your consideration of my nomination. It
would be a great honor to return to the State Department, and I
look forward to your questions and, if confirmed, to working
diligently with all of you all on these matters. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Van Schaack follows:]
Prepared Statement of Beth Van Schaack
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members
of this committee--thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I am very touched by Senator Booker's generous introduction.
It is a great honor to have been nominated by President Biden to
serve as Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice and to return
to the State Department office where I once served as Deputy. I am
grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence
they have placed in me and for giving me the opportunity to return to
public service to advance global justice on behalf of the American
people.
I am pleased to be accompanied today by my husband, Brent, my mom
Carol, and my kids Miles and Brooke, who are joining us from the
universities of the great states of Washington and Michigan,
respectively.
I am thinking today of my father, a veteran of the U.S. Army, who
would be very proud of his two daughters: me, as I sit before you
today, and my sister, a devoted pediatrician and also an Army veteran.
My family has been an endless source of love and support over the
course of my career in international justice and for that I will be
forever grateful.
I am confident that my previous professional experiences position
me well to lead the Office of Global Criminal Justice, which helps to
advise on the United States' policies around atrocities prevention and
response and to liaise with international justice efforts around the
world.
I started my legal career in the Office of the Prosecutor of the
Yugoslavia War Crimes Tribunal in the 1990s, during the renaissance of
the field of international criminal law. Since then, I have worked in
the areas of international and transitional justice, and on behalf of
victims of grave human rights abuses--as a practicing lawyer, a
diplomat, a civil society advocate, an academic, and a mentor. If
confirmed, I will bring lessons learned from all these incarnations to
the role of Ambassador-at-Large and draw inspiration from the demands
of survivors for justice and accountability.
First, I would work to ensure that the United States provides
steady leadership in efforts to advance justice around the world--in
international, regional, hybrid, or national courts and tribunals--to
tackle impunity while ensuring fair and effective proceedings.
Second, if confirmed, I would ensure that the Office of Global
Criminal Justice provides trustworthy expertise to Department
leadership and our embassies and posts around the globe on the whole
range of transitional justice tools that are available to states,
including civil and criminal justice processes, truth-telling and
historical memory exercises, reparations, psycho-social rehabilitation,
and other measures to protect against a recurrence of violence.
Third, I would work with other relevant offices to strengthen the
atrocities prevention and response architecture across the U.S.
Government to ensure timely early warning and a robust response.
Fourth, I would commit to fully implementing the vitally important
pieces of legislation Congress has enacted, including the
groundbreaking Global Magnitsky, Uyghur Human Rights Policy and Forced
Labor, and Elie Wiesel Acts as well as the suite of statutes allowing
for the prosecution of individuals who stand accused of committing
grave international crimes. As you well know, this is a deeply
bipartisan issue, and--if confirmed--I look forward to building strong
partnerships with members of Congress to ensure the robust execution of
U.S. laws around atrocities prevention and response.
Fifth, I pledge to be a careful steward of the funds Congress has
entrusted to the Office of Global Criminal Justice, including the War
Crimes Rewards Program.
And finally, if invited to serve, I look forward to joining a
tremendous team of civil servants, foreign service officers, and
subject matter experts who are dedicated to working tirelessly on
behalf of victims of atrocity crimes the world over. I commit to
contributing to efforts to diversify the Department, to mentoring with
care the next generation of U.S. diplomats, and to maintaining morale
notwithstanding the office's difficult subject matter.
Given the rise of authoritarianism, the endurance of brutal
conflicts around the world, and retrenchments in states' commitments to
respect human rights, there is much work to be done. The United States
was present at the founding of the field of international justice,
and--if confirmed--I will be committed to building upon this proud
Nuremberg legacy within contemporary U.S. foreign policy.
I hope with these brief remarks I have conveyed my passion for this
work, the broad-based expertise I can offer, and my enduring commitment
to enhancing U.S. foreign policy around atrocities prevention and
response.
Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this
committee for your consideration of my nomination. It would be a great
honor to return to the State Department and to the Office of Global
Criminal Justice. I look forward to your questions and, if confirmed,
to working diligently with you on these issues.
The Chairman. Thank you. Let me just take a moment also to
acknowledge Senator D'Amato. We appreciate your service to our
country and we welcome you to the committee here today.
We will turn to a round of five-minute questions by
members. Before I do, I have questions that are asked on behalf
of the committee as a whole. I ask each of you to give me a
verbal yes or no response to each of these questions.
They are questions that speak to the importance that this
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking from
you. So please just provide a yes or no answer.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
We will go down the aisle.
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Thank you. All four nominees have answered
yes to all of the questions. The chair will reserve his time.
Let me turn to the distinguished Ranking Member, Senator
Risch, for his questions.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Van Schaack, what are your thoughts on the ICC?
Ms. Van Schaack. Yes, thank you for that question, Senator
Risch.
The United States has a long history of supporting
international justice institutions, as I mentioned, dating back
to the Nuremberg era, to the 1990s with the Renaissance of the
Field of International Justice and now to contemporary
investigative mechanisms working around the globe to document
and hold accountable those who stand accused of committing
grievous international crimes.
I think the International Criminal Court is a part of that
larger system. I think in an ideal world domestic courts would
handle the bulk of these matters and there is work to be done
with respect to U.S. foreign policy and programming to help
develop domestic capacity so that domestic courts can handle
that.
But in situations in which those domestic courts are
genuinely unwilling or unable to do so, there may be a role for
international institutions to step in.
The United States has a long-standing objection to the
International Criminal Court exercising jurisdiction over the
nationals of nonparty states, such as the United States, and I
will continue to advance that objection, if confirmed, as I
have done in the past.
But I do think that there are situations around the globe
where there is a role for the International Criminal Court to
play when the state has accepted jurisdiction or the court has
jurisdiction by virtue of a referral from the Security Council
exercising its peace and security mandate under the U.N.
Charter.
Senator Risch. I think that is an excellent analysis,
really. I have objected to our participation in ICC just
because of the way they have acted over the years and it is
unfortunate, because the idea of an ICC, as you point out,
going back to the Nuremberg trials is certainly, a laudable
idea.
The difficulty, of course, is we wind up with such a
tremendous prejudice against us and, for that matter, Israel
finds itself in the same position, that we cannot subject
ourselves to the jurisdiction of the ICC.
Those of us who work in the law are always stunned by how
other countries--less developed countries--approach the law and
have such a different view of what justice is than we do.
So at the present time, in any event, our membership in the
ICC is probably--not probably, is not in the cards, and your
answer to the fact that it does provide some jurisdiction and
relief in some areas, I think, is appropriate.
But at the present time, our submission to that just is not
appropriate. Are you in agreement with my analysis of the ICC?
Ms. Van Schaack. Yes. Thank you for that analysis. I do
think, and, as I mentioned, there is a role to be played and
that we should be in a position to support proceedings before
the court if it aligns with our foreign policy priorities, if
it advances our national security interests, and if that work
is, ultimately, in keeping with our core values around justice
and accountability.
Senator Risch. Thank you much. I appreciate that.
Ms. Cleveland, let me--I want to tell you that we are
hoping for big things from you. This committee is getting what
my staff calls the Heisman from the legal department. That is,
we get a stiff arm and that is about all.
Just as an example, we asked for the department's response
regarding the sanctions that are supposed to be put in place
under Nord Stream 2, and this is a quote from the response we
got from the legal team. Quote: ``We want to know why the
sanctions were not put in place.'' This is a quote: ``We
applied the statute. We looked at the relevant facts and
determined the entity met the exception.''
That is not what I expect from a lawyer, and gosh, you have
got a heavy lift over there. And we are not the enemy on this
committee.
Certainly, we are a different branch of government and
sometimes have competing interests. But it is really important
that we work together, particularly, in some of these areas.
So your thoughts?
Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Ranking Member Risch, and I have
heard this concern clearly from both your staff and Chairman
Menendez, and other members of your committee. I know it is a
bipartisan concern.
As a teacher of U.S. foreign relations for over 20 years, I
have always led my class with the importance of the
constitutional role of Congress in foreign relations, including
oversight, and I would firmly commit to making sure that your
role is supported by receiving the information you need from
the Office of the Legal Adviser, if I were confirmed.
Senator Risch. That answer works for me. I hope you can
execute. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Amen to that.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me thank
all four of our nominees for their willingness to serve our
nation, and we also thank your families.
Mr. O'Brien, I appreciated our conversation where we went
over the importance of congressional sanction laws, including
the Global Magnitsky, and the importance of coordinating those
activities between the Administration and Congress so that we
can be all on the same page on this.
We need to be more aggressive in the use of sanctions, and
I look forward to working with you as we identify areas in
which we think we can make some progress.
Professor Van Schaack, I want to talk a little bit about
the legislations that you mentioned. They are bipartisan,
including the Elie Wiesel Anti--Atrocities Prevention Act, and
that was bipartisan.
I introduced it with Senator Young. It requires certain
reports with Congress. The objective here is to prevent
atrocities. That is, certainly, our goal. In order to do that,
we have to have accountability for any activities and crimes
that are committed.
I know that Secretary Blinken will be talking about this
later this month in regards to compliance with the Atrocities
Prevention Act, but I would like to get your views as to how
aggressive you will be in the use of that statute and the use
of your office working with Congress to deal with atrocities
prevention and accountability for those who commit these
crimes.
Ms. Van Schaack. Thank you so much for that question and,
frankly, for your leadership in this area. It is much
appreciated, I know, from victims and survivor organizations
around the world.
I can tell you that I would wake up every morning in this
position, if I were confirmed, to think how can I push this
portfolio forward today--what can I do today to advance justice
around the world.
And I think the Elie Wiesel Act provides an incredibly
important framework and a set of tools to strengthen the United
States' response around both atrocities prevention and our
ability to provide accountability for victims when it comes to
perpetrators of grave international crimes.
I think there are a whole range of things we can do and
each situation is unique in terms of the vectors of violence,
the way in which resiliencies operate, the triggers for
violence, the role of peace builders within those societies.
And so each situation will require, I think, a bespoke
response and that is one place where I think the Office of
Global Criminal Justice, working with like-minded offices
around the building and within the interagency, can work to
coordinate a whole range of responses that would incapacitate
perpetrators, document abuses, provide financial, operational,
technical, diplomatic support to existing justice efforts to
documentation efforts, and I think the office, while small, can
play a really important coordination role in this regard.
So, if confirmed, I would pledge to, as I mentioned, work
hard because, frankly, the victims of the world deserve our
best efforts in this regard.
Senator Cardin. And let me just add one additional part
that I hope you would call upon us and Congress if you need
additional support, resources, or legislation in order to
support your efforts.
Because I agree with you, there is no higher priority than
preventing atrocities and there are so many areas in the world
today in which we see the circumstances that very clearly are
moving towards atrocities and genocide.
You know you have partners here in Congress. Please work
with us in order to make U.S. leadership effective in
preventing atrocities.
Ms. Van Schaack. Thank you. I will, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Professor Cleveland, I just really want to
underscore what Senator Risch said because there is bipartisan
support in this committee, what the Chairman said in his
opening comments about the use of Article Two. I would add to
that the way in which delegated authority under the AUMF is
handled by the Administration.
I recognize you have a client and you have to serve that
client. But I also recognize that an open process with Congress
and a very transparent process is critically important to the
integrity of the rule of law, and the message that you have
been teaching your students about the constitutional
protections we have and their authorities of the Article One--
the legislative branch of government.
So there would be no surprise that many of us totally
disagree with the interpretations under the 2001 AUMF. We
recognize the history over many administrations.
My question to you is not to get into the specifics on the
2001 AUMF but to have your commitment to work with us in a very
open, transparent way as to how we can best serve our country
and Congress carrying out its responsibilities.
We recognize that the President has Article Two powers. But
we also recognize that when we delegate authority under an AUMF
there has got to be a reasonable interpretation of that
authority because it will affect future actions by Congress
where we want to give some flexibility to the President but we
will be reluctant if we do not have an understanding as to how
these authorities are going to be interpreted.
Ms. Cleveland. Absolutely, Senator. Under Article One,
Congress has the power to declare war and AUMFs are an exercise
of that authority.
They are not a blank check for future use of force by the
executive branch, and I would certainly commit to working
closely with this committee on the shared goal, I think, with
this administration of narrowing and making more specific a
successor or revised version of the 2001 AUMF.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Paul?
Senator Paul. Mr. O'Brien, you mentioned in your opening
remarks that sanctions need to be part of a strategy. I could
not agree more. I would argue, though, that the vast majority
of our sanctions have no strategy or have an incomprehensible
strategy.
I will give you a couple of examples. For example, we are
going to be debating later today or tomorrow whether or not we
should sanction Nord Stream 2.
I have asked the sponsors of the bill what their strategy
is, what is the behavioral change you would like on the part of
Russia or Germany, and they said, we just do not want the
pipeline.
We do not want them to sell oil to each other, sell natural
gas to each other. And it is, like, well, that is not really a
strategy that is achievable and not really one that, really,
should be the role of the United States between two sovereign
nations to say, oh, you cannot sell natural gas to each other.
The other problem with the sanctions is we are really eager
to put them on people but we never articulate a reason to take
them off. The threat of sanctions can actually have some
effect.
For example, Germany and the United States came to an
agreement last summer and they did issue a very succinct
statement saying that if Russia were to invade or otherwise
violate the integrity of Ukraine that there will be
repercussions with regard to the pipeline and that--I think the
threat of an action may have some deterrence.
But if we just say tomorrow we are no longer going to let
you sell gas between Russia and Germany, I do not know what
deterrence that effect has and what does--when are we going to
remove those sanctions.
If you do not articulate what you are going to do to--what
the other country needs to do to remove the sanctions, why have
the sanctions at all?
There are categories of sanctions where I do not think you
are really trying to change a country's behavior. You just want
to punish people. So you want to punish people for being
corrupt? Fine.
I voted for those, and maybe those have a deterrent effect
the same way we have a punishment for crime here deters other
people from committing those crimes. You can make that
argument.
But it is hard to imagine--so, for example, we have
sanctions on members of the Russian legislation--legislature
because they advocated for the takeover--they complimented
Putin for the takeover of Crimea.
When will those be removed, when Russia gives back Crimea?
I guess that will be in the next Ice Age or something. They are
never going to be removed. And so if we do not offer to remove
sanctions or give countries a reason why we will remove
sanctions, then they are of no value.
I would argue that it is very difficult to see a behavior
that China has changed or Russia has changed or even Iran.
People say, well, the sanctions against Iran worked. They were
international so they were more formidable.
But the reason they also worked is we finally went to Iran
and said, if you do this we will do this. If you do not offer
to do something, if it is always just punishment, punishment,
punishment, and all you are going to do is say, we are unhappy
with you, they are of no value. In fact, they just make it
worse and make international relations worse.
I know you do not make the policy. We do, and this is more
of a speech directed towards my fellow senators than you. But
the question I would ask you is what behavior do you see that
has changed in Russia or China because of our sanctions? Not
the criminal sanctions. I am talking more about sanctions
concerning policy.
Mr. O'Brien. Sorry. Thank you, Senator.
I agree with a lot of the analysis, and I look forward to
working with you and making sure that we do set clear
expectations, that the targets of our sanctions know what
behavior they are supposed to undertake in order to have--to
see sanctions relief, but that our partners also agree with us
that the sanctions are part of the strategy and that we agree
on when success has been achieved.
I think you raise a number of questions applying across
sanctions policies, I think, requires a sort of deeper dive.
With regard to Russia and China, each of them in some way
is acting as a malign and revisionist power at the moment. I
think it is important that we attack the roots of that power
and not simply some of the symbols.
And so I look forward to working with colleagues both in
the executive branch and here to be sure that we understand
what we are trying to accomplish when we do use sanctions, and
that piece, I think, is important.
I oversaw a sanctions program years ago where it became
clear that by relieving certain sanctions we could moderate
some behavior, but that other sanctions were very effective at
disrupting the core real power structure in the society and
really did change policy behavior, and I think that that kind
of analysis may be available to us, but that is something I
look forward to working with you and your colleagues more on.
And I will just close by saying that one theme throughout
my consultations with both majority and minority and with
members of the committee has been the desire to have more
conversation while sanctions are under consideration, and I
will commit to that because I think a discussion about what our
goals are early can often avoid the kind of showdown that
happens when we are looking at a specific action. And so I will
be happy to be part of those conversations, going forward.
The Chairman. Thank you. Let me thank the Senator for his--
I think there are some very worthy insights, both as it relates
to Nord Stream and beyond as it relates to how do we also
consider how sanctions are relieved as a measure for people to
be induced to do something because they want the relief from
it. So we appreciate those insights.
Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. What I
want to get back to with Dr. Van Schaack is just the issue of
the ICC, which is, frankly, a lot more complicated, I think,
given some of the decisions by the Trump administration and
others.
I look at the Horn of Africa, for example, and the
challenges we are facing with a lot of African countries
because of the steps the ICC has taken, failing to do, as you
said in your wonderful analysis to Senator Risch, looking less
likely that they are going to comply or invite in the ICC's
authority, and it creates a very difficult environment in a
region in the Horn of Africa that is ripe with internationally
human--international human rights violations.
And so I am wondering how you create that balance of the
legitimacy of the ICC along with the urgency to get the
participation of many of those nations.
Ms. Van Schaack. Yes. Thank you for that question and I
share your concern about the situation in the Horn of Africa
and the deterioration there and, frankly, the risk of civilians
in--either caught in the crossfire or being directly targeted
by so many of the armed groups there--the Tigrayan forces, the
National Forces, and even Eritrea's involvement in the Horn.
Ethiopia is not a member of the ICC so there is not an
obvious pathway there. So it will be incumbent upon the nation
to undertake its own transitional justice process as part of a
larger political settlement, and I know that the Administration
is working hard to try and encourage that through diplomacy,
those sorts of movement towards bringing the parties to the
table and reaching some sort of a negotiated solution.
A transitional justice program would have to involve
everything from acknowledging harm to the survivors to
restitution of property if that is necessary, and, ultimately
to accountability to those most responsible.
The ICC may play a role, eventually. It would require
either a Security Council referral or an acceptance of
jurisdiction by Ethiopia.
As you mentioned, some African states and other states
around the globe have voluntarily self-referred matters to the
court on the recognition that their domestic system is unable
to handle it or that there might--it might be helpful to have
an international body dealing with certain cases while the
domestic system deals with other cases.
And so, if confirmed in the role, I would look forward to
working with our incoming Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa,
others across the regional bureaus, et cetera, to try and
encourage the parties in the Horn of Africa to reach a genuine
transitional justice program that involves a measure of
accountability for victims.
Senator Booker. And that alignment between where the ICC is
resonating with our diplomatic gains, where there is--in
countries who are members--are other areas, as you potentially
ascend to this position, that--beyond the Horn--that you have
really good ambition that we can make an impact from your
office?
Ms. Van Schaack. Absolutely. We have already seen in
Central Africa that direct assistance and cooperation by the
United States has led to some recent successes in the court.
I am thinking, for example, of the cases against Dominic
Ongwen, who is the top commander of the Lord's Resistance Army,
which is wreaking havoc in northern Uganda and elsewhere in the
region.
In addition, Bosco Ntaganda, who was recently convicted of
a whole series of war crimes and crimes against humanity,
including the use and abuse of child soldiers and sexual
violence as leader of the M23.
The United States was instrumental in bringing those
individuals to The Hague and in assisting the prosecutor there
with those prosecutions, and I think that is a role that we can
play, going forward, again, as I mentioned, so long as the work
of the court is consistent with our foreign policy priorities
and that we are in a position to be supportive.
Senator Booker. I really appreciate it, and just to
reiterate what I said earlier, your experience, your work in
public service, your expertise, and your nationally recognized
stature on these issues gives me great excitement about the
difference you are going to make in a very important job that
can, literally, save lives and prevent atrocities.
And real quick in my remaining time, Mr. Tsunis, I have a
lot of concerns about China's continued investment in
strategically important ports around the world.
We have seen China buy and invest in critical ports with
stakes in ports in and along Africa's east coast, in critical
shipping lanes in Asia and even in Europe, such as ports in
Greece.
How do you assess China's investment in critical
infrastructure, such as the Port of Piraeus, and what can the
U.S. do to counter Chinese potential to lock on this port--lock
up these areas and other critical infrastructure in Greece?
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you for your question, Senator, and it is
a very seminal one.
China has engaged in economic encroachment and malign
influence. It is part of a very concerted effort and plan, and
it is going to continue. The Risch China Report not only
highlights various examples of this but it also speaks to
transatlantic cooperation on how we counteract this.
I am proud to say that Greece chose a European partner for
5G and they are very clear eyed about what China is doing. I
will also say that at the time of the purchase of the--of the
tender of the Port of Piraeus, China was the only offer.
We need to show up. We need to be aggressive. It is very
clear that they are looking to make critical infrastructure
investments in interconnectors, grids, and ports, and then use
that economic influence and through more geopolitical influence
to promote the interests of the PRC and the Communist Party of
China.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with the Administration,
this committee, the Government of Greece, to counteract this,
and as a business person I understand what it is to compete
aggressively in business transactions.
Senator Booker. I really appreciate that, and not only the
nuances of your answer, but you showed great diplomacy there by
mentioning Ranking Member Risch's very important report.
The Chairman. We give the Ranking Member and his staff
credit that that was actually a very good report.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman. Congratulations to all
of our nominees and thank you for your interest in serving our
country.
Ms. Cleveland, in August this committee held a hearing
examining my legislation with Senator Kaine that would repeal
the 1991 and 2002 authorizations for the use of military force
against Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq.
I would remind anyone who is within earshot of this
committee that Saddam Hussein is dead--no longer in power,
therefore.
I appreciated hearing from your predecessor on this issue,
Acting Legal Adviser Richard Visek. I believe repealing these
outdated AUMFs sends a critical signal that the United States
is no longer an adversary of Iraq but a partner.
More importantly, it reasserts Congress' prerogative, which
you have duly affirmed and acknowledged in your testimony
today, on the critical decisions related to going to war.
If confirmed, would you support moving forward with the
repeal of these authorities?
Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Senator, for this important
question and for your very important leadership on this issue.
I know that repeal of the 1991 and 2002 AUMFs is supported by
this administration, and I absolutely would work with this
committee to achieve that.
Senator Young. Thank you.
And in your view, Ms. Cleveland, do you believe repealing
these outdated AUMFs would impede military activities or
counterterrorism operations around the world?
Ms. Cleveland. No, Senator. The administration has made
clear, including in the August hearing, that the current
authorities under the 2001 AUMF and the President's Article Two
constitutional authority to act to defend the United States
when necessary are sufficient to address current
counterterrorism and other challenges.
Senator Young. Thank you. And knowing that you are a law
professor and trained in all things legal, you are no doubt
skilled in entertaining hypotheticals before courts of law,
courts of public opinion, and other venues.
I am going to give you a very plausible scenario. If you
are to be confirmed and U.S. personnel in Iraq are attacked by
Iranian-backed militias, is there anything whatsoever that
would stop the President of the United States under Article Two
authority from responding to such an attack if these AUMFs--
again, pertaining to 1991 and 2002 authorizations against
Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq--were repealed?
Ms. Cleveland. No, Senator.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Mr. O'Brien, congratulations to you as well, sir. India is
currently taking delivery of the Russian S-400 system and
potential action, which has led some of my colleagues to call
for sanctions under CAATSA.
The Indians are also in the process of acquiring new
frigate ships from Russia. Both are important systems for the
Indians.
As most here know, the Indians have a lot of legacy systems
from previous decades and they are interoperable with the
Russians' systems, and the Indians seek to defend their land
border from Chinese incursions and defend the Indian Ocean from
an increasingly adventurous and lawless Blue Ocean Navy and the
People's Liberation Army.
India is a vital ally in our competition against China and,
thus, I believe we should resist taking any actions that might
drive them away from us and the Quad.
I am, therefore, strongly supportive of waiving CAATSA
sanctions against India, given our shared foreign policy
interests.
Mr. O'Brien, does our experience with Turkey provide any
warning or lessons for how to proceed with India? I believe
they are very different circumstances and, of course, different
security partnerships. But how do you believe we should think
about the possibility of sanctioning our friends and not just
threats?
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Senator. Thank you for your
leadership on sanction issues, generally, and I look forward to
working with you on this and other issues, going forward.
As you say, I think it is difficult to compare the two
situations with a NATO ally that is breaking with legacy
defense procurement systems and then with India a growing--a
partner of growing importance but that has legacy relationships
with Russia.
The administration has made clear that it is discouraging
India from proceeding with the acquisitions of Russian
equipment and there are important geostrategic considerations,
particularly with the relationship to China.
So I think we have to look at what the balance is and, of
course, India has got some decisions in front of it so it would
be premature to say more. But this is something I look forward
to working with you and other interested members.
Senator Young. All right. I am over my time and I, too,
look forward to working with you. I enjoyed our visit and
anticipate supporting your confirmation. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to all of our nominees who are here today.
Mr. Tsunis, I would just like to, first, congratulate
Senator Booker for a very insightful question about the Port of
Piraeus.
But I also want to comment on your very thoughtful answer
and approach as a business person. We need more people with
your sort of background in these important diplomatic posts.
So congratulations to you on your nomination. Thank you for
bringing that perspective--that valuable perspective to
diplomacy.
Mr. O'Brien, I would like to ask a question of you
regarding sanctions with respect to Iran. In my prior post as
U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I worked very hard to get Japan to
agree to so-called secondary sanctions, to get them to stop
buying Iranian crude oil.
In fact, we worked very hard to make that happen around the
world, and we reduced Iran's crude exports by 75 percent.
Today, Iran has accelerated its exports through more
clandestine activity. Their exports now are approaching the
levels they were before these sanctions were ever imposed.
And we have a team negotiating in Vienna that is wondering
why Iran will not come to the table. Well, Iran is getting the
revenues that it needs, it is getting the fuel that it wants to
continue to become a nuisance around the world.
They are the largest state sponsor of terror and they are
generating revenue in this regard because we are not properly
implementing these sanctions. Iran is being allowed to produce
more oil.
Can you speak to what you will be able to do to help
properly implement these sanctions and stop this?
Mr. O'Brien. Thank you, Senator. It is an incredibly
important question.
For all of the arguments that have gone on about the right
approach to Iran, I think there is strong bipartisan agreement
that Iran is a malignant actor.
It is, as you say, a sponsor of terrorism. It brings
instability across its region and its nuclear program allows it
to threaten oil supplies and the globe. So this, plus the
ballistic missile program, are all items that we have to find a
way to address.
I will work to implement sanctions fully and effectively.
That means working with our partners, and thank you for your
work bringing the Japanese along and other allies who had been
large consumers of Iranian oil and petrochemical products.
We are now in a situation where a smaller set of states
have decided to scoff at international sanctions, and so we
have to adapt our program to be able to stay one step ahead of
them.
There is real impact if Iran is forced merely to work on a
bartering or cash and carry basis. But we need to try to start
shutting off those avenues and so not just with regard to Iran,
but globally.
I thank the Congress and the Administration for setting a
new policy course dealing with anti-corruption activities
because the ability to interdict the flow of money, the sort of
opaque flows of money that allow for sanctions evasion, will be
a tremendously important tool for addressing these concerns,
going forward.
So that is something, as I learn more, I will be happy to
speak with you about.
Senator Hagerty. I would appreciate your continuing to
follow up with this committee.
I would like to touch on another area of concern. That is
North Korea. Again, while I have served as U.S. Ambassador to
Japan, North Korea launched intercontinental ballistic missiles
over Japan. They even tested what I believe was a hydrogen bomb
while I was there. We imposed maximum pressure at that time.
What we are seeing now, though, is a resurgence of North
Korea's belligerence. They are testing hypersonics. They are
testing intercontinental ballistic missiles. Yet, the current
administration has only begun to impose sanctions in December
with only one tranche of sanctions.
Can you speak to what your plan would be for North Korea?
Mr. O'Brien. We will be happy to work with you on that as
we go forward. As you say, the Administration is putting in
place its policy.
I think a strong sanctions program is a critical part of
our approach to North Korea, not just unilaterally but with our
friends and allies. And, again, your experience in Japan will
make you a really important colleague in developing that,
Senator.
Senator Hagerty. I hope you will commit to keeping this
committee informed on a regular basis of your progress with
sanctions.
Mr. O'Brien. Yes.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
Ms. Cleveland, I would like to turn to you, very quickly,
to raise an issue that is deeply important to me. It has to do
with one of my constituents, one of my constituents that is
suffering in the Japanese criminal justice system, the so-
called hostage justice system of Japan.
Secretary Blinken is well aware of the problem. Many
members of the State Department are and are working on this.
But I would encourage you and ask that you take a hard look
at all of the tools that the United States might implement to
help Mr. Greg Kelly, who has been trapped in the system for
over three years, to get him home, to get him released.
This is a situation that has bipartisan support by members
of this committee, which I very much appreciate, and it is
something that is greatly concerning to me, and it is an
injustice that has gone on for far too long and it damages our
national interest with one of our strongest allies, Japan, and
America.
So I would very much appreciate your commitment to take a
very hard look at that.
Ms. Cleveland. Thank you, Senator, for raising this very
important humanitarian concern. I would absolutely work with
you and this committee to look into this.
I am somewhat familiar with the difficulties with the
Japanese criminal justice system, and they are a matter of
concern to me. I will, certainly, take great interest in the
situation of Mr. Kelly.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Several members have not been able to attend the hearing
because of Senator--former Senator Reid's memorial. As a matter
of fact, the Chair himself is part of the committee to receive
Senator Reid in state.
So the Chair and others will be submitting questions for
the record. I would urge you to answer them fulsomely, fully,
and expeditiously so that your nominations can be considered at
a business hearing.
And with that and the thanks to the committee, this hearing
is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 10:48 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. I commend Secretary Blinken and other senior officials at
the State Department for prioritizing diversity to ensure that the
Department reflects the makeup this country.
How do you intend to ensure that the Office of the Legal Adviser
recruits and retains a diverse workforce?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has expressed, our country's diversity
is one of our greatest strengths. I agree that it is imperative that
the Department recruits, retains, and supports a workforce that truly
reflects the country it represents. As with the rest of the Department,
the Office of the Legal Adviser (L) has a responsibility to cultivate a
diverse workforce and an equitable, inclusive, and accessible
workplace. I am committed to recruitment and retention practices that
connect with and retain individuals who reflect the diversity of our
country. If confirmed, I would work with the Office of Diversity and
Inclusion, the Bureau of Global Talent Management, and the Office of
Civil Rights to ensure L is implementing best practices for recruitment
and retention, including diversifying its outreach and recruitment
efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Under the Constitution, the President and the Senate
share the treaty-making power. Over the last few decades, the President
has increasingly claimed the authority to unilaterally withdraw from
treaties with no further action by the Senate or Congress. Reserving
the right to object to such a claim of authority to which the Senate
has not consented, some have argued that, in recent cases, the
President has failed to adequately notify the Senate in advance of such
a unilateral withdrawal.
What is your view with respect to the Senate's role in treaty
withdrawal?
Answer. The administration respects the constitutional role of the
Senate in treaty making, and I share that respect. Treaty-making is a
shared power, and Article II of the Constitution makes clear the role
of the Senate in providing advice and consent with respect to the power
to enter into treaties. The Constitution, however, does not expressly
address the issue of treaty withdrawal, and the Supreme Court has not
definitively resolved the issue. As a matter of longstanding practice,
the President has acted on behalf of the United States in suspending or
terminating U.S. treaty commitments and in withdrawing the United
States from treaties, either on the basis of the treaty's terms (such
as a withdrawal clause) or on the basis of international law that would
justify such action. I believe that the Senate's understanding of, and
support for, significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is
very important. Accordingly, if confirmed, I would advise the
Administration to engage actively with the Senate and this Committee
prior to the President making a decision to withdraw the United States
from a treaty.
Question. Should the President, acting through the Secretary of
State, notify the Senate in advance of any presidential decision to
suspend, terminate, or withdraw from any treaty that has received
Senate consent to ratification?
Answer. I believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support
for, significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very
important. Accordingly, if confirmed, I would advise the Administration
to notify the Senate prior to the President making a decision to
suspend, terminate, or withdraw the United States from any treaty that
has received Senate consent to ratification.
Question. Should the Secretary provide to the Senate, through the
Foreign Relations Committee and with adequate advance notice, a
detailed written justification for the withdrawal?
Answer. I believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support
for, significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very
important. I also believe it is important for the Administration to
explain both to the Senate and to the public the reasons for
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations. Accordingly,
if confirmed, I would advise the Administration to provide adequate
advance notice to the Senate prior to the President making a decision
to suspend, terminate, or withdraw the United States from any treaty
that has received Senate consent to ratification, including providing a
clear written public explanation of any decision to withdraw from a
treaty.
Question. In your view, what does ``advice and consent'' mean? What
is and should be the role of the Senate be with respect to entering
into and terminating treaties?
Answer. The Constitution's Treaty Clause provides that the
President ``shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present
concur.'' Accordingly, in order to consent for the United States to be
bound by a treaty within the meaning of the Treaty Clause, the
President must receive the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators
present when the Senate considers the treaty in question.
The Constitution does not expressly address the issue of treaty
withdrawal, and the Supreme Court has not definitively resolved the
issue. As a matter of longstanding practice, the President has acted on
behalf of the United States in suspending or terminating U.S. treaty
obligations and in withdrawing the United States from treaties, either
on the basis of the treaty's terms (such as a withdrawal clause) or on
the basis of international law that would justify such action. I
believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support for,
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very
important, and I also believe it is important for the Administration to
explain both to the Senate and to the public the reasons for
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations. Accordingly,
if confirmed, I would advise the Administration to provide adequate
advance notice to the Senate prior to the President making a decision
to suspend, terminate, or withdraw the United States from any treaty
that has received Senate consent to ratification, including providing a
clear written public explanation of any decision to withdraw from a
treaty.
Question. What is the scope of the President's authority to
abrogate a treaty or other international agreement? Is it unlimited? If
not, what are the limitations?
Answer. As a matter of longstanding practice, the President has
acted on behalf of the United States in suspending or terminating U.S.
treaty commitments and in withdrawing the United States from treaties,
at least on the basis of the treaty's terms (such as a withdrawal
clause) or on the basis of international law that would justify such
action.
Question. In your view, does the President have the authority to
re-join a treaty without resubmitting that treaty to the Senate for
advice and consent? Please explain.
Answer. The Constitution does not expressly address the question of
the authority to re-join a treaty, and the Supreme Court has not
considered it. Ordinarily, I would expect that the President would seek
and obtain the Senate's advice and consent in order to rejoin an
Article II treaty from which the United States had withdrawn. There may
be circumstances, however, in which other sources of authority would
allow the President to rejoin a treaty without the Senate's advice and
consent. For example, in 2017, Congress passed legislation authorizing
the President to rejoin the agreement establishing the Bureau of
International Expositions, which the United States had ratified with
the Senate's advice and consent in 1968 and withdrawn from in 2002. See
P.L. 115-32. The State Department's Digest on the Practice of the
United States in International Law, 2017 indicates that the United
States rejoined that agreement in reliance on this statutory authority
rather than on the Senate's advice and consent.
Question. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, expert legal witnesses have suggested that Congress consider
requiring the reporting of significant non-binding political
commitments to Congress. Should Congress be informed of these non-
binding arrangements? If so, in what form?
Answer. I respect the constitutional oversight responsibilities of
the committee and the importance of transparency to fulfilling that
function. I am aware of the committee's strong interest in significant
non-binding political commitments, and I believe that appropriate
mechanisms should be identified to ensure that the Congress is informed
of such commitments. I am generally aware of the ongoing conversations
regarding this issue between the committee and the State Department. I
am not in the government and have not had occasion to consider the
particular form such a mechanism might take. If confirmed, I would seek
the views of both the State Department and the committee before forming
a considered view on this question. As a general proposition, though, I
support establishing additional reporting and publication mechanisms to
ensure that significant non-binding instruments are brought to the
attention of the committee.
Question. The Case-Zablocki statute (22 U.S.C. 112b) requires the
Secretary to provide to the Congress the text of international
agreements to which the United States has agreed to become a party. The
intent of the statute is to ensure Congress is fully informed of
executive decisions to create international, legally binding
obligations on the United States.
In recent years, presidents have made ``political'' or ``oral''
agreements with potentially binding commitments on the United States.
Successive administrations appear to have taken the view that such
agreements fall outside the scope of Case-Zablocki and therefore do not
have to be provided to the Congress.
In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, expert
legal witnesses have suggested that Congress consider requiring the
written reporting of significant binding political commitments that
have not been reduced to writing to Congress.
What are your views regarding providing the Senate with the written
text of any political or oral agreement intended to be binding
on the United States under international law?
Answer. The Case-Zablocki Act, 1 U.S.C. 112b, provides that the
Secretary of State shall transmit to the Congress the text of any
international agreement (including the text of any oral international
agreement, which agreement shall be reduced to writing), other than a
treaty, to which the United States is a party as soon as practicable
after such agreement has entered into force with respect to the United
States but in no event later than sixty days thereafter. I believe this
requirement extends to any agreement that gives rise to rights or
obligations for the United States under international law.
Question. With respect to any oral international agreement or
political commitment that creates or is intended to create a legally
binding commitment for the United States under international law, will
you commit, if confirmed, to working with Congress to establish a
meaningful process for reducing such commitments or agreements to
writing and transmitting to the Congress the text of such agreement?
Answer. Yes. The Case-Zablocki Act, 1 U.S.C. 112b, provides that
the Secretary of State shall transmit to the Congress the text of any
international agreement (including the text of any oral international
agreement, which agreement shall be reduced to writing), other than a
treaty, to which the United States is a party as soon as practicable
after such agreement has entered into force with respect to the United
States but in no event later than sixty days thereafter. I believe this
requirement extends to any agreement that gives rise to rights or
obligations for the United States under international law. While I have
not had the opportunity to review the existing process, if confirmed, I
commit to reviewing existing procedures and helping to advise on new
procedures, if necessary, to ensure that the act is implemented.
Question. Although the State Department's Circular 175 process
calls for consultation with Congress on treaties and agreements, it
does not provide much guidance on how such conversations should occur.
As a practical matter, no established routine procedure for
consultation with the Senate (formal or informal) currently appears to
exist, at least from the perspective of the Senate side. In recent
years, to the extent they occur, State Department briefings to the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (SFRC) have been ad hoc and by
affirmative request of the committee.
The paucity of information has led some Senators to grow skeptical
with respect to treaties presented to the committee for advice and
consent but completed without the opportunity for consultation. This
problem is further complicated if the treaty requires implementing
legislation on subject matter over which another Senate committee may
have jurisdiction. As a result, some Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Senators have expressed wariness with taking up such treaties.
Avoidable misunderstanding and confusion can result, complicating or
preventing required Senate action.
Alternatively, with a more regularized and institutionalized
consultation process with SFRC, the Senate and administration can
develop a more dynamic approach to these agreements. Enhanced and
meaningful consultation can build support for these agreements and
prove valuable in increasing Senate understanding of administration
policy objectives over time.
Will you commit to directing the Department to address this
oversight and work with the committee to establish a process
under which the Department will, on a regular periodic basis,
engage in meaningful, advance consultation with the SFRC
regarding the Departments' intention to negotiate significant
international agreements and treaties?
Answer. I respect the Senate's constitutional role in treaty-making
and believe that the Senate's understanding of, and support for,
significant decisions regarding U.S. treaty obligations is very
important. Accordingly, if confirmed, I would commit to reviewing
existing procedures and work to help advise on new procedures if
necessary to ensure active and consistent engagement with the Senate
with regard to plans to negotiate significant international agreements
and treaties.
Question. In general, will you commit to working with this
Committee to ensure timely feedback on draft legislative text when
solicited if you are confirmed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would work to help ensure timely
feedback from the Department on draft legislative text consistent with
relevant procedures.
Question. In October 1999, the Senate voted to reject the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty by a vote of 51-48.
Setting aside the fact that the United States Senate has not
consented to ratification of the Vienna Convention on Treaties, please
describe your views with respect to the scope of the ``provisional
application'' doctrine.
Answer. In terms of its scope, the international law doctrine of
provisional application of treaties applies to instances in which
states have agreed to apply some or all of the terms of a treaty on a
provisional basis pending its entry into force. Under U.S. law, if the
advice and consent of the Senate, or congressional approval, is
required but has not yet been obtained for an agreement to enter into
force for the United States, a commitment that the agreement shall have
provisional effect for the United States must rest on another
agreement, on a statute, or on the President's own constitutional
authority. With respect to the CTBT specifically, I understand that the
treaty contains no article on provisional application, and is not
provisionally applied.
Question. What are your views with respect to the legal effect of a
Senate vote to reject a treaty?
Answer. Under Article II of the Constitution, the President may
make treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,
provided that two-thirds of the Senators present concur. If two-thirds
of the Senators present do not concur, the President may not make the
treaty. The failure of a treaty to receive two-thirds approval in a
Senate vote would not, however, preclude the Senate from reconsidering
the treaty at a later time, or preclude the President from making the
treaty if the treaty receives the concurrence of two-thirds of the
Senators present in a subsequent vote.
Question. If rejected, does the President have authority to
subsequently implement the provisions of that treaty in spite of that
vote?
Answer. Under Article II of the Constitution, the President may
make treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,
provided that two-thirds of the Senators present concur. If two-thirds
of the Senators present do not concur, the President may not make the
treaty.
Whether the President may take actions that are consistent with the
provisions of a treaty to which the United States is not a party will
depend on what the actions entail and whether the President has
relevant sources of Constitutional or statutory authority or
obligations to take them. A decision by the Senate not to give its
advice and consent to the ratification of a treaty would not, by
itself, repeal pre-existing statutes or other authorities or
obligations under domestic law that could be relied upon to take
actions consistent with a treaty, nor would it bar the President from
carrying out such statutes or other authorities.
Question. Does such a Senate vote place limits on a future claim of
presidential authority to provisionally implement the rejected treaty?
Answer. Whether the President may take actions that are consistent
with the provisions of a treaty to which the United States is not a
party will depend on what the actions entail and whether the President
has relevant sources of Constitutional or statutory authority or
obligations to take them. A decision by the Senate not to give its
advice and consent to the ratification of a treaty would not, by
itself, repeal pre-existing statutes or other authorities or
obligations under domestic law that could be relied upon to take
actions consistent with a treaty, nor would it bar the President from
carrying out such statutes or other authorities.
Question. Please describe your views with respect to the binding
legal effect of the Senate's inclusion of conditions to consent to
ratification of a treaty under constitutional advice and consent, such
as reservations, understandings, and declarations (RUDs). If the
President decides to ratify a treaty to which the Senate has consented
but has also included such RUDs in its resolution of consent to
ratification, is the President legally bound to implement such
conditions as included by the Senate in its consent to ratification
resolution?
Answer. The Senate may attach reservations or other conditions to
its advice and consent to a treaty as long as they relate to the treaty
and are not inconsistent with the Constitution. If the President
ratifies a treaty after obtaining the Senate's advice and consent, he
or she is deemed to have accepted any such conditions.
Question. The War Powers Resolution requires congressional
notifications when United States Armed Forces are introduced into
hostilities or into situations where there is imminent involvement in
hostilities.
In your legal opinion, what do you think the term ``hostilities''
means?
Answer. For purposes of the War Powers Resolution, the Executive
Branch has generally interpreted the term ``hostilities'' as situations
in which U.S. armed forces are actively engaged in exchanges of fire
with hostile forces. In addition to reporting in any case in which
United States Armed Forces are introduced ``into hostilities or into
situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly
indicated by the circumstances,'' the War Powers Resolution also
requires notification to Congress in any case in which United States
Armed Forces are introduced ``into the territory, airspace or waters of
a foreign nation, while equipped for combat, except for deployments
which relate solely to supply, replacement, repair, or training of such
forces'' or ``in numbers which substantially enlarge United States
Armed Forces equipped for combat already located in a foreign nation.''
Question. Separate from military action authorized under the 2001
Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), do you believe the
United States has been or is engaged in ongoing hostilities in Yemen?
Please explain.
Answer. It is my understanding that the United States has provided
limited support to Saudi-led coalition military operations against
Houthi and aligned forces in Yemen, including certain logistical and
advisory support. It is also my understanding that President Biden
directed an end to U.S. support for the Saudi-led Coalition's offensive
military operations against the Houthis in Yemen, but that U.S. forces,
in a non-combat role, continue to provide military advice and other
limited support to regional forces for defensive and training purposes
only as they relate to the Saudi-led Coalition's campaign against the
Houthis in Yemen. I understand that the Administration has taken the
position that such support has not amounted to engagement in
hostilities for purposes of the War Powers Resolution. As I am not
currently in government, I do not have access to all the relevant facts
or legal analysis. However, if confirmed, I will look closely at this
issue.
Question. Under multiple administrations, certain terrorist
detainees held at Guantanamo Bay have not been released for good
reason. What is your legal opinion regarding Guantanamo Bay detentions?
Answer. It is the position of this and prior administrations, based
on now longstanding judicial precedent, that detainees at the
Guantanamo Bay Detention Facility are held pursuant to the 2001 AUMF,
as informed by the laws of war. The AUMF authorizes detention of
individuals who were part of, or substantially supported, al-Qaida or
Taliban forces and their associated forces that are engaged in
hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. The
AUMF generally authorizes detention until the end of hostilities.
Separate from the legal authority to detain, detainees designated for
continued law-of-war detention are eligible for review by the Periodic
Review Board, an administrative, interagency body established under
Executive Order 13567 to determine whether detention of eligible
Guantanamo detainees remains necessary to protect against a continuing
significant threat to U.S. security. My understanding is that as of
January 12, 2022, there are about 18 detainees that have been
determined to be eligible for transfer. If confirmed, I will support
the Department of State's efforts to identify appropriate transfer
locations and negotiate security and humane treatment assurances.
Question. What is your view on the scope of the 2001 AUMF?
Answer. I share this Administration's view that the 2001 AUMF is
not a blank check for the use of force by the Executive Branch and that
it does not authorize force against all terrorist groups. It has been
the longstanding view of the Executive Branch that the 2001 AUMF
authorizes the use of force against al-Qa'ida, the Taliban, and
``associated forces.'' To be considered an ``associated force,'' the
Executive Branch has explained that an entity must satisfy two
conditions: first, the entity must be an organized, armed group that
has entered the fight alongside al-Qa'ida or the Taliban; and second,
the group must be a co-belligerent with al-Qa'ida or the Taliban in
hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners. If
confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that Congress is well informed
about these very important matters.
Question. What is your view on the scope of Article II authority on
the use of force?
Answer. For over 20 years I have taught law students about the
importance of the constitutional role of Congress in U.S. foreign
relations, including the use of force. I recognize and respect
Congress' constitutional power to declare war.
I understand that this and prior Administrations have taken the
view that the President may order military action without the prior
approval of Congress only when (1) that action serves an important
national interest, and (2) the reasonably anticipated nature, scope,
and duration of the operation and any anticipated responses would not
rise to the level of ``war'' for purposes of the Constitution's Declare
War Clause. Whether acting under statutory or constitutional authority,
the President must also conduct such operations in accordance with
international law, including the law of war principles of military
necessity, humanity, distinction, and proportionality.
Question. Do you believe that the 2001 AUMF should be repealed or
updated? Why or why not?
Answer. I understand that President Biden has committed to working
with Congress to ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of
military force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that
will ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist
threats. I share that goal. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with the committee and Congress on this important and complex task.
Question. Is it possible for Congress to update the 2001 AUMF
without negatively impacting current detention authority for terrorist
detainees?
Answer. Yes. The administration believes that any new or updated
AUMF should include language that avoids undermining the legal basis
for ongoing operations that the President and Congress deem necessary
to address ongoing threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to
continue those efforts. If confirmed, I would look forward to working
closely with the committee and Congress on this important issue.
Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001
AUMF should ensure that detention authority for terrorist detainees is
not interrupted? Why or why not?
Answer. The administration believes that any new or updated AUMF
should include language that avoids undermining the legal basis for
ongoing operations that the President and Congress deem necessary to
address ongoing threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to
continue those efforts. If confirmed, I would look forward to working
closely with the committee and Congress on this important issue.
Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001
AUMF should ensure that current military operations against terrorists
around the world continue to be authorized?
Answer. The administration believes that any new or updated AUMF
should include language that avoids undermining the legal basis for
ongoing operations that the President and Congress deem necessary to
address ongoing threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to
continue those efforts. If confirmed, I would look forward to working
closely with the committee and Congress on this issue.
Question. Do you believe that the 2001 AUMF authorizes the use of
military force against associated forces of Al Qaeda?
Answer. Yes. It has been the longstanding view of the Executive
Branch that the 2001 AUMF covers ``associated forces'' of al-Qa'ida or
the Taliban, and that to be considered an ``associated force'' an
entity must satisfy two conditions: first, the entity must be an
organized, armed group that has entered the fight alongside al-Qa'ida
or the Taliban; and second, the group must be a co-belligerent with al-
Qa'ida or the Taliban in hostilities against the United States or its
coalition partners. I share the Administration's view that the 2001
AUMF is not a blank check for the use of force by the Executive Branch
and that it does not authorize force against all terrorist groups. If
confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the Administration engages
with the committee and Congress in determining the appropriate scope of
the current or any future AUMF.
Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001
AUMF should contain geographic constraints? Why or why not?
Answer. President Biden has committed to working with Congress to
ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are
replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we
can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats. I share that
goal. Reforming the 2001 AUMF is an extremely complex task. As I am not
currently in government, I do not have all the relevant facts and
answers on what a new or revised authority should look like. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with the committee and Congress on
this important task.
Question. Do you believe that any legislative update to the 2001
AUMF should include a hard sunset? Why or why not?
Answer. President Biden has committed to working with Congress to
ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military force are
replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will ensure that we
can continue to protect Americans from terrorist threats. I share that
goal. Reforming the 2001 AUMF is an extremely complex task. As I am not
currently in government, I do not have all the relevant facts and
answers on what a new or revised authority should look like. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with the committee and Congress on
this important task
Question. Should the 2002 AUMF be repealed? Why or why not?
Answer. Yes. The administration supports repeal of the 2002 AUMF,
and I do as well. President Biden has committed to working with
Congress to ensure that outdated authorizations for the use of military
force are replaced with a narrow and specific framework that will
ensure that we can continue to protect Americans from terrorist
threats. The administration has stated that the United States has no
ongoing military activities that rely solely on the 2002 AUMF as a
domestic legal basis, and that repeal of the 2002 AUMF would likely
have minimal impact on current counterterrorism operations. The
administration has made clear that the 2001 AUMF and the President's
Article II authorities are sufficient to address current
counterterrorism threats and defend U.S. national security. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee and Congress on
this issue.
Question. Do you believe the 2002 AUMF provided an independent
legal basis for the strike against Solemani?
Answer. I was not in government at the time, so I cannot speak to
the specific legal basis for the strike or the sensitive intelligence
or other information upon which the legal and policy analysis at the
time was based. If confirmed, I will look carefully at this issue.
Question. How would a repeal of the 2002 AUMF impact current
detention operations?
Answer. As I understand it, repeal of the 2002 AUMF would not
impact current detention operations because those operations rely on
the authority of the 2001 AUMF.
Question. Do you commit to working closely with this committee and
directing your staff to brief the committee on any use of force
undertaken pursuant to the 2001 AUMF, 2002 AUMF, or Article II of the
U.S. Constitution?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this
Committee and directing my staff to regularly brief this Committee and
to address any questions it may have regarding use of force undertaken
pursuant to the 2001 AUMF, 2002 AUMF, or Article II of the U.S.
Constitution.
Question. On November 23, 2020, then-President-elect Joe Biden
announced his intent to appoint former Secretary of State John Kerry to
be a ``Special Presidential Envoy for Climate.'' In response to
committee questions regarding whether Special Envoy John Kerry is
legally required to be submitted to the Senate for Advice and Consent,
the State Department has informed the committee an administration legal
view that:
Envoys who have only a discrete and temporary mission and do
not fill a ``continuing position established by law,'' see
Lucia v. SEC, 138 S. Ct. 2044, 2051 (2018), historically have
not been considered ``public ministers'' or ``Officers of the
United States'' to whom the Appointments Clause applies. See
Officers of the United States Within the Meaning of the
Appointments Clause, 31 Op. O.L.C. 73, 102-05 (2007).''
Do you agree with this legal assessment? Why?
Answer. I am not in the Administration, and therefore do not have
access to any specific legal analysis underlying this opinion. However,
it is my understanding that the O.L.C. Opinion you cite is the legal
position of this administration, as it has been of prior
administrations, and remains in effect. It is also my understanding
that the President recently signed into law an NDAA amendment,
supported by the committee, which prescribes a specific role for the
Senate regarding Special Envoys starting in January 2023, including by
providing that the President shall nominate for Senate advice and
consent any Special Envoy or other appointee who will be ``exercising
significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United States''
subject to certain exceptions.
Question. Special Envoy Kerry remains in his position. Is this
position ``temporary''?
Answer. Since I am not in government, I have not had access to the
full factual record or any legal analysis surrounding this position. If
confirmed, I would examine the issue and consult my colleagues at the
Department of Justice regarding any such questions.
Question. For appointment clause purposes, at what point is a
position no longer considered discrete and temporary?
Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I have not had access
to any legal analysis surrounding this question. It is my understanding
that such an assessment would consider the specific facts and
circumstances of a particular position and would involve assessments
made by the Department of Justice. If confirmed, I would examine the
issue and consult my colleagues at the Department of Justice regarding
any such questions.
Question. Is it possible for the Special Envoy Kerry's position to
be considered ``discrete or temporary'' if the position is retained for
a complete four year Presidential term? Why?
Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I do not have access
to the full facts and circumstances concerning this position. If
confirmed, I would examine the issue and would consult with my
colleagues at the Department of Justice regarding any such questions.
Question. The State Department's legal analysis continued:
Moreover, even if Mr. Kerry both occupied a continuing
position in the State Department, which the Secretary could
fill under the ordinary statutory authorities for staffing the
Department, and ``exercis[ed] significant authority pursuant to
the laws of the United States,'' id., so that he was an
``Officer'' for Appointments Clause purposes, he would at most
be an inferior officer. See, e.g., Edmond v. United States, 520
U.S. 651 (1997). Therefore, the power vested in the Secretary
to make such a personnel appointment in the State Department
would satisfy the Appointments Clause.''
Do you agree with this legal assessment? Why?
Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I have not had access
to any legal analysis surrounding this question. It is my understanding
that the O.L.C. Opinion upon which this is based is the legal position
of this administration, as it has been of prior administrations, and
remains in effect. It is also my understanding that the President
recently signed into law an NDAA amendment supported by the committee
prescribing a specific role for the Senate regarding Special Envoys
starting in January 2023.
Question. Do you agree with the assessment that at most Special
Envoy Kerry would be considered an inferior officer?
Answer. Since I am not in the Administration, I have not had access
to the full factual record or any legal analysis concerning Special
Envoy Kerry. I understand that the Administration has concluded that
Special Envoy Kerry is acting in a role and in a manner that does not
require the advice and consent of the U.S. Senate. If confirmed, I
would examine the issue and consult with my colleagues at the
Department of Justice regarding any such questions.
Question. Section 5105 of the National Defense Authorization Act
provides much needed congressional oversight over the appointment of
special envoys.
Do you commit to advising President Biden that he should submit a
nomination for any appointee who will be ``exercising
significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United
States'' to the Senate for its advice and consent before the
appointee takes office? For the purpose of ensuring compliance
with this law, how would you define significant authority?
Answer. I am aware of the provisions in section 5105 of the
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (P.L. 117-81).
This is new legislation, and since I am not in the Administration, I
have not had access to any legal analysis surrounding the question of
``significant authority.'' However, if confirmed, I will work with
others at the Department and in the Administration to ensure
implementation of the statute with respect to special envoys and
similar positions.
Question. For positions not exercising significant authority,
Section 5105 requires the President or Secretary of State to notify the
committee 15 days before such appointment: (1) a certification the
position does not require the exercise of significant authority
pursuant to the laws of the U.S.; (2) a description of the duties and
purpose of the position; and (3) a rationale for giving the specific
title and function of the position. Do you commit to advising the
President and Secretary of State to provide substantively robust
notifications to Congress and consult with the committee as
appointments are contemplated?
Answer. I am aware of the provisions in section 5105 of the
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (P.L. 117-81).
If confirmed, I will work with others at the Department and in the
Administration to ensure implementation of the statute, including all
notification requirements.
Question. Section 5105 also provides a limited exception for
temporary appointments exercising significant authority, pending
notifications to SFRC. Do you commit to adhering to these limits? And
do you commit to advising the President to provide substantively robust
notifications to Congress and consult with the committee as such
temporary appointments are contemplated?
Answer. I am aware of the provisions in section 5105 of the
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2022 (P.L. 117-81).
If confirmed, I will work with others at the Department and in the
Administration to ensure implementation of the statute, including
limitations on appointments and notifications consistent with the
requirements of the statute.
Question. I confirmed, do you commit to brief my office and this
committee in a timely fashion with respect to sanctions policy
developments and designations as they occur?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working within the Department of
State so that you receive such sanctions policy briefings in a timely
fashion, which when appropriate would involve input from the Office of
the Legal Adviser. As a teacher of U.S. foreign relations law for over
20 years, I have always led my class with the importance of the
constitutional role of Congress in foreign relations, including
oversight. If confirmed, I would endeavor to make sure that your
oversight role is supported by receiving the information you and the
committee need from the Office of the Legal Adviser.
Question. On December 27, 2020, President Trump signed into law the
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021. This legislation includes a
provision that I supported which establishes an Office of Sanctions
Coordinator within the State Department.
If confirmed, do you commit to give this new office the attention,
support, and resources needed to ensure its success and the
fulfillment of its statutory mandate?
Answer. Yes. The Office of Sanctions Coordinator is an important
contribution to the effective development and implementation of
sanctions policy within the State Department and across the U.S.
Government. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Office of the
Legal Adviser robustly engages with and supports the Office of
Sanctions Coordinator in performing its statutory function.
Question. On December 27, 2020, President Trump signed into law the
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021. This legislation includes a
provision that I supported which establishes an Office of Sanctions
Coordinator within the State Department.
If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that this new office will
fulfill its mandate vis-a-vis other offices and bureaus within
the State Department to ``serve as the coordinator for the
development and implementation of sanctions policy'' within the
State Department?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Office of the
Legal Adviser robustly engages with and supports the Office of
Sanctions Coordinator in performing its statutory function.
Question. On December 27, 2020, President Trump signed into law the
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021. This legislation includes a
provision that I supported which establishes an Office of Sanctions
Coordinator within the State Department.
If confirmed, do you commit to work with my office and this
committee to ensure that this office succeeds and fulfills its
statutory mandate?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Office of the
Legal Adviser robustly engages with and supports the Office of
Sanctions Coordinator in performing its statutory function.
Question. Section 1263(d) of the Global Magnitsky Act requires that
the President make a sanctions determination within 120 days after
receipt of a joint request from the Chairman and Ranking Member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee (or other relevant committee
leadership). If confirmed, will you commit to help ensure Congress
receives a specific determination to any such request within 120 days
of submission?
Answer. Yes. Congressional engagement and transparency are
important components of the Global Magnitsky Act. If confirmed, I
commit to helping ensure that Congress receives such determinations in
a timely manner consistent with the Act.
Question. What role should L play in genocide determinations?
Answer. I understand that the Secretary of State decides, as a
matter of foreign policy, whether the U.S. Government should publicly
characterize particular actions and abuses as a specific international
atrocity crime, including genocide, based on an analysis of the law,
available facts, and policy considerations. I also understand that the
role of L, in coordination with relevant Department policy offices,
including the Office of Global Criminal Justice, is to advise the
Secretary in applying the law to the available facts. If confirmed, I
will look forward to advising the Secretary on these critical issues
and supporting the Department's important efforts to promote justice
and accountability for genocide and other atrocities.
Question. Should the atrocities committed in Burma against the
Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities be considered a
genocide?
Answer. I am appalled by the Burmese military's brutal violence
against Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities in Burma,
and have previously taken the position that I consider such actions
against Rohingya to constitute genocide. I understand that, in 2017,
then-Secretary of State Tillerson concluded that the atrocities against
Rohingya in northern Rakhine State constituted ethnic cleansing. I also
understand that in his confirmation hearing, in January 2021, Secretary
Blinken committed to reviewing whether these atrocities constitute
specific international atrocity crimes, including genocide. Since I am
not in the Administration, I am not aware of the current status of that
review. If confirmed, I will look forward to supporting Secretary
Blinken in that process and advising Department policy offices and the
Administration in their ongoing efforts to promote respect for human
rights as well as justice and accountability for atrocities in Burma.
Question. Should the atrocities committed in Syria by the brutal
Bashir Al-Assad regime be considered genocide?
Answer. I understand that the Secretary of State decides, as a
matter of foreign policy, whether the U.S. Government should publicly
characterize particular abuses as a specific international atrocity
crime, including genocide, based on an analysis of the law, available
facts, and policy considerations. I also understand that, in 2019,
then-Secretary of State Pompeo determined that the Assad regime is
responsible for innumerable atrocities, some of which rise to the level
of war crimes and crimes against humanity. I agree with that
assessment. If confirmed, I will look forward to supporting the
Department's efforts to address atrocities in Syria and to promote
accountability for those responsible.
Question. The re-instatement and expansion of the Protecting Life
in Global Health Assistance Policy, formerly known as the Mexico City
Policy, during the last administration reignited a longstanding debate
about aid conditionality and the ``rights'' of U.S. foreign assistance
implementers and beneficiaries.
Do foreign non-governmental organizations have a legally-
enforceable ``right'' to United States foreign assistance, or
is the provision of U.S. foreign assistance discretionary?
Answer. I understand that most foreign assistance is provided
through a competitive process and that any revocation of a federal
award must comply with applicable rules and regulations. Aside from
these regulations, I am not aware that foreign non-governmental
organizations have a legally-enforceable ``right'' to U.S. foreign
assistance.
Question. Does Congress have the right to place conditions upon the
use of the U.S. foreign assistance it appropriates?
Answer. Yes, consistent with the Constitution of the United States.
Question. Does the Executive also have the right to condition U.S.
foreign assistance?
Answer. I am not in the Administration and do not have access to
all the legal analysis on this issue. However, it is my understanding
that the Executive may condition U.S. foreign assistance consistent
with all legal requirements, including in the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961 and the annual appropriations act. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Congress on decisions related to conditions on foreign
assistance.
Question. You served as an independent expert on a U.N. Human
Rights Committee case where the committee found that Ireland had
violated the human rights of a woman seeking an abortion and that
Ireland should change its laws to ensure access to abortions in certain
cases.
Is access to abortion an internationally-recognized human right?
Answer. This administration is deeply committed to promoting and
protecting the rights of women and girls, including in the areas of
reproductive health and choice. International human rights law protects
access to reproductive health and choice in various ways, such as
prohibiting discrimination. However, the United States does not regard
access to abortion services as an international human right.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning; support involuntary sterilizations; or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to providing advice consistent
with all provisions of law related to our foreign assistance, including
restrictions related to the use of foreign assistance for the
performance or promotion of abortion as a method of family planning,
coercive abortion and forced sterilization, and lobbying for or against
abortion.
Question. Section 1215 of the NDAA FY 2021 restricts funding for
the Department of Defense for any activity to reduce force levels below
both 4,000 and 2,000, until DOD submits a report to Congress or the
President provides a written waiver. During the Afghanistan withdrawal,
troop levels again exceeded 4,000 on the ground. Do you believe these
restrictions were legally binding during the recent withdrawal? Why?
Why has Congress not received either the required report or written
waiver as mandated by law?
Answer. As I am not currently in government, I am not familiar with
all of the legal analysis or facts surrounding past decisions to
provide such reports or waivers. It is my understanding that the
Department of Defense (DoD) Office of General Counsel would ordinarily
be responsible for the legal advice on this limitation on the use of
DoD funding and its associated reporting requirements, in consultation
with, inter alia, the Secretary of State. If confirmed, I will look
into this issue and will advise the Department of State regarding
cooperation with DoD on relevant congressional reporting requirements,
including DoD reports that require Secretary of State consultation.
Question. Section 1217 of the NDAA FY 2021 requires the
Administration to transmit any agreement or arrangement with the
Taliban to Congress within 5 days. The State Department currently has
an agreement or an arrangement with the Taliban governing continued
evacuations of American citizens and LPRs. Why has the State Department
not provided Congress any such agreement or arrangement as required by
law?
Answer. As I am not currently in government, I am not familiar with
all of the facts or legal analysis surrounding this question. I am
aware that the United States and many other countries released a
statement dated August 29, 2021 (available at https://www.state.gov/
joint-statement-on-afghanistan-evacuation-travel-assurances),
acknowledging that the Taliban publicly committed that foreign
nationals and any Afghan citizen with travel authorization would be
allowed to proceed in a safe and orderly manner to points of departure
and travel outside the country. However, I personally am not aware of
any specific agreement or arrangement between the State Department and
the Taliban governing continued evacuations of American citizens and
LPRs. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing this issue and providing
legal advice to Department policymakers to ensure compliance with
Section 1217 of the NDAA for FY 2021.
Question. Do you commit to providing Congress any agreement or
arrangement, and relevant materials, made between the U.S. and the
Taliban since August 14?
Answer. I understand that Secretary Blinken has committed to
keeping Congress informed of any agreement or arrangement with the
Taliban subsequent to the February 29, 2020 U.S.-Taliban Agreement
which the Department has identified and is under the purview of the
State Department, including providing any materials relevant to such
agreement or arrangement, consistent with section 1217(b)(2) of the
William M. (Mac) Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act for
Fiscal Year 2021 (P.L. 116-283). If confirmed, I would provide legal
advice to Department policymakers to ensure compliance with this
provision
Question. The Department of Defense has opined that it will rely on
the 2001 AUMF for continued counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan.
What is the State Department's position on the legal authority for
continued counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan?
Answer. I am not currently in government and cannot authoritatively
represent the Administration's legal positions. However, as I
understand it, the United States has relied on the 2001 AUMF as the
domestic law basis for the use of force in Afghanistan against al-
Qa'ida, the Taliban, and associated forces, including ISIS-K. As a
matter of international law, U.S. operations against al-Qa'ida and
ISIS-K targets in Afghanistan to date have been conducted in national
self-defense with the consent of Afghanistan. If confirmed, I would
advise on the legal basis for any future counterterrorism operations
based on the information available to me at the time.
Question. What is L's position on the repeal of the 2001 AUMF as it
relates to counterterrorism operations and detention authorities?
Answer. I am not currently in government and cannot authoritatively
represent the Administration's legal positions. However, President
Biden has committed to working with Congress to ensure that outdated
authorizations for the use of military force are replaced with a narrow
and specific framework that will ensure that we can continue to protect
Americans from terrorist threats. It is my understanding that the
Administration's position is that the 2001 AUMF should not be repealed
without replacement, and that any new or updated AUMF should include
language that avoids undermining the legal basis for ongoing operations
that the President and Congress deem necessary to address ongoing
threats, and provide for uninterrupted authority to continue those
efforts. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
committee and Congress on this important issue.
Question. Can you commit to utilizing the deterrence mechanisms in
the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, which Congress passed on a
bipartisan, bicameral basis as a powerful tool to uphold the Assad
regime's isolation, including through additional sanctions?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has made clear, the United States has
not lifted sanctions on Syria. Caesar Act sanctions are an important
tool to hold the Syrian regime accountable for the atrocities inflicted
on its own people. If confirmed, I will look into this issue and will
provide legal advice to ensure that the Department of State, in
coordination with the Treasury Department, implements sanctions under
the Caesar Act.
Question. Is a waiver under the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection
Act necessary to authorize Jordan's Electricity Proposal and Egypt's
Gas Proposal with the Syrian regime?
Answer. I am not currently in government and therefore do not have
access to all the relevant facts and any legal analysis. I support
efforts to resolve Lebanon's energy shortages in a way that is
consistent with U.S. sanctions on Syria. I understand that the State
Department is in contact with the Governments of Jordan, Egypt, and
Lebanon, as well as the World Bank, to gain a more complete
understanding of how these arrangements would be structured and
financed, and to ensure they are in line with U.S. policy and address
any potential sanctions concerns. If confirmed, I will work closely
with the Treasury Department and provide legal advice to ensure
compliance with all U.S. sanctions programs in Syria.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The previous administration took several positions that
were out of step with the international community, particularly on
human rights.
What steps does the Biden administration need to take to restore a
U.S. foreign policy that is rooted in internationally agreed
upon human rights norms and laws?
Answer. President Biden has committed to a foreign policy that is
centered on the defense of democracy and the protection of human
rights. In the last year, the Administration has taken many steps to
restore the place of the United States as a leader in human rights,
including seeking and winning election to the United Nations Human
Rights Council, putting forward U.S. candidates to serve as independent
experts on a number of human rights treaty bodies and United Nations
forums, and promoting accountability for human rights violations and
abuses including through bilateral and multilateral engagement and
application of targeted sanctions. If confirmed, I look forward to
continuing to support the Administration and the Department in
engagement with this Committee, civil society, and the international
community, to promote and protect human rights consistent with
international law.
Question. Across the globe, the principles and institutions of the
international legal system have been under attack in recent years, with
the rise of nationalism and authoritarianism.
What do you see as the most important steps the State Department
can take to bolster the international system and strengthen
international legal norms?
Answer. The administration shares your concern regarding the rise
of illiberal and authoritarian states and their efforts to undermine
human rights, democracy and the rules-based international order. The
most important steps the State Department can take to bolster the
international system and strengthen international legal norms are
constructive engagement and to lead, in concert with other like-minded
states, by the power of example. As Secretary Blinken stated before the
United Nations General Assembly last fall, ``it makes a difference when
the United States shows up, listens, leads.It allows us to strengthen
the rules and institutions that have helped defend our values and
advance our interests for many years.'' U.S. engagement with others in
the international community, including through bilateral and
multilateral work and participation in regional and international
organizations, has helped shape and safeguard rules, agreements, and
mechanisms that help keep our people safe and healthy, and our
businesses competitive while upholding our democratic values. If
confirmed, I would support the Administration and the Department in
engagement with the international community, in particular through the
promotion and protection of international law, and I would look forward
to consulting with this Committee on these efforts.
Question. I have long disagreed with the State Department's
interpretation of eligibility for the Special Immigrant Visa program as
defined in the Afghan Allies Protection Act of 2009. Congressionally
written statute says that individuals are eligible for the program if,
among other requirements, they were or are employed in Afghanistan
``by, or on behalf of, the United States Government.'' The way that
State has interpreted this language over the last two administrations
has arbitrarily excluded those who worked for the U.S. as grantees or
through certain types of contracts. These individuals spent 20 years on
the frontlines of U.S. efforts to engage with the Afghan people, and
certainly meet all other criteria for eligibility, including
demonstrating an ``ongoing serious threat'' to their safety. And this
group includes more women than under current State-determined
eligibility.
I hope that you will take a close look at this language and how it
has been interpreted by the State Department. Do you commit to
doing so, and communicating your legal opinion to my office?
Answer. Yes. I have not had access to the full factual record or
legal analysis surrounding the Department's interpretation of the
statute. But I know that ensuring effective processing of SIV
applications for individuals who provided faithful and valuable service
to the United States in Afghanistan is a top priority for the
Department. If confirmed, I would examine the issue and would be
prepared to engage with Congress and your office on ensuring
implementation of the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa program.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Sarah H. Cleveland by Senator Todd Young
Question. Do you believe international tax treaties require the
approval of two-thirds of the Senate in order to be ratified as
outlined by the U.S. Constitution?
Answer. Article II of the Constitution provides that the President
may make treaties with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the
Senators present. On many occasions, however, Congress has passed
statutes authorizing the President to enter into international
agreements on behalf of the United States, and the Supreme Court has
recognized that such statutes can provide a valid legal basis for the
President to enter into international agreements, like the Senate's
adoption of resolutions of advice and consent pursuant to the Article
II treaty process has done.
Whether Congress would wish to pass a statute authorizing the
President to enter into an agreement addressing international taxation
would, of course, be for Congress to decide. Historically, bilateral
income tax treaties have been approved by the Senate via the Article II
treaty process. To the extent that the Senate may prefer that future
agreements addressing international taxation be approved via the
Article II treaty process rather than via statute, this would be a
matter within the Senate's control, as a statute could not pass without
the Senate's approval. Tax treaties have long served to advance
important economic interests of the United States and have enjoyed
strong bipartisan support in the Senate. If confirmed, I would look
forward to engaging with this Committee to continue the historic
partnership between the executive branch and the Senate with regard to
these important agreements.
Question. The United States is currently negotiating an important
international agreement on taxes under the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework
on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting. One key element, referred to as
Pillar One, will require countries to update international tax rules.
It is my understanding that this includes modification of each of the
United States' bilateral tax treaties. If that is the case, based on
your training and experience as an attorney, do you believe the Pillar
One agreement will need to be implemented through the formal treaty
process?
Answer. Historically, bilateral income tax treaties have been
approved by the Senate via the Article II treaty process. However,
Congress could also authorize the President by statute to enter into
international agreements regarding taxation. Whether the Senate would
wish to do this for the multilateral convention contemplated under
Pillar One would be for the Senate to decide.
Even where agreements are approved via the Article II treaty
process, however, separate implementing legislation sometimes is
required to allow the United States to give effect in its domestic law
to the obligations it undertakes in an international agreement.
Accordingly, even if an agreement such as the multilateral convention
contemplated under Pillar One were approved via the Article II treaty
process, enactment of separate implementing legislation could still be
necessary before the United States could join the agreement and carry
out its obligations thereunder.
If confirmed, I would look forward to engaging with this Committee
on issues related to the proposed Pillar One multilateral convention.
Question. Would you agree that an international tax agreement that
makes fundamental changes to our international tax system and the
global economy are related to the conduct of foreign policy?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how would you advise Treasury and
coordinate with the Senate on the OECD agreement and the treaty
process?
Answer. I believe the Senate's input will be very important as the
Administration considers the ways in which the OECD/G20 Inclusive
Framework's two-pillar solution can be implemented expeditiously and
effectively, including with respect to the multilateral convention
contemplated under Pillar One. If confirmed, I would look forward to
engaging with colleagues in Treasury and elsewhere in the
Administration and with this committee on these issues.
Question. Does the CCP's treatment of China's Uyghur minority
constitute genocide?
Answer. Yes. The administration has recognized that there is an
ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang province
against the Uyghur minority and members of other ethnic and religious
minority groups. I am also appalled by these actions. I understand that
the Department has sought to impose consequences on those responsible
for these atrocities, including through the imposition of financial
sanctions and visa restrictions, as appropriate. If confirmed, I will
support the Department's efforts to promote accountability for those
responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.
Question. What evidence does it take to determine that the CCP was
engaged in genocide in Xinjiang? Do findings by international tribunals
or NGOs have any weight in State Department determinations?
Answer. I understand that, in January 2021, then-Secretary of State
Pompeo determined that the PRC Government, under the direction and
control of the Chinese Communist Party, has committed genocide and
crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and
religious minority groups in Xinjiang, and that Secretary Blinken has
stated that he agrees with that determination. As I am not currently in
the Department, I cannot speak to what information the Secretary may
have taken into account when making these determinations. However, if
confirmed, I will look forward to advising the Secretary on these
issues. I also look forward to supporting the Department's work to
promote accountability for those responsible for genocide and crimes
against humanity in Xinjiang, in consultation with this Committee.
Question. If confirmed, how would you advise the Secretary on the
standards for making a genocide determination?
Answer. I understand that the Secretary of State decides, as a
matter of foreign policy, whether the U.S. Government should publicly
characterize particular actions and abuses as a specific international
atrocity crime, including genocide, and that such decisions are based
on an analysis of the law, available facts, and policy considerations.
I also understand that the role of L, in coordination with relevant
Department policy offices, including the Office of Global Criminal
Justice, is to advise the Secretary in applying the law to the
available facts. I also understand that, for the purposes of atrocity
determinations, the Department looks to international law, including
the definition of genocide in Article II of the 1948 Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, and U.S. domestic
law. If confirmed, I will look forward to advising the Secretary on
these issues and supporting the Department's efforts to promote
accountability for genocide and other atrocity crimes.
Question. What are the legal consequences of making a genocide
determination under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide?
Answer. Under Article I of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention), States
Parties have an obligation to prevent and punish genocide. The Genocide
Convention, among other things, provides in Article VI that persons
charged with genocide or any of the other acts punishable under Article
III of the Genocide Convention ``shall be tried in a competent tribunal
of the State in the territory of which the act was committed, or by
such international penal tribunal as may have jurisdiction with respect
to those Contracting Parties which shall have accepted its
jurisdiction.''
Question. In March 2021, the International Criminal Court launched
a one-sided political attack on Israel in the guise of a formal
investigation against alleged Israeli war crimes in Gaza and the West
Bank. This investigation comes even though Israel is not a party to the
ICC and has a robust judicial system capable of investigating and
prosecuting any alleged crimes. The ICC has also threatened action
against the U.S. for actions in Afghanistan. In your view, what is the
proper role of the International Criminal Court?
Answer. I agree with the U.S. Government's longstanding objection
to the ICC's attempts to assert jurisdiction over nationals of non-
parties, such as the United States and Israel, absent the State's
consent or a Security Council referral. As Secretary Blinken has said,
U.S. concerns about these cases should be addressed through engagement
with all stakeholders in the ICC process. If confirmed, I will work
with our partners and allies, together with the Office of Global
Criminal Justice, to focus the Court on its core mission of trying
alleged perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war
crimes where the relevant State is truly unable or unwilling to do so.
Question. President Biden has pledged to reopen a consulate in
Jerusalem closed by the previous administration. Such a move would come
after the United States recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital. What
is your understanding of U.S. obligations related to the opening of
diplomatic facilities abroad? Do agree with the Administration's stated
position that opening such facilities requires the consent of the host
government?
Answer. I understand that the Administration intends to reopen our
Consulate General in Jerusalem to strengthen our ability to engage the
Palestinian people and execute our assistance programs, public
diplomacy outreach, and diplomatic reporting. I also understand that
the reopening of the Consulate General in Jerusalem would not affect
U.S. policy that the U.S. Embassy remains in Jerusalem, would not alter
the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and would not
constitute the recognition of a Palestinian state.
Additionally, I understand that to reopen the Consulate General,
the United States would look to Israel to provide privileges and
immunities to Consulate General officers and employees as they have in
the past, and I would expect the Office of the Legal Adviser to support
policymakers in any necessary discussions to that end. If confirmed, I
would work to ensure that the Department complies with all applicable
congressional consultation and notification requirements related to
reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem.
Question. The Biden administration is continuing to negotiate with
Iran in Vienna on a nuclear deal to curb Tehran's nuclear program. The
Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) gives Congress the right to
review any agreement involving Iran's nuclear program. What is your
view regarding INARA? Do you agree that under INARA any nuclear related
agreement with Iran must be presented to Congress?
Answer. I understand that INARA requires that any ``agreement''
with Iran related to Iran's nuclear program be transmitted to Congress
for a period of congressional review, and that ``agreement'' is broadly
defined to include non-legally-binding political arrangements. I also
understand that the Administration has committed to ensuring that the
requirements of INARA are satisfied. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring
that policy makers obtain the legal advice they need in order to
satisfy the requirements of INARA, including its transmission
requirement.
Question. If the Administration reaches an agreement to return to
the JCPOA, do you believe that would need to come to Congress under the
terms of INARA?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the
Administration carefully considers the facts and circumstances of any
U.S. return to the JCPOA to determine the implications under INARA, and
to ensuring that policy makers receive the legal advice they need in
order to satisfy the requirements of INARA, including its transmission
requirement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to James C. O'Brien by Senator Robert Menendez
Sanctions Coordinator Position
Question. Sanctions are one of the few meaningful sticks we have
in our foreign policy toolkit, yet State and successive administrations
have often had difficulty developing and implementing them in a
coordinated manner. The law creating your office gives you three key
roles: the lead sanctions diplomat, the lead for State on sanctions in
the interagency, and the lead within State in coordinating sanctions
policy.
I'd like to hear how you will approach each of these roles.
Answer. In my testimony to the committee on January 12, I outlined
the importance of ensuring that sanctions are part of our national
security strategy, support clear policy objectives, and rest upon a
solid analysis of alternatives, effects, and support from our partners.
The three roles established in the law should reinforce one
another. A senior voice and decision-maker focused on sanctions can
affect deliberations in the Department and with other agencies; a point
of contact for other agencies and partners should improve feedback
about the design and adaptation of sanctions and the strategies of
which they are a part; and engagement with partners should provide
additional ideas about how U.S. policies are functioning and
opportunities to strengthen international cooperation against
sanctionable activities.
This is a lot for a newly-reconstituted, still-growing Office to
undertake. It will require a clear set of priorities, to be set by the
Secretary, and cooperation from senior policymakers across the
Administration and Congress. If confirmed I look forward to consulting
with the committee on priorities and resources for the office.
Question. Once you are in office, I want to make sure there is a
running dialogue between you and your team and me and my staff. Do you
commit to that?
Answer. Yes. I would especially appreciate learning what concerns
you are hearing about U.S. sanctions, recommendations for information
on sanctions, and possible Congressional action related to sanctions.
State-Treasury Relationship
Question. I think there are real questions about whether the
executive branch is structured appropriately on sanctions. Everyone
seems to agree they are a foreign policy tool, but Treasury is the 900-
pound gorilla in this area and regularly gets its way over State. The
release of the Treasury sanctions policy review a few months ago is
representative: it was a Treasury only report that barely had any input
from State and did not address State-administered sanctions or human
right sanctions like Global Magnitsky.
How will you approach the inter-agency process to allow for State
and Treasury to have a more balanced relationship on sanctions
policy?
Answer. The first conclusions of the Treasury Report were that
sanctions must be linked to broader U.S. policy and strong
international partnerships. The Treasury report also correctly cited
that ``Treasury's work on sanctions is conducted in close partnership
with other parts of the Executive Branch, in particular the Department
of State and the National Security Council, which lead the formulation
of the foreign policy and strategic goals that sanctions serve, as well
as the Department of Justice.'' If confirmed, I will vigorously
advocate for the State Department's role in shaping and leading U.S.
foreign policy and engagement with foreign partners. I expect to build
on the close working relationship the State Department has with the
Treasury Department and other agencies, as well as our foreign allies
and partners, and to engage regularly as well with the National
Security Council on any interagency disagreements.
Executive Branch Implementation of Mandatory Secondary Sanctions:
When it comes to foreign policy in particular, the executive branch
seems to take the position that mandatory equals discretionary, and
there is often a failure to implement secondary sanctions as Congress
intended. This is not just an issue of Congress versus the executive
branch--private sector actors tell us that U.S. secondary sanctions are
losing their bite because there are so rarely designations.
Question. Do you commit to being a strong advocate for full
implementation and enforcement of mandatory sanctions?
Answer. Yes. I am interested in learning about the views of private
sector actors mentioned in the question and, if confirmed, will consult
with the committee and other colleagues on that question.
Cuba
Question. The Treasury Department's sanctions review report earlier
this year underscored the importance of U.S sanctions being tied to a
specific policy objective. In the case of Cuba sanctions, Congress has
defined in law clear policy goals and benchmarks that need to be met
before sanctions are lifted. As you know, I care deeply about U.S.
policy towards Cuba and I was concerned about previous efforts to lift
U.S. sanctions on Cuba--in violation of the spirit of U.S. law--even
while Cuba's intransigent dictatorship refused to take any steps to
permit a democratic opening in the country.
What assurances can you provide that you will follow the letter and
spirit of the law when you are coordinating U.S. sanctions on
Cuba?
Answer. I understand and appreciate your deep commitment to the
human rights of the Cuban people. If confirmed, I will work to advance
U.S. policy on Cuba sanctions consistent with all relevant laws. I
commit to engage with you on the issues if I am confirmed.
Question. Can I have your personal commitment that you will consult
directly with me and my staff prior to any significant changes to U.S.
sanctions on Cuba--whether those changes are proposed by you, others in
the State Department, or by another part of the U.S. Government?
Answer. Yes. I understand and appreciate your deep commitment to
the human rights of the Cuban people. If confirmed, I will engage with
the relevant policymakers on Cuba policy in the Administration so that
my office can remain informed. I commit to engage directly and
routinely with you and your staff.
The Biden administration rightfully designated Cuban Defense
Minister Lopez Miera under Global Magnitsky sanction, but it is clear
that the challenges posed by the Cuban armed forces are bigger than one
general. In addition to military involvement in human rights abuses,
I'm concerned about the rise of a new generation of military oligarchs
that control vast parts of the Cuban economy. Secretary Blinken made a
commitment to me regarding a Magnitsky designation on the Cuban
military.
Question. Can I get your commitment that you will make this
designation a priority, if you are confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will learn about work on this designation
and consult closely with colleagues in the Department. I will consult
with your staff and you about the topic. If a designation is warranted,
I will advocate for it.
China
Question. I am deeply concerned that China is continuing to buy oil
from the Iranians both subverting international sanctions and impacting
the oil market. I am disappointed that the U.S. and the rest of the
international community do not seem to be holding China accountable for
these violations.
What steps is the United States taking to urge/force China to
comply with sanctions related to Iran's oil?
Answer. The United States has designated individuals and entities
in response to Iranian sanctions evasion activities, including
transactions involving the PRC. If I am confirmed, I will seek to learn
what more might be done. I am told that the Administration has also
been raising this issue in diplomatic channels with Beijing as part of
a dialogue on Iran policy and that Beijing has a strong interest in
preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon given the profoundly
destabilizing impact that would have in a region upon which the PRC
depends for its oil imports.
Afghanistan:
Question. What further steps can the United States take to clarify
and expand upon existing sanctions authorities on the Taliban and
Haqqani Network, while ensuring that humanitarian aid goes directly to
the Afghan people? What can we do to ensure that these steps don't
result in a complete economic collapse that could cause a mass
humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I expect to take a leadership role in
striking an appropriate balance between sanctions against listed
Taliban members and the Haqqani Network and supporting the continued
flow of humanitarian aid. This approach would include evaluating the
effectiveness of the steps that have been taken.
The Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control
(OFAC) issued six general licenses (GLs) aimed at facilitating economic
activity and the flow of assistance to benefit the people of
Afghanistan. Among other activities, these actions facilitate the
official business of the U.S. Government, the official business of
certain international organizations (including the U.N. and World
Bank), and NGOs, and those acting on their behalf, providing
humanitarian assistance and other critical support in Afghanistan as
well as the export to Afghanistan of critical food and medicine.
Burma
Question. The 2021 coup in Burma makes clear--as a number of us
here offered in 2014 and 2015, only to be ignored by the
Administration--that the way in which the United States dealt away its
leverage and potential pressure in Burma was a mistake, undermining the
ability of the democracy movement to get the military to relinquish
power, and knee-capping efforts for genuine ethnic and national
reconciliation, including the subsequent Rohingya genocide.
How do we regain traction and leverage, what sanctions do you think
would be appropriate to reimpose, what new sanctions might be
necessary, including targeting MEC and MEHL and MOGE, so that
perhaps this time we can get Burma right?
Answer. The United States has been steadfast in its support for the
people of Burma since the military coup d'etat on February 1, 2021.
Immediately following the coup, President Biden issued an Executive
Order 14014, authorizing sanctions in response to the coup. In total,
the U.S. Government has sanctioned 58 individuals and 20 entities.
These include top military commanders and senior officials of the
regime, as well as businesses that generate revenue for the military
and its leaders. As I understand them, sanctions against individuals
and entities connected to the military regime impose a continuing and
direct cost on the military regime, which is responsible for the
horrific violence perpetrated against the pro-democracy movement and
the people of Burma.
While I am not part of the Administration and the Administration
does not preview future sanctions, if the violence and abuses in Burma
continue, I anticipate that the Administration will continue to use all
available tools to put pressure on the regime to cease the violence,
release all those unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to
democracy. The announcement of anti-corruption initiatives may also
provide important tools for addressing the networks that enable
corruption, human rights abuses, other sanctionable activity, and
sanctions evasion.
In all these aspects, coordinating sanctions with allies and
partners is important to make our actions as impactful as possible. Our
coordinated response shows that the international community is united
against the coup, the horrific violence, and suppression of Burma's
democracy. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing close U.S.
coordination with likeminded partners, including the UK, Canada, and
the EU, who have imposed sanctions on the military regime since the
coup.
Venezuela
Question. I have authored every piece of major legislation on
Venezuela that Congress has passed; this includes sanctions provisions,
as well as policies in support of a negotiated solution to the
Venezuelan crisis. While the entire world obviously knows that Maduro
has no genuine interest in negotiations, our sanctions very clearly
give us leverage to push a process forward. However, I am concerned
that some in the Administration would lift some sanctions for nothing
in return from Maduro.
If confirmed, will you ensure that the Administration doesn't cede
leverage to forge a negotiated solution without meaningful
concessions from the Maduro regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the interagency and
foreign partners and allies to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives
in Venezuela. My personal experience across several continents is that
the prospect of accountability, including through sanctions, can be
important leverage for peace negotiations, and I expect to discuss this
with responsible officials.
Hong Kong
Question. During the previous administration the United States
rolled out a series of sanctions designations related to China's
treatment of Hong Kong and Hong Kongers. None of those sanctions
appeared to have had any deterrent or shaping effect on Beijing's
calculus.
What are the lessons that you take from that?
Answer. The Department of State remains deeply concerned about the
degradation of the autonomy of Hong Kong, and, if confirmed, I will
continue the Department's work to employ a variety of policy tools in
response to the deteriorating situation. Sanctions are one such tool.
As I noted in my testimony, sanctions must be part of a strategy; they
themselves cannot be the strategy.
In addition, working with partners and allies is also key to create
effective sanctions regimes. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging
with our global partners whose cooperation will make sanctions programs
more effective. This would again require that the Coordinator's Office
work closely with U.S. missions abroad and other officials who engage
other governments.
Question. Did we use sanctions in a way that was ineffective? Did
we misalign targets? Or are there natural limits to what sanctions can
leverage without a broader and more coherent policy framework?
Answer. The Biden administration has made the U.S. and allied
approach to China and the relationship with China central to U.S.
foreign policy. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the
role that sanctions can play in that strategy and will consult with the
committee accordingly.
On Hong Kong itself, sanctions cannot substitute for a broader
policy or achieve broader goals by themselves. If confirmed, I am
interested in learning more about how sanctions in this instance can
reinforce the China strategy and principles important to the
international order here and elsewhere. Hong Kong's traditional role in
the international financial system is particularly relevant in the
consideration of how sanctions might be relevant and effective, both
with regard to Chinese policy and to institutions and individuals
seeking to benefit from that policy. If confirmed, I will work closely
with my colleagues in the Department and other agencies to consider
potential future sanctions that will advance our foreign policy
interests regarding the deteriorating situation in Hong Kong.
Ethiopia
Question. The administration has designated four Eritrean entities
and two Eritrean individuals under the E.O., but has not designated any
Ethiopians, or made designations of actors supplying arms or materiel
to parties to the conflict.
Can we expect to see additional designations related to the
Executive Order Imposing Sanctions on Certain Persons with
Respect to the Humanitarian and Human Rights Crisis in Ethiopia
issued on September 17th?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues to continue to
use all policy options available to stop the fighting and human rights
abuse, get the Ethiopian Government and Tigray People's Liberation
Front to the negotiating table, secure the withdrawal of Eritrean
forces from Ethiopia, enable access to critical humanitarian
assistance, and support an inclusive national dialogue process.
North Korea
Question. ``Maximum pressure'' on North Korea under the previous
administration was neither. And as we stand at the start of 2022 it's
clear that the sanctions regime currently in place has been badly
broken. The Panel of Experts at the U.N. has been sidelined. There is
tension between Washington and Seoul. And North Korea continues to
march happily along with their nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
Moreover, under successive administrations there seems to have been a
disconnect between the bilateral and multilateral sanctions that we
impose on North Korea and our diplomatic posture.
Given the orientation of the new administration towards North Korea
how would you recommend revising and refining our sanctions in
a way that will actually be effective to compel different
behavior from North Korea?
Answer. The United States has a vital interest in deterring the
DPRK, limiting the reach of its unlawful and dangerous WMD and
ballistic missile programs, and, above all, keeping the American people
and America's allies safe. It is important for the international
community to send a strong, unified message that the DPRK must halt
provocations, abide by its obligations under U.N. Security Council
resolutions, and engage in sustained and intensive negotiations with
the United States.
United Nations sanctions on the DPRK remain in place, and we will
continue to promote their implementation, including through diplomacy
at the United Nations and with the DPRK's neighbors. If confirmed, I
will work closely with our partners to ensure U.S. sanctions advance
our policy goals, including ending the DPRK's unlawful WMD and
ballistic missile programs.
Nicaragua
Question. Starting in February 2020, I publicly advocated that U.S.
sanctions needed to be aimed towards the single diplomatic goal of
forging conditions for democratic elections. Instead, the Trump
administration sanctioned at random without any clear strategy.
Although Ortega's fraudulent elections are now behind us and numerous
opposition candidates are still in jail, it remains clear that
Nicaragua needs new democratic elections. Congress passed my RENACER
Act in November, which calls for a deeper marriage between our
sanctions and diplomatic goals.
If confirmed, can you commit that you personally will meet with my
staff during your first 90 days to discuss how we can best
utilize U.S. sanctions to advance our diplomatic goals in
Nicaragua?
Answer. Our sanctions strategy has been and continues to be aimed
at advancing our foreign policy goals by, among other things, promoting
accountability for the Ortega-Murillo regime's actions to undermine
democracy, including by preventing free and fair elections, and respect
for human rights. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with you and your
staff within the first 90-days to discuss the use of U.S. sanctions to
advance our diplomatic goals in Nicaragua.
Mali
Question. Following actions in the U.N. Security Council, the Trump
administration issued an Executive Order in 2019 with respect to those
who undermine peace and security in Mali. Five individuals implicated
in armed group activities and/or illicit trafficking were designated in
late 2019, concurrent with U.N. designations, but there have been no
subsequent design actions despite the fact that there have been two
military coups, worsening violence in northern and central Mali, and
recent public reports that the current junta plans to delay elections
and engage the Wagner Group, a U.S. and EU sanctioned Russian private
military company. And there has never been a government official
sanctioned, despite ample evidence of malfeasance documented in U.N.
Panel of Experts' reports.
What do you intend to do to ensure that the Mali sanctions program
is furthering U.S. foreign policy goals in Mali?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my colleagues in the
Department and other agencies to determine what tools would be helpful
and consistent with the efforts of our ECOWAS and European partners to
achieve our policy goals in Mali. I would unfortunately anticipate that
further action in the U.N. Security Council would be challenging given
Russia's relationship with the Malian authorities.
Question. Also, what more can the Administration do to help counter
Russia's malign influence in Mali--and elsewhere in Africa?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the Department
and other agencies to identify opportunities to further counter Russian
malign influence through the African continent. The administration has
noted that Africa can play a central role in driving global economic
growth, especially through the digital and green transitions. As U.S.
institutions and businesses look to play important roles across the
continent, support for the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts,
including through sanctions, will be an important part of U.S. policy,
with regard to Russia and other actors.
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Question. The U.S. has levied sanctions against individuals and
entities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo based on several
different statutes and programs. Among these are recent visa
restrictions against wildlife traffickers under section 212(a)(3)(C) of
the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), and corruption-related
sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act.
With so many different sanctions programs in place to address such
a wide range of problems in the DRC, what is your assessment of
the overall effectiveness of US sanctions in DRC, and of the
relative effectiveness of each program?
Answer. The United States' commitment to promote accountability for
corrupt actors and other spoilers of the DRC's democratic processes is
clear. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the use of all
relevant authorities, including both domestic and U.N. sanctions, to
support the reform efforts of the DRC Government and target armed
groups, human rights abusers, corrupt actors, as well as those that
profit from the illicit trade in natural resources, such as wildlife
and minerals, at the expense of the Congolese people. Anti-corruption
initiatives, such as those announced in December, provide additional
tools to address the networks that enable corruption, human rights
abuses, sanctions evasion, and other sanctionable activities.
Our sanctions authorities, especially when implemented
multilaterally, underscore our continued work with partner nations to
designate individuals and entities who threaten peace and security in
the DRC. I would also evaluate how best to use the tools available to
address the growing threat from ISIS-DRC, also known as the Allied
Democratic Forces.
Central African Republic
Question. It is unclear that those sanctioned in the Central
African Republic (CAR) have significant holdings in U.S. financial
institutions or other foreign banks, own property abroad, or have an
interest in obtaining U.S. visas.
How does this impact the effectiveness of current sanctions on CAR?
Answer. The impact of sanctions goes beyond the direct financial
implications of a target's U.S. assets and has the potential to impose
significant reputational costs that limit a designee's ability to
conduct sanctionable activity and may play a role in political
settlements. Anti-corruption initiatives may provide additional tools
to address the networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses,
sanctions evasion, and other sanctionable activity.
Sanctions in CAR, especially when taken multilaterally, underscore
U.S. and global support for the CAR Government's efforts to deter those
who stoke violence and threaten peace for the Central African people.
The December designation of armed group leader Ali Darassa at the U.N.
is one such example, which the CAR Government and civil society
welcomed. If confirmed, I will continue to work with partner nations to
designate individuals and entities both domestically and at the U.N.
Question. What actions could the U.S. take that would impact those
who undermine peace and security in CAR, and what actions will you take
if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will carefully review all diplomatic tools
available to respond appropriately to those who undermine peace and
security in CAR, including both domestic and U.N. sanctions. Anti-
corruption initiatives may provide additional tools to address the
networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses, sanctions
evasion, and other sanctionable activity.
Sanctions Enforcement in Africa
Question. The U.S. has sanctions regimes for several countries in
Africa. Yet robust and effective implementation of sanctions in Africa
has been a relatively low priority for policymakers and the agencies
responsible for implementing sanctions.
Do you commit to briefing SFRC staff about your assessment of the
barriers to the effective implementation of US sanctions
programs for Africa, and your plans to overcome them if
confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of expanding the
impact and efficacy of our sanctions across Africa as part of a larger
policy framework to promote accountability among human rights abusers,
corrupt actors, and those who threaten peace and stability. I would
look forward to working closely with Treasury and Congress in
evaluating and improving our sanctions and those of our partners.
I will advocate for sufficient resources and priority to implement
and update designations made under these programs if that is a barrier.
The administration has made clear that Africa will be an important
driver of global economic growth, and access for U.S. and allied
institutions and companies will depend on the rule of law and efforts
against the networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses,
sanctions evasion, and other sanctionable activity.
Question. Do we have enough people dedicated to effectively enforce
sanctions designations related to conflicts and human rights abuses in
Africa? If not, what steps are you planning to take to change that?
Answer. Promoting accountability among those who stoke violence,
abuse human rights, and use public resources private gains is key for
ensuring a prosperous and stabile Africa. If confirmed, I will advocate
for sufficient resources, in State and to the extent I can at Treasury,
and policy focus on Africa sanctions in order to further these goals.
Syria
Question. While I appreciate the sanctions this administration has
imposed under long-standing Syria authorities; I am concerned by the
lack of any sanctions imposed by this administration under the
bipartisan Caesar Act. Failure to do so would be a missed opportunity
to hold the Assad regime, and its international enablers like Russia
and Iran, accountable for their ongoing human rights violations against
the Syrian people.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to impose mandatory
sanctions under the Caesar Act?
Answer. The Caesar Act is a powerful tool in limiting the ability
of Assad and others in the Syrian regime to profit from the conflict,
including profiting by forcibly taking the property of the Syrian
people. If confirmed, I will look at every appropriate sanctions
authority to promote accountability for the Assad regime's abuses and
will coordinate with the U.S. Department of the Treasury, which
implements the Caesar Act, to deploy those sanctions when opportunities
are identified.
Question. How can those sanctions, as well as others under other
Syrian authorities be better coordinated to ensure that legitimate
humanitarian groups doing critical work in Syria are not caught up in
de-risking efforts by financial institutions?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I expect that humanitarian issues will
be an important topic for the Coordinator's Office. Outreach and
dialogue are crucial in any sanctions program, particularly programs
like those in Syria, where humanitarian assistance is essential.
I understand that during the previous year, the Administration
prioritized making sure that U.S. sanctions were not having an
inadvertent negative impact on the flow of humanitarian aid, including
in Syria. This included the Department of the Treasury in November
amending the Syrian Sanctions Regulations to expand authorizations for
NGOs to engage in certain additional humanitarian activities in Syria.
If confirmed, I intend to work with humanitarian groups, the financial
sector, and our international partners to continue to identify
humanitarian needs and do the work required to ensure that appropriate
exceptions and authorizations are in place with respect to the care of
the Syrian people.
Iran
Question. I am concerned by the Administration's recent decision to
grant a specific license to South Korea, allowing for the payment of
$63 million in damages to an Iranian company with ties to the Iranian
Government, which has shown time and again that it would rather funnel
money to terrorist groups and other proxies than help its own people.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that such repatriated
funds cannot be used by the Iranian regime to further its
regional aggression against the U.S. and our allies and
partners?
Answer. The administration has fundamental problems with Iran's
actions across a series of issues, including its support for terrorism,
its ballistic missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the
region, and its human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will ensure
continued support for a comprehensive approach using a variety of
tools, including sanctions, to counter the full range of Iran's
destabilizing behavior.
On the funds in question, I am told that the license issued by the
Administration permit use of the U.S. financial system to facilitate
the payment of an arbitral award to a group of private Iranian
investors and does not involve the transfer or draw down of Iranian
Government funds. If confirmed, I will be available to consult with you
further on this.
Question. What further steps must be taken to prevent such funds
from supporting nefarious Iranian activity?
Answer. The administration will continue to use its considerable
leverage--including sanctions and joint action with allies and
partners--to protect U.S. interests. As part of these efforts, we will
continue to maintain and impose sanctions, including on Iranian
entities providing support to terror groups and violent militias in the
region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to James C. O'Brien by Senator James E. Risch
The Role of Sanctions Coordinator Within the State Department
Question. One of the chief goals of the position of Sanctions
Coordinator is to improve internal Department communication about the
goals of our sanctions regimes and most effective use of implementation
tools and resources. What is your vision for the role of Sanctions
Coordinator within the Department internally?
Answer. While Secretary Blinken ultimately will set priorities, the
Coordinator will be the Secretary's ``principal adviser'' on sanctions
issues, including on the numerous sanctions authorities delegated to
the Secretary. This role will make the Office a tool for the Secretary
to use in setting and conveying the Department's priorities and for
resolving disputes among bureaus.
Authorities, of course, are only a starting point, and, if
confirmed, I will devote significant effort to developing relationships
with policymakers within the Department and interagency. The Sanctions
Coordinator will need to provide clear, actionable guidance on
sanctions priorities, design, and implementation; effective advocacy in
Washington and globally; and constructive options for sanctions
programs.
Question. How would you plan to improve communication within the
Department about sanctions issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that sanctions advance
broader U.S. policy, taking into account expected impacts, likely
responses, steps needed to mitigate collateral consequences, and
follow-up needed to ensure ongoing effectiveness. Having and using such
a deliberative process will help each Department bureau responsible for
a sanctions program or policy initiative understand the broader context
in which decisions are sanctions are being made.
Also, the Sanctions Coordinator office should be staffed and
organized to be able to effectively engage closely and directly at the
working level with relevant bureaus and offices to convey priorities
and requirements. If I am confirmed, I would seek to provide assistant
secretaries and Department leadership with timely, early guidance,
including on likely reactions to sanctions and lessons learned from
existing sanctions programs, with the aim of informing decisions both
on sanctions and how sanctions have influenced previous policy goals.
Question. How would you deconflict with other offices to prevent
duplications of effort?
Answer. The Department has excellent sanctions expertise, including
on counter-proliferation, counterterrorism, anticorruption, and
counter-narcotics. If confirmed, I would seek not to add redundant
expertise within the Coordinator's Office but would rather look to
provide these existing programs and structures with coordinated policy
guidance and expert assistance as needed to ensure that the threat or
use of sanctions are part of broader policy goals. I would focus the
Coordinator's Office on providing clear guidance on priorities, goals,
and scope early; advocating for timely decisions; and developing best
practices so that each program benefits from the lessons of others. The
Office's role in exercising authorities delegated to the Secretary, as
set out in the statute establishing the office, will be an important
tool. Consistent coordination and communication will be core to all the
office's work.
Question. How would you plan to improve coordination with the
regional bureaus on particular sanctions regimes?
Answer. I anticipate that the Coordinator's Office will have a
liaison to each regional bureau, will coordinate with other relevant
bureaus, and will seek to ensure that each bureau is able to take
advantage of lessons from other sanctions programs and from discussions
about sanctions on Capitol Hill and elsewhere. If I am confirmed, I
expect to work directly with the relevant assistant secretaries, as
directed by the Secretary, so that sanctions guidance can be
incorporated into policymaking as early as possible.
Question. How would you plan to work with the Bureau for Economic
and Business Affairs specifically?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Bureau of
Economic and Business Affairs (EB) on sanction issues, including on
interagency and multilateral coordination efforts. EB houses much of
the Department's expertise in designing and implementing sanctions, and
it will be an especially important partner. EB also has a unique role
in the Department through its established work engaging with the global
business community and in assisting U.S. companies around the world.
This will make it a particularly important partner in assessing the
effectiveness and effects of sanctions and in ensuring good
communications with the private sector.
The Role of Sanctions Coordinator Within the Interagency
Question. If confirmed, you will be responsible for coordinating
U.S. sanctions policy across the interagency. How would you aim to
improve U.S. interagency communication with regard to sanctions to
ensure our sanctions regimes are fully aligned with U.S. foreign policy
objectives?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with all relevant U.S.
departments and agencies. This will require, first, close coordination
across the Department to ensure that all officials deliver a consistent
message in all interagency policy bodies. In addition, if I am
confirmed, I would work closely with, among others, the National
Security Council, Treasury Department, Commerce Department, and the
Intelligence Community. The Sanctions Coordinator should provide a
focal point for international reactions to sanctions proposals and
ensure that these views are understood and considered in the domestic
policy-making process.
Question. If confirmed, in particular, how would you plan to work
with the Department of the Treasury and its Office of Foreign Assets
Control?
Answer. The Department's partnership with the Treasury, and with
OFAC in particular, continues to be close. If confirmed, I will seek
close working relationships with Treasury officials and those in OFAC.
Both Departments play a central role in the development,
implementation, and enforcement of sanctions and, in many instances, as
Executive Order 13224, rely on the same set of authorities. This shared
purpose requires close coordination on priorities, tactics, and
designations as sanctions are considered, proposed, announced, and
implemented. Effective information sharing also remains a critical
component of this process, and, if confirmed, I would work to continue
improvements made in this area so that State can appropriately fulfill
its role in sanctions implementation.
Question. In the event of a policy conflict between your office and
another agency, how would you approach resolving the conflict?
Answer. Disagreements during the policymaking process are expected
and healthy, and, if confirmed, I would expect the Coordinator's office
to engage directly with relevant agencies and the National Security
Council to address any differences of opinion. Such a scenario could
require further coordination within the Department or, if a
disagreement remains with another agency, I would, as dictated by
statute as the ``principal advisor to the senior management of the
Department and the Secretary'' on sanctions, work to ensure that the
views of the Coordinator's Office would be reflected in Department
preparations for senior interagency policy meetings.
Interactions with Foreign Governments
Question. Another goal of creating this office and elevating this
position to the rank of Ambassador was to create a centralized point of
contact for foreign governments to ensure effective communication with
allies and partners on sanctions, implementation, and technical
cooperation. In your view, what challenges does United States face in
its relationships with foreign allies and partners regarding sanctions
policy and implementation?
Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate a significant amount of my time
will be dedicated to partner engagement. When sanctions are implemented
in coordination with our partners, we send a strong message of
international resolve to deter or constrain malign activity and hold
bad actors to account. They also increase the effectiveness of other
efforts, as bad actors are further cut off from global financial and
other networks that enable corruption, human rights abuses, and
sanctions evasion.
The challenges of engaging with partners are also opportunities for
further engagement. From my experience, I know that feedback from
partners with different views can inform U.S. sanctions policy;
reluctant partners can provide information as well as occasional public
support; and capacity constraints in partners can provide opportunities
to engage in strengthening domestic systems against corruption,
sanctions evasion, and other weaknesses that can threaten U.S. and
allied security. In this regard, if confirmed, I look forward to
working with relevant stakeholder bureaus to support the Democracies
Against Safe Havens initiative, to which the Department committed at
President Biden's Summit For Democracy in December 2021. This
initiative seeks to increase coordination and expand partners' capacity
to establish and implement corruption-related sanctions regimes.
Question. Where does the United States need to improve
communication with foreign countries on sanctions?
Answer. The United States maintains close relationships with our
foreign allies and partners in the development and implementation of
sanctions. This includes various bilateral and multilateral fora such
as the U.N. Security Council, the G7 and routine engagements with
Canada, the United Kingdom, the EU, Australia and New Zealand. Anti-
corruption initiatives, in particular the Democracies Against Safe
Havens initiative, provide a new opportunity to build effective
coalitions that will make anti-corruption sanctions more effective and
that can address sanctions evasion. A key goal of the Sanctions
Coordinator, and in fact a large amount of the time I expect to
dedicate in this role, will be in talking with and coordinating
sanctions with key foreign partners.
Question. The United Kingdom was previously a key partner in
navigating the European Union's (EU) financial institutions to
effectively implement various sanctions regimes. Now that the United
Kingdom is no longer a member of the EU, do you foresee gaps in U.S.-EU
cooperation on sanctions? If so, how would you propose to fill those
gaps?
Answer. The United States maintains a close relationship with both
the United Kingdom and the European Union on sanctions development and
implementation. Both relationships, though different in some ways post-
Brexit, remain critical to the success of coordinated sanctions
efforts. Each relationship will be central to developing measures that
attack the networks enabling corruption, human rights abuses, and
sanctions evasion. If confirmed, I will continue to advance these
critical relationships and expect each of them to occupy core roles in
global approaches to sanctions.
Resourcing and Personnel
Question. If confirmed, what kind of structure would you envision
for the Office of Sanctions Policy?
Answer. If confirmed, I envision an office with the necessary
resources to amplify and support the work of the State Department
bureaus and offices. This would likely start with staff assigned as
liaison to bureaus directly involved in sanctions and related
policymaking.
It would also mean providing expertise and experience to look
across sanctions programs so that best practices can be transmitted
across the Department. The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021,
Public Law 116-260, provides the head of the Office of Sanctions
Coordination with direct hire authority through December 2022. I
understand that this was done to ensure that the office could quickly
hire qualified professionals with technical expertise in the use of
sanctions authorities and in sanctions implementation. This is an
especially important and appreciated tool to successfully stand up this
office. If confirmed, I would be happy to consult with you on the
status of staffing the office and on my intentions, upon reviewing the
existing structure, for hiring and structuring.
Question. If confirmed, what are your plans for the use of this
authority?
Answer. If confirmed, I will exercise the direct hire authority to
ensure that the office is appropriately staffed and resourced with the
expertise needed to carry out the office's mandate in support of the
Secretary. It can be especially important in attracting personnel who
will have experience that might not be common within the Department,
for example, in understanding commercial networks that facilitate
corruption, human rights abuses, and sanctions evasion.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to keep this committee
updated about the office's use of this authority, and to keep the
committee apprised of whether an extension of this authority would
serve the needs of the office and the goals of the legislation that
created this office?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to updating the committee on my
use of the authority and whether an extension would serve the needs of
the office and the goals of the legislation.
Syria
Question. Can you commit to advocating for robust enforcement of
the sanctions tools provided in the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection
Act?
Answer. Yes. Our sanctions, including under the Caesar Act, are an
important tool to press for accountability from the Assad regime, with
respect to its atrocious record of human rights abuses inflicted upon
the Syrian people. If confirmed, I will commit to advocating for robust
enforcement of the sanctions tools provided in the Caesar Syria
Civilian Protection Act.
Question. How can sanctions be used to further U.S. national
security objectives in Syria?
Answer. My experience is that individual accountability for those
who commit human rights abuses can be an important tool in making and
sustaining peace. If confirmed, I expect to engage with colleagues
about the role that sanctions can play in advancing U.S. foreign policy
in Syria and holding to account those responsible for serious human
rights abuses.
Question. What role should sanctions play in ensuring
accountability for the crimes committed in Syria, by both Syrians and
non-Syrians alike?
Answer. My experience in advising on peace negotiations in Europe,
Africa, and Asia is that those responsible for violations of
international humanitarian law often are obstacles to peace. Sanctions
(and prosecution) can be effective tools to create an environment
conducive to peace, and, if confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
colleagues on the role that sanctions could play. Sanctions will remain
a critical tool to advance U.S. foreign policy in Syria and promote
accountability of the Assad regime, those who support the regime, and
other armed groups in Syria for their role in serious human rights
abuses.
Question. A majority of the sanctions both the Trump and Biden
administration have issued against the Assad regime are pursuant to an
EO rather than the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act. Sanctions
Under EO are not consistent with the legal requirements outlined in the
Caesar Act. Please provide an explanation for sanctions issued under EO
and not pursuant to the law.
Answer. I do not know the rationale, because I was not part of the
Trump administration and have not been part of the Biden
administration. If confirmed, I commit to exploring this issue and
consulting with you further.
Question. Please provide your assessment of the importance of U.S.
deterring reconstruction funding in Syria.
Answer. Secretary Blinken has stated that the United States does
not support normalization with Syria; does not support reconstruction
with Syria until there has been irreversible progress towards a
political solution; and will not lift sanctions until there is
irreversible progress toward a political solution. If confirmed, I will
look further into the issue of foreign government reconstruction
efforts in Syria.
Question. In your view, how can sanctions be used to prevent
countries from providing reconstruction funds to an unreformed Assad
regime?
Answer. Sanctions, including the Caesar Act, can be utilized to
deter countries and international investors from providing funding the
Assad regime is desperate to receive.
Question. Egypt and Jordan are respectively pursuing energy and
electricity agreements with Lebanon that would pass through Syria and
provide in-kind support to the Assad regime.
Answer. I have read press reports but do not know the facts of the
situation. I am told that addressing the energy crisis in Lebanon is a
key priority for the Administration. If confirmed, I will commit to
working with the Department, other agencies, and our foreign partners
and allies to identify a solution that helps Lebanon in a manner
consistent with U.S. sanctions on Syria. I will consult with the
committee.
Question. In your view, does this meet the definition of a
significant transaction under the Caesar Act? Why or why not?
Answer. If confirmed, I would consult on this question with
colleagues including in the Office of Foreign Assets Control. I would
be happy to discuss the outcomes of this conversation with you or your
staff.
Question. Please elaborate on your thinking regarding the necessity
of issuing a waiver to authorize projects that provide in-kind support
to the Assad regime.
Answer. While I understand that the Secretary of State has the
authority to issue a waiver in certain circumstances, the first step
would be consultation between State and Treasury as to whether a waiver
is necessary. If confirmed, I will look into this issue with colleagues
and consult further with the committee.
Question. How does your opinion on waivers apply to the projects
currently being pursued by Egypt and Jordan?
Answer. If confirmed, I would consult on this question with
colleagues, including in the Department of the Treasury's Office of
Foreign Assets Control. I would be happy to discuss the outcomes of
this conversation with you or your staff.
Hamas
Question. The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields Act of
2018 (P.L. 115-348) mandates sanctions on any member of Hezbollah or
Hamas who ``knowingly orders, controls, or otherwise directs the use of
civilians protected as such by the law of war to shield military
objectives from attack.'' Under the law, the President is required to
submit to Congress a list of, and impose financial sanctions on, each
foreign person involved in the use of human shields by Hamas or
Hezbollah ``on or after the date of enactment.'' Despite widespread
reporting on Hamas's use of human shields, as of September 21, 2021, no
action has been pursued under this act.
If confirmed, can you commit to advocating for the imposition of
sanctions under The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields
Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for the use of appropriate
sanctions authorities to counter Hamas' terrorist activity, including
the use of human shields. Sanctions are a tool to advance support for
humanitarian principles and international law.
Question. Please provide your assessment of Qatar's role with
respect to Gaza.
Answer. The administration views Qatar's ongoing economic aid to
the Gaza Strip as an important stabilizing mechanism. The
administration also views Qatar as a valuable diplomatic mediator
between Israel and Hamas. Most recently, Qatar assisted in securing a
ceasefire between Israel, Hamas, and other parties in Gaza following a
11-day conflict in May 2021. If confirmed, I will consult with you and
the committee on this issue.
Question. To what extent do you see Qatar as a stabilizing
influence to Gaza?
Answer. The administration views Qatar's ongoing economic aid to
the Gaza Strip as an important stabilizing mechanism. If confirmed, I
will consult with you and the committee on this issue.
Nord Stream 2
Question. If confirmed, do you commit that you will routinely and
robustly engage with me and committee staff on sanctions relating to
the NordStream 2 pipeline?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit that you will timely and
robustly respond to member and staff questions on sanctions relating to
the NordStream 2 pipeline?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Should there be new authorities to better target human
rights abusers?
Answer. The administration currently has numerous sanctions
authorities that provide a basis to designate individuals and entities
in connection with serious human rights abuses including the Global
Magnitsky sanctions program, various country-specific sanctions
authorities, and a variety of Executive Orders.
If confirmed, I would like to see sanctions be part of an effective
strategy to ultimately end the human rights abuses that give rise to
sanctions. In that context, I look forward to examining the extent to
which existing sanctions authorities provide both the leverage and
flexibility to help policymakers achieve that goal. I would be happy to
discuss what I learn with your staff and you, including whether
legislative changes would improve the programs.
Question. How do you plan on working with the newly announced
Coordinator on Global Corruption on corruption related sanctions?
Answer. I intend to work closely with the Coordinator on Global
Corruption on the use of sanctions and visa restrictions, as part of
our broader efforts to combat corruption globally, including both the
targets of sanctions and the networks that enable them. As I noted in
my testimony and consultations, anti-corruption tools provide
additional weapons for effective strategies, with sanctions an
important part of the whole. This will require close cooperation not
only with the Coordinator on Global Corruption but with colleagues at
Treasury, who have their own anti-corruption authorities; with
colleagues who know the business environment and economic governance
components, especially in the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs;
and with relevant colleagues in regional bureaus and embassies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to James C. O'Brien by Senator Todd Young
Question. Treasury completed its comprehensive review of U.S.
sanctions policy in October 2021 outlining the significant growth of
programs and recommending steps to modernize sanctions. What key
reforms or process changes would you most hope for, based on the
findings from the report?
Answer. I have read the publicly released report from Treasury's
review of its authorities. The conclusions are reasonable--that
sanctions should be part of a strategy, rooted in cooperation,
structured to mitigate unintended impacts, and able to be communicated
and adapted as necessary--and, if confirmed, I will work to see them
implemented in coordination with colleagues at Treasury. The re-
establishment of the Coordinator's Office at State is an opportunity to
learn how those conclusions apply to State's sanctions authorities,
and, if I am confirmed, my role in representing the U.S. Government
internationally on sanctions will require that lessons be discussed
with our partners. I am especially interested in working with
colleagues at Treasury and in other agencies on ways to ensure that the
sanctions infrastructure and work force in the U.S. Government can be
kept up to date and focused on priority areas.
Question. The report says the Administration will ``link sanctions
to a clear policy objective.'' If confirmed, how would you anticipate
creating that linkage?
Answer. As the Treasury report outlines, sanctions should have
clear objectives and be part of a larger strategy. If confirmed, I hope
to ensure that each recommendation for sanctions explains the goal and
broader strategy of which the sanctions are a part, that likely
reactions are considered and follow-up recommended, and that
recommendations for broader policies place sanctions in context. This
should already be best practice, and one role of the Coordinator's
Office will be to help policymakers assess the relevance of different
sanctions programs in different contexts. If confirmed, I will work
with Treasury, the team at the Department of State, and the interagency
to incorporate rigorous economic analysis, technical expertise, and
intelligence to ensure that sanctions are applied to the right set of
circumstances.
Question. The report notes that the number of sanctions has
increased almost 1,000 percent in the last two decades. Do we have too
many sanctions programs?
Answer. Sanctions are increasingly a favored tool of foreign policy
makers, both in the Executive and Legislative branches of government.
If confirmed, I will work closely with Treasury and other agencies to
identify lessons learned from our sanctions programs. It is important
that our departments understand which programs work best (for example,
achieve goals, can be integrated into other programs, are widely
understood and can be adapted as circumstances change).
One outcome of this process should be to help with the selection of
sanctions authorities for a particular purpose when more than one
sanctions program is available. This may allow us to determine that
some programs should receive more resources while others may remain
narrowly focused or come under consideration (after consultations with
Congress as appropriate) for discontinuation.
Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to better employ
sanctions?
Answer. If confirmed, a large part of my job will be to identify
what sanctions can and cannot do in a circumstance, what policies can
make sanctions more or less effective, and what follow-up is needed to
bring in necessary partners and to keep sanctions programs relevant as
circumstances change and the targets of sanctions adapt. The ability of
a senior State official to focus on this set of questions should affect
the policy process.
Throughout, as I mentioned in my statement, and as is clear from
public comments by senior State officials and from the Treasury review
of its authorities, some themes will recur: sanctions must be part of a
strategy; they themselves cannot be the strategy. Each sanction,
however well-justified, should support a clear policy objective and
rest upon analysis of alternatives, effects, and support from our
partners. This requires that the sanctions' purpose be understood
beyond the U.S. Government, that we work with other governments,
including at the United Nations, and that we maintain and adapt
sanctions regimes as technology changes and the targets of sanctions
react.
The process for recommending sanctions is the first place that
these topics should be discussed and evaluated. Discussions with
partners about how sanctions programs are working also help us
understand which sanctions programs merit further investment.
As these topics are addressed consistently and across sanctions
programs--something that may be happening--the outlines of effective,
consistent sanctions practice should emerge. Part of the Office's job
will be to communicate this within the Department, to other agencies,
and to our partners as advisable.
The Office of the Sanctions Coordinator cannot do this alone. If
confirmed, I would coordinate with colleagues from across the
Government, the Department, and especially from our embassies, on the
use and evaluation of sanctions.
Question. What is your sense of the risks from alternative cross-
border payments systems like China's CIPS or Russia's SPFS that are
designed to avoid SWIFT and U.S. financial institutions and evade U.S.
sanctions?
Answer. Every sanctions program must evolve as targets find
alternatives to routes foreclosed by sanctions. In particular, if
confirmed, I am very interested in evaluating how U.S. and
international initiatives against corruption and in support of
transparency and financial integrity can be brought to bear against
sanctions targets and networks that enable corruption, human rights
abuses, and sanctions evasion. New payment channels or technologies
also will be important for sanctions programs to take into account as
will the impact of sanctions in facilitating shifts to such
technologies.
With regard to this particular risk, the dollar's role is
underpinned by the United States' credible and longstanding commitment
to transparency, the rule of law, contractual obligations and rights,
deep and liquid financial markets, and sound economic governance. This
has been crucial to the stability of the international monetary system.
Foreign Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs) by themselves do not
now threaten this dominance, though we should continually and carefully
monitor their deployment and adoption. Should I be confirmed, I will
consult on it with you and the committee.
Question. Do you see digital currencies like China's eCNY as an
effort to supplant the U.S. dollar in international transactions?
Answer. I look forward to consulting with you and my colleagues
across the Government on this issue if I am confirmed. My understanding
is that the dollar's role is underpinned by the United States' credible
and longstanding commitment to transparency, the rule of law,
contractual obligations and rights, deep and liquid financial markets,
and sound economic governance. These attributes are crucial to the
stability of the international monetary system. Foreign Central Bank
Digital Currencies (CBDCs) by themselves do not threaten the dollar's
dominance, though we should continually and carefully monitor
deployment and adoption of the PRC's eCNY. Again, should I be
confirmed, and should this become a future issue, I will consult on it
with you and the committee.
Question. How should sanctions policies adjust to a new world of
digital assets and multiple cross-border payment systems?
Answer. Every sanctions program must evolve as targets find
alternatives to routes foreclosed by sanctions. In particular, if
confirmed, I am very interested in evaluating how U.S. and
international initiatives against corruption and in support of
transparency and financial integrity can be brought to bear against
sanctions targets and networks that enable corruption, human rights
abuses, and sanctions evasion. New payment channels or technologies
also will be important for sanctions programs to take into account.
To be effective, sanctions must be calibrated to meet specific
foreign policy objectives and adaptable to new and emerging economic
and political systems. If confirmed, I will continue to review the use
of sanctions as they relate to digital assets and will consult with you
and the committee.
Question. You will be the first person to hold the position of
sanctions coordinator at the State Department. Can you describe your
role as you see it?
Answer. If confirmed, I would follow in the large footprints of
Ambassador Dan Fried, and lessons from his time in office--in
particular, the importance of continuous communication with senior
policymakers within the Department; the centrality of a close
relationship with OFAC and Treasury; and the need for the US Government
to speak with one voice to our partners and others globally--will shape
the work of the Office.
In addition, the statutory authority on which the reconstituted
Office will rest will serve as a stable, lasting foundation for the
Office so that it can become part of usual U.S. practice on sanctions.
Secretary Blinken will set priorities, but the statute makes it clear
that, if I am confirmed, I will be the Secretary's ``principal
adviser'' on sanctions issues, including on the numerous sanctions
authorities delegated to the Secretary. This role will make the Office
a tool for the Secretary to use in setting and conveying the
Department's priorities and for resolving disputes on sanctions
programs before they reach the Secretary.
Authorities, of course, are only a starting point, and significant
effort will be required in establishing relationships within the
Department and interagency. To succeed, if confirmed, I will need to
provide clear, actionable guidance on sanctions priorities, design, and
implementation; effective advocacy in Washington and globally; and
constructive options for sanctions programs.
Question. How will you coordinate with the Office of Terrorism and
Financial Intelligence at Treasury and OFAC?
Answer. The Department's partnership with the Treasury, and with
OFAC in particular, continues to be close. Both Departments play a
central role in the development and implementation of sanctions and, in
many instances, as with Executive Order 13224, rely on the same
underlying set of authorities. This shared purpose requires close
coordination on priorities, tactics, and designations as sanctions are
considered, proposed, announced, and implemented. Effective information
sharing also remains a critical component of this process, and, if
confirmed, I would work to continue improvements made in this area so
that State can appropriately fulfill its role in sanctions design and
implementation.
Question. If confirmed, are you fully committed to carrying out the
sanctions laws passed by Congress, even if you, the President, or the
Secretary of State may disagree with the views of Congress?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting imposition
of sanctions when statutorily mandated and will consult with you and
the committee throughout that process.
Question. How would you respond if the President or Secretary of
State asked you to turn a blind eye to a particular set of sanctions
violations, or violations by a specific company or individual?
Answer. I anticipate situations where there will be disagreements,
among partners, within the Administration, and with members of
Congress, about whether violations are confirmed, what responses will
be appropriate and when, and how sanctions should interact with other
parts of U.S. policy. If confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that the
law is upheld and that decisions made are widely understood, and I
intend to consult closely on such matters with you and the committee.
Question. Will you ensure full transparency and communication with
Congress on any new sanctions being considered, or any sanctions
lifting or waiver being considered?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engage directly and routinely
with you and your staff regarding significant changes to U.S.
sanctions, including the lifting or waiving of sanctions. I would work
closely with my colleagues in Legislative Affairs and with relevant
policymakers to see that they also consult with the committee.
Question. The Islamic Republic of Iran continues to be the leading
state-sponsor of terror. Foreign Terrorist Organizations backed by Iran
continue to wreak havoc across the Middle East. Earlier this year the
Iranian-proxy terrorist group Hamas launched thousands of rockets at
Israel. Just in the last two weeks we have seen repeated attacks by
Iranian proxies on U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria. The U.S. has
sanctioned Iran for both nuclear and non-nuclear offences. What are
your thoughts on U.S. sanctions against Iran? If confirmed, are you
fully committed to enforcing sanctions against Iran as mandated by law?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will be committed to supporting the
implementation of sanctions as required under U.S. law. The U.S.
Government has wide-ranging sanctions authorities with respect to Iran,
and these are a critical tool to impose costs on Iran for its
destabilizing behavior. If confirmed, I am committed to using these
sanctions authorities, together with the full range of available tools
the U.S. Government possesses, in a comprehensive approach to counter
the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior.
Question. Over the last year, we have seen a significant decrease
in the number of sanctions and enforcement actions taken by the
Administration against Iran and entities violating our Iran sanctions.
One can speculate this is part of an effort to encourage the Iranians
to return to the 2015 nuclear deal. Yet, it is not the law. The laws as
passed by Congress require sanctions to be imposed on entities
violating the law. If confirmed, will you strictly enforce sanctions on
Iran? What role should negotiations have on whether or not U.S. law is
enforced?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting the
implementation and enforcement of sanctions as required under U.S. law.
Because I am not in the Administration, I do not know the rationale for
the recent pace of sanctions work, but I will learn this if I am
confirmed. The framework of U.S. sanctions remains robust, and there
are many aspects of our sanctions architecture that would remain in
place in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA. The administration
will continue to use its considerable leverage--including sanctions
that would remain in place, the threat of sanctions re-imposition, and
other joint action with our allies and partners--to protect U.S.
interests. In the meantime, the Biden administration continues to
maintain and impose sanctions, including on Iranian entities providing
support to terrorist groups and violent militias in the region.
Question. Do you agree the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps is a
foreign terrorist organization? Do you foresee any near-term scenario
in which sanctions on the IRGC, or the FTO designation on the IRGC,
would be lifted or waived?
Answer. I am under no illusion about the nature of the Iranian
regime and in particular the threat posed by the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC). The IRGC has been subject to U.S. sanctions for
many years. In addition, the United States designated the IRGC as a
Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) in April 2019. If confirmed, I
will act in accordance with U.S. law to advance our national security
interests.
Question. Can you commit that the Administration is not, and will
not, lessen sanctions to counter Iran's support for terrorism, as part
of either negotiations with Iran or as part of a nuclear agreement with
Iran?
Answer. Iran's actions across a wide array of issues are highly
problematic--including its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile
program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and its human
rights abuses--and U.S. sanctions programs address each. If confirmed,
I will advocate for a comprehensive approach using a variety of tools,
including sanctions, to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing
behavior.
Question. If an agreement to return to the JCPOA is achieved, will
you commit to not lift any sanctions on Iran until Congress has had the
required time to review that agreement, as required by the Iran Nuclear
Agreement Review Act (INARA)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will act consistent with all applicable
U.S. laws, including INARA.
Question. Under the JCPOA, do you believe the U.S. has the right to
sanction entities that engage in illicit activities, even if those
entities received sanctions relief under the agreement? For example,
should the Central Bank of Iran get a free pass for its financing of
terrorism, simply because it received relief under the JCPOA?
Answer. The Biden administration has stated it remains committed to
countering Iran's destabilizing activities, including its ballistic
missile program and support for terrorist groups and violent proxies in
the region. If confirmed, I will support continued sanctions on Iranian
entities for sanctionable activity, including those supporting
terrorist activity, and would work with our allies to hold Iran
accountable.
Question. Do you agree human rights sanctions on Iran should be
fully enforced regardless of any nuclear negotiations?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure continued support for a
comprehensive approach using a variety of tools, including sanctions,
to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior, which
includes its human rights violations and abuses.
Question. As part of the recently passed National Defense
Authorization Act, Congress required the Administration to provide this
committee an unclassified report detailing the impacts any revocation
of unilateral United States economic sanctions on Iran may have on the
military capabilities of the IRGC and Iran's terrorist proxies.
President Biden said upon signing the bill, that he would not provide
such a report. If confirmed, do you agree to provide any reports
legally mandated by Congress?
Answer. I commit, if confirmed, to working with Congress to provide
it the information it needs to perform its acknowledged oversight
function, without regard to the form that takes, and I am happy to
review this issue and work with you on a way forward.
Question. Do you believe an administration can simply ignore a
legal mandate to issue a report required by Congress?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to consulting with and
providing information to Congress. On the specific question, I am happy
to review this issue and consult with you on a way forward.
Question. China has long been one of the biggest violators of U.S.
sanctions on Iran, particularly through purchases of Iranian oil. Yet,
we have seen practically no sanctions by the Administration on these
purchases. If confirmed, how would you go about seeking better
cooperation from China on sanction matters?
Answer. The United States has designated individuals and entities
in response to Iranian sanctions evasion activities, including
transactions involving the PRC. If confirmed, I would explore this
topic further. I am told that the Administration has also been raising
this issue directly in diplomatic channels with Beijing as part of a
dialogue on Iran policy. I am also told that Beijing has expressed a
strong interest in preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon
given the profoundly destabilizing impact that would have in a region
upon which the PRC depends for its oil imports.
Question. Do you agree that any significant transaction involving
Iran's energy sector, including the import of oil or petroleum products
would violate U.S. sanctions?
Answer. Our current Iran-related sanctions authorities remain in
effect unless they are lifted. This includes sanctions that apply to
certain transactions involving, among others, Iran's energy sector.
Question. There are significant human rights concerns emanating
from Burma following the coup there last year. Many believe that China
is helping to support the military junta in power. Do you support
exploring the application of sanctions on China for their support for
the military junta in Burma?
Answer. The United States has been steadfast in its support for the
people of Burma since the military coup d'etat on February 1, 2021. The
U.S. Government has repeatedly announced new designations to
specifically target current or former members of the military who
played a leading role in the overthrow of Burma's democratically
elected government and the violent crackdown against the people of
Burma. In total, the U.S. Government has sanctioned 58 individuals and
20 entities. These include top military commanders and senior officials
of the regime, as well as businesses that generate revenue for the
military and its leaders. If confirmed, I will work with all relevant
policymakers in the Administration to target those responsible for the
assault on Burma's democracy and the revenue streams that fund the
military regime and that facilitate the purchase of arms used to commit
brutal violence against the people of Burma.
Question. If confirmed, are you fully committed to the enforcement
of sanctions targeting Hezbollah, including sanctions under the
Hezbollah International Financial Prevention Act?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support the continued
implementation and enforcement of sanctions against Hizballah and the
continuing targeting of individuals and entities that support
Hizballah. Most recently, on January 18, the United States designated
three Hizballah-linked financial facilitators and their Lebanon-based
travel company, under Executive Order (E.O.) 13224.
Question. Do you support the long-held policy of the United States
that there is no such thing as a terrorist and a political wing of the
terrorist group?
Answer. Yes. I support the United States' position that it does not
distinguish between the so-called ``wings'' of terrorist organizations.
Question. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to urge
countries that only sanction Hezbollah's terrorist wing, to end this
false distinction and sanction the terror group in its entirety?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to urge
countries to take action against the entirety of Hizballah. Since 2019,
such efforts have resulted in 15 additional countries announcing a
total designation, ban, or other restrictions against the group. Most
recently, the Australian Government announced its intent to expand its
designation of Hizballah's ``military wing'' to encompass the entire
organization.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to George J. Tsunis by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How can the 3+1 format continue to expand its
cooperation in other areas beyond energy?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to
encourage future areas of cooperation between U.S. partners, such as
the 3+1 which brings the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Israel plus the
United States together on an array of issues including economics,
counterterrorism, and climate in addition to energy issues. I would
also welcome future interparliamentary engagement of the 3+1 as
provided for in the U.S.-Greece Defense and Interparliamentary Act.
Question. Do you commit to advocating that the 3+1 is reinvigorated
and becomes a central aspect of U.S. diplomacy in the Eastern Med?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support robust ties between the
United States and Greece, Israel, and the Republic of Cyprus. The 3+1
presents a unique opportunity to deepen economic integration, cooperate
on energy security, and combat climate change with our partners. I
believe the United States should--and does--support regional efforts
that enhance and promote cooperation and regional stability, including
the 3+1 mechanism. If confirmed, I will work to deepen ties between the
United States, Greece, the Republic of Cyprus, and Israel.
Question. Where do you see the potential for additional advancement
on energy security?
Answer. As I see it, Greece is a strong proponent of energy
diversification and security, and has made significant advancements in
recent years, including through its focus on projects such as the
Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP), the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, the
North Macedonia-Greece Interconnector, and the Alexandroupoli Floating
Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU). If confirmed, I would work with
Greece to mitigate regional energy security vulnerabilities. Supporting
these efforts as well as Greece's clean energy initiatives, which offer
complementary energy security benefits, is key to providing other
options for Greece--and the broader region--beyond Russian energy
supplies.
Question. What role do you see for Greece in countering Kremlin
aggression, and how do you plan to support the Greek Government to
stand strong against Kremlin influence?
Answer. Greece shares a long history with Russia, including through
the Orthodox Church, and, like other countries in the region, depends
on Russian energy supplies. From what I have seen, Athens is clear-eyed
in its initiatives to reduce the region's dependence on Russian energy
supplies and its stance with the EU and NATO to promote Transatlantic
solidarity and the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states.
If confirmed, I would continue to encourage and expand Greece's
initiatives in this regard and build on initiatives such as the Mutual
Defense Cooperation Agreement and the annual U.S.-Greece Strategic
Dialogue to deepen our strategic partnership.
Question. The strength of the U.S.-Greece relationship is on
display when it comes to defense cooperation. The recent renewal of the
Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement and increased U.S. presence at the
Port of Alexandroupoli is a great sign of the strength of U.S.-Greece
security cooperation.
What will your priorities be for building upon this strong
cooperation?
Answer. My understanding is the latest update to the Mutual Defense
Cooperation Agreement permits the U.S. military to utilize Camp
Giannoulis (Alexandroupoli) as well as Camp Georgoulas (Volos),
Litochoro Range, and Souda Naval Base. If confirmed, I would seek to
deepen our defense cooperation and ensure that any new commitments
advance U.S. national security priorities. I would also support efforts
to boost Greece's defense capabilities as outlined in the U.S.-Greece
Defense and Interparliamentary Partnership Act passed as part of the
National Defense Authorization Act of 2022.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents should be taken seriously.
This is a sensitive ongoing issue that Secretary Blinken has said is a
top priority. If confirmed, I will work to ensure affected employees
and their family members get the care they need and work together with
Washington and the interagency to protect against these incidents.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary responsibility
to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy community. I will
ensure anyone who reports unexplained health incidents receives
immediate and appropriate attention and care and will share information
with our workforce as appropriate.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, my primary responsibility would be to
ensure the safety and security of the Embassy community. I would meet
with all relevant parties to ensure we were applying necessary
safeguards and investigating possible causes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to George J. Tsunis by Senator James E. Risch
Question. How will you engage with the Greek Government to ensure
its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and drilling rights are protected in
the Eastern Mediterranean?
Answer. I understand that the United States has a long-held policy
of encouraging countries to resolve their maritime delimitation
disputes peacefully through dialogue and in accordance with
international law. Greek PM Mitsotakis has consistently expressed his
willingness to engage constructively with Turkey to do so, consistent
with Greece's constructive approach across the region. If confirmed, I
would encourage Greece to continue initiatives such as exploratory
talks with Turkey to resolve disputes diplomatically.
Question. How will you engage with your counterpart at U.S. Embassy
Ankara to facilitate progress in Greco-Turkish relations in United
States interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make it a priority to remain
frequently and directly in touch with Ambassador Flake in Turkey. I
would welcome the opportunity to visit Mission Ankara early in my
tenure and invite Ambassador Flake to Mission Greece to exchange best
practices and discuss areas of opportunity. I would also encourage
frequent communication among the teams at Mission Greece, Mission
Turkey, and the Office of Southern European Affairs at the State
Department, which coordinates regional policies.
Question. How will you facilitate U.S. and other western investment
in Greece?
Answer. If confirmed, my top economic and commercial goal would be
to build on efforts to accelerate trade and investment opportunities
between our countries. Specifically, the renewable energy and
technology sectors are two areas that the Government of Greece is
prioritizing, and several U.S. companies have made significant
investments in Greece in recent years. If confirmed, I would seek to
continue this trend by encouraging the expansion of the Foreign
Commercial Service's activity in Greece.
Question. What are the perceived risks to western investment, and
how can they be mitigated?
Answer. Like most countries, Greece is still recovering from the
COVID-19 pandemic, which had a significant impact on the country's
economy. Yet, from what I understand, the Government's focus on
reducing bureaucracy and digitizing services helped mitigate the full
impact of the pandemic, and Greece's GDP grew by approximately 6
percent in 2021. If confirmed, I would work closely with Greece to
continue to promote fiscal responsibility and facilitate investments.
Greece could also benefit from a comprehensive, national security-
focused investment screening process, ensuring the Government of Greece
has the ability to identify, investigate, and mitigate national
security risks.
Question. What role, if any, do you see the U.S. Development
Finance Corporation playing in stimulating western investment in
Greece?
Answer. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation
(DFC) could help invest in Greece's strategic infrastructure to level
the playing field with our strategic competitors. If confirmed, I will
seek to promote U.S. investment in Greece using tools made available by
the European Energy Security and Diversification Act, including DFC
products.
Question. What sectors do you see as potential areas of growth for
U.S.-Greece business ties?
Answer. My understanding is that Greece is prioritizing its
technology and renewable energy sectors. In recent years we've seen
investment in Greece from several U.S. companies including Amazon Web
Services, Applied Materials, Cisco, Digital Realty, Google, Microsoft,
and Pfizer. If confirmed, I would seek to expand U.S.-Greece business
ties in these sectors while encouraging Greece to consider U.S.
business solutions in areas such as battery storage, offshore wind, and
hydrogen.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you engage with the Government of
Greece and encourage protect critical industries, assets, and
technologies from malign Chinese influence?
Answer. I understand Greece continues to welcome foreign direct
investment, including from the PRC, to mitigate the impact of the
pandemic and recover from the decade long financial crisis. However,
Greece has shown a willingness to weigh important national security and
strategic considerations for critical infrastructure projects, for
example effectively excluding Huawei from building its 5G
infrastructure. Greece does not currently maintain a comprehensive
national investment screening mechanism. If confirmed, I would support
continued robust engagement sharing investment screening best practices
and implementation. I would also seek to promote U.S. investment in the
region to push back on problematic PRC investments in critical
infrastructure and sensitive sectors, and on PRC disinformation
campaigns designed to undermine the sovereignty of Greece's Government
and voters.
Question. The Port of Alexandroupolis is undergoing privatization
sale and has attracted bids from Chinese and Russian companies, which
presents issues for U.S. and NATO use of the port. What tools do the
U.S. and you as Ambassador have to preserve the ports strategic value
by ensuring it does not fall victim to foreign influence?
Answer. The Port of Alexandroupoli is significant not only for
commercial purposes, but also because it offers strategic access for
U.S. and NATO maneuverability in the region. If confirmed, I would seek
to employ the tools made available by the European Energy Security and
Diversification Act, including the DFC, to bolster bids made by U.S.
companies on critical infrastructure projects. I would also direct
Mission Greece to maintain frequent contact with U.S. businesses
seeking to invest in Greece's critical infrastructure, encourage
competition by U.S. firms for strategic assets that Greece is
privatizing, and support their bids through diplomacy and advocacy as
appropriate.
Question. What do you believe Greece's role is in improving
stability and good governance in the Balkans?
Answer. I see Greece as a driver of stability in the Western
Balkans, where it has supported regional integration and conflict
resolution. An example of this is the Prespa Agreement, in which North
Macedonia changed its name and Greece agreed to support the country's
NATO accession. Now Greece is actively championing the future EU
accession of North Macedonia and Albania. I understand that although
Prime Minister Mitsotakis opposed the Prespa Agreement while in the
opposition, his government now supports Prespa as a means of promoting
regional stability. If confirmed, I would support Greece's continued
commitment to Prespa and look for ways to leverage the country's
regional leadership in the areas of trade facilitation,
counterterrorism, building security partnerships, and in strengthening
EU and NATO integration.
Question. What internal and external risks does Greece face
regarding its own stability?
Answer. My view is that Greece has made considerable progress in
mitigating internal and external risks since the Government debt crisis
of 2009 and with the Prespa Agreement of 2018. Greece is a stable,
responsible, and decidedly pro-U.S. regional leader, and I believe this
trend will continue into the foreseeable future as Greece's three main
political parties all support a strong relationship with the United
States and embrace Greek leadership in the region. While Greece is
situated in a dynamic region of often significant sensitivities and
tensions, Greece has previously shown restraint and a desire to resolve
disputes diplomatically. If confirmed, I would continue to encourage
Greece to consult closely with the United States on both internal and
external areas of concern where we could cooperate.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to Greece, how do you see your
role in the context of ongoing State Department efforts to promote
stability and anti-corruption in the region?
Answer. Greece was an active participant in President Biden's
Summit for Democracy in 2021, where it made commitments to update its
National Authority on Transparency and whistleblower protections and
improve its financial transaction transparency. Additionally, Prime
Minister Mitsotakis' drive to reduce bureaucratic red tape and digitize
government services is, in part, meant to increase transparency and
further combat corruption. If confirmed, I would support Greece's
ongoing reforms and encourage it to make good on the commitments in
made at the Summit for Democracy. Greece also supports the EU prospects
of its Western Balkan neighbors, and we can work together with the
Greek authorities and the EU to implement the anti-corruption measures
required for EU accession by these countries.
Question. What are the most effective ways Greece can further its
defense cooperation, both with the U.S. and within NATO?
Answer. Our defense and security relationship with Greece has grown
dramatically over the past five years, and Greece views the United
States as its top security partner. My understanding is the latest
update to the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement added four
additional sites for the U.S. military to utilize in Greece: Camp
Georgoulas (Volos); the Litochoro Range (near Mount Olympos); Camp
Giannoulis (Alexandroupoli); and the Souda Naval Base. Greece can
continue to further its defense cooperation with the United States and
NATO by implementing the latest updates to the MDCA and continuing to
meet defense modernization investment goals in accordance with the
Wales Pledge. If confirmed, I would continue to deepen our defense
cooperation and advance U.S. national security.
Question. Do you believe that the United States is focusing too
much energy on building the defense relationship with Greece rather
than enhancing the capabilities of other NATO allies in the Eastern
Mediterranean and Black Sea regions?
Answer. Greece is a vital NATO Ally that plays a critical role in
maintaining peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean, the
Western Balkans, and the Black Sea regions, and it should be
incorporated into regional strategies focused on those areas. Given our
military presence at Naval Support Activity Souda Bay in Crete, our
military's frequent use of the port of Alexandroupoli for transport,
and the opportunities of our expanded MDCA, we must continue to
strengthen defense ties with Greece. Souda Bay is one of the few deep-
water ports in the region suitable for U.S. aircraft carriers which
could project power in the Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea regions.
Furthermore, Greece is increasingly becoming a hub for multilateral
training and exercises with NATO Allies in the Eastern Mediterranean
and Black Sea as well as regional partners. Thus, building our defense
with relationship with Greece results in positive impacts well beyond
its borders. If confirmed, I would seek to deepen defense cooperation
with Greece and further integrate it into regional strategies.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Person's
report, Greece remained on Tier 2. What are concrete steps you and your
mission, if confirmed, can take to improve trafficking efforts in
Greece as well as regionally?
Answer. Confronting the challenge of trafficking in persons is a
moral absolute for me. My understanding is that Greece has made
improvements in convicting traffickers and identifying trafficking
victims over the last year, partly due to the implementation of the
national referral mechanism. However, the Government should continue to
decrease the length of court proceedings, strengthen specialized
services to trafficking victims, and increase efforts to proactively
identify victims among vulnerable populations, including unaccompanied
children, migrants, and asylum seekers. If confirmed, I would work
closely with the Government to address these issues.
Question. How will you work with the office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons to further this goal?
Answer. My understanding is that Embassy Athens maintains close
contact with the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
and the Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration. If confirmed, I
would direct the Embassy to continue close coordination with both
offices and work on ways to improve Greece's ability to identify
victims of trafficking and provide them with the necessary resources to
prosecute traffickers and prevent the scourge of human trafficking.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Greece was described as having significant human rights abuses like
refoulement of refugees, acts of corruption, violence against minority
groups, and more.
What is your assessment of human rights in Greece?
Answer. My understanding is that Greece takes respect for human
rights very seriously, which is demonstrated by the Government's
willingness to prosecute human rights violators, particularly those who
previously served in official capacities. Still, I'm aware of reports
suggesting the sometimes unhealthy and unsafe conditions for migrants,
credible reports of migrant pushbacks, as well as reports of societal
discrimination against minority religious groups and LGBTQI+ persons.
If confirmed, I would work closely with the Government to address these
issues.
Question. If confirmed, what steps can you and your mission take to
better improve the U.S. and international organization responses to
migrant and asylum-seeking populations in country?
Answer. My understanding is the United States provided nearly $5
million to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the U.N.
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and UNICEF in Greece to protect
the vulnerable refugee and asylum-seeking population from COVID-19,
including ambulances that provided supplies and care, and several
shelters for unaccompanied minors. This aid makes an important
statement about U.S. priorities and has directly assisted migrant and
asylum-seeker populations. If confirmed, I would ensure any assistance
is wisely spent and continue to consult closely with appropriate
offices in the Department and with international organizations to
identify additional priority areas where Embassy Athens could assist.
Question. How will you engage with the Government of Greece on the
numerous reports of refoulement?
Answer. This is a serious issue for me. While the Government of
Greece displayed political courage in welcoming over 800 Afghans,
including several prominent women and their families, I am concerned by
credible reports of pushbacks of asylum-seekers made by UNHCR, IOM,
international media, and numerous other organizations. If confirmed, I
would continue to work within the Department and with the Greek
Government and NGOs to promote the safety, integration, and
resettlement of migrants in Greece. I also support the EU's call for an
independent investigation into the credible allegations of pushbacks.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with civil society to
bolster human rights in country?
Answer. My understanding is that Embassy Athens maintains close
contact with several NGOs, civil society leaders, and journalists to
shed light on human rights conditions within Greece. Most recently,
Mission Greece's hard work and broad network facilitated Greece's
decision to temporarily welcome over 800 Afghans brought into the
country by an NGO. Embassy Athens has also worked to secure grants for
NGOs doing important work, such as sheltering unaccompanied minors in
the country. If confirmed, I would encourage my team to think
creatively about how we can empower civil society to help address human
rights concerns in Greece.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, there were noted antisemitic and anti-Muslim acts along
with rhetoric and attacks on Orthodox churches in Greece.
What is your assessment of the status of societal and governmental
respect for religious freedom?
Answer. Freedom of religion is an important principle for me. The
Hellenic constitution allows freedom of worship, and the Government
affords special protections for the Muslim minority, which consists of
over 120,000 Greek citizens of Turkish, Pomak, and Roma descent who
live in the Thrace region of northern Greece. In 2020, Greece
authorized the first government-funded mosque in Athens in over 200
years, as well as six Jehovah's Witness Kingdom Halls, and other
religious minority houses of prayer. If confirmed, I would support
Greece's measures to uphold religious freedom and protect minority
religious groups from hate crimes and discrimination.
Question. If confirmed, what steps can the U.S. mission take to
bolster religious freedom on the ground?
Answer. Mission Greece maintains direct contact with various groups
such as the Muslim minority in the north, refugees who have settled
throughout the country, and Greece's small Jewish community. If
confirmed, I would ensure that we continue this outreach and maintain
close contact with civil society organizations, including religious
actors; international organizations; and NGOs involved in Greece.
Question. Ongoing tensions between Greek and Turkish Cypriots are
preventing any tangible progress from being made on the UNFICYP issue.
If confirmed, do you commit to providing necessary support to the Greek
Cypriots and to de-escalate tensions where possible?
Answer. The United States supports efforts to increase bicommunal
cooperation between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, including
through the UNFICYP Technical Committees. If confirmed, I will continue
to engage Greece, as a guarantor power, and express U.S. support for a
Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated comprehensive settlement to reunify the
island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality to
benefit all Cypriots and the wider region. I will work with my
colleagues in Nicosia and Ankara to encourage both sides to demonstrate
the necessary openness, flexibility, and compromise to find common
ground to restart formal talks.
Question. Would you support downsizing of the UNFICYP and the
eventual closing of the peacekeeping part of the mission?
Answer. I believe UNFICYP continues to play an important role in
maintaining the conditions necessary for the Greek Cypriot and Turkish
Cypriot communities to find a common ground to restart formal talks.
UNFICYP's work supervising ceasefire lines, maintaining a buffer zone,
and supporting the Secretary-General's Good Offices remains an
important stabilizing factor in Cyprus.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunication Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you
commit to demarch the Greek Government and any other counterparts
necessary to communicate our support of Doreen?
Answer. Yes. Secretary Blinken publicly endorsed Ms. Doreen Bogdan-
Martin's candidacy to lead the ITU in March 2021. If confirmed, I would
work closely with the Bureau of International Organizations to voice
support for Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy, as well as the candidacies
of other Americans endorsed by the Department to fill critical
positions at the U.N. and its specialized bodies.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Athens?
Answer. My understanding is that like missions around the world,
Mission Greece was significantly impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic,
which forced employees to work from different locations and limit in-
person interactions with key interlocutors. That, in addition to an
ongoing renovation of the Embassy's chancery, has made life more
challenging for Embassy Athens. I also understand that the Embassy team
remains highly motivated under the great leadership of Ambassador
Pyatt, advancing U.S. interests as we deepen our relationship with
Greece. If confirmed, it would be my goal to build on the high morale
at Mission Greece and continue to advance U.S. interests through ever
deepening improved bilateral relations.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Athens?
Answer. If confirmed, I would empower my team, including the Deputy
Chief of Mission, State Department and interagency colleagues, and
locally employed staff, to share their views on new and meaningful ways
to further the bilateral relationship. Furthermore, I understand the
pandemic and ongoing renovations have made work more difficult for the
Mission, so I would do everything in my power and consistent with local
health regulations to facilitate in-person functions, progress the
Chancery's overhaul, and advance the day-to-day business of U.S.
diplomacy.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Athens?
Answer. My view is that to create a unified mission and vision,
first you need a unified team. If confirmed, I would welcome input from
all spectrums of the Mission community to ensure an inclusive
environment where all voices are heard. Since Mission Greece is
comprised of both Embassy Athens and Consulate General Thessaloniki, I
would also encourage frequent and meaningful coordination between both
teams to ensure unity of effort in achieving overall objectives as
outlined in the Integrated Country Strategy.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As a businessman, I understand the importance of building
rapport and working with everyone in a professional and cooperative
manner. As a hotelier, I understand the importance of making people
feel welcome and comfortable. My management style is one of inclusivity
and draws on the broad experiences and expertise of the teams that I
lead. If confirmed, I commit to empowering my teams so that, together,
we can conceive and implement the most effective ways of advancing U.S.
policy priorities.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. If confirmed, I would treat all subordinates, Mission
community members, and local contacts with the utmost respect. I
believe in honesty and providing constructive feedback to subordinates
in a courteous and professional manner, and I would endeavor to never
publicly or privately berate a subordinate.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I understand that I would be working with a
Deputy Chief of Mission who has been on the job in Athens for over two
years. I prize expertise and inclusivity and would actively seek
counsel from my Deputy Chief of Mission as appropriate, particularly on
issues related to State Department processes and procedures.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. My view is that the Deputy Chief of Mission's role is to
provide counsel, manage the day-to-day operation of a mission,
including personnel issues, and assume the role of the Ambassador when
necessary. If confirmed, I would delegate critical responsibilities to
my Deputy Chief of Mission while I focus my efforts on the overarching
U.S. policy priorities and maintaining the safety and wellbeing of
mission personnel.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe that accurate and constructive feedback is
important in any position to facilitate improvement and growth. My
understanding is the Department has annual review cycles in place, and
if confirmed, I would ensure that evaluations were completed in a fair
and transparent manner.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support clear, accurate, and
direct feedback to employees so as to improve performance, identify
areas for growth, and reward team and individual accomplishments. I
believe the Department manages several awards programs as well, which I
would utilize to highlight the achievements of my team.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. My understanding is that diplomats want to get outside
Embassy walls and prefer advancing U.S. priorities in-person, if
possible. The global COVID-19 pandemic has made it harder for them to
meet in person, but I understand the team in Greece did a remarkable
job of innovating new approaches and pivoting to virtual spaces.
Despite the pandemic, for example, our Public Diplomacy team was able
to safely deliver a yearlong series of programming to commemorate U.S.-
Greek friendship during Greece's bicentennial year in 2021 which
included virtual and in-person programs throughout the country. If
confirmed, I would encourage my team to continue to seek to engage with
contacts in-person, or through whatever means they felt were most
effective, in accordance with local health regulations and security
conditions. I would work closely with medical staff and the Regional
Security Officer at Post to ensure the safety of my team.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Mission Greece to continue
its broad outreach efforts not only with government contacts, but with
NGOs, civil society, and vulnerable populations in the country. To the
extent possible, I would also advocate for increasing the resources
made available to the public diplomacy team for additional outreach
activities. For example, Mission Greece has vast potential to engage in
the areas of education and with Greek youth. The Greek Ministry of
Education is seeking to expand partnerships with U.S. universities to
implement joint- and dual-degree programs, as well as exchange
programs. Mission Greece has six ``American Spaces'' in the country
which provide an incredible platform for engagement with youth,
particularly to promote STEM and entrepreneurship training across
several regions of the country.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Greece?
Answer. Greece benefits from a dynamic media environment and a
public that is eager to engage with the United States. If confirmed, I
would work closely with Mission Greece's Public Diplomacy Section to
shape the media narrative about our deepening bilateral relationship
and important regional developments. I would also work closely with the
Public Diplomacy Section to support new avenues for engagement in
education, women's empowerment, countering climate change, and others
to promote the full range of our policy priorities and to deepen our
people-to-people ties.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The global pandemic has presented unique challenges for
public diplomacy efforts by postponing critical exchange programs and
converting in-person events to virtual engagements. More specifically,
my understanding is that Greece provides a receptive and engaging media
environment, but that there are significant generational differences in
media preferences. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Public
Diplomacy Section to identify even more effective and non-traditional
ways to engage with the country's youth on policy issues.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. My view on this is that the country mission is best placed
to have a pulse on media environments and national audiences, while
Main State offers a broader, more coherent perspective in harmony with
other Department and national priorities. You need both perspectives to
achieve effective public diplomacy messaging, and if confirmed I would
work with the Mission Greece team and the Bureau for Eurasian and
European Affairs to find the right balance.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes, these incidents are the subject of a sensitive ongoing
investigation and remain a top priority for the Department. If
confirmed, I will communicate with our workforce to provide care for
affected employees and their family members and work together with
partners in Washington and the interagency to do what we can to protect
against these incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has
been afflicting these members of our Embassy teams.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Athens personnel?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will do my utmost to speak openly
about this issue and ensure anyone who reports unexplained health
incidents receives immediate and appropriate care. I will also consider
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the
Embassy community.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to George J. Tsunis by Senator John Barrasso
Question. How would you respond to requests for a U.S. commitment
to assist Greece in the event of an invasion or similar act of
aggression by Turkey?
Answer. If confirmed, my overall objective would be to support
regional peace and stability, including between our two NATO Allies.
The United States has been clear with Turkey that certain military
maneuvers in the past have been unhelpful and provocative. If
confirmed, I would work with the State Department and U.S. Government
in tandem with my counterpart, Ambassador Flake, to defuse any crisis
diplomatically.
Question. What were the new commitments made in the enhanced U.S.-
Greece Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement?
Answer. My understanding is the latest update to the Mutual Defense
Cooperation Agreement extended the agreement term to five years, with
an indefinite duration thereafter, stabilizing our defense cooperation
with Greece, and bringing the agreement up to standard with those we
have with other NATO Allies. The update also added four additional
sites for the U.S. military to utilize in Greece: Camp Georgoulas
(Volos); Litochoro Range; Camp Giannoulis (Alexandroupoli); and Souda
Naval Base. If confirmed, I would seek to deepen our defense
cooperation and ensure that any new commitments advance U.S. national
security.
Question. Do you support the Eastern Mediterranean gas pipeline?
Answer. My understanding is, in line with U.S. climate priorities,
the United States looks critically at new fossil fuel infrastructure
projects to ensure U.S. public investment and support is not directed
to carbon intensive sources and does not result in future stranded
assets as we accelerate the clean energy transition. The East
Mediterranean Gas Pipeline would constitute significant and expensive
new fossil fuel infrastructure at a time when we and our partners are
focused on investing in renewables and clean energy sources. At a time
when Europe's energy security is--more than ever--a question of
national security, if confirmed I would commit to deepen U.S. regional
relationships, promote clean energy technologies and projects such as
the proposed EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors, and counter
climate change.
Question. How does the pipeline help reduce Europe's dependence on
Russian gas?
Answer. I view Greece as a top U.S. partner in Europe on energy
security and diversification. The Trans-Adriatic Pipeline,
Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, Interconnector Greece-North Macedonia,
and the Alexandroupoli FSRU are examples of projects that will position
Greece and Europe to reduce their dependence on Russian gas and break
Gazprom's monopoly over the region. If confirmed, I would continue to
work with Greece to identify projects that both advance our energy
security goals and facilitate the transition to cleaner forms of
energy. The administration remains committed to physically
interconnecting East Med energy to Europe.
Question. In your view, what role does the Eastern Mediterranean
gas pipeline play in promoting energy security and regional
cooperation?
Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Pipeline is still at the
conceptual level, technically challenging and commercially very
expensive. Greece is, however, involved in a number of other
commercially and technically viable natural gas projects that support
energy security and regional cooperation such as the Interconnector
Greece-Bulgaria, the North Macedonia-Greece Interconnector, the Trans-
Adriatic Pipeline, and the Alexandroupoli Floating Storage
Regasification Unit. If confirmed, I would continue to work with Greece
to identify projects that advance our goals of energy security and
diversification.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to support the
Eastern Mediterranean pipeline and the establishment of liquefied
natural gas terminals across the Easter Mediterranean?
Answer. While I applaud Greece' ambitious decarbonization goals to
phase out lignite by 2028, the reality is Greece will continue to
utilize LNG as it transitions to renewable energy. If confirmed, I
would support Greece's efforts to advance energy security and
decarbonization and seek other initiatives that advance the goals
outlined in the European Energy Security and Diversification Act of
2019, such as the proposed EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors.
Understanding that the East Mediterranean Gas Pipeline would constitute
significant and expensive new fossil fuel infrastructure at a time when
we and our partners are focused on investing in renewables and clean
energy sources, if confirmed, I would commit to deepen U.S. regional
relationships, promote clean energy technologies, and counter climate
change.
Question. What is your strategy to encourage additional natural gas
development and infrastructure in the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make supporting U.S. investment in
Greece's critical infrastructure a top priority, working with
interagency partners, including the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation (DFC) and Congress, to identify projects for U.S.
investment. I would strongly support U.S. commercial engagement in
Greece. I agree wholeheartedly with Congress' intent in passing the
European Energy Security and Diversification Act of 2019 and would
continue to search for other strategic opportunities.
Question. What are some of the current challenges facing American
energy companies currently operating or looking to operate in the
Eastern Mediterranean?
Answer. I understand political and security tensions in the Eastern
Mediterranean present challenges for U.S. energy companies currently
operating or looking to operate there. The United States supports
efforts to de-escalate tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, including
the continuation of exploratory talks between Greece and Turkey. I
believe disagreements should be resolved peacefully through dialogue
and in accordance with international law.
Question. If confirmed, how would you address those challenges in
order assist American companies pursuing natural gas and oil
operations?
Answer. As I understand it, the United States supports regional
cooperation to bring durable energy security to the region, create new
markets, drive energy innovation, and provide economic prosperity in
the Eastern Mediterranean. If confirmed, I would encourage peaceful and
diplomatic resolutions, which respect the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of all countries. I would also work closely with U.S.
companies to ensure they can compete for these projects, across all
aspects of the energy sector, including the fastest growing
technologies and markets.
Question. What is your strategy to counter Chinese investments in
critical infrastructure investments in Greece?
Answer. I understand Greece continues to take steps to increase
foreign direct investment, including from the PRC, to mitigate the
impact of the pandemic and recover from the decade long financial
crisis. However, Greece has shown a willingness to weigh national
security and strategic considerations for certain critical
infrastructure projects, for example effectively excluding Huawei from
building its 5G infrastructure. Greece has taken an important step in
approving a process expected to result in an investment screening
mechanism in line with the EU investment screening framework. If
confirmed, I would encourage Greece to adopt a national investment
screening mechanism and continue efforts to share investment screening
best practices, including from the U.S. experience with recent
legislation implementation. As a businessperson, I know how to work
with a team to formulate a winning economic bid, and if confirmed,
that's exactly what I would do by vigorously promoting U.S. investment
in the region and pushing back against problematic PRC disinformation
and influence campaigns.
Question. In what ways do you believe the United States has not
shown up or been aggressive? What is your strategy to change it?
Answer. The PRC is aggressive and strategic in acquiring strategic
infrastructure, and I am cognizant of the fact that we need to play to
win when we are competing with Beijing for strategic investment. Since
2016, China's state-owned shipbuilding company, COSCO, has owned and
operated the port of Piraeus, now the second busiest port by volume in
Europe. This year Greece will privatize the ports of Alexandroupoli and
Kavala, and it is critical that Greece selects a western partner to
acquire them. If confirmed, I will seek to promote U.S. investment in
the region, and employ the tools made available by the European Energy
Security and Diversification Act, to ensure the United States is seen
as a keenly interested and reliable business partner. The DFC, for
example, has shown great promise to help level the playing field with
our strategic competitors on projects that meet its criteria.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Beth Van Schaack by Senator Robert Menendez
Israel
Question. Last year, the Prosecutor of the ICC confirmed the
opening of a formal investigation into the Palestinian situation, which
I believe was a politically-motivated decision to target Israel and
wrongfully extends the Court's jurisdiction over personnel of a non-
State Party.
Will you commit to pushing back against the International Criminal
Court's wrongful pursuit of a war crimes investigation against
the State of Israel?
Answer. Yes. I agree with the serious concerns of the U.S.
Government about the ICC's attempts to exercise jurisdiction over
Israeli personnel. If confirmed, I will uphold the United States'
strong commitment to Israel and its security, including by opposing
actions that seek to target Israel unfairly.
Question. How will you work to promote reform within the Court to
help ensure that it properly carries out investigations and respects
the rights of non-State Parties?
Answer. As the Court approaches its twentieth anniversary, I am
encouraged that States Parties, civil society, and other stakeholders
have identified and committed to a broad range of reforms to help the
Court fulfill its core mandate as a court of last resort, including
through prioritizing resources, focusing on the most serious crimes of
international concern, and continuing to develop the fundamental
importance of the principle of complementarity. If confirmed, I commit
to engaging with all ICC stakeholders, including some of our closest
allies who are States Parties, to address our concerns and promote
further reform.
Additional Tools and Mechanisms for Global Criminal Justice
Question. The ICC represents only one piece of the larger global
criminal justice landscape. There are a range of international,
regional, and domestic tribunals as well as international investigative
mechanisms seeking to provide accountability for victims of mass
atrocity crimes.
How can the United States strengthen international mechanisms for
accountability to enhance their ability to prevent mass
atrocities?
Answer. There is a whole range of forms of assistance that the
United States can provide to international mechanisms to enhance their
ability to prevent, and respond to, mass atrocities. In addition to
financial and programmatic assistance, this can include diplomatic
support in international fora (to strengthen mandates and build
multilateral support for these efforts), operational assistance in the
field (e.g., identifying perpetrators, offering witness protection, or
providing security), and technical support (e.g., providing
evidentiary, forensic, and legal analysis). Helping such institutions
better understand the context in which they are operating by, for
example, sharing information, improves their ability to craft and
implement effective responses. The United States can also enhance the
environment in which these institutions are operating by constraining
perpetrators through, among other things, sanctions and import/export
restrictions, where available. The United States can also help with the
rehabilitation of survivors through supporting psychosocial
rehabilitation and other restorative measures.
Question. In your view, what tools and mechanisms have been most
effective in promoting accountability?
Answer. The international community has developed a number of
institutions and models for addressing the commission of grave
international crimes. This includes international and hybrid criminal
tribunals and specialized international crimes chambers. In addition,
many states-including the United States-have empowered their domestic
courts to prosecute international crimes under their national penal
codes. Hybrid institutions (i.e., tribunals with mixed international
and domestic elements such as the nationality of key staff and the law
to be applied) have proven particularly effective because they combine
local legitimacy and knowledge with international expertise, skill, and
resources.
Alongside these criminal accountability options, states emerging
from periods of mass violence, repression, or conflict can also choose
from a range of transitional justice mechanisms that advance the
interlocking goals of truth-telling, reparation/rehabilitation,
memorialization, vetting, and institutional reform. The Office of
Global Criminal Justice advises State Department leadership, embassies
and posts, the inter-agency, and other stakeholders on developing and
deploying of these various options for ensuring retributive and
restorative justice.
No accountability mechanism can be effective without solid
documentation, including contextual and linkage evidence connecting
individual perpetrators to the commission of international crimes.
Consistent U.S. support for documentation (for both fact-finding and
building criminal cases) and financial support to institutions,
judicial and non-judicial, has been vital for achieving the
accountability that has occurred in many courts and tribunals.
There also are actions that promote accountability for contemporary
atrocity situations that go beyond these traditional tools. For
example, when it comes to the genocide and crimes against humanity
unfolding in Xinjiang, in addition to financial sanctions and visa
restrictions, I understand that the United States Government has
tightened export controls respecting entities implicated in human
rights abuses in Xinjiang; issued Withhold Release Orders and a
Business Advisory regarding heightened risks to U.S. businesses with
links to Xinjiang given the existence of forced labor; and formally
listed products that are believed to have been produced by forced
labor. In addition, to these economic measures, the United States
undertakes rigorous Leahy vetting to ensure that applicable U.S.
assistance is not provided to security force units that are credibly
implicated in gross violations of human rights. All this suggests that
a ``whole-of-government'' approach, especially when done in concert
with our allies and partners, is more effective.
Syria
Question. As I am sure you know, a German court recently found a
former Syrian intelligence officer guilty of crimes against humanity
and sentenced him to life in prison for his role in the Assad regime's
industrial-scale torture and murder of its own citizens. As the first
ever trial and guilty verdict against a high-ranking Syrian regime
official for crimes against humanity, this is an important landmark for
ensuring accountability for the Assad regime's barbarism, especially
since the ICC does not have jurisdiction over Syria and efforts to take
action through the form of a U.N. Security Council resolution face
pushback from China and Russia.
If confirmed, how do you plan on ensuring accountability for crimes
in Syria?
Answer. I share Congress' horror at the scale, scope, and brutality
of the Assad regime's atrocities. In my professional and academic
career, I have devoted considerable energy to pursuing justice for
Syria. If confirmed, I will strongly support U.S. efforts to promote
accountability for these atrocities. My work in this area includes
completing a Ph.D. on ``Imagining Justice for Syria'' that tracks
international, regional, and domestic justice options (OUP 2020).
Unfortunately, very few avenues for justice currently exist for the
myriad international crimes that have been, and are being, committed in
Syria. In the absence of any international, regional, or hybrid court
with criminal jurisdiction over perpetrators, domestic proceedings-like
those in Germany-are vital engines of accountability. In addition to
holding individual perpetrators accountable, these judgments can offer
all victims a sense of justice, develop important jurisprudence, find
facts and reveal the truth about atrocities, deter other perpetrators,
and inspire judicial efforts elsewhere.
Domestic investigations and prosecutions are being assisted by the
work of grassroots documentation organizations as well as international
institutions, such as the U.N. Commission of Inquiry on Syria, created
by the U.N. Human Rights Council, and a new international investigative
mechanism established by the U.N. General Assembly: the U.N.
International, Impartial, and Independent Mechanism (IIIM). The United
States has supported, diplomatically and financially, the creation and
operation of such documentation processes. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure that the United States continues its crucial support of the
IIIM's mission to collect, consolidate, preserve, and analyze evidence
of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights
violations and abuses committed in Syria since 2011 for future
accountability and transitional justice processes. This work is
critical to facilitating criminal justice mechanisms and paving the way
for a durable political solution that addresses the aspirations for
justice of the Syrian people. I also believe that GCJ has a
particularly important role to play in supporting documentation and
accountability efforts by Syrian human rights defenders and their
international partners, many of whose efforts feed directly into the
IIIM and its work.
Question. What actions will you take to support continued efforts,
such as the trial in Koblenz, to bring about justice for victims of
state oppression in Syria?
Answer. The road ahead for justice and accountability in Syria
remains long, but I am encouraged by the progress made in this area
over the last year, notably in Germany where, in January the first
senior Syrian regime officer was convicted of crimes against humanity
and in 2021 a lower-ranked officer was also found guilty for being an
accessory to commit crimes against humanity. I welcome the January 13
Koblenz court verdict as a crucial victory for victims of the Assad
regime's decade-long conflict against its own people.
I also welcome efforts by other national courts to investigate and
prosecute crimes within their jurisdiction committed in Syria. If
confirmed, I will look for ways to continue supporting Syrian human
rights defenders and their international partners that document
evidence of the Assad regime's atrocities and support key witnesses
involved in the process. The evidence collected by these stakeholders,
and shared with national law enforcement and judicial authorities, has
been highly valuable to such accountability efforts.
Finally, there is the possibility of a case before the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Syria under the Convention
Against Torture. This treaty provides for the possibility of the ICJ
exercising jurisdiction over disputes between state parties to the
treaty, which cannot be settled through negotiation, and that are over
the interpretation or application of the Convention, including claims
of state responsibility. The Netherlands and Canada have indicated that
they consider Syria to be in breach of its treaty obligations,
including the obligations not to commit torture and to investigate
allegations of torture. If confirmed, I would follow this matter
closely to determine whether there might be ways for the United States
to support our allies in this groundbreaking suit.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Beth Van Schaack by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, what are your biggest priorities in the
first 100 days of your Ambassadorship?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ``hit the ground running'' during the
first 100 days in office when it comes to executing upon the critical
mandate of the Office of Global Criminal Justice (GCJ). I envision the
first days in office being devoted to getting myself up-to-speed on the
current workings of the office as well as the Executive Branch's
atrocities prevention and response architecture and operations,
particularly with respect to the Early Warning Task Force and related
efforts. This would require me to acquaint myself with GCJ's staff and
their respective portfolios, as well as the work of other offices
across the Government, all with an eye toward understanding the scope
of GCJ's expertise (and any gaps in coverage), building relationships
across government, and identifying the most pressing areas of concern.
Second, I would get immediately briefed on the status of existing
atrocities determination processes as well as any upcoming key dates
and deadlines, especially regarding Congressional reporting and the War
Crimes Rewards Program. Third, I would scan the globe with my regional
colleagues to map at-risk situations and better understand what U.S.
and multilateral responses are already in train. Fourth, I would review
all ongoing justice efforts around the world with the goal of
identifying ways to enhance U.S. support for these endeavors. Finally,
and to the degree permitted in light of the pandemic, I would hope to
begin diplomatic outreach to atrocities prevention and response
initiatives around the world, as well as my counterparts within the
Governments of U.S. friends and allies devoted to this work.
Question. What role should GCJ play in the interagency process on
Atrocity Prevention, including as a participant in the Atrocity
Prevention Task Force?
Answer. I believe atrocity prevention requires a whole-of-
government approach, as Congress has recognized in enacting the Global
Fragility Act of 2019 and Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities
Prevention Act of 2018. If confirmed, I will work closely with
Department and inter-agency colleagues through the Task Force, and with
Congress, to anticipate, prevent, mitigate, and respond to atrocities
in line with those legislative priorities.
As I understand it, GCJ's primary role is to respond to atrocities
as they unfold, advance justice for victims, support efforts to hold
those responsible for atrocities accountable, and work to prevent
recurrence by promoting robust and effective transitional justice
mechanisms. This transitional justice work is an essential component of
atrocity prevention. It contributes to reconciliation and greater
stability, builds trust in institutions, breaks cycles of vengeance and
retaliation, and demonstrates that atrocities are not acceptable. I
also understand that J/GCJ plays a critical role in Department atrocity
prevention training efforts, ensuring Department personnel and other
government stakeholders understand how transitional justice mechanisms
contribute to the full spectrum of atrocity prevention activities.
Question. Do you support the United States becoming a party to the
Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court?
Answer. The United States has a long history of leadership in
supporting criminal accountability for atrocity crimes through
international, national, and hybrid tribunals. We have much to be proud
of and our leadership is essential to confronting atrocities being
carried out around the world. If confirmed as the Ambassador-at-Large
for War Crimes Issues, a position filled under all administrations
since the mid-1990s, I would be honored to carry forward that legacy.
Although not a State Party to the Rome Statute, the United States has
an important role to play with regards to the Court, as a global leader
in promoting accountability for atrocities, as a permanent member of
the U.N. Security Council, and as an Observer State to the ICC's
Assembly of States Parties. The United States can be supportive of
these efforts without becoming a member of the Court.
Question. Under what circumstances should the U.S. cooperate with
the ICC?
Answer. There are situations in which it advances our national
interest and our values to cooperate with or support the activities of
the ICC-as recognized in legislation including the Dodd Amendment to
the American Servicemembers Protection Act and legislation regarding
the War Crimes Rewards Program. Like other international tribunals, the
International Criminal Court can provide an important forum for
accountability when national systems are unwilling or unable to do so,
provided proper jurisdiction is established. The United States has
recognized, for example, that the ICC's investigations in Libya, in
Sudan, and across Central Africa further U.S. national interests. The
United States facilitated the voluntary surrender and transfer to the
ICC of Bosco Ntaganda and Lord's Resistance Army commander Dominic
Ongwen--both later convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Ongwen and Ntaganda were designated under the War Crimes Rewards
Program, managed by the Office of Global Criminal Justice. These
rewards were possible because of bipartisan legislation passed by
Congress in 2013. I believe cooperation is appropriate where consistent
with U.S. law and where the work of the Court aligns with U.S. foreign
policy priorities, national security objectives, and core values.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC should be investigating
alleged actions of U.S. service members and officials in Afghanistan?
If yes, please explain.
Answer. The U.S. Government has a longstanding objection to the
ICC's attempts to assert jurisdiction over nationals of non-States
Parties, such as the United States, absent the consent of the State or
a U.N. Security Council referral. If confirmed, I will support and
maintain that objection. I am deeply concerned about the current human
rights situation in Afghanistan, including allegations of atrocities
carried out by ISIS-K and the Taliban, and welcome efforts to ensure
accountability for such atrocities. The ICC Prosecutor's September
announcement that he will prioritize investigations into alleged
violations by ISIS-K and the Taliban, and deprioritize other aspects of
the investigation, such as allegations against U.S. personnel, reflects
the gravity of the current situation.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to
investigate or bring to trial United States service members, officials,
or other United States citizens? If yes, please explain.
Answer. As I noted in my testimony and above, the International
Criminal Court should remain focused on those situations where the
state in question has consented to jurisdiction or the Security Council
has referred a situation to the Court, consistent with the U.S.
Government's longstanding objection to the ICC's attempts to assert
jurisdiction over nationals of non-parties, such as the United States.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC should be investigating a
case involving alleged Israeli actions in the Palestinian territories?
If yes, please explain.
Answer. I share the serious concerns of the United States
Government about the ICC's attempts to exercise its jurisdiction over
Israeli personnel. Israel is not a Party to the Rome Statute and has
not consented to the ICC's jurisdiction.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to
investigate or bring to trial Israeli service members, officials, or
other Israeli citizens? If yes, please explain.
Answer. Israel is not a Party to the Rome Statute and has not
consented to the ICC's jurisdiction. My understanding is that, while
the Palestinians purported to join the Rome Statute in 2015, the United
States does not believe that the Palestinians qualify as a sovereign
state and therefore are not qualified to obtain membership as a state
in, participate as a state in, or delegate jurisdiction to the ICC.
Question. Do you believe the ICC's reputation has been diminished
by recent attempts to prosecute United States and Israeli nationals? If
no, please explain.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to uphold our strong commitment
to Israel and its security, including by opposing actions that seek to
target Israel unfairly. I will also continue to advance the U.S.
Government's longstanding objection to the ICC's attempts to assert
jurisdiction over non-parties, such as the United States and Israel. As
Secretary Blinken has stated, our concerns with respect to such
situations are best addressed through engagement with all stakeholders
in the ICC process. If confirmed, I will lead that engagement.
Question. Do you believe that an ICC prosecution of United States
services members and public servants would deny those U.S. citizens
fundamental due process protections to which all Americans are
guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution, such as a right to trial by
jury? If no, please explain.
Answer. The ICC should not prosecute nationals of non-states
parties such as the United States. If confirmed, I will maintain and
support the United States' longstanding position in this regard.
Question. Do you believe the United States has an obligation to
protect U.S. citizens who have served or are currently serving in
Afghanistan against criminal prosecution by the ICC? If yes and if
confirmed, what specific actions would you take to ensure that U.S.
service members, officials, and citizens are not subject to ICC
prosecutions? If no, please explain.
Answer. The ICC Prosecutor has indicated his intention to
prioritize the ongoing violations by the Taliban and ISIS-K in his
investigation into the Afghanistan situation, which appropriately
reflects the gravity of the situation and the acute threats faced by
civilians there. That said, the United States should defend U.S.
personnel who served, or are serving, in Afghanistan against any
potential criminal charges by the ICC.
Question. What additional international avenues exist to pursue
justice and accountability for victims of atrocities outside of the
ICC?
Answer. Since Nuremberg, the United States has supported various
international and domestic transitional justice mechanisms in pursuit
of justice and accountability for atrocity crimes, including ad hoc
tribunals, hybrid courts (courts with international and domestic
elements), and domestic judicial processes, as well as non-penal
institutions engaged in truth-telling, reparation, memorialization, and
institutional reforms. Essential to many of these efforts are also the
independent investigative mechanisms, commissions of inquiry and fact-
finding missions that lay the groundwork for justice and accountability
through fact-finding, documentation, and evidence collection of human
rights violations and abuses. All these mechanisms, to one extent or
another, shape the architecture of accountability under international
criminal law. If confirmed, I will commit to continuing U.S. leadership
in supporting a range of transitional justice measures and exploring
all avenues for justice and accountability in line with U.S. foreign
policy and values.
Question. Beyond the ICC, what international accountability
mechanisms do you support?
Answer. The twin goals of ending impunity and providing a measure
of justice for victims can be advanced by various types of
international accountability mechanisms designed to address atrocity
crimes. As I noted in my testimony, each situation requires a bespoke
response. The United States has played a historic leadership role in
establishing and supporting many of these mechanisms, including the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in the 1990s. This
assistance, which included the detail and transfer of U.S. personnel,
was critical to their success. In the current day, I am proud that the
United States has continued to look for ways to support-technically,
financially, diplomatically, and operationally-new international,
hybrid, and national mechanisms to respond to contemporary human rights
crises, including the Special Criminal Court for the Central African
Republic, the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the Special Jurisdiction for
Peace in Colombia, and the international mechanisms investigating
crimes in Syria and Myanmar/Burma. This generation of accountability
mechanisms reflects the understanding that ensuring justice for
atrocities requires utilizing a range of transitional justice
mechanisms, including those that promote truth-telling, institutional
reform, and memorialization. If confirmed, I will support the creation
and the strengthening of those mechanisms that reflect core U.S
interests and values.
Question. If the U.S. is not a member or party to avenues listed
above, do you believe it should be?
Answer. The United States supports all the mechanisms I referenced
above. They have generally been created by elements of the United
Nations-such as the U.N. General Assembly or Human Rights Council-or by
national authorities with international involvement/assistance. The
United States has been instrumental in standing up these institutions,
and ensuring their success, through its votes and influence in
multilateral institutions and the international sphere. Ultimately, how
best to respond to a situation involving atrocity crimes must be
assessed on an individual basis. Each atrocity situation requires a
bespoke response, depending on the national and international context.
If confirmed, I will commit to applying my expertise to providing the
best advice and guidance to the Secretary as to whether a proposed or
existing mechanism is genuine, credible, and advances U.S. foreign
policy.
Question. In your view, what are some examples of special court or
tribunals which did not work well?
Answer. While the international criminal justice framework has
become more robust and effective since the establishment of ad hoc
tribunals in the 1990s, there is always room for reflection, learning,
and improvement. If confirmed, I will look for ways to continue the
United States' efforts to enhance the technical capacities of special
courts and criminal tribunals and to ensure that they are cost
effective, especially given the generous financial contributions that
the United States has made and continues to make. In addition, the
United States also has an important interest in ensuring that any
transitional justice mechanism-whether a court or a truth-telling body-
is fair, independent from undue political influence, and respects human
rights. Doing so confers legitimacy on the institution. I also believe
that there are ways in which accountability mechanisms can engage more
effectively with victims, survivor groups, human rights defenders, and
civil society. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to ensure that
such accountability mechanisms can fulfill their respective mandates
effectively and efficiently.
The Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal offers an example
where greater reflection, learning, and improvement are warranted. A
previous Ambassador-at-Large visited Bangladesh multiple times to
encourage Bangladeshi authorities to ensure that this special court,
convened to try crimes committed during the 1971 war of independence,
afforded defendants the fair trial guarantees set forth in
international human rights law given concerns that the proceedings were
focused on members of the political opposition and unfolding in ways
considered fundamentally unfair to the defendant. Unfortunately, this
tribunal has not fully respected these guarantees. Another example is
the Extraordinary Criminal Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, which
featured a unique hybrid structure that led to multiple impasses
between international and national staff and generated allegations of
political interference, although it did accomplish some measure of
justice. This particular hybrid model should not be replicated in
future institutions, although other hybrid institutions have proven
effective in combining local legitimacy and knowledge with
international expertise, skill, and resources.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N, including in elections for
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). If confirmed, do you commit to furthering these goals and
contributing to the whole-of-government strategy to elect such
personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with
colleagues in the IO Bureau, the interagency, and likeminded countries
to identify, promote, and elect qualified, independent candidates to
U.N. bodies. The United Nations system, including U.N. tribunals for
atrocity crimes, and other international entities, have long benefited
from the service of qualified, independent American personnel, reaching
back to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson, the Chief United
States Prosecutor of the Nuremberg Trials. I was proud to see the
United Nations Secretary General recently appoint Professor Margaret de
Guzman to serve as a roster Judge on the International Residual
Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, continuing the long-standing
tradition of American leadership at international organizations. If
confirmed, I will strive to advance U.S. priorities and, with our
partners, our shared commitment to promoting respect for democracy and
human rights and protecting the founding principles and values of the
U.N.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction over U.S.
citizens, in particular U.S. service members?
Answer. As mentioned, I will continue to advance the U.S.
Government's longstanding objection to the ICC's attempts to assert
jurisdiction over nationals of non-parties such as the United States,
absent the State's consent or a Security Council referral.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction over Israel
and Israeli citizens?
Answer. As I noted in my testimony, I share the serious concerns of
the United States Government about the ICC's attempts to exercise its
jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. Israel is not a party to the Rome
Statute and has not consented to the Court's jurisdiction.
Question. Previously, the United States expressed concern that
changes the U.N. General Assembly made--starting in 2018 and until
now--to narrow the focus of the reference to the remembrance of ``1994
Genocide in Rwanda'' to the ``1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in
Rwanda.'' The United States view has been that this change does not
capture the fullness of the genocide, particularly the violence against
other victims and non-Tutsi groups. Among the reasons, the U.S. has
cited the dangers of revising language used to describe a past
genocide, particularly the dangerous precedent that would create for
other dates and references of remembrance. Meanwhile, the Rwandan
Government points to the U.N. General Assembly's decision to affirm
that the 1994 genocide specifically targeted the Tutsi in Rwanda.
What is your view on this matter?
Answer. The 1994 genocide was one of the most horrific events of
the late 20th century. In addition to the large numbers of Tutsi lives
tragically lost, we also cannot forget the many Hutu and Twa who were
killed during this time, some for their opposition to the atrocities
being committed. Honoring and remembering all victims presents a fuller
picture of this dark period in history. If confirmed, I will consider
this matter carefully with my colleagues in other bureaus and offices.
Question. Should the United States review the underlying reasons
behind the 1994 genocide and most of the Tutsi victims?
Answer. One of the strongest measures we can take to prevent
atrocities from occurring again is to preserve the history of what has
taken place and ensure that an accurate historical record is
established. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and now
the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, have
greatly contributed to establishing such a historical record, and
through outreach and educational programs, providing future generations
with access to this record. Examining and understanding the complex
root causes of how such a horrific event could happen is necessary for
the United States and the international community to ensure that it
never happens again. Gathering these lessons learned is critical to
enhancing the United States' programs for atrocities prevention and
response.
Question. The Biden administration continues to refer to 'nascent
talks' and the process of gathering evidence in the ongoing conflict in
Ethiopia, among the reasons why it has not yet made an atrocities
determination regarding the human rights abuses, violence and killings
carried out by parties to the conflict.
Should the United States continue to delay an atrocities
determination regarding the Ethiopia conflict? If so, why? If
not, what will you do, if confirmed, to impact this policy
approach?
Answer. If confirmed I will look into the status of this issue and
will consult regularly to ensure Congressional views are conveyed to
the Secretary.
Question. Specific to the Ethiopia conflict, what would be the
value of an atrocities determination, and how can it help shape current
and future U.S. policy and assistance to Ethiopia?
Answer. An atrocity determination by the Secretary is one tool in
our toolkit to address, respond to, and prevent atrocities. It may be
appropriate at some point in Ethiopia, and, if confirmed, I look
forward to providing the Secretary with my best advice on that point.
But as the Secretary has said, ``regardless of what we call it,''
the most important priorities are to stop the violence and ensure there
is justice and accountability for abuses. We must insist that the
parties to the conflict in Ethiopia commit to a comprehensive,
transparent, and inclusive transitional justice process that addresses
grievances, holds those most responsible for human rights abuses and
violations accountable, acknowledges harms, restores property to lawful
owners, guarantees non-recurrence, and facilitates country-wide
reconciliation. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the
Department to promote such efforts. The needs of victims should drive
decisions about specific mechanisms.
Question. Speaking in your personal capacity, and based on what you
know of the atrocities being committed in Ethiopia, how would you
characterize the atrocities committed in the course of this ongoing
conflict?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the situation in Ethiopia.
Reports of killings, sexual violence, and detention based on ethnicity
are extremely disturbing. I have not fully analyzed whether these acts
may constitute atrocity crimes, such as war crimes or crimes against
humanity, but regardless of how one characterizes them, these horrific
acts need to stop and those responsible need to be held accountable. If
confirmed, I will work with others in the Department to promote an end
to all human rights violations and abuses in Ethiopia, an inclusive
peace agreement, and a commitment to comprehensive and inclusive
transitional justice.
Question. Regarding atrocities determinations, should the U.S.
generally give more weight to developing peace processes that often
take months even years to form, over being forthright and being public
in their atrocities determination?
Answer. An atrocity determination can be an important tool in
efforts to prevent and stop ongoing atrocities. However, as the
Secretary has said in the context of Ethiopia, ``regardless of what we
call it,'' the most important priorities are stopping the violence and
ensuring justice for victims. Whether an atrocity determination at a
given time will contribute to these priorities must be considered on a
case-by-case basis.
Question. During President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf's administration,
Liberia formed a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in 2006 to
look at the horrors of Liberia's civil wars and the related crimes
committed. The TRC published its final report in 2010 that included a
set of findings and recommendations, including a call for a special war
crimes court and for individuals linked to factions during the war from
seeking office for 30 years. The TRC listed several senior politicians,
senators, including President Sirleaf, in the report. The Sirleaf
Government, or the current administration under President George Weah,
never implemented the TRC report, but calls for a special war crimes
tribunal remain.
Do you believe Liberia's leaders, including President George Weah,
should meet previous commitments towards forming a court?
Answer. Liberia's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) report
recommended a mix of criminal accountability and restorative measures
to address the crimes committed during the country's civil wars to
include prosecution of gross violations of human rights and violations
of international humanitarian law and monetary reparations and
memorialization of victims. To date, I understand the Liberian
Government has not implemented the majority of the recommendations from
the TRC report. In my view, to be effective, efforts to promote justice
and reconciliation in Liberia must be Liberian-led. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure the United States continues to be a partner to
Liberia in justice and reconciliation efforts and will continue to
encourage the Liberian Government and people to pursue such efforts in
keeping with the recommendations of the TRC.
Question. What should be the international community's role in
working with the Liberian people to see this commitment become a
reality? What should be the U.S. role?
Answer. In my view, to be effective efforts to promote justice and
reconciliation in Liberia must be Liberian-led. If confirmed, I will
work to ensure that the United States continues to partner with Liberia
in justice and reconciliation efforts, and I will continue to encourage
the Liberian Government and people to pursue such efforts.
Question. During your meeting with SFRC minority staff, you stated
that, in your view, the 2002 AUMF is the United States' ``best
argument'' for the air strike against Qassem Soleimani on January 3,
2021. Can you elaborate on that view?
Answer. Thank you for these questions. My views expressed during
meetings with your staff were my own, based on reading publicly
available materials. Since I was not in government at the time, I
cannot speak to the specific legal and policy analysis undertaken given
the sensitive intelligence or other information available. I would
therefore defer to experts in the State Department's Office of the
Legal Adviser (L), which provides legal advice to the Department on
these issues. If confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large in the Office of
Global Criminal Justice, I look forward to working with Congress on
matters related to the prevention of, responses to, and accountability
for atrocities, which are J/GCJ's core responsibilities.
Question. Do you believe the 2002 AUMF provided an independent
legal basis for this strike?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large in the Office of Global
Criminal Justice (J/GCJ), I would not be handling issues related to
legal advice on authorizations for the use of military force.
Question. Do you believe the 2002 AUMF should be repealed?
Answer. These legal matters are not within the portfolio of the
Office of Global Criminal Justice, which focuses on United States'
policy regarding atrocity situations around the world.
Question. In your legal opinion, how would a repeal of the 2002
AUMF impact current detention operations?
Answer. These legal issues fall outside the remit of the Office of
Global Criminal Justice, and I would therefore defer to experts in the
State Department's Office of the Legal Adviser and the Department of
Defense General Counsel on these matters.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Beth Van Schaack by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Office of Global Criminal Justice is imperative to
coordinating U.S. Government efforts to bring to justice perpetrators
of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Given this purview, how do you view the situation in Syria, where
we have seen a host of horrific and immoral crimes that violate
international laws?
Answer. I share Congress' horror at the scale, scope, and brutality
of the Assad regime's atrocities. In my professional and academic
career, I have devoted considerable energy to pursuing justice for
Syria. This includes completing a PhD on ``Imagining Justice for
Syria'' (OUP 2020) that analyzes, tracks, and evaluates a whole range
of international, regional, and domestic options. If confirmed, I will
strategize and strongly support U.S. efforts to promote accountability
for these atrocities. The United States played a key role in
establishing the U.N. Commission of Inquiry on Syria and supported the
creation of the U.N. International, Impartial, and Independent
Mechanism (IIIM). If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the United
States continues its crucial support of the IIIM's mission to collect,
consolidate, preserve, and analyze evidence of the violations of
international humanitarian law and human rights violations and abuses
committed in Syria since 2011 for future accountability and
transitional justice processes. This work is critical to facilitating
criminal justice mechanisms and to paving the way for a durable
political solution that addresses the aspirations for justice of the
Syrian people. I also believe that the Office of Global Criminal
Justice has a particularly important role to play in supporting
documentation and accountability efforts by Syrian human rights
defenders and their international partners, many of whose efforts feed
directly into the IIIM and its work.
Question. Could you speak to the importance of American leadership
to deter crimes against humanity and war crimes?
Answer. The United States was present at the founding of the field
of international criminal law in the post-World War II era. Since then,
U.S. leadership has been instrumental in helping to establish and
support modern justice institutions, including criminal tribunals,
fact-finding bodies, and transitional justice mechanisms operating in
post-conflict environments. This century, attention has shifted to the
imperative of preventing atrocities in addition to providing
accountability after the fact. Mass atrocities threaten international
peace and security, including through destabilizing regions; generating
internal displacement and refugee flows; emboldening perpetrators and
creating openings for violent extremism; disrupting economic relations
and undermining progress on economic development; contributing to state
fragility; necessitating costly ex post interventions; and undermining
the credibility of international norms.
Given these effects, all states should be encouraged to commit to
working together on prevention and civilian protection. The United
States is uniquely situated to convene coalitions of like-minded states
to ensure a robust multilateral response. In addition, it can provide
tangible technical and operational assistance to human rights
defenders, peacebuilders, investigators, government authorities, and
civil society actors to understand and interrupt vectors of violence,
protect civilians, address potential triggers, build societal
resilience, and constrain perpetrators. The Office of Global Criminal
Justice has proven central to coordinating U.S. Government efforts to
bring to justice perpetrators of atrocities but also to help
conceptualize ways to respond to situations at risk of experiencing
mass violence. In this way, it plays an instrumental role in the
prevention and recurrence of violence. If confirmed, I look forward to
joining a tremendous team of subject matter experts who are devoted to
this portfolio.
__________
Correspondence Supporting Sarah Cleveland's Nomination
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
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NOMINATIONS
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TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:07 a.m., in
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Rubio,
Johnson, Romney, Portman, and Young.
Also Present: Senators Schumer and Rosen.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider nominations for four
important positions: Dr. Deborah Lipstadt to be the Special
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, Ambassador Laura Dogu
to be Ambassador to Honduras, Assemblyman Nickolas Perry to be
Ambassador to Jamaica, and Ms. Randi Charno Levine to be the
Ambassador to Portugal.
Congratulations to each of you. We appreciate your
willingness and the sacrifices that are made not just by you
but your families, who are part of this process, to serve our
country in this capacity.
I know that the majority leader is on his way to introduce
some of our nominees. But I see that Senator Rosen is with us.
I will recognize her at this time to introduce Dr. Lipstadt.
STATEMENT OF HON. JACKY ROSEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEVADA
Senator Rosen. Chairman Menendez, thank you, and Ranking
Member Risch. I really want to thank you both for holding this
important hearing on the nomination of Deborah Lipstadt to
serve our nation as Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat
Antisemitism, which last year was elevated by Congress to rank
of Ambassador.
Dr. Lipstadt has devoted her life to fighting back against
antisemitism and Holocaust denial. She is a renowned scholar of
Holocaust studies at Emory University, has published multiple
books on antisemitism and Holocaust denialism, and who famously
defeated a libel suit brought against her by Holocaust denier
David Irving.
She is, arguably, the nation's foremost expert on
antisemitism and Holocaust denial with over four decades of
groundbreaking scholarship, and her nomination comes at a
critical time in the fight against antisemitism.
In the United States and across the globe, we are
witnessing a significant rise in antisemitism, violent
extremism, and Holocaust distortion and denial.
From swastikas spray painted in public synagogues--in
public to synagogues being attacked, we have recently seen
heinous acts of harassment and violence targeting Jewish
communities.
We are also seeing an alarming rise in Holocaust distortion
and denial worldwide. More and more people are vocally
questioning, trivializing, or outright denying the atrocities
of the Holocaust, eroding the truth of one of the worst
chapters of human history and dishonoring the memory--
dishonoring the memory--of the 6 million Jews who were
murdered.
As co-founder of the Senate's bipartisan Task Force for
Combating Antisemitism, my mission has been to confront this
head on. Alongside my colleague, Senator James Lankford, we
brought Senators from both sides of the aisle together to
address this growing crisis.
With dedicated leadership in place at the State Department,
we can put a stop to these disturbing trends. I am honored to
introduce to you today an exceptionally qualified nominee to
serve as Special Envoy and take on global antisemitism head on
no matter where it rears its ugly head.
And while Senator Lankford could not be with us in person
today, he submitted a statement for the record in strong
support of Dr. Lipstadt's swift confirmation, because we both
recognize the urgent need for American leadership in combating
global antisemitism.
Dr. Deborah Lipstadt has an extensive record of combating
and calling out antisemitism no matter which side of the
political spectrum it comes from, and with this tough but fair
approach, she will serve a vital role in our nation's critical
work to protect Jewish communities and combat antisemitism
across the globe.
We cannot waste any more time. I urge my colleagues to
advance her nomination so she can lead the State Department's
efforts to improve the safety and security of at-risk Jewish
communities, promote accurate Holocaust education, and ensure
foreign leaders condemn antisemitic discourse.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Rosen. And I know that you
have a busy schedule so whenever you feel it appropriate you
are welcome to leave.
Senator Schumer is here, and I know he wants to speak and
introduce both Mr. Perry and Ms. Levine.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES E. SCHUMER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW YORK
Senator Schumer. Thank you very much to Chairman Menendez,
to Ranking Member Risch, and all the members of the SFRC, this
great committee, for the opportunity to introduce two really
outstanding nominees this morning.
It is my honor to introduce a proud New Yorker, a dear and
longtime friend--we have known each other for 30 years--and
fellow Brooklynite, Nick Perry, to serve as the next U.S.
Ambassador to Jamaica.
I worked hard to make sure President Biden named Nick for
this post and I am glad to finally be here introducing him to
the committee. He is here with his wife, Joyce, his son,
Nickolas, and he has one granddaughter, Justine Skye, who is a
famous recording artist, so she could not be here today, but
made good. Local girl made good.
Now, whether I am back home in Brooklyn--whenever I am back
home in Brooklyn, particularly at the West Indian Day Parade, I
ask folks, what is the biggest island in the Caribbean? I tell
them it is a trick question.
Some people say Haiti. Some people say Cuba. Some people
say Barbados. I say no, it is Brooklyn. We have more Caribbean
immigrants than anywhere else, and it is a great and wonderful,
hard-working community, climbing up that ladder and being part
of the American dream.
And this makes Nick Perry not only an outstanding nominee
because of his qualifications and who he is, but an exceedingly
fitting nominee to serve as our next Ambassador to Jamaica.
He is a native of the island, and Nick Perry would be the
first ever--the first ever Jamaican-born person to serve as its
American Ambassador. It is, truly, an important milestone, one
that, I would add, is long overdue.
Back home, Assemblyman Perry is known--is a well-known face
in the community. He has a knack for doing politics the old-
fashioned way, shaking hands, showing up at every event, and
just listening to people from everyday life. Nick is an
immigrant, he is a veteran, and a longtime public servant, and
he represents the best of what America is all about.
I am certain that Nick will be a wonderful Ambassador to
Jamaica, and one other thing I would note--he has a beautiful
tenor voice, sort of like you, Mr. Chairman, and he is often
asked to sing the ``Star-Spangled Banner'' at a multitude of
events throughout Brooklyn and throughout New York.
It is also my great honor to introduce another great New
Yorker, Randi Charno Levine, nominated by President Biden to
serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to Portugal. I was proud to
urge the Biden administration to name Randi for this important
post and, when confirmed, she will become only the second woman
to head our diplomatic mission in Portugal.
I have known Randi and her husband, Jeff, who is right
there, for over 30 years, and Randi in particular has been one
of our city's top philanthropic forces for decades. Few have
advocated as passionately and tirelessly for New Yorkers as
Randi and Jeff have, and I am particularly grateful for the
work they have done in support of New York's Jewish
communities.
It has been a blessing to see firsthand their leadership,
their generosity, and most of all, their desire to bring people
together.
As chair of the Meridian Center for Cultural Diplomacy here
in Washington, Randi has been one of our country's best
leaders, promoting cultural exchanges between students,
diplomats, and businesses.
In other words, she has already advanced in a different
context the work any good ambassador must accomplish,
encouraging understanding between our country and those across
the world.
And as trustee for the New Museum in New York, Randi has
also worked with established and emerging artists from Peru to
Italy to Portugal and more, lifting up the voices of women
artists and bringing their work to American audiences.
I have every bit of confidence that Randi will represent
the U.S. with distinction to Ambassador to Portugal, and I
thank the President for acting on my recommendation.
And one more point, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your
indulgence. Though I am not introducing her this morning--I
know that Senator Rosen has--I want to recognize the nomination
of Professor Deborah Lipstadt to serve as the State
Department's Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism.
I am glad she is getting her confirmation hearing today.
The malicious poison of antisemitism must be confronted
whenever it rears its ugly head.
Sadly, we have seen a spike of antisemitism here at home
and around the world, making this post at the State Department
all the more urgent.
As one of the nation's top scholars on the Holocaust and on
modern-day antisemitism, Dr. Lipstadt ought to be confirmed as
soon as possible. We just saw a few more antisemitic incidents
in Williamsburg yesterday in New York.
I want to thank the committee for holding this hearing and
I want to congratulate her on her nomination.
Finally, I do not want to leave out since I have spoken on
three of the nominees--I would like to welcome the fourth,
Laura Dogu, the Ambassador to Honduras, a distinguished member
of our Foreign Service, and I thank her as well for her
service.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, for your
allowing me to welcome these guests.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Leader, for those glowing
introductions and I know that you have an incredibly busy
schedule so you are welcome to depart when it feels
appropriate.
Let me turn to the nominees.
Let me welcome world-renowned scholar Deborah Lipstadt to
be considered as the first Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat
Antisemitism with the rank of Ambassador.
I am truly disappointed it took this long to schedule your
hearing, and I look forward to your swift confirmation.
I have received a number of letters in support of Dr.
Lipstadt's nomination, and I would ask unanimous consent that
they be entered into the record.
Without objection, so ordered.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
transcript.]
]The Chairman. Antisemitism is rising across the world. We
see it inscribed in textbooks for children across the Middle
East, violent attacks on Jewish communities.
Antisemitism is rising across the world--the defacing of
religious buildings and graveyards. Every year more Jewish
people around the world, from Europe to Latin America to in my
home state of New Jersey, are increasingly fearful for their
safety.
History has taught us that rising antisemitism goes hand in
glove with authoritarianism, racism, and oppression, and I
believe you will be a huge asset to the department as it works
to combat this centuries-old scourge.
I am pleased to welcome Ambassador Laura Dogu, our nominee
for Honduras. Since 2014, the United States has intensified its
engagement with Honduras, along with its neighbors, El
Salvador, and Guatemala, to address the security challenges,
low levels of democratic governance, and high levels of extreme
poverty that drive irregular migration.
During this period, I have repeatedly urged that we use our
foreign assistance to make significant investments in the rule
of law in Central America and increase accountability for
elites involved in criminal activity. I welcome the Biden
administration's focus on these issues.
Given repeated natural disasters, endemic levels of
criminal violence in Honduran society, and the impact of COVID-
19 pandemic, I have also led calls for the Administration to
re-designate Honduras for temporary protective status.
I look forward to hearing our nominee's assessment of
country conditions in Honduras and how the United States can
best address ongoing governance challenges.
I am also pleased to welcome New York Assemblyman Nick
Perry, the President's nominee to be our next ambassador to
Jamaica. Jamaica is a key U.S. political and security partner
in the Caribbean as well as in the Organization of American
States.
We know that COVID-19 has hit Jamaica and its economy
especially hard, and I look forward to hearing from our nominee
how the United States can support pandemic recovery efforts.
Additionally, given major investments by China in Jamaica,
I look forward to hearing from our nominee about the risks to
U.S. national interests and how we can strengthen relations
with our neighbor.
Finally, let me welcome Ms. Levine to the committee.
Congratulations on your nomination. Portugal is an important
friend and ally of the United States, and as I am sure you
know--I think we had a conversation yesterday which I enjoyed
your visit--we have a robust Portuguese-American community in
New Jersey, whose contributions to our state are immeasurable.
Portugal's role in NATO is essential to transatlantic
security, including through its leadership of Baltic Air
Policing missions. Portugal hosts the naval striking and
support forces at NATO headquarters, and the U.S. 65th Air Base
group at Lajes Air Base.
The U.S. is Portugal's largest non-EU trading partner, and
our trade and investment relationship continues to grow.
I look forward to your swift arrival in Lisbon to continue
to bolster our strong relationship with a key partner and ally.
Let me turn to for this hearing--the distinguished ranking
member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee has had a coup
and Senator Risch has actually graciously conceded to him
presiding over this hearing.
Senator Rubio?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Rubio. Anytime two Cubans are in charge of
anything, it is usually called a conspiracy. But I appreciate
the opportunity to share the co-chair to be the ranking member
on this today.
Thank you all for being here. I am very happy to see the
President has made these nominations to Honduras and to
Jamaica. Senators Menendez and Kaine and myself sent a letter
urging that he nominate qualified individuals throughout the
Western Hemisphere.
These are two important posts. Starting with Honduras, the
pandemic put more than 400,000 Hondurans out of work, and then
two hurricanes that caused almost $2 billion in damages to a
country that really could not afford it.
And then on top of that, the energy sector is actually one
of the least efficient in the entire region. I think it costs
them about $450 million dollars annually with 29 percent of
energy produced lost in the transmission. It is a very serious
problem.
They have a new government, and I hope that this new
government will take the opportunity to implement common sense
reforms that will make it a place that is more amenable to
foreign investment.
Those things, I think, could end up resulting in things
like nearshoring of U.S. supply chains, which we talk about
that all the time.
Why are most things--if more things were being made in
nations like Honduras closer to our country we would have a
more secure supply chain, and we would be less reliant on
disruptions coming from other regions of the world.
I hope the new president will follow that path and not the
example that was set by her husband when he was the president
and cozied up to Chavez in Venezuela and Raul Castro in Cuba,
and I am concerned that she has openly suggested the idea of
perhaps switching recognition from Taiwan to the People's
Republic of China.
Ambassador Dogu, if you are confirmed, I hope you will use
your extensive previous diplomatic experience including very
difficult places like Nicaragua to help make clear and have
influence over the new Honduran Government as it seeks to
navigate these challenges and in particular that we emphasize
how important it is that that recognition of Taiwan not be
switched.
When it comes to Jamaica, it is the largest English-
speaking nation in the Caribbean. It has very strong cultural,
historical, economic ties to this country and particularly to
south Florida.
We have a very robust Jamaican-American and Jamaican expat
community that does business in our state but remains citizens
of Jamaica and they are undergoing a pretty ambitious reform
program under Prime Minister Holness. Their public debt fell
below 100 percent in GDP for the first time. Very impressive.
The United States is their largest trading partner and that
does include companies that now provide products that form the
very basis of exactly the kind of sustainable and secure supply
chains we need more of.
They have a very strong economic relationship with the
United States with my home state, but they are suffering the
consequences of the illegal drug crisis that we are facing in
this country.
Its location geographically makes it ripe for drug
trafficking, and they have been a very strong partner. Jamaica
has been a very strong partner in countering these drug
trafficking networks and, obviously, we should continue to do
more to bolster their capabilities to do that.
If confirmed, Assemblyman Perry, I hope you will build on
your experience, not just in the legislature but also your deep
ties to Jamaica, to help foster and continue to build on that
U.S.-Jamaica partnership.
When it comes to Portugal, it is, obviously, a NATO ally
and actually one that has really done quite a bit. They
contributed significantly towards the operations in
Afghanistan, the Baltic Air Policing mission, Rapid Reaction
and Naval Strike Force.
And so if you are confirmed, you are overseeing a very
important relationship for the United States at a very tense
time, obviously, when it comes to NATO and recent and ongoing
events in Ukraine.
And, finally, Dr. Lipstadt is the nominee to be the U.S.
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism. I believe you
will be the first person nominated to this position since my
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism Act became law
in January of 2021, which made this position subject to Senate
confirmation.
And my intent when I authored that law was to ensure that
the Special Envoy would be a nonpartisan figure to develop and
implement the department's policies to address the evil
poison--the ancient and evil poison of antisemitism around the
world.
And so you, clearly, bring considerable experience and
breadth and scope of experience on Holocaust matters, on
history. Authored numerous books and countless articles on the
topic, both on the Holocaust and antisemitism, and I am really
eager to learn how, if you are confirmed, you intend to
continue our traditional nonpartisan approach to America's
antisemitism policy, because I truly believe it is one that is
shared by the overwhelming majority of people in American
politics and American Government and in America.
And I would like to note, if I can, Mr. Chairman, my
colleague, Senator Lankford, provided a statement regarding
this nomination and I ask that it be included in the record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
transcript.]
]Senator Rubio. And with that, I want to thank all of you
for being here today and for your willingness to serve your
country. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Risch, the ranking member of the full
committee?
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank Senator Rubio for agreeing to preside as
ranking member on this because of the important matters
regarding the Western Hemisphere and because the ranking member
on the subcommittee often has deep knowledge of this.
In addition, we have the other nominations here: Portugal,
which is very important, as both of you have pointed out, and
then Ms. Lipstadt, whose nomination is very important. Senator
Rubio mentioned how his bill that provided for this special
envoy is warmly received by this committee.
This committee is strongly committed to fighting
antisemitism, each and every member thereof. I am not aware of
anyone who has any weakness whatsoever on this issue. I know
there was some grumbling about how quickly Ms. Lipstadt's
nomination went forward.
This is a learning moment for people who want to be
appointed to something that requires Senate nomination. That
is, whenever an appointee has made remarks publicly regarding a
member, particularly of the Senate committee that is under
jurisdiction, it always draws and should draw more scrutiny and
more vetting than usual inasmuch as our job of advice and
consent is very important.
I think this is going to become abundantly clear in a few
moments when Senator Johnson has a few words to say on this
particular subject.
Again, thank you, and thank you, Senator Rubio. It would be
nice if you would return the favor occasionally and let me be
ranking member on the Intelligence Committee, particularly, if
we hold a hearing on unidentified flying objects, since, as you
know, I am deeply committed to that issue.
Thank you very much.
Senator Rubio. Now he has gone too far, but----
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. All right. Thank you, Senator Risch.
We will turn to our nominees for their statements. We ask
you to summarize them in about five minutes or so so the
committee can engage in a conversation with you. Your full
statements will be included in the record, without objection.
And we will start with Dr. Lipstadt and just go down the
roster. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF DR. DEBORAH E. LIPSTADT OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED TO
BE SPECIAL ENVOY TO MONITOR AND COMBAT ANTI-SEMITISM, WITH THE
RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Ms. Lipstadt. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee, thank you, Senators.
Being here is one of the great honors and great surprises
of my life. I am nominated for a rather unusual ambassadorship.
With your permission, I begin with something rather unusual, a
Hebrew blessing.
Barukh atah Adonai, matir assurim.--``Blessed are you G-d,
who frees the captives.''
This blessing was recited by Jews worldwide when we heard
of the escape from the Colleyville synagogue of the resourceful
and brave captives.
Many of us fearing the worst sat suspended over the void
with another blessing at the ready.
Barukh dayan emet.--``Blessed is the merciful judge,'' the
blessing Jews traditionally recite upon hearing of a death,
particularly, an untimely tragic one.
Senators, this was no isolated incident. Increasingly, Jews
have been singled out for slander, violence, and terrorism.
Today's rise in antisemitism is staggering. We witness a
surge less than eight decades after one out of every three Jews
on Earth was murdered. Often in their long history, Jews have
felt abandoned, but then is not now, certainly, not in the
United States.
Today, the American Government recognizes Jew hatred as a
serious global challenge. I sit here because the United States
in a bipartisan--the United States Senate in a bipartisan
effort takes this problem seriously enough to create, fund, and
now elevate this position to an ambassadorship.
Senators, I have taught about antisemitism for 40 years. I
have written seven books and countless articles. I have
designed museum exhibits, including at the United States
Holocaust Memorial Museum.
I have lectured at universities from Germany to the
Vatican's Pontifical Institute. But I have not stayed in the
academies' ivory tower. I have confronted real-world
antisemitism. I cite three life-changing moments.
In 1972 as a young graduate student, I visited the Soviet
Union to meet refuseniks, the Soviet Jews whose applications to
leave the USSR were rejected by Moscow. They lost their jobs,
their families were harassed, their children bullied. I
anticipated finding people cowering in fear. I did not.
Senators, though Soviet Jews were the bravest, most
resolute people I have met. They spoke truth to tyranny and
were profoundly liberated by so doing.
I went to strengthen their Jewish identity and their fight
for freedom. I left strengthened by them and acutely aware of
democracy's precious gift.
A second episode. In 1996, I was sued for libel for
describing the world's leading Holocaust denier as a fraud,
racist, and anti-Semite. He sued me in the U.K., hoping to
exploit Britain's more lenient libel laws.
The grueling six-year legal battle resulted in a resounding
verdict in my favor and against antisemitism. Yet, for the 10
weeks of the trial, I listened in a London courtroom to a
Hitler apologist spew Holocaust denial, antisemitism, and
racism.
And, finally, a more recent episode. In 2021, I was an
expert witness at the Charlottesville civil suit against the
organizers of the vile August 2017 demonstration. For those
extremists who came to Charlottesville ready to do battle, neo-
Nazism, racism, and antisemitism are intimately intertwined.
Senators, as these episodes suggest, Jew hatred can be
found across the entire political spectrum. One finds it among
Christians, Muslims, atheists, and sadly, even a handful of
Jews. One finds it in Europe, the Middle East, Latin America,
and even in countries with no Jews.
I am an equal opportunity foe of antisemitism. Unless one
is willing to fight Jew hatred wherever one finds it, one
should not be a nominee for this position.
My parents were immigrants to this exceptional republic,
and they embedded in their children a love for country, a rock-
solid Jewish identity, and the belief that we could achieve
great things.
But they, certainly, never imagined that one of their
children could be nominated for an ambassadorship, one that
speaks of our republic's determination to confront a hatred
that defies our founding ideals.
Senators, I am blessed with a job at a university--a job I
love at a university I revere with inspiring students. This
role, if I am honored by confirmation, will be difficult and
demanding.
When first asked to apply for it, I told a friend I would
not. But she said, you could make a difference.
Senators, if confirmed, I shall fight antisemitism
worldwide without fear or favor and with that one goal
emblazoned before me, to make a difference.
Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to
this committee, its members and staff, to seek advice and
guidance wherever appropriate.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time
and your consideration. Thank you for this great honor. I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Lipstadt follows:]
Prepared Statement of Deborah E. Lipstadt
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, Thank you, Senators. Being here is one of the great honors--
and great surprises--of my life. I am nominated for a rather unusual
ambassadorship, so with your permission, I'd like to open with
something unusual:
A Hebrew blessing--Barukh ata Adonai, matir assurim. Blessed are
you G-d, who frees the captives.
This blessing was recited by Jews worldwide when we heard of the
escape from the Colleyville, Texas, synagogue of the resourceful and
incredibly brave captives.
Many of us, fearing the worst, sat suspended over the void with
another blessing at the ready: Barukh dayan emet, Blessed is the
merciful judge, the blessing Jews traditionally recite upon hearing of
a death, particularly an untimely, tragic one.
Senators, this was no isolated incident. Increasingly, Jews have
been singled out for slander, violence and terrorism.
Today's rise in antisemitism is staggering. It is especially
alarming that we witness such a surge less than eight decades after one
out of three Jews on Earth was murdered.
Often, in their long history Jews have felt abandoned. But then is
not now, certainly not in the United States.
Today the American Government recognizes Jew-hatred as a serious
global challenge. I sit here because, the United States Senate, in a
bipartisan effort led by Senators Rosen and Lankford, takes this
problem seriously enough to create, fund, and now, elevate this
position to an Ambassadorship.
Senators, I have taught about antisemitism for 40 years. I have
written seven books and countless articles about it. I have designed
museum exhibits, including at the United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum. I have lectured at universities from Germany to the Vatican's
Pontifical Institute.
But I haven't stayed in the academy's Ivory Tower. I have
repeatedly confronted real world antisemitism. I cite three life-
changing moments.
In 1972, when I was a young graduate student, I visited the Soviet
Union to meet Refuseniks, the Soviet Jews whose applications to
leave the USSR for Israel or the United States were rejected by
Moscow. They lost their jobs; their families were harassed;
their children were bullied.
I anticipated finding people cowering in fear. I did not.
Senators, those Soviet Jews were the bravest, most resolute
people I've met. They spoke truth to tyranny and were
profoundly liberated by so doing. I went to strengthen their
Jewish identity and their fight for freedom. I left
strengthened by them and acutely aware of democracy's precious
gift.
Let me share a second episode. In 1996, I was sued for libel for
accurately describing the world's leading Holocaust denier as a
fraud, racist, and antisemite. He sued me in the U.K., hoping
to exploit Britain's more lenient libel laws. The grueling six-
year legal battle resulted in a resounding verdict in my favor
and against antisemitism. Yet for the ten weeks of the trial, I
sat in a London courtroom, listening to a Hitler apologist spew
Holocaust denial, antisemitism, and racism.
And finally, a more recent episode. In 2021, I was an expert
witness at the Charlottesville civil suit against the
organizers of the vile August 2017 demonstration. For those
extremists, who came to Charlottesville ready to do battle,
neo-Nazism, racism and antisemitism are intimately intertwined.
Senators, as those episodes suggest, Jew-hatred can be found across
the entire political spectrum.. One finds it among Christians, Muslims,
atheists, and, sadly, even a handful of Jews; in Europe, the Middle
East, Latin America, and even in countries with no Jews.
I am an equal-opportunity foe of antisemitism. Unless one is
willing to fight Jew-hatred wherever one finds it, one should not be a
nominee for this position.
My parents were immigrants to this exceptional republic. And they
embedded in their children a love for country, a rock-solid Jewish
identity, and the belief that we could achieve great things.
But they certainly never imagined that one of their children could
be nominated for an ambassadorship--and one that speaks of our
republic's determination to confront a hatred that defies our founding
ideals.
Senators, I am blessed with a job I love, at a university I revere,
with inspiring students. This new role, if I am honored by
confirmation, will be difficult and demanding. When I was first asked
to apply for it, I told an old friend that I doubted I would. Without
hesitation, she said, ``But you could make a difference.''
Senators, if confirmed, I shall fight antisemitism worldwide,
without fear or favor and with that one goal emblazoned before me: to
make a difference.
Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to this
committee, its members, and staff to seek advice and guidance wherever
appropriate.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time and your
consideration. Thank you for this great honor. I look forward to your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Dr. Lipstadt, for a very powerful
statement.
Ambassador Dogu?
STATEMENT OF HON. LAURA FARNSWORTH DOGU OF TEXAS, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS
Ms. Dogu. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Rubio,
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance
our Nation's interests alongside Honduras' first woman
president in its 200-year history.
During a public service career that has taken me around the
world, including to Nicaragua as the U.S. Ambassador, I have
leaned on my family for support.
My late husband and I raised two sons who are both serving
our Nation, one with two combat tours in Afghanistan with the
75th Ranger Regiment, and the other on the frontlines of our
nation's defense with the 82nd Airborne Division.
Unfortunately, their military duties did not allow them to
be here today, but I am very proud of their service to our
nation and I know they are supporting me remotely.
The United States has a strong and multifaceted partnership
with Honduras. As Assistant Secretary Nichols testified, too
many ordinary citizens in the region's democracies saw their
governments failing to meet their expectations and aspirations
for a better future.
Corruption remained rampant. Economies grew, but so did
inequality. Crime and insecurity took too many lives and
stymied the region's development.
But the citizens of Honduras confronted these challenges
and demonstrated their belief in democracy by voting in
historic numbers on November 28th.
If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Congress and
interagency, the Honduran Government and people, international
partners, civil society, and the private sector to promote a
democratic Honduras, a Honduras with transparent institutions
that fight corruption, narcotics trafficking, and organized
crime, to enhance security and address the root causes of
migration, including through promoting human rights.
I will work with these same diverse partners to reactivate
the economy, enhance climate resilience, and respond to the
COVID-19 pandemic.
The U.S. Government supports the new president's plans to
reduce corruption, including through internationally supported
mechanisms.
Through DOD, DEA, and State's INL program, the embassy
works to improve Honduras' ability to interdict drugs and
disrupt drug trafficking and other transnational criminal
networks. The new administration's focus on citizen security
presents an opportunity to cooperate with the highest levels of
Government in Honduras on this issue.
Honduras also works with the United States, including the
Department of Homeland Security, to address irregular
migration. Its efforts have included expanded document checks
in checkpoints, strengthened reintegration services for minors
and families to deter recidivism, and acceptance of direct
flights of migrants expelled from the United States under Title
42.
Hondurans remain among the largest group of Central
Americans apprehended at the U.S. border, partially due to a
lack of economic opportunity at home. One of the poorest
countries in the hemisphere based on per capita GDP, Honduras
struggles to attract investment. A low-skilled labor force,
endemic corruption, and unpredictable regulations in judiciary
complicate Honduras' efforts to become an investment
destination.
In addition to a 9 percent GDP contraction during the
pandemic, two hurricanes hit the Sula Valley in November of
2020, destroying agricultural and manufacturing centers.
Our colleagues at U.S. Southern Command, Soto Cano Airbase,
and USAID responded to address immediate survival needs. But
food insecurity reached crisis levels in Honduras, prompting
the embassy to declare emergencies in 2021 and 2022.
These hurricanes and an ongoing drought highlight the need
for climate resilient infrastructure and industries. The U.S.
Army Corps of Engineers conducted studies to help with recovery
in the Sula Valley.
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing a U.S. Government
wide approach to help Honduras during its reconstruction and
economic recovery.
Honduras faces many challenges on human rights and gender-
based violence, issues that appear in the pillars of the U.S.
strategy to address the root causes of migration, and we have
committed to helping Hondurans address these issues.
Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the two countries held a
high-level Human Rights Working Group, which I look forward to
resuming within the context of a new bilateral strategic
dialogue that will launch in April.
We promote Taiwan as a valuable partner, and I will make
clear the importance of a Honduras-Taiwan relationship and do
all I can to enhance Honduras' partnerships with other
democracies.
In conclusion, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our
team of professionals at the U.S. Embassy in Tegucigalpa. My
highest priorities will be to protect U.S. citizens and
champion the interests of the United States in cooperation with
our partners in Honduras.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear here
today before you. If confirmed, I look forward to working very
closely with this committee, and I am happy to answer your
questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Dogu follows:]
Prepared Statement of Laura Farnsworth Dogu
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance our
nation's interests as the U.S. Ambassador to Honduras alongside the
country's first woman president in its 200-year history.
During a public service career that has taken me around the world,
including to Nicaragua as Ambassador, I have leaned on my family for
their support.
My late husband and I raised two sons who both serve our nation--
one with two combat tours in Afghanistan with the 75th Ranger Regiment
and the other on the front lines of our nation's defense with the 82nd
Airborne Division.
The United States has a strong and multifaceted partnership with
Honduras. As Assistant Secretary Nichols testified, ``too many ordinary
citizens in the region's democracies saw their governments failing to
meet their expectations and aspirations for a better future. Corruption
remained rampant. Economies grew but so did inequality. Crime and
insecurity took too many lives and stymied the region's development.''
The citizens of Honduras confronted these challenges and demonstrated
their belief in democracy by voting in historic numbers on November 28.
If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Congress and interagency,
the Honduran Government, international partners, civil society, and the
private sector to promote a democratic Honduras with transparent
institutions that fight corruption, narcotics trafficking, and
organized crime to enhance security and address the root causes of
migration, including through promoting human rights. I will work with
those same diverse partners to reactivate the economy, enhance climate
resilience, and respond to the COVID-19 pandemic using all available
tools, including the new Strategic Dialogue.
The U.S. Government supports the new Honduran president's efforts
to expand Honduran Government efforts to reduce corruption, including
through internationally-supported mechanisms. If confirmed, I will
prioritize U.S. cooperation on those efforts.
Through DOD, DEA, and State's INL programs, the Embassy works to
improve Honduras' ability to interdict drugs and disrupt drug
trafficking and other transnational criminal networks. Honduras seized
17.8 metric tons of cocaine in 2021, up from 3.4 metric tons in 2020.
The new administration's focus on citizen security presents an
opportunity to cooperate with the highest levels of government in
Honduras on this issue.
Honduras works with the United States, including DHS, to address
irregular migration. Its efforts have included expanded document checks
and checkpoints, strengthened reintegration services for minors and
families to deter recidivism, and acceptance of direct flights of
migrants expelled from the United States under Title 42. Hondurans
remain among the largest groups of Central Americans apprehended at the
U.S. border, partially due to lack of economic opportunity at home.
The fourth poorest country in the hemisphere based on per capita
GDP, Honduras struggles to attract investment. A low-skilled labor
force, endemic corruption, and unpredictable regulations and judiciary
complicate Honduras' efforts to become an investment destination.
Poverty, corruption, and economic stagnation contribute to emigration.
In addition to a 9 percent GDP contraction during the pandemic, two
hurricanes hit the Sula Valley in November 2020, destroying
agricultural and manufacturing centers. Our colleagues at U.S. Southern
Command, Soto Cano Air Base, and USAID responded to address immediate
survival needs. Food insecurity reached crisis levels in Honduras,
prompting the U.S. embassy to declare emergencies in 2021 and 2022.
These hurricanes and an ongoing drought highlight the need for
climate resilient infrastructure and industries. The U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers conducted studies to help with recovery in the Sula Valley.
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing a U.S. Government-wide
approach to help Honduras during its reconstruction and economic
recovery.
Honduras faces many challenges on human rights, an issue that
appears in the pillars of the U.S. Strategy to Address the Root Causes
of Migration, and we have committed to helping Hondurans address these
issues. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the State Department and
Honduras held a high-level Bilateral Human Rights Working Group, which
I look forward to resuming with the new government, if confirmed,
within the context of the new Strategic Dialogue that will launch in
April. U.S. embassy officials attend, when possible, human rights-
related trials. Gender-based violence remains highly prevalent in
Honduras. The latest U.N. femicide data show Honduras has the highest
rate in Latin America with 6.2 per 100,000.
We promote Taiwan as a valuable partner. If confirmed, I will make
clear the importance of the Honduras-Taiwan relationship and do all I
can to enhance Honduras' partnerships with other democracies. We see an
opportunity to align U.S. investment and development priorities with
key democratic partners to help Honduras succeed.
In conclusion, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy
in Tegucigalpa. My highest priorities will be to protect U.S. citizens
and champion the interests of the United States in cooperation with our
partners in Honduras.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely with this committee. I'm happy to
answer your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
Ms. Levine?
STATEMENT OF RANDI CHARNO LEVINE OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC
Ms. Levine. Thank you, Chairman, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to
the Portuguese Republic.
I am deeply honored to be considered for this position and
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence that they have placed in me.
I pledge to do my very best to represent our great country
and to lead the U.S. Mission to one of our most reliable
European partners.
Thanks to Senator Schumer for his gracious introduction. I
remember getting a call from him in the car on the way to our
son's Bar Mitzvah--he is 37 today--and he said, Ben, you are a
lucky boy. Your parents have worked hard to get you here so
make them proud. And indeed, our children have made us so
proud.
Ben and his wife, Zoe, our daughter, Jessica, and her
husband, Evan, our daughter, Dara, and her husband, Jonathan,
and our most precious treasures watching today, our
grandchildren, Eli and Orly.
My husband, Jeff, is with me here today. He has been my
partner and my rock for more than 40 years. We are proof that
the American dream is alive and well.
Jeff's parents, Irene and Irving, a cab driver, raised
their four children in public housing in Brooklyn. My mother,
Wendy, was an elementary school teacher and my father, Eddy
Charno, owned a pharmacy in Greenpoint, Brooklyn, down the
block from where his father, Joe, lived and worked when he
emigrated here from Poland in the 1900s.
The Charno family has always believed in the importance of
serving the community, and a street in Brooklyn was renamed
Charno Way to commemorate this history.
My nomination as Ambassador follows our family's long-
standing commitment to service and would bring them so much
pride and joy.
My road to public service was paved by the arts. I am a
passionate arts advocate and supporter of using cultural
exchanges to advance diplomacy.
If confirmed, I will draw upon my extensive work at
Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery and the Meridian Center
for Cultural Diplomacy to build partnerships that will advance
American interests and enrich our bilateral relationship.
Portugal has been a strong U.S. partner for more than 200
years and was among the first countries to recognize U.S.
independence. It is home to the longest continuously operating
U.S. consulate at the Azores. Our partnership is built on
shared values, a commitment to human rights, to democracy, and
to the rule of law.
As a founding member of NATO, Portugal is an essential
player in strengthening our transatlantic relationships and
defending against malign influences in the region.
Portugal is also a notable partner in global defense. It
deploys thousands of troops overseas each year to NATO, the EU,
the U.N. and international peacekeeping efforts including the
global coalition to defeat ISIS.
Portugal hosts, proudly, the U.S. Air Force's 65th airbase
group at Lajes Field in the Azores, an important outpost for
transatlantic peace and security.
And Portugal's collaboration with the Lusophone African
countries offers the transatlantic alliance the opportunity to
enhance regional security and promote prosperity in the South
Atlantic.
If confirmed, Senators, I will have three priorities. My
top priority will always be the safety and security of
Americans in Portugal, including the outstanding personnel and
family members of Embassy Lisbon and our consulate at the
Azores. I will also work to enhance bilateral and regional
security efforts.
Second, I will work to deepen our bilateral economic ties.
Bilateral trade and goods between our two countries reached
$4.6 billion in 2020. The United States is Portugal's largest
trading partner outside of the EU. Portuguese investment in the
United States is significant, particularly in tech and in
renewable energy projects.
Third, I will collaborate with the Portuguese to address
shared existential challenges, including fighting climate
change and combating COVID-19. I will also work closely with
Portugal to address any significant challenges that the
People's Republic of China poses to our national security and
to align efforts to deter Russia's destabilizing activities.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, this
committee, to strengthen our partnership with Portugal and to
advance U.S. interests.
Thank you for allowing me to testify, and I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Levine follows:]
Prepared Statement of Randi Levine
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Portuguese
Republic.
I am deeply honored to be considered for this position. I am
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence
they have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to do my very best to
serve our great country and to lead the U.S. Mission to one of our most
reliable European partners.
Thank you, Senator Schumer, for your gracious introduction. I
remember getting a call from you on our way to our son Ben's Bar
Mitzvah years ago. You said: ``Ben, you are a lucky boy! Your parents
have worked hard to get you here, so make them proud.''
Our children have indeed made us proud: Ben and his wife Zoe, our
daughter Jessica and her husband Evan, our daughter Dara and her
husband Jonathan, and our most precious treasures, our grandchildren
Eli and Orly.
My husband, Jeff, is with me here today. He has been my partner and
rock for more than 40 years. We are proof that the American dream is
alive and well. Jeff's parents Irene and Irving, a cab driver, raised
their four children in public housing in Brooklyn. My mother Wendy was
an elementary school teacher and my father, Eddy Charno, owned a
pharmacy in Greenpoint, Brooklyn down the block from where his father
Joe lived and worked when he emigrated from Poland in the early 1900s.
The Charno family has always believed in the importance of serving
the community. A street in Brooklyn was renamed Charno Way to
commemorate this history. My nomination as Ambassador follows our
family's longstanding commitment to service and would bring them so
much pride and joy.
My road to public service was paved by the arts. I am a passionate
arts advocate and supporter of using cultural exchanges to advance
diplomacy. If confirmed, I will draw upon my extensive work at the
Smithsonian's National Portrait Gallery and the Meridian Center for
Cultural Diplomacy to build partnerships that will advance American
interests and enrich our bilateral relationship.
Portugal has been a strong U.S. partner for more than 200 years and
was among the first countries to recognize U.S. independence. It is
home to the longest continuously operating U.S. consulate in the
Azores. Our partnership is built on shared values: a commitment to
human rights, democracy, and the rule of law.
As a founding member of NATO, Portugal is an essential player in
strengthening our transatlantic relationships and defending against
malign influences in the region.
Portugal is also a notable partner in global defense. It deploys
thousands of troops overseas each year to NATO, the EU, the U.N., and
international peacekeeping efforts, including the Global Coalition to
Defeat ISIS. Portugal hosts the U.S. Air Force's 65th Air Base Group at
Lajes Field in the Azores, an important outpost for transatlantic peace
and security.
Portugal's collaboration with the Lusophone African countries
offers the transatlantic alliance an opportunity to enhance regional
security and promote mutual prosperity in the South Atlantic.
If confirmed, I will have three priorities:
My top priority will be the safety and security of Americans in
Portugal, including the outstanding personnel and family
members of Embassy Lisbon and our Consulate in the Azores. I
will also work to enhance bilateral and regional security
efforts.
Second, I will work to deepen our bilateral economic ties.
Bilateral trade in goods between our two countries reached $4.6
billion in 2020. The United States is Portugal's largest
trading partner outside of the EU. Portuguese investment in the
United States is significant, particularly in tech and
renewable energy projects.
Third, I will collaborate with the Portuguese to address shared
existential challenges, including fighting climate change and
combating COVID-19. I will also work closely with Portugal to
address any significant challenges that the People's Republic
of China poses to our national security and align efforts to
deter Russia's destabilizing activities.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee
to strengthen our partnerships with Portugal and advance U.S.
interests.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look forward to
your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Perry?
STATEMENT OF HON. N. NICKOLAS PERRY OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO JAMAICA
Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
testify before you today.
I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to Jamaica.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank Senate
Majority Leader Schumer for his recommendation to the
President, for his steadfast support, and for taking some time
to introduce me today.
I also express my appreciation for the encouragement I have
received from others in New York's congressional delegation.
I am grateful to appear before you today accompanied by my
wife, Joyce, and my son, Nickolas Alexander. My daughter,
Novalie, and granddaughter, Justine, are not here, but I am
assured of their full support.
This continuation of my lifelong journey of public service
is deeply personal to me. I was born and raised in Jamaica in a
family of 11 children. After attending and graduating from
secondary school, I worked for the Bustamante Industrial Trade
Union briefly before moving to the United States in the summer
of 1971.
My career in public service began soon after my arrival. I
volunteered for the Selective Service, was drafted into the
United States Army, and served for two years of active duty,
including a year-long deployment to South Korea and four years
on reserve status before being honorably discharged.
I attended Brooklyn College on the GI Bill, graduating with
a BA in political science, and later studied for a MA in public
policy and administration.
After college, I got involved with community organizing,
was appointed to a local community board, and eventually was
elected to five consecutive terms as chairman of that board.
As committee board chair, I concurrently served five
consecutive terms on the Brooklyn Bar board before being
elected to the New York State Assembly in 1992. I have since
served for nearly 30 years, and is currently the assistant
speaker pro tempore.
I have dedicated my career in public service working across
diverse communities to build consensus on issues of social
importance.
If confirmed, I believe my experience and perspective as a
state legislator for almost 30 years, complemented by my
background as an American who was born and raised in Jamaica
for the first 20 years of my life, could contribute positively
to strengthening the United States partnership with Jamaica.
As the safety and security of Americans abroad is the State
Department's top priority, if confirmed, I pledge to fulfill my
responsibilities to safeguard the welfare of all U.S. citizens,
including supporting the security of U.S. citizens living in or
traveling to Jamaica.
I pledge to also coordinate closely with U.S. law
enforcement agencies and Jamaican counterparts to address the
threats posed by transnational criminal organizations, drug
trafficking and human trafficking, including through the
Caribbean Basin Security Initiative.
The United States is leading the world in the fight against
COVID-19 by donating more vaccines than any other nation
combined. Recognizing the severe impact of the pandemic on
Jamaica, if confirmed, I will ensure we continue U.S. backing
to address Jamaica's COVID-19 public health-related challenges
and to help Jamaica recover from the economic impacts of the
pandemic.
As the world looks to create an equitable clean energy
future and millions of good paying jobs, if confirmed, I will
also work to support innovative U.S. engagement with Jamaica in
promoting renewable energy sources to help stabilize
electricity cost, promote a reliable, resilient, and low-carbon
power grid to assist the country's development.
Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to
this committee, its members, and staff to seek your advice and
guidance where appropriate.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time
and consideration. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Perry follows:]
Prepared Statement of N. Nick Perry
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, Thank you for the opportunity to testify before this
committee today. I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to Jamaica. I would
like to take this opportunity to thank Senate Majority Leader Schumer
for his steadfast support and express my appreciation for the
encouragement I have received from others within New York's
Congressional delegation. I am grateful to appear before you today
accompanied by my wife--Joyce; my children--Novalie and Nickolas
Alexander; and my granddaughter--Justine.
This continuation of my lifelong journey of public service is
deeply personal to me. I was born and raised in Jamaica in a family of
eleven children. After attending and graduating from secondary school,
I worked for the Bustamante Industrial Trade Union briefly before
moving to the United States in the summer of 1971. My career in public
service began soon after my arrival. I volunteered for the selective
service, was drafted into the U.S. Army, and served for two years of
active duty--including a yearlong deployment to South Korea--and four
years on reserve status before being honorably discharged. I attended
Brooklyn College on the G.I. Bill, graduating with a B.A. in Political
Science, and later studied for an M.A. in Public Policy and
Administration. After college, I got involved with community
organizing, was appointed to the local Community Board, and eventually
was elected to five consecutive terms as Chairman of that Board. As
Community Board Chair, I concurrently served five consecutive terms on
the
Brooklyn Borough Board before being elected to the New York State
Assembly in 1992, where I have served for nearly 30 years and currently
serve as the Assistant Speaker Pro Tempore.
I have dedicated my career in public service working across diverse
communities to build consensus on issues of social importance. If
confirmed, I believe my experience and perspective as a state
legislator for almost 30 years, complemented by my background as an
American who was born and raised in Jamaica for the first 20 years of
my life, could contribute positively to strengthening the United
States' partnership with Jamaica.
As the safety and security of Americans abroad is the State
Department's top priority, if confirmed, I pledge to fulfill my
responsibilities to safeguard the welfare of all U.S. citizens,
including supporting the security of U.S. citizens living in or
traveling to Jamaica. I pledge to also coordinate closely with U.S. law
enforcement agencies and Jamaican counterparts to address the threats
posed by transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking, and
human trafficking, including through the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative.
The United States is leading the world in the fight against COVID-
19 by donating more vaccines than all other countries combined.
Recognizing the severe impact of the pandemic on Jamaica, if confirmed,
I will ensure we continue U.S. backing to address Jamaica's COVID-19
public health related challenges, and to help Jamaica recover from the
economic impacts of the pandemic
As the world looks to create an equitable clean energy future and
millions of goodpaying jobs, if confirmed, I will also work to support
innovative U.S. engagement with Jamaica in promoting renewable energy
sources to help stabilize electricity costs and promote a reliable,
resilient, and low-carbon power grid to assist the country's
development.
Recognizing Jamaica's vulnerability to the effects of the climate
crisis, including extreme weather events like hurricanes, storms, and
flooding, I commit to continue working with Jamaica to strengthen its
preparedness for and resilience to such climate and severe weather
impacts.
I understand Jamaica has one of the highest rates of HIV in the
Caribbean. If confirmed, I will advance the President's Emergency Plan
for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and work with government and civil society to
support the timely diagnosis and treatment of persons living with HIV.
If confirmed, I will also work closely with the Jamaican Government
to promote and protect fundamental freedoms and human rights, including
for members of the LGBTQIA+ community and to combat gender-based
violence, and to make tangible progress in fighting trafficking in
persons.
Finally, if confirmed, I pledge to make myself available to this
committee, its members, and staff to seek your advice and guidance
where appropriate.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you for your time and your
consideration. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you all very much for your statements.
Before I start a round a five-minute questions, I have
questions that we ask on behalf of the committee as a whole,
and it goes to each nominee and I would just simply ask you for
a yes or no response.
These are questions that speak to the importance that this
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking from
you.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Okay. Do you commit to keep this committee
fully and currently informed about the activities under your
purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. And, finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Thank you.
All of the nominees have responded yes to all the questions
and shall be recorded. The chair will reserve his time and turn
to Senator Rubio for his questions.
Senator Rubio. Let us begin with the Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Antisemitism. Let us just--as I think Senator Lankford
pointed out in his letter, this is a position that we want to
make sure is one that is represented as a nonpartisan one, that
the world knows that America is united on this and it gives us
the strength of our voice around the world, obviously, and I
want to give you a chance to address it.
As you know, you have answered questions and have in the
past addressed a series of social media posts and the like that
referenced members of the Republican Party, members of the
Senate, and the like and, clearly, as an American, you have the
absolute right. We do not believe in canceling anybody. People
have a right to speak out and express their views.
But I think you would understand how someone seeing that
would then be concerned that a position that is supposed to be
nonpartisan how could that be so if someone has expressed these
views in recent history.
I wanted to give you an opportunity to sort of address to
someone who is concerned about your ability to operate in a
nonpartisan way how do we reconcile that with very strong
opinions that you have expressed in the past about both
individuals in the Senate and also the Republican Party,
frankly?
Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you for the question, Senator Rubio,
and thank you for the chance to address that issue.
As I said in my opening statement, I am an equal
opportunity critic of anyone who says something or people--it
does not matter what end or even in the middle of the political
spectrum they may place themselves.
I, firmly, believe that those people who only see
antisemitism or any form of prejudice but, certainly,
antisemitism, on the other side of the political transom are
not really interested in fighting antisemitism.
They are weaponizing antisemitism and there is no excuse
for that at all. I have been critical and I acknowledge it. I
have also learned not to tweet in the middle of the night. Very
bad thing to do. And I have sometimes not been as nuanced in my
tweets as I would like.
But I think if you look at my criticism holistically, you
will see that I have been exceptionally critical of members of
the Democratic Party, of people on the end of the spectrum--
political spectrum--where I place myself.
I have written about Antifa, for instance, as a violent,
anti-democratic, self-serving and dangerous entity. I have
criticized specific members when I feel that they have said
something that can be construed or is antisemitic.
Finally, the last two points. A person's political
persuasions are irrelevant in the fight against antisemitism.
And the last point I want to make is when I am critical, I
am not critical of the person themselves, particularly if I do
not know the person or have had no contact with the person, but
of what they said and how that might be interpreted.
Senator Rubio. I wanted to ask about Amnesty International.
Their recent report--I am sure you are very familiar with it at
this point--I think it falsely--well, it does--it falsely
frames Israel as a singular evil among the nations of the
world.
Is that kind of language from an organization like that--
could that be something that helps to justify and foster
antisemitic attacks against Jews across the globe?
Ms. Lipstadt. I found the language used in that report--I
do not want to talk about the details of the report--but that
kind of language I found it more than ahistorical. I found it
unhistorical.
Branding Israel an apartheid state is more than
historically inaccurate. I believe it is part of a larger
effort to delegitimize the Jewish state.
Such language, I see it is spilling over onto campuses
where it poisons the atmosphere, particularly, for Jewish
students. You have to ask why people are using that kind of
language. What are they trying to accomplish?
And I know that the Biden and Harris administration has
taken a very strong position on this. In fact, last month, the
State Department spokesman cited the department's vehement
disagreement with that language, and probably our Ambassador to
Israel, Tom Nides, said it best, albeit in a tweet. He said,
``Come on. This is absurd.'' And I second that.
Senator Rubio. I guess I will reserve my questions on
Honduras if we go to a second round.
I just wanted to ask on the topic of Honduras, and,
obviously, these countries are people that choose their leaders
and they have a right to elect them.
But there is reason to be concerned, is there not, with
both the statements recently made about this desire to,
potentially, engage--abandon diplomatic recognition of Taiwan
and switch it to Beijing?
I just want an assurance that would be a priority for us--
for you, if confirmed to this post, that it would be--and it
reflects the--I believe, the official position of the United
States, that would be very forceful in making that a priority
and in laying out the arguments for why we think that would be
a bad idea.
Ms. Dogu. Senator Rubio----
Senator Rubio. Your microphone. I am sorry.
Ms. Dogu [continuing]. Senator Rubio, since the elections
there have been many high-level visits from Washington down to
Honduras, and I know that everybody that has made that visit
and spoken with the new government down there has stressed the
importance of that relationship with Taiwan.
And as you heard me say in my opening statement, I, too, if
confirmed, will uphold that strong position. I do believe it is
very important for the Government of Honduras to continue their
relationship with the Government of Taiwan.
I think it can be beneficial. Obviously, it has been in the
past and I think it will continue to be so. I think there are
opportunities to work together, especially in the economic
space.
Obviously, the Government of Taiwan has succeeded in
developing a strong economy in their own country, and I think
there are lessons that can be learned and shared and
investments that can be made and should be made in Honduras.
I do commit to you that I would continue to take that
position and to work strongly to maintain that relationship
with Taiwan if I am confirmed.
The Chairman. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for
convening this hearing.
I want to congratulate all four of our nominees and thank
them for their willingness to serve our country, and also thank
their families for recognizing that this is going to be a
family commitment for the service that you all have been
nominated for.
Ms. Lipstadt, I want to concur with Senator Rosen and
Senator Schumer and thank you for your extraordinary service to
date in fighting antisemitism. You are extremely well qualified
and you are the right person at this moment when we see a rise
globally of antisemitism, including here in the United States.
For over two decades, the U.S. Helsinki Commission, which I
now have the honor to chair, has been raising the concerns
about the rise of antisemitism. It was the work of the Helsinki
Commission that led to the Berlin Conference that took place in
2005, in which we gathered together to plan a strategy to fight
the rise of antisemitism.
And there was a good action plan that came out of the
Berlin Conference which includes the responsibility of leaders
to speak out about any form of antisemitism that occurs under
their watch, sharing best practices, law enforcement training,
sharing data information, particularly on hate crimes.
There were recommendations that came out of the Berlin
Conference in 2004, and despite those recommendations, we now
see a rise of antisemitism.
I am the Special Representative for Antisemitism, Racism,
and Intolerance in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, and during
the 2019 Parliamentary Assembly in Luxembourg we convened a
separate section to deal with antisemitism and it was very well
attended.
One of the recommendations that came out of that particular
conference was the fact that we should not be tunnel visioned
in our strategies that we need to form coalitions, because hate
knows no religious or ethnic bound. Those that are going to be
committing these types of hate crimes will target any
marginalized group.
My question to you is, what new strategies can you bring,
recognizing the challenges have been here for some time and in
recent time has grown rather dramatically?
We all know that. When I used to visit Europe a couple--10,
15 years ago, I was surprised to see the level of security at
Jewish institutions. Now I see that level plus here in the
United States at Jewish institutions. All we have to do is take
a look at the assessments we are getting for security in our
synagogues.
My question to you is how do you see your role to recognize
that we have met before, we have had strategies before, these
strategies have been effective to a limited degree, and how do
we form coalitions so that we recognize that antisemitism is
based in hate, which also affects other groups of individuals?
Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you, Senator. Thank you for your kind
words.
I, too, have commented often on the fact that it used to be
when we went to Europe you could identify the synagogue by the
gendarmes and now that is the case in the United States, and I
am particularly honored that one of my guests today is Anna
Eisen Salton, the founding president of Congregation Beth
Israel is Colleyville, Texas, the child of two survivors, and
who watched with her 100-year-old mother on Facebook the recent
assault on that synagogue.
I also am very pleased to be accompanied by Diane D'Costa,
a graduate alum of the University of Virginia, who hid in her
room as the marchers passed by that night in Charlottesville
and then escaped in the dead of night and said it reminded her
of her grandmother escaping from Poland.
All those things we relegated to history, all those things
we relegated to Europe, are now here as well, even though my
position, of course, is global antisemitism.
To your question in terms of what I would do--my goals--I
think, on some level, the same--more of what has been done,
more of the basis, the foundation, that you and your colleagues
and your fellow senators have laid over the years.
But I am an educator, and I know when I go into a room with
other--with representatives, whether it is of organizations,
whether it is NGOs or it is government representatives, I want
to make them understand, first of all, the pernicious nature of
antisemitism, and one would think that after the Holocaust and
after everything that has gone on you would not have to do
that, that that would be bringing coals to Newcastle.
But, sadly, it is the fact. Many people who take other
hatreds very seriously will sometimes, as a sop, say, and
antisemitism. Whereas I say the Jew is often the canary in the
coal mine. No democracy has ever been a healthy democracy if it
abided antisemitism.
I look forward to partnerships, to educating, to stressing
that though Jews may not present as other victims, antisemitism
is a prejudice like other prejudices with its distinct
characteristic. It has got to be addressed and it has got to be
addressed wherever you find it.
I do not care if I agree with you on everything else you
say. If you are engaging in antisemitism, I am going to call
you out and I am going to address it. It cannot be a political
weapon.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for that.
Mr. Chairman, let me just point out the U.S. Holocaust
Memorial Museum gives you a real tool in your toolkit to fight
antisemitism.
But it is interesting that that organization is very much
engaged in all forms of hatred against racial minorities and
religious minorities because there is that common theme, and
working in coalition we can present a stronger package to fight
antisemitism.
Thank you, again, for your willingness to serve.
Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you, Senator.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Mr. Chairman, I am going to yield to Senator
Johnson. He has another appointment.
The Chairman. Senator Johnson?
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Lipstadt, I attended the inaugural address of President
Biden. I completely agreed with his goal that he laid out, his
number-one goal to unify and heal this nation. I would assume
you would agree with that as well?
Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely.
Senator Johnson. A year later, do you think our nation is
more unified? Are we healing?
Ms. Lipstadt. I think not.
Senator Johnson. Okay.
Ms. Lipstadt. I think there are deep divisions.
Senator Johnson. I agree with you on that. I think one way
to try and heal our nation, try and unify it, is person to
person. Are you familiar with something called the Joseph
Project in Milwaukee, Wisconsin?
Ms. Lipstadt. No, I am not.
Senator Johnson. I will take just a brief time to describe
it. It is something I teamed up with a pastor in an inner city
church, Pastor Jerome Smith, a wonderful man.
His congregation is, obviously, largely African American,
but we have used this to connect people with real opportunity--
you know, people of all races, all genders, people, some of
them formerly incarcerated, some just down in their life--
alcohol, drug abusers, that type of thing. People who want to
turn their lives around by improving their attitude, committing
to success, and we have literally transformed hundreds of
lives. I wish it was thousands. I wish it was tens of
thousands, but literally hundreds of lives.
Does that sound like a pretty good way to heal this nation,
working with individuals on a person-to-person basis?
Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely. You can make broad policy
pronouncements, but unless you have changed facts on the ground
nothing is going to change.
Senator Johnson. Yeah. I agree. I think it has been very
healing, certainly, for those individuals that participate in
it.
A way not to heal, I think, is what is happening on social
media. It was interesting to hear Senator Schumer talk about
the malicious poison, and what is happening on social media so
often is just malicious and it comes, as I think you said in
your opening statement, from across the political spectrum. We
need to all condemn it.
Let me ask you a question. If somebody came up to you
privately, quietly, and said, you are racist--you are a white
supremacist--you are white nationalist--by the way, I do not
believe you are.
I would never assume that because, certainly, growing up
when I was being taught the commandment that says do not bear
false witness, my Lutheran Catechism says always put the best
construction on things.
In other words, always assume the best about people, not
the worst. How would you feel if somebody just privately called
you are racist?
Ms. Lipstadt. First of all, I would say they are wrong.
Second of all, I would disagree with them and, as I said
earlier but I want to reiterate, that even in my critiques of
people I am very careful never to ascribe to the person.
Senator Johnson. I thought--I heard that. I thought that
was interesting. You say you never criticize the person.
But that is not true. What you just testified there is
false because not only did you go on--first of all, you do not
know me. You do not know a lot of the people that you have
accused online in front of millions of people.
You have engaged in the malicious poison. You have accused
people you do not know of very vile things. I mean, would you
not agree that probably calling somebody a racist is just shy--
just under murderer and rapist, calling somebody a racist?
That is about as serious and vile accusation as you can
hurl against somebody, somebody you do not even know. I mean,
you have never talked to me. You have never met me. You do not
know what is in my heart, do you?
Ms. Lipstadt. I have no idea what--no, I do not know what
is in your heart at all. I know what----
Senator Johnson. So why would you go on social media and
make those charges? And not only me--and by the way, what
Senator Rubio said, this position is supposed to be for a
nonpartisan.
It seems like how you engage in malicious poison is purely
partisan. You are hurling these charges against people that
are, generally, one political persuasion. That is not
nonpartisan.
But, again, why did you--why did you go on social media and
level these vile and horrible charges against people, including
me that you do not even know? You did not know anything about
the Joseph Project. You do not know about my--what is in my
heart. Why did you do it?
Ms. Lipstadt. First of all, I do not think--as far as I can
tell--and I am happy to have this conversation further or right
here--call you personally--I do not call people personally----
Senator Johnson. No. I mean, we all know the tweet. It is
right here.
Ms. Lipstadt. Right. Right.
Senator Johnson. Okay. You said it is pure and simple--pure
and simple--white supremacy, nationalism, and then you refer to
articles----
Ms. Lipstadt. Right.
Senator Johnson [continuing]. That continue the charge. Do
you feel bad about that at all? I mean, do you----
Ms. Lipstadt. I----
Senator Johnson [continuing]. Do you retract that? I mean,
do you--I mean, what is your current position on this?
The Chairman. Can we allow the witness to answer your
questions?
Ms. Lipstadt [continuing]. As I said earlier, it was not
nuanced. I would not do diplomacy by tweet. While I may
disagree with what you said specifically, and I think that is a
legitimate difference, I certainly did not mean it and I am
sorry if it was taken and I am sorry if I made it in the way
that it could be assumed to be a political--at the person
personally.
Senator Johnson. Listen, I appreciate your apology and I
will accept your apology. It is more than, for example, what
the Chairman of this committee has done and other members who
have also callously and cavalierly hurled those same charges
that I would consider are malicious poison to our body politic
today.
But, again, I appreciate the apology. But I think somebody
that has had a 30-year professional career ought to know
better, and when you are being nominated and considered for
confirmation to a position of diplomacy representing these
United States, I certainly cannot support your nomination. I
hope my other colleagues will not either. You just, simply, are
not qualified for it. But I wish you the best in life, and I do
accept your apology.
The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen is next.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
Dr. Lipstadt, I did want to follow up on what Senator Rosen
mentioned, Senator Cardin, I think, the Chairman, about what we
all recognize is an alarming increase--rise in antisemitism
both here at home and around the world.
Just recently here in the Washington, D.C., area we have
seen swastikas drawn on the walls in Union Station and
pamphlets spreading COVID-19 misinformation and antisemitic
hatred in Silver Spring, Maryland.
Worldwide, we have seen a new phenomena of public figures
comparing COVID-19 public health restrictions to the horrors of
the Holocaust.
Can you talk about what your priorities would be, what your
immediate strategy would be, if you were confirmed in this
position to begin to address the challenge of antisemitism
globally?
Ms. Lipstadt. First of all, as I have said before and I
said just now, to fight it wherever I find it, but also I think
it is necessary to help people--politicians, policymakers,
media, whomever--understand what Jew hatred is.
We have seen in this country in recent weeks well-known
people, prominent people, mangle an understanding of what is
Jew hatred, and I think that is exceptionally important.
I also think it is important sometimes working with our
partners bilaterally, countries who are partners on so many
things, that sometimes what they might engage in would be a
form of--might have antisemitic implications without their even
realizing it.
I am--look, I have a broad-based agenda to work with other
people and also to work with different elements in the State
Department, whether it is the ambassador for religious freedom,
whether it is the special envoy on Holocaust issues, whether it
is the people on the various regional desks. There is a great
deal of expertise there.
I think it is something that has to be stressed. This is
not a joke and this is not a small group making a lot of noise
and this is not special pleading. This is a serious issue. It
is a serious issue even in and of itself. But it is also, as I
said earlier, the canary in the coal mine. If you value
democracy you got to hate antisemitism.
Senator Van Hollen. And I want to underscore the point that
you made with regard to the seriousness of it. As we have seen
this alarming rise in antisemitism, we have also witnessed some
who seek to politicize antisemitism by equating legitimate
criticism of Israeli Government policies with antisemitism. You
have said that it is, quote, ``dangerous'' because it
diminishes real antisemitism.
Can you elaborate on the important distinction that you
were drawing there?
Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely. Criticism of Israeli policy is
not antisemitism. If you want to hear criticism of Israeli
policies, I suggest you seat yourself down in a cafe in Tel
Aviv or in Jerusalem, whatever part of the country, depending
who is in the Government. It is the national sport in Israel,
second only maybe to soccer and maybe more than that.
I do not think any rational-minded person would think that
criticism of Israel--Israeli policies is antisemitism. I do
think there are certain things that cross the line into
antisemitism and criticism can often cross the line.
In the IRA definition--it is a working definition, I think
it is an exceptionally useful tool as such--it gives examples
and it illustrates different kinds of things, some of which--a
number of which have to do with Israel. It says these may, but
not necessarily are, antisemitic. A lot depends on the context.
I think it is very important to be nuanced there because it
is sort of Chicken Little and the sky is falling. If you call
everything antisemitism, when you have a real act of
antisemitism people are not paying attention. But when you have
a real act of antisemitism, irrespective of where it is coming
from, you have got to call it out.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Dr. Lipstadt.
And I see my time is running short. I will submit questions
for the other witnesses for the record.
Thank you all. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I understand that the only other person at
this point is Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to each of our nominees, and thank you for your
willingness to serve the country. I am actually going to begin
with each of the ambassadorial nominees--Ms. Levine, Mr. Perry,
and Ms. Dogu. Am I pronouncing your last name correctly?
Because I have been very concerned about anomalous health
incidents, attacks by our embassy personnel around the world
and--also known as Havana syndrome, and I want to ask each of
you if you are familiar with that--I do not know whether to--I
am not going to call it a disease, though I think there are
health issues that result. But are you familiar with anomalous
health incidents?
Ms. Dogu. Yes.
Ms. Levine. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Yes? Mr. Perry?
Mr. Perry. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. I want to ask you to commit, if confirmed,
you will go to the ambassadorial seminar session that addresses
AHIs and seek a classified briefing with the State Department
so that should you have those attacks by your embassy personnel
that you will be able to respond appropriately.
Ms. Dogu. Yes.
Ms. Levine. Yes.
Mr. Perry. I will.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you all very much.
I would like to actually begin with you, Mr. Perry, and
you, certainly, know firsthand the importance of the role
that--the relationship between the United States and Jamaica.
One of the things that has been important in New Hampshire
and so many other states have been the Jamaican workers who
have come for a short period of time, often on H-2B visas, to
work in various industries in New Hampshire--it is usually in
the hospitality industry--who are very important to our
workforce, and who then go home. They are able to send funds
back to their families in Jamaica, and it is an important
aspect of our workforce here and also in supporting families in
the country.
Now, one of the important aspects of those H-2B visas is
the role that the embassies play in ensuring that those
interviews are held and that people can come to the United
States.
I would ask you if you would commit to doing everything you
can, if confirmed as ambassador, to ensure that those visa
applicants are given due consideration and that that process
works as smoothly as possible.
Mr. Perry. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I do understand that the pandemic had impact on the
efficiency of the services provided at the embassy in Kingston.
I do understand also that that is a very important
program--the economic values to Jamaica and to our
partnership--and I, certainly, commit to very strongly
emphasizing and ensuring that our embassy takes actions in
light of the improvements that we have been able to make with
additional staff, I understand, to focus on addressing that
particular visa situation because I know it is necessary and
that it strengthens our partnership.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I really appreciate
that, and any way that I or my office can be helpful in that
process we, certainly, stand ready to do that.
Ambassador Dogu, I was in the Senate during the Obama
administration when we saw a migration from Central America
from--and Honduras was one of those three countries that had a
very--tens of thousands of people migrating to come to the
United States.
We saw a decline in that, I think, as the result of a
number of factors, but now we are seeing it increase again. We
have seen it increase again.
Can you speak to why you think we are seeing that cyclical
increase and what policies we should be pursuing to help
Hondurans be able to see a brighter future in their own
country?
Ms. Dogu. Yes, Senator. Thank you for that very important
question.
Obviously, there has been a historical large flow of
migration from Honduras and it is something that the U.S.
Government has worked over a long period of time to try and
address.
There have been sort of some periods with more investments
and periods with less investment into Honduras. I think it is
very important that it be consistent.
Clearly, the people are leaving the country--when you talk
to them--for very fundamental reasons. They do not feel safe in
their own country and they do not feel like they can find jobs
to support their families.
Clearly, I think, as the U.S. Ambassador my role would be
to support the new Government of Honduras' efforts to address
these sorts of challenges. This is also a negative, in a sense,
for the country. It is a brain drain as their young people flow
north to the United States.
I think that we need to continue with our programs to focus
on security. As I mentioned in my statement, I think it is also
very important to focus on helping rebuild the economy.
They have really taken a large hit due to the pandemic and
they have taken a large hit due to two very large hurricanes
that went through there and, unfortunately, damaged some very
critical parts of their country economically for them.
I think that being consistent and focusing, and now we have
a new government, a new partner in Honduras. I think there are
opportunities to really expand our efforts there, and I look
forward to working with the team that is already on the ground
in Honduras to do so, should I be confirmed.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My time is over.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Portman?
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the
hearing today and I appreciate just hearing about some
improvements in Central America, which is always good news,
given the impact it has on the people of those countries but
also on our current situation with regard to illegal migration.
You are going to have your hands full, and it is really
important that we do all we can to deal with the push factors
in those countries.
My question, Mr. Chairman, is to Dr. Lipstadt.
You are about to fill a really important position, and with
your background I think you will fill it well. I have had a
number of constituents actually reach out on your behalf who
have worked with you, and as the ranking member of the Homeland
Security Committee, we have continued to advocate for
something, I think, you are aware of, which is called the
Nonprofit Security Grant Program.
This is a critical source of funding for houses of worship,
other nonprofits. It has been used primarily in the Jewish
community as synagogues, community centers, schools, face
increasing threats of antisemitism and other hate crimes,
growing threats of violence. We just saw this recently with
regard to the kidnapping in Texas.
As we continue to help protect targets of antisemitic
violence, we have got to also combat the root causes, of
course. How do you propose we address the root causes of
antisemitism?
Ms. Lipstadt. Thank you very much. I am well aware of that
program. I have benefited from it in my own synagogue and other
synagogues.
I was just talking to Ms. Eisen, who is here from
Colleyville, Texas, and she was telling me when--that the
synagogue needs a lot of repair after what happened. And I
said, how do you pay for that, and she says, well, what
insurance does not pay the Government is helping us with. I do
not know if it is through this specific program, but I was glad
to hear that.
But back to the bigger issue of the root causes,
antisemitism has the moniker of being the oldest or the longest
hatred. It has been around for a very long time, and though I
do not surprise easily, given my field of study, it is
sometimes surprising that, as I said in my opening statement,
but less than eight decades after the Holocaust that we should
be facing antisemitism, many people predicted after the
Holocaust that that was the end of antisemitism, and we are
surprised, or as the British would say, gobsmacked, to the
degree to which it is not.
I plan to become a thorn in the side of those who engage in
antisemitism. There are those who are violent anti-Semites. We
saw that in Texas. We saw that in the streets, as Senator
Schumer said earlier, like Williamsburg. We saw that in
Charlottesville. We saw that in Halle, Germany, and so many
places throughout Europe.
But there are also the polite anti-Semites, the people who
say things but it is just, I am just saying it, or do not think
about the implications of what they say. I think all those
people have to be called out.
And then governments have to be told that this is something
we take very seriously and we will work with you on it. We will
work with you on it. This is not a way of the Senate or the
United States making a small group of Jews feel comfortable or
feel happy.
But this is--we see this as a danger to the founding ideals
of this republic. We see this as a sign of what could be, and
we recognize and most of all, Senator, no genocide, no attack,
begins with the attack, whether you are talking about a
genocide in Europe, whether you are talking about a genocide in
Rwanda, wherever you are.
It starts with words, and as some of your colleagues have
mentioned, the Holocaust Museum--just go down the block, and
you can see how it starts with words and then it escalates.
That does not mean it is always going to escalate to a
holocaust. But if you are going to stop something, you stop it
when--well before it is of that degree.
I plan to be as energetic as possible in fighting this. I
never thought I would be in this position. But if I have the
honor of being confirmed, I want to make a difference in that
regard.
Senator Portman. Great. Again, given your background, you
are well qualified to take on that task, including the
international task, and we want to work with you on that.
The Nonprofit Security Grant Program did provide the
synagogue in Texas with hardening, as I understand it,
including cameras, which were very helpful with regard to the
hostage taking, but also training.
And one thing we have found out is that although these
grant programs have been effectively used in some areas of the
country, other folks do not know about it--the Sikh community,
the Muslim community, the Jewish community, the Christian
community. It is it is available, broadly, for these kinds of
threats.
We have introduced new legislation called the Pray Safe
Act, which is to provide houses of worship at one centralized
place where you can find out what the best practices are, find
out what training is available.
This is with Senator Shaheen and Hassan, and my sense is
that following the incident in Colleyville, Texas, this is more
important than ever to let people know what is available to
them. Have you looked at that Pray Safe Act?
Ms. Lipstadt. I have looked at it. I have not studied it in
depth because my remit, of course, if confirmed, will be
abroad.
But the division between domestic and international
antisemitism is getting murkier. The terrorists, the kidnapper,
the would-be murderer in Colleyville, was radicalized abroad
and then he came here to do his handiwork. The divisions we
used to draw are not as clear.
Clearly, my remit in the State Department is abroad. But
you cannot--the hard lines, especially with social media, for
better or for worse, it is harder to draw those lines.
My synagogue has benefited from this program and I have to
tell you, speaking personally just for a second, I sat in
synagogue about--I guess it was before COVID but about two
years ago, where the rabbi and the members of the synagogue who
were taking charge of this handed out pieces of paper showing
us what door to exit, God forbid, there was something and
telling parents--all parents but especially Jewish parents--do
not go for your children. Your children will be brought to
safety. A lot of good that is going to do, but go out--how to
go out, where to rendezvous.
I have that piece of paper sitting on my desk. It is a
reminder that it has come to me in Atlanta just as it has been
coming to so many places in the rest of the world--Paris,
Berlin, Halle, Belgium. Too many places today.
Senator Portman. Pittsburgh Tree of Life.
Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely, where the rabbi got training
before and, of course, the people at Colleyville talked about
the training and that would save their life.
Senator Portman. And can save lives. As you say, this
terrorist--and my time is expired. But just one sentence on
that because this committee gets involved in these issues.
He came here on a visa from a country where we have a
relationship where it is easy to have access to United States
through visa programs. And, yet, the reports are that he had
told the U.K. police and others that he wanted to--well,
reports are that he had said that he wanted to kill Jews, and
that this was reported to the U.K. police last year--these
antisemitic threats--and yet the visa waiver program was
available to him.
We have got to tighten up the visa waiver program from
countries, even our great allies like the U.K., to be sure we
are not allowing these terrorists in when we have information.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Exquisite timing, Mr. Chair. Impeccable.
I am very interested in asking questions about Honduras,
where I lived in 1980 and '81, and I appreciate, Ambassador,
you being here and your being poised for that position. I am
sorry that I have been at other hearings and have not heard
questions that you have already been asked.
But the tragedy of Honduras is--I lived there when it was a
military dictatorship and things were awful. I knew people who
were oppressed by the military. I knew some people who were
killed by the military.
It is worse now. You think the move from a dictatorship to
a democracy, just like magic, makes things better. I do not
think that is the case, and I did not think I would ever say
that.
But in recent years, becoming murder capital of the world,
the control of narco traffickers, the deep, deep corruption by
the past government especially but they were not unique in
that, has created situations that are just so grim for
Hondurans trying to live everyday life.
Some of the challenges they face are directly related to
our pain. If the U.S. did not have such a tremendous hunger for
illegal drugs and we are willing to send cash south to pull
drugs north, many of the communities in Honduras--many the
neighborhoods in Honduras and other countries would be a lot
safer and more secure than they are. And so their pain is
connected to our pain in ways that we have to own and try to be
creative in solving.
Talk a little bit about the opportunities that the U.S. has
with a new government in place. President Castro was
inaugurated recently, a somewhat controversial election but,
thank goodness, an election that compared to previous elections
was widely viewed to be fair. It was called relatively quickly.
There was a concession.
I know right around the time of the inauguration there was
sort of a skirmish on the legislative front. We are used to
that, too--skirmishes between an executive and the legislative
branch.
But putting the past administration and Honduras in the
rearview mirror with its corruption, its abandonment of anti-
corruption and anti-transparency initiatives, its connection to
drug trafficking in the United States, what would your
intention be, should you be confirmed, in terms of trying to
start a new chapter in the relationship that would be positive
for the United States and positive for Honduras?
Ms. Dogu. Senator, thank you very much, not only for those
remarks but for your long-term interest in Honduras and the
importance of the U.S.-Honduran relationship. I agree with you
completely on all of that.
I think that we do have a unique opportunity here. I mean,
there is a new president. She was inaugurated just recently.
She won in a very strong turnout by the population of Honduras.
She really comes into office representing the yearning
desire for democracy and anti-corruption programs and for
freedoms and security by the people of Honduras, and that is
really powerful, I think, for an elected leader to arrive in
that position.
And I know that the United States Government--obviously, I
am not involved in this yet, since I am pending confirmation
and I am waiting for the Senate to decide if that is a good
choice or not.
But there have been many senior officials, including
recently the vice president, who traveled to Honduras to meet
with her, and I think that there are a lot of areas that we
have in common that we can work together, things that she wants
to do to make things better in Honduras and things that we have
recognized that are good for Honduras and are also good for the
United States.
Obviously, we need to continue to help them address the
security challenges that they have faced. Things are not good
but things have been worse in that regard. Some of those
violent numbers have come down. In some of the areas that we
have invested in, we have seen some significant improvement
there.
Clearly, they face strong economic challenges. There have
been hurricanes that have destroyed the key parts of the
country, in addition to just the normal pandemic challenges,
and then historical challenges.
It is very important to work with them to do things like
opening up their regulations to make it a better place for
outside investors to come in.
Previously, Senator Rubio was talking about the possibility
of nearshoring production. I think there is tremendous
opportunity in all of that.
But it really is going to be up to both the president and
her new team and the new congress to be able to get themselves
organized and working together as a team to pass the
legislation that is going to be needed to stabilize and open up
the markets there.
And then the judiciary is going to play a key part, because
if businesses do not feel confident in the fact that they can
invest and that there is rule of law, they are still going to
be reluctant to do that, even with the best of regulations.
I have a broad agenda in front of me, if I am lucky enough
to be confirmed. I look forward to confronting those
challenges. The team on the ground down there has been doing a
great job already and I would just be a new part of this very
strong team.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Dogu.
One final point, Mr. Chair, quickly. I would hope you work
together with our Vice President's office and others in the
Administration at this root causes analysis and you look at
economic opportunities.
I sometimes think when we approach a problem like that we
look at what company can we get to make a commitment to invest
in Honduras, and that is hard to get a commitment from a
company that is not already there.
I would really focus on the American companies that are
already there. There is a quarter of a million textile workers
in the Northern Triangle who work for American companies,
usually using U.S. cotton to then make clothing. There is
retail--American retail companies.
I would really listen to those who are already there and
ask what could we do that would make you hire more people, that
would make you expand. I think that that is usually a higher
likely play than trying to get somebody new to come in who has
never been there and does not really know the culture and the
people.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
The chair will recognize himself.
I would have left this untouched but the record cannot
stand as it is. Senator Johnson called out the chair, saying
that I have not apologized for the speech I made on the Senate
floor, and I will not apologize for the speech I made on the
Senate floor.
If we cannot call out comments for what they are, if we do
not understand that words have power to them, sometimes very
negative powerful consequences, then we can never challenge,
whether it be antisemitism or racism or other elements.
My speech and the comments I made--and I think the comments
that Dr. Lipstadt referenced to were about the comments, not
about the person--and in that regard, when you say that you
describe those who stormed the Capitol on January 6 as people
who, quote, ``truly respect law enforcement and love this
country'' but would worry if the mob had been Black Lives
Matter protesters, I think that is deeply, deeply problematic.
I will ask unanimous consent to include my speech of that
day in the record for context.
[The information referred to follows:]
----------
Floor Remarks of Senator Robert Menendez, March 16, 2021
Congressional Record Vol. 167, No. 49
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I take no pleasure in coming to the floor
today. We in the Senate take pride in our decorum and our sense of
comity with each other, so much so that we often twist ourselves into
pretzels to avoid saying anything that might be interpreted as a
criticism of another Senator. Yet there comes a time when these verbal
gymnastics simply won't do. You are either going to speak the truth or
fail to do justice to the values you hold dear.
What one of our colleagues said last week about the events of
January 6 was felt by many to be racist and hurtful--a stain on the
office he is so fortunate to hold.
Look, I get that no one likes to be called racist, but sometimes
there is just no other way to describe the use of bigoted tropes that
for generations have threatened Black lives by stoking White fear of
African Americans and Black men in particular.
On a radio show, our colleague explained that he never feared for
his safety during the January 6 insurrection of the U.S. Capitol. But
make no mistake, under different circumstances, he would have been
afraid.
He said:
Now, had the tables been turned--now, Joe, this will get me
in trouble--had the tables been turned and President Trump won
the election and those were tens of thousands of Black Lives
Matter and antifa protesters, I might have been a little
concerned.
Is that not racism?
I don't think the Senator is ignorant of the fact that for
centuries in this country, White supremacy has thrived on using fear to
justify oppression, discrimination, and violence against people of
color. I do, however, think my colleague may be ignorant of the pain
caused by his comments and unaware of how they compound the trauma that
so many still feel in the wake of the events of January 6.
Because I do not think I can do justice to that pain, I want to
share with you an email I received this weekend. It is from one of the
most devoted public servants I have ever had the pleasure of working
with, an African-American member of my staff. His name is Keith
Roachford. He has devoted nearly three and one-half decades to serving
the people of New Jersey in Congress and his community as a faithful
churchgoer and Boy Scout leader.
It reads:
Senator,
I would not normally send you an email like this but I am at
a loss of how to express the outrage and hurt I am feeling from
the comments made by Senator Johnson that he would have been
more afraid on January 6th if the insurrectionists would have
been from Black Lives Matter.
I am blessed to be on your staff and have had the opportunity
to serve as a staff member in the NJ delegation for 34 years,
but this is the most painful thing I have ever heard being said
by a U.S. Senator.
I could not imagine that the horrible and painful events from
[January] 6th could be replicated in a statement from a sitting
member of the Senate.
However, Johnson's comment is worse than the image of the
insurrectionists walking through the Capitol building with the
confederate flag.
He is perpetrating the racist trope that the country should
fear black people.
I have experienced what it is like to have a taxi cab pass
you by in order to pick up white passengers who are further
down the block of where you are standing.
Nothing can describe the feeling when you have entered a
store and having store clerks watch your every step while
shopping.
Sandy--
That is his wife--
and I have had the conversations with our sons when they were
young about how to enter a store; not look suspicious; keep
your hands out of your pockets until you make your purchase; or
how to respond and talk to police officers in any interaction.
I have had the difficult conversation of explaining to a
young black scouter in our scout troop why a white campground
store clerk accused him of not paying for an item because he
was black.
[This] type of hate speech is [not] new. The hardest part of
what he said is that in 2021, a United States Senator would so
freely express this type of hate out loud.
I am so grateful for our officers who endured so many
injuries on [January] 6th, and I pray that they will recover
physically and mentally.
They are going through so much right now, I feel guilty that
my email to you might sound shallow because of the pain they
are trying to overcome.
I understand that the Senate works best when both sides can
find common ground, but how do [you] really reach common ground
when [such views can be held]?
Again, I am sorry for reaching out late on Saturday evening,
but I needed to share this with you.
Keith.
To read these pained words both broke my heart and boiled my blood.
Thousands of people of color serve in the U.S. Capitol workforce. They
are legislative staffers like Keith and Capitol Police officers and
maintenance workers, cafeteria staff, and so much more. I should not
have to stand here and remind anyone that many of them feared for their
lives on January 6. But not Senator Johnson. He felt no fear. He wasn't
afraid because, and I quote:
I knew those are people that love this country, that truly
respect law enforcement, would never do anything to break the
law, so I wasn't concerned.
People who love this country do not desecrate our most sacred
democratic institutions and display symbols of racial hatred like the
Confederate flag in the halls of Congress. People who respect law
enforcement do not assault Capitol Police officers, beat them within
inches of death, and hurl ugly epithets at officers of color. And
people who would never do anything to break the law would not try to
overturn the rule of law, plot to kill elected officials, and stop the
peaceful transfer of power as instructed by the Constitution of the
United States.
Now, I know what some rightwing media pundits and some of my
Republican colleagues will say. They say it every time they are asked
to accept some responsibility for perpetuating the lies told by
President Trump that inspired the violent events of January 6.
They say: What about Black Lives Matter?
They say: Well, what about it?
Well, I say: Well, what about it?
The violent picture they paint of this movement could not be more
divorced from reality. At this point, several reputable studies have
confirmed that the protests launched in the wake of George Floyd's
chilling murder were overwhelmingly peaceful. I repeat: The Black Lives
Matter movement is overwhelmingly peaceful. I know many people don't
care about facts these days, but it is the truth.
One study out of Harvard University analyzed 7,305 Black Lives
Matter protests. The conclusion? Allow me to quote Professor Erica
Chenoweth.
She said:
Only 3.7 percent of the protests involved property damage or
[some form of] vandalism. Some portion of these involved
neither police nor protesters, but people engaging in vandalism
or looting alongside the protests. In short, our data suggest
that 96.3 percent of events involved no property damage or
police injuries, and in 97.7 percent of events, no injuries
were reported among participants, bystanders or police.
Likewise, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project--an
organization I might add is partially funded by the U.S. Department of
State's Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations--examined 7,750
different Black Lives Matter demonstrations across the Nation last
summer. They found just 3 percent of those protests associated with any
violence or property destruction whatsoever. They also concluded that
police departments ``disproportionately used force while intervening in
demonstrations associated with the [Black Lives Matter] movement
relative to other types of demonstrations.''
Indeed, on January 6, as we waited for hours for backup from the
National Guard and other law enforcement agencies to come to the aid of
Congress, I know that I am not the only one who could not help but
think of the violent, government-sanctioned crackdowns that met Black
Lives Matter protesters last summer.
The bottom line is that these lies casting Black Lives Matter as
violent have already done real damage. They have convinced millions of
Americans that they should fear those who march under the banner of
this movement for justice, when really it is the resurgence of violent
White supremacy that should be Americans' real cause for alarm.
Indeed, last October, the Department of Homeland Security issued a
report confirming that White supremacists pose the most lethal domestic
terror threat to the American people. Research from the Center for
Strategic and International Studies finds that White supremacists and
their sympathizers carried out two-thirds of terrorist plots and
attacks in 2020.
In the weeks since January 6, we have learned that far-right
extremist groups that regularly preach White supremacy, such as the
Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys, played a major role in plotting and
executing the attack on the U.S. Capitol.
Every Member of this body owes their life to the sacrifices made
that afternoon by Capitol Police officers, including officers of color.
At least 100 officers were physically injured in the January 6 attack.
One officer, a veteran and fellow New Jerseyan named Brian Sicknick,
later succumbed to the injuries he sustained. Two others subsequently
committed suicide. Hundreds of officers now carry with them invisible
scars from the trauma they endured that day--scars that may not fade
for years or even decades.
For one of our colleagues to cast those who attacked the Capitol as
harmless patriots while stroking fear of Black Americans is like
rubbing salt in an open wound.
Everybody in this body should know that when you perpetuate such
racist tropes, you contribute to a culture that gives people permission
to treat Black Americans as suspicious and their lives as expendable.
We in the Senate are supposed to hold ourselves to a higher standard.
We are supposed to advance America's long march toward a more perfect
Union, not coddle and cater to those who would take us backwards, and
we are supposed to stand up for the truth. That is what brought me to
the floor today.
I hope Members of this body on both sides of the aisle will join me
in making sure that we do not debase the institution and the people we
are called to serve--all the people--for whom so much pain has existed
for years and exists still today.
With that, I yield the floor.
__________
The Chairman. I think it is also--without objection--I
think it is also worth pointing out that the rioters on that
day, literally, wore and bore Nazi symbolism, including t-
shirts that said, 6MWE, which stands for 6 million--those who
perished in the Holocaust--was not enough, and a t-shirt saying
Camp Auschwitz on one side and on the other side of that t-
shirt Staff, as well as Confederate flags and nooses.
Maybe the Senator was not afraid for his life but every
Jewish person in the Capitol, certainly, had a reason to be
concerned for their lives. It is in that context that I made my
remarks, and let me close on this.
I have a record replete of nominees under the previous
administration who made incredibly outrageous statements, and
yet in each and every context they were confirmed, and some of
them really did not have the background to be confirmed for the
positions they were confirmed to.
In this case, we have a nominee that is impeccable in terms
of their knowledge of the subject matter, probably not just the
U.S. but a global expert and scholar on the question of
antisemitism.
I think if you cannot call out an antisemitic trope or
prejudice, how in God's name are you going to do this job? Your
proven history of fighting against antisemitism here in the
United States and around the world, I think, makes you uniquely
qualified for this position.
I just want to ask you two questions, Dr. Lipstadt. If
confirmed, will you continue to call out all incidents of
antisemitism, regardless of where these prejudices emanate from
in the global community?
Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely, because after I stop this
position I still have to live with myself.
The Chairman. And regarding responsibilities, do you
understand the difference between making comments as a private
citizen versus as a public servant?
Ms. Lipstadt. Absolutely, and I have learned a lot and
already have begun an education with would-be colleagues at the
State Department. That may be the hardest part of this task.
But yes, I understand the difference.
The Chairman. And do you commit to abide by the State
Department rules for social media comments that you make in
your official capacity, guidance that was, I would note,
routinely ignored and flouted by the last administration?
Ms. Lipstadt. A hundred and ten percent.
The Chairman. All right.
With that, I have questions for the record for the other
nominees. I do not want you to think you are not the object of
my affection. But you are all going to serve in important
positions and I look forward to your responses as it relates to
those questions and the questions of other members of the
committee. They will be open to the close of business tomorrow,
Wednesday.
I would urge members who have questions for the record to
submit them. I would also urge the nominees to give significant
responses to those questions so that we can consider your
nominations before a business committee.
And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:43 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Deborah E. Lipstadt by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, what is your main priority as Ambassador-
at-Large?
Answer. If confirmed, my main priority would be to fight Jew-hatred
wherever it exists globally, irrespective of where it comes from. I
believe we should condemn and counter antisemitism wherever and
whenever it occurs, both online and offline, whether as hate speech,
Holocaust distortion and denial, or in other forms. We should also
counter antisemitism by promoting tolerance and inclusion, including
through education. We need to work with our international partners to
ensure the security of their Jewish communities, resources and training
for law enforcement personnel to address hate crimes and, ideally, the
establishment of national coordinators for combating antisemitism.
We also need to reinforce efforts to foster a common understanding
of the challenge. If confirmed, I would try to help our interlocutors
understand what Jew hatred is, what it is not, and why it is so
pernicious. One of the ways we can do that is by encouraging other
countries and international bodies to embrace and apply the
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition
of Antisemitism, inclusive of its examples, which is an exceptionally
useful diagnostic tool.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to engage with partners and
allies on combatting antisemitism globally?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to forge coalitions with other
governments, international bodies, civil society organizations, and the
private sector to work across diverse communities and among faiths to
combat antisemitism globally. If confirmed, I will work closely with
other special envoys and coordinators combating antisemitism and our
partners and allies in multilateral fora such as the OSCE, EU, and the
U.N.
If confirmed, in addition to working closely with partners in
Europe, the Western Hemisphere, and around the world, I would also look
forward to exploring opportunities for engagement with U.S. allies and
partners in the Middle East. The Abraham Accords have helped build
momentum for exciting initiatives relating to interfaith dialogue and
combating ignorance, intolerance, and hate, including antisemitism.
Question. How will you de-conflict your work with the Ambassador-
at-Large for religious freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and seamlessly with
the Ambassador-at-Large (AAL) for International Religious Freedom and
his team to advance the fight against antisemitism and other forms of
religious discrimination around the world. I recognize that my
partnership with the AAL and his team will be vital as we work with our
embassies and consulates to monitor and combat antisemitism.
If confirmed, I intend to have regular meetings with the AAL and to
encourage my staff to consult often with the experts in the Office of
International Religious Freedom, as I understand they already do. The
issues we would collectively address are interconnected and require
collaboration to optimize coalition building and engagement. One
example of a religious freedom issue on which I would work closely with
the AAL concerns proposed or enacted limitations on religious practices
of animal slaughter and non-medical circumcision, which can directly
affect the viability of Jewish, Muslim, and other religious
communities.
Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict but provide
specialized assistance to the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and collaboratively
with the Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor (DRL) and the DRL team to advance the fight against antisemitism
around the world. I recognize that my partnership with DRL will be
vital as we work through our embassies and consulates to monitor and
address antisemitism and other issues of human rights concern. If
confirmed, I intend to have regular meetings with DRL leaders and
experts and to encourage my staff to consult often with DRL experts, as
I understand they already do.
Question. Please describe how your office, if confirmed, will
contribute to the efforts of the office for International Religious
Freedom to produce annual country reports on religious freedom. Do you
believe there should be annual country reports on antisemitism and
efforts to combat antisemitism? If so, why? If not, why?
Answer. I understand that the Office of the Special Envoy to
Monitor and Combat Antisemitism works closely and collaboratively with
the Office of International Religious Freedom and has important input
into the International Religious Freedom Report, as well as the Country
Reports on Human Rights Practices, which both address antisemitism as a
significant issue.
If confirmed, my office will continue to provide invaluable input
into those reports, as is statutorily required by the Global
Antisemitism Review Act of 2004, which would not necessitate the
creation of another reporting process to which the Department and U.S.
embassies and consulates the world over would have to direct additional
resources. That said, I commit to consult with the committee on best
approaches to combat antisemitism.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Special Envoy
for Holocaust Issues (SEHI) on the continuing desecration of Jewish
cemeteries in Europe?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and collaboratively
with the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues (SEHI) on issues of mutual
concern including the continuing desecration of Jewish cemeteries in
Europe. I understand that the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor
and Combat Antisemitism works closely with SEHI on areas where
Holocaust issues and antisemitism overlap, such as historical
distortion, Holocaust denial, and rehabilitation of controversial
wartime figures. I understand that SEHI also advocates for the
preservation of Jewish cultural history in Europe, including
cemeteries.
If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with SEHI and the U.S.
Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad on these
issues and condemn desecration of Jewish cemeteries in Europe.
Question. It has recently been suggested to us that the Government
of Lithuania may look to resolve the dispute over the Snipsikes
Cemetery in Vilnius by converting the Palace of Concerts and Sports
into a Holocaust Museum. How do you believe the Jewish communities in
the U.S., Europe, and elsewhere, will respond to this proposal?
Answer. I understand that the Biden administration's policy is that
any action taken with respect to Jewish heritage sites should include
government consultations with Jewish groups and other community
stakeholders to ensure that sites are treated with the proper respect
and consideration of their historic importance. If confirmed, I will
reach out to Jewish communities to ensure their views are heard.
Question. Do you believe that this proposal is an acceptable and
sensitive solution to this issue?
Answer. I understand that the Administration has not yet seen a
formal proposal from the Government of Lithuania for this site. As a
result, the Administration cannot comment on whether it is an
appropriate solution. If confirmed, I will engage with appropriate
officials with the goal of obtaining an acceptable and sensitive
solution.
Question. If, as many suspect, Russia invades Ukraine in the coming
weeks, many unfortunate issues may arise that find themselves in your
purview. The President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, and some other
prominent defenders of Ukrainian sovereignty (like oligarch and former
governor of Dnipro region, Igor Kolomoisky) are Jewish. Do you have any
concern that their origins may precipitate violence specifically
against the Jews of Ukraine, or Jewish institutions?
Answer. I understand the Administration is deeply concerned about
all aspects of Russia further invading Ukraine, which would have dire
humanitarian and human rights implications. That is why deterrence
efforts are so critical, and why the Administration continues to urge
Russia to choose dialogue and de-escalation. I understand the
Administration is in close contact with members of the Jewish community
in Ukraine and associated Jewish groups in the United States and is
continuing to monitor the situation as events develop. At this point, I
am not aware of any particular threats to the Jewish community beyond
those posed to the Ukrainian population in general if Russia were to
invade.
Question. Ukraine holds many sites that are both religiously and
historically important to Jewish communities in Ukraine and around the
world. What do you believe can or should be done by the U.S. and its
allies to protect those sites in the event of military action in
Ukraine?
Answer. Destruction of cultural property during armed conflict is
an attack on the identity, history, and dignity of the communities it
represents. If confirmed, I will work with Department colleagues,
including the Office of the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues, others
in the U.S. Government, and overseas partners to speak out against such
actions. I will also commit to using diplomatic, economic, and
political tools to work on preventing destruction of religiously and
historically important sites in Ukraine.
Question. What is your understanding of morale in the Office of the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?
Answer. It is my understanding that morale in the Office of the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism has been high over the
past year, owing to the effective interim leadership of Senior Official
Kara McDonald (a career foreign service officer serving as a deputy
assistant secretary of state in the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor) and to the quality of the personnel she has recruited to
staff the office.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale in the Office of the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will personally meet with each member of
the team during my first days on the job to glean staff members'
opinions on the office's priorities and operations, including areas of
room for improvement. If confirmed, I will maintain an open-door policy
whereby any team member can bring concerns or recommendations to me
directly. Open and frequent communication is key to fostering a
productive, efficient, and inclusive workplace.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will move quickly and decisively to
undertake a thorough review of where our mission currently stands,
including by consulting with a broad array of Department of State and
other U.S. Government stakeholders active in the fight against global
antisemitism. After consulting with key members of my team and relevant
senior Department of State principals, I will lay out and clearly
explain my reasons for any proposed changes to the Office's activities
or new areas of emphasis. I will also champion an office-wide system of
continuous feedback, assessment, and recalibration to ensure buy-in and
sustained good counsel. Finally, if confirmed, I will work not only to
create a unified mission and vision for the office, but I will also
commit to consult with Congress on the mission and work of the office.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I consistently seek to empower, to listen, and to learn
from the various experts on my team; to lead by example; and to ensure
clear, two-way communication. I always endeavor to ensure my teams are
diverse and inclusive and that there is equity in the work and in our
hiring and evaluation processes. I also seek to give my team members
wide latitude and autonomy to take ownership of initiatives and make
key decisions while also being a resource to them in case a new
situation or any doubts arise. I believe professional training and
development are essential, and, if confirmed, I intend to encourage
team members to avail themselves of all relevant training and
professional development opportunities at the Department of State.
Finally, I want to note my appreciation for the very capable interim
leadership of Senior Official Kara McDonald of this office, which I
know, if I am confirmed, will have paved the way for a smooth
transition for the entire team.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not. I firmly believe it is unacceptable, not to
mention decidedly unproductive, to berate anyone under any
circumstance. If confirmed, I will pledge to only provide respectful,
clear, and constructive feedback to team members and will expect my
managers to do the same and hold accountable anyone who does not.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect to continue to enjoy a close and
collegial relationship with the current Deputy Special Envoy or any
other deputy. I have known the current Deputy Special Envoy, Aaron
Keyak, for some time, during which we have developed an excellent
professional relationship. I have had the good fortune to collaborate
with him on a number of projects, including with respect to combating
antisemitism, prior to his joining the Department of State in late
2021. I know, respect, and trust Mr. Keyak and look forward to working
day in and day out with him on fighting global antisemitism, if given
the opportunity.
Question. How do you envisage your leadership relationship with
other bureau leaders whose portfolios may intersect with yours?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and seamlessly with
the Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor, the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and
other assistant secretaries of state to advance the fight against
antisemitism around the world. I recognize that my relationships with
the regional assistant secretaries, notably the Assistant Secretary of
State for European and Eurasian Affairs, will be vital as we work
through our embassies and consulates in Europe and elsewhere to monitor
and combat antisemitism. If confirmed, I also intend to partner with
the Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues to advance the United States'
work to push back against Holocaust denial and distortion.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to delegate much of the day-to-day
management of the office to the Deputy Special Envoy, Aaron Keyak,
consistent with the approach of most of my predecessors. I will also
call on Mr. Keyak to serve as my surrogate when I am unavailable for
certain official duties.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide
subordinates with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance
in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded
in their roles?
Answer. I firmly believe in providing clear, constructive, and
respectful feedback on performance to every member of my team.
Similarly, if confirmed, I look forward to receiving constructive
feedback from my team members on my own performance as well. Providing
thoughtful feedback to subordinates not only encourages better
performance, but also engenders trust and mutual respect.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to each employee in my chain of command
to improve performance and I will ensure high achievers are routinely
rewarded for their contributions.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like around the
world in relation to the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Antisemitism?
Answer. In many parts of the world, the environment is challenging.
Antisemitic sentiment runs high in many countries. Even in countries
where the United States engages productively with governments on this
issue, conspiracy theories about Jews and overall antisemitism are on
the rise, notably throughout Europe. Malign actors use social media and
other online platforms to spread their antisemitic messages with
unprecedented speed and reach, including in some cases speech that may
incite violence. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with public
diplomacy and other experts at the Department of State to enhance our
strategies for condemning and countering antisemitic rhetoric while
respecting freedom of expression, including by providing accurate
counter-messaging in the online space.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
in relation to the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat
Antisemitism?
Answer. As I note in the answer above, the public diplomacy
environment overseas is challenging when it comes to fighting the
scourge of antisemitism. U.S. diplomats in many countries around the
world contend with entrenched antisemitic views among government
officials, within society at large, in local media, and online. If
confirmed, I look forward to partnering with the public diplomacy and
other experts at the Department of State to provide our forward-
deployed diplomats with tools to undermine conspiracy theories about
Jews, to advance messaging on interfaith dialogue and harmony, and to
condemn and counter antisemitic rhetoric and narratives.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. While recognizing the importance of sound, coherent
messaging being formulated at the headquarters level, I also appreciate
that the public diplomacy environment for combating antisemitism and
promoting religious freedom varies from country to country--and often
with regard to different populations within the same country. As such,
I believe that U.S. embassies and consulates play an important role in
shaping, prioritizing, and sequencing public messaging and social media
campaigns on these issues.
Question. Regarding ``Anomalous health incidents.'' If confirmed,
do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who will work with me and, if confirmed, and I
will ensure that any reported incident under my watch will receive an
appropriate medical and security response. Secretary Blinken
prioritizes the Department's response to AHIs, setting clear goals for
the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected
employees and family members.
Question. Regarding ``Anomalous health incidents.'' If confirmed,
do you commit to talking as openly as you can to the Office of the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engage my team members on
this issue as openly as possible. I take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who will work with me. I commit
to working with health and security officials and other parties as
recommended.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. Deborah E. Lipstadt by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Do you recognize that, if confirmed, your personal
statements and tweets, even if not made in an official setting, may be
perceived to be the views of the United States?
Answer. Yes, I recognize that, if confirmed to this position, my
words both official and unofficial will carry significant diplomatic
importance to the interests of the United States. As such, if
confirmed, I commit to following all guidance from the Department of
State regarding diplomatic conduct and Public Diplomacy efforts,
including guidance as it pertains to the use of social media.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to uphold the non-partisan
nature of the position you hold?
Answer. As I said in my hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, I am an equal opportunity foe of antisemitism. If confirmed,
I pledge to call out global antisemitism wherever it is found. It is my
firm belief that those who are only interested in finding
antisemitism--or any form of prejudice--on the opposite end of the
political spectrum are more interested in weaponizing antisemitism than
fighting it. If confirmed, I commit to upholding and cementing the
nonpartisan nature of my position, as a nonpartisan approach is
fundamental to meaningfully combating antisemitism.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to not making statements
unbecoming of a public official that speaks on behalf of all Americans?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting the exceptionally
high standards required for the words and conduct of an official
representative of the United States, in engagements both public and
private, overseas and domestic.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to making yourself, and your
staff, available to provide briefings as requested to my office and
others?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to make myself and my staff
available to provide briefings to your office and to others, both upon
request as well as proactively on matters of significance.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. On March 9, 2021, the U.S. Embassy in Honduras issued a
disaster declaration in response to crisis levels of food insecurity.
The disaster declaration for Honduras was reissued for FY 22 due to
unmet needs caused by hurricanes Eta and Iota and the impacts of the
pandemic. In recent weeks, I led a letter, alongside 32 of my
Democratic colleagues in the Senate, calling for Temporary Protected
Status redesignations for Honduras--as well as for Guatemala, El
Salvador, and Nicaragua.
Can I have your commitment that you will independently assess
country conditions and make a recommendation to the State
Department and the Department of Homeland Security during your
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador to Honduras?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing the Department's
understanding of basic humanitarian needs in Honduras during my first
100 days and to considering, as appropriate, the wide variety of tools
available through the Department and the interagency, including
possible Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designation.
Question. Will you directly brief my office on your findings?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the Department to
provide briefings to members of congress and staff as requested.
Question. What steps will you take to address mis- and
disinformation about TPS and U.S. immigration policy so that the
Administration can do right by the people in Central America while also
ensuring that we prevent mass movements to the border of people who
would never qualify for TPS?
Answer. Interrupting the messaging of unscrupulous actors peddling
false information about U.S. immigration policy is a top priority for
addressing migration challenges in the region and at our border. The
Department strengthened its outreach to communities within migrant-
sending countries, including Honduras, and simultaneously intensified
outreach to Central American diaspora communities within the United
States, using media interviews and social media amplification to
provide prompt, accurate information about TPS. We monitor dis- and
misinformation about U.S. immigration policy and push out tailored
responses with accurate information, including through support to our
international partners to develop targeted community-based messaging
campaigns. If confirmed, I will support ongoing programs through the
U.S. Agency for International Development, the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights and Labor (DRL), the Bureau of International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration (PRM), and others that already strive to target the
communities most likely to send irregular migrants to the United States
and encourage my teams to work together on creative and effective
messaging efforts. I will also remain closely engaged with the
Department and the interagency on stakeholders' outreach efforts to
reduce pull factors for irregular migration.
Question. Ambassador Dogu, former Honduran President Juan Orlando
Hernandez has been directly implicated in significant drug trafficking
activities. Last week, I wrote to Secretary Blinken and Secretary
Yellen, urging them to publicly hold Hernandez accountable for his
criminal actions by revoking his visa and designating him as a
``significant foreign narcotics trafficker'' under the Kingpin Act.
If confirmed as our next ambassador to Tegucigalpa, what additional
steps would you take to hold Hernandez accountable?
Additionally, what measures will you apply to Honduran
officials that place their participation in drug trafficking
and criminal activity above the interests of the Honduran
people?
Answer. On February 7, the Department publicly announced former
President Hernandez's inclusion on the United States' Corrupt and
Undemocratic Actors list, under Section 353 of the United States-
Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act, which generally makes the
listed individuals ineligible for visas and admission to the United
States. The Department included Hernandez on the list on July 1, 2021.
The Department employs multiple tools to promote rule of law and fight
impunity around the world and seeks constantly to address the
challenges posed by the evolving nature of transnational organized
crime and drug traffickers.
In addition to the U.S. Government's existing tools, we publicly
committed to supporting President Castro's request to the United
Nations for support in establishing an anticorruption mission. We
already collected best practices and lessons learned from
anticorruption commissions throughout the region and will work with the
U.N. and Honduras to ensure new efforts incorporate these standards and
build off existing anticorruption mechanisms already working in
Honduras. If confirmed, I will also continue to advance these policies
by supporting the work of other agencies responsible for pursuing
justice in these cases.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who will work with me, and, if confirmed, I will
ensure that any reported incident that falls under my Chief of Mission
authority will receive an appropriate medical and security response.
Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to AHIs,
setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to
strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce and
providing care for affected employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that employees
who report a possible AHI receive immediate and appropriate attention
and care and the incident is reported through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, I will take nothing more
seriously than the health and security of the people working at U.S.
Embassy Tegucigalpa. I commit to working with health and security
officials and other parties as recommended.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator James E. Risch
Question. How would you characterize the incoming Honduran
Government's views of the United States?
Answer. The Department invested in developing a productive
relationship with the Castro administration, beginning during the
campaign. U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa personnel met with President
Castro's transition team, and the U.S. Government sent high-level
interlocutors, including Vice President Harris, to demonstrate U.S.
support for some of President Castro's initiatives, including on
anticorruption. President Castro will not fully align with the United
States on every policy issue, but she repeatedly stressed her hope that
the United States will remain Honduras' preferred partner on her top
priorities. If confirmed, I will strive to maintain that status as
Honduras' preferred partner by working together on our shared
priorities, including countering corruption and drug trafficking,
strengthening democratic institutions, rebuilding the economy,
improving security, and increasing respect for human rights, all of
which will contribute to decreasing irregular migration.
Question. Please describe the top U.S. law enforcement priorities
in Honduras.
Answer. Honduras remains a significant transshipment point for drug
traffickers and transnational criminal organizations, and Honduras is
both a source and transit country for irregular migration. U.S. law
enforcement policy takes a broad approach to combating drug
trafficking, including through training and professionalization of
Honduran police services, strengthening efforts to humanely manage
migration, including identifying unaccompanied children in need of
child welfare services, strengthening the rule of law and the
judiciary, and developing economic opportunities.
If confirmed, I would look forward to cooperating with President
Castro on her push to improve citizen security, including by increasing
respect for human rights, improving mechanisms for combating sexual and
gender-based violence, and strengthening relations between police
services and local communities.
Question. Political disagreements in the National Congress of
Honduras have ignited a legitimacy crisis with potential long-term
negative consequences for governability in the country.
Is the current Honduran legislature functioning under a
constitutional framework? If not, what needs to happen to
achieve that?
Answer. The political crisis in the Honduran National Congress
tarnished the otherwise strong start of the Castro administration.
Civil society, government actors, and others question the
constitutionality of the claims to the presidency of Luis Redondo, the
declared president of the congress, and Redondo passed an amnesty law
for former President Manuel Zelaya's supporters without the full
support of the congress. While the matter is internal and for Honduras
to resolve, U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa and Honduras' bilateral and
multilateral partners have offered Honduras support in resolving the
crisis since the beginning. Additionally, the Department communicated
its concerns regarding the need to reinforce, not weaken, democratic
institutions and rule of law through Embassy and Washington channels.
If confirmed, I will work with the Department, the interagency, and the
U.S. Congress to ensure we deploy the appropriate tools for addressing
this crisis.
Question. How would you describe the Administration's views on the
legality of measures adopted by the National Congress of Honduras led
by Mr. Luis Redondo and assembled on January 21?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains troubled by
concerns that the Honduran National Congress has acted beyond its
authority in enacting significant laws before ensuring the president of
the congress had full authority to do so. If confirmed, I would work
closely with the Honduran Government, civil society, and international
partners to help ensure respect for democratic institutions and
processes as well as the separation of powers.
Question. Please describe the importance of the 2019 Asylum
Cooperative Agreement (ACA) with Honduras in incentivizing the
Government to adhere to international commitments to increase asylum
capacity.
In your opinion, did the Administration wrongfully terminate the
agreement in 2021 before it had the opportunity to take effect
and have meaningful results?
Answer. The 2019 Asylum Cooperative Agreement (ACA) shifted the
burden of the U.S. asylum system to other countries in the region,
including Honduras. I remain unaware of any way in which the ACA
incentivized Honduras to build up its asylum capacity. Rather, its
implementation would have placed undue pressure on the country's
nascent asylum system without providing sufficient time or resources to
build domestic capacity. Independent of the ACA framework, the United
States continues to support Honduran efforts to build its asylum
capacity in a sustainable manner, as well as to respond to the
protection needs of internally displaced Hondurans, in line with
Honduras' national action plan commitments under the Comprehensive
Regional Protection and Solutions framework; better known by its
Spanish acronym, MIRPS. The Biden-Harris administration believes there
are more suitable ways to confront regional protection and irregular
migration challenges.
Question. If confirmed, would you advocate for the U.S. to leverage
existing bilateral extradition treaties and Palermo protocols to
prosecute transnational criminal actors who facilitate human smuggling
and human trafficking?
Answer. As a party to the U.N. Convention Against Transnational
Organized Crime and its optional protocols, Honduras has obligations to
criminalize human trafficking and migrant smuggling. Honduran law
criminalizes all forms of trafficking in persons and the Government
maintains a specialized anti-trafficking prosecution unit. If
confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to build the skills of officials
in this unit and will engage the Honduran Government to allocate
increased resources to augment and sustain the unit's capacity. I will
also support the work of Joint Task Force Alpha, the U.S. Department of
Justice and U.S. Department of Homeland Security partnership to combat
dangerous human smuggling and trafficking activity in Honduras and
elsewhere in the region by working with our partners to increase both
U.S. and foreign prosecutions of such criminal actors and
organizations, including by pursuing extraditions in appropriate cases
consistent with U.S. law and our treaty obligations.
Question. The Central American Agreement for Free Mobility (CA-4)
requires citizens from Central America to show only a legal
identification document, not a passport or visa to enter other
participating countries. This has effectively placed all immigration
enforcement north on Mexico and the U.S. If confirmed, would you commit
to advocating for adoption and implementation of stronger visa
requirements among the CA-4 countries?
Answer. The Central American Agreement for Free Mobility (CA-4)
significantly improves regional integration. The agreement has served
as a linchpin of improving economic ties in the region. It has
documentation requirements that, if enforced, should assist in
deterring irregular migration. If confirmed, I will continue to
encourage these countries to humanely enforce their respective
immigration laws and policies, including enforcing document
requirements under CA-4, and to secure their borders.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
report, Honduras was identified as a Tier 2 state, due to overall
increasing efforts to eliminate human trafficking, but failed in key
areas, like lowered penalties for trafficking crimes and fewer victims
identified in the reporting year.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Honduran Government to
address these issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work across the interagency and with
all the tools available to me to address shortcomings in Honduras'
anti-trafficking efforts identified in the annual Trafficking in
Persons Report. In addition to the work we do to train and
professionalize police services and to improve identification and
assistance to trafficking victims among migrants, I would ask the
Embassy team to engage with the congress, government and non-
governmental service providers, the judicial system, and law
enforcement in Honduras to improve the local response to criminals
preying on vulnerable communities.
Question. The State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons has several successful programs in the region
that could be beneficial in Honduras and within the hemisphere. If
confirmed, how will you bolster these efforts with the office to combat
and monitor trafficking in persons?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage the U.S. Government to
respond to our priorities in Honduras, including requesting programs
through our Trafficking in Persons Office and coordinating across the
interagency to integrate anti-trafficking components into related
programs. I will build on the Trafficking in Persons Office's current
efforts in Honduras to enhance victim protection services and
strengthen the capacity of law enforcement and public officials at the
local and national level to effectively investigate and prosecute
trafficking crimes. I will encourage the Embassy team to think
creatively about responding to local challenges, and I will support
outreach within the region to identify best practices and lessons
learned in implementing programs to address the needs of vulnerable
communities.
Question. If confirmed, how would you and your mission work with
the Honduran Government to improve migration processing, including
asylum claims?
Answer. I remain committed, if confirmed, to supporting continuing
collaboration with our Honduran counterparts both bilaterally as well
as through regional fora such as the Comprehensive Regional Protection
and Solutions Framework (or MIRPS in Spanish)--for which Honduras holds
the 2022 presidency pro tempore--and the Regional Conference on
Migration to advance shared strategic solutions to humanely manage
migration in the region. These strategies include enforcing borders and
immigration laws while ensuring access to protection for those in need;
enhancing lawful migration pathways including labor opportunities; and
combatting migrant smuggling and human trafficking. In addition to
coordinating through multilateral fora, I will support the Department's
ongoing efforts through international organization and NGO partners to
help the Honduran Government build its capacity to register and process
asylum claims, respond to the needs of internally displaced persons,
and humanely enforce its borders. These efforts include technical
advisory assistance, support for staff, training, equipment, and other
needs related to sustainably increasing migration management
capacities.
Question. Please explain your understanding of China's presence and
interests in Honduras.
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) attempted to make
inroads in Honduras with vaccine diplomacy. On June 1, 2021, former
President Juan Orlando Hernandez announced he would open a commercial
office in Shanghai to facilitate the sale and delivery of COVID-19
vaccines. Ultimately, Honduras never opened the office as supply
urgency abated. During her campaign, President Castro suggested she
would consider switching Honduras' diplomatic ties from Taipei to
Beijing, but she appears to have reconsidered that position. The PRC
has some investments in Honduras but does not have a high profile. If
confirmed, I commit to working diligently to expose the risks
associated with ties to Beijing and the benefits associated with
continued diplomatic ties with Taipei.
Question. Honduras is one of the last 14 countries to maintain
diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Honduran President Castro vowed during her
campaign to switch the country's recognition to China; however, the new
Government noted it would maintain diplomatic ties with Taiwan.
Honduran Foreign Minister Eduardo Enrique Reina stated last week that
Honduras' relationship with Taiwan will remain fluid.
If confirmed, what action would you take to encourage Honduras to
maintain its recognition of Taiwan?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to highlighting the value of strong
ties to Taiwan. The United States, under the auspices of the American
Institute in Taiwan, works with Taiwan's overseas offices to identify
and promote opportunities for cooperation. I would encourage my team to
continue working with local partners on areas for Taiwan's cooperation
with Honduras and to develop creative opportunities for Taiwan to raise
its profile with the Honduran Government and people.
Question. In 2008, the Chinese company Huawei opened an office in
Honduras, and it's now the main provider for telecommunications
companies in the country. How would you urge Honduras to choose
trustworthy suppliers for their critical infrastructure/telecom?
Answer. The United States supports efforts to ensure countries,
companies, and citizens realize the promise of 5G wireless networks,
and we encourage governments and telecom operators to prioritize
security when building their broadband cellular network infrastructure.
We welcome collaboration with allies and other partners to ensure our
shared security in a 5G future and beyond. Each country must make a
sovereign decision about its national and economic security. The Biden-
Harris administration remains committed to ensuring U.S.
telecommunications networks do not use equipment from untrusted
vendors. Countries and their citizens need to be able to trust that 5G
equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national
security, economic interests, privacy, or human rights. Trust cannot
exist where information and communications technology and services
providers remain accountable to authoritarian governments like the PRC,
which subject domestic companies to broad intelligence and national
security laws and lack an independent judiciary and the rule of law to
protect companies and consumers. If confirmed, I will collaborate with
partners like Honduras to ensure our shared security in a 5G future.
Question. Honduran President Castro has embraced the Maduro regime
and no longer recognizes Juan Guaid" as the elected leader of
Venezuela. Do you agree with the Honduran Government's decision? If
not, who should be viewed as the rightful Venezuelan leader?
Answer. I regret that President Castro moved so quickly to
recognize a regime that has contributed to the largest humanitarian
crisis in recent history in the region. The United States continues to
recognize the legal authority of the democratically elected 2015
National Assembly and the person chosen by this National Assembly to be
constitutional interim President of Venezuela, Juan Guaid". If
confirmed, I will stress the importance of strong, representative,
democratic leadership for the region, grounded in democratic
institutions and processes.
Question. How do you plan to engage the Honduran Government to
reverse course to restore democracy in Venezuela?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use the tools and support available to
me through the U.S. Government to highlight the dangers posed by the
Maduro regime, and the benefits of supporting the return of democracy
in Venezuela. I will draw on my experience as U.S. Ambassador to
Nicaragua, home of another difficult regime in the region, to inform my
actions.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Tegucigalpa?
Answer. I understand morale remains good. Like all missions,
Mission Honduras has been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. The
Department's provision of COVID-19 vaccines and boosters, as well as
pediatric vaccines has been a tremendous help to the Mission and a huge
help to morale of employees and family members. The international
school's transition from a fully virtual to hybrid learning environment
this school year also provided welcome relief to families. Outdoor
events organized by the Embassy's Community Liaison Office that
celebrated U.S. holidays enabled families to socialize in person and
strengthened resilience and a sense of community. Although the recent
Omicron surge in Honduras necessitated a return to virtual-only events,
the community understands the importance of mitigating the COVID-19
risk and looks forward to a time when in-person events might again be
possible.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
Tegucigalpa?
Answer. I specialize in building strong and resilient teams whose
members support each other, especially during difficult periods. If
confirmed, I would begin my tenure as Ambassador by maintaining a focus
on our people, ensuring we fully utilize available tools to care for
our employees and their families. I would review eligible family member
employment available through the Embassy and Washington hiring
mechanisms to ensure qualified applicants are able to deploy their
talents in support of the United States while developing their own
careers. While it may not always be possible to work in the same space
or relax together in person in the COVID-19 era, employees can and
should feel energized and proud of the impact their important work is
having both in the United States and in Honduras.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Tegucigalpa?
Answer. For a mission to be successful, each agency and their
employees must have a solid understanding of our overall goals and
strategy, and we must create an inclusive mission culture. All agencies
and all employees must support the Integrated Country Strategy
objectives and understand the role they as individuals play so that
they will be fully invested in its success. Beginning with my arrival
at post, I would regularly share our vision with all Mission members
and develop diverse and interagency work teams within an inclusive
environment to support accomplishing these objectives. I understand a
new Integrated Country Strategy is being developed now with the input
from all agencies, and if confirmed, I would ensure that all employees,
not just the section or agency heads, understand the important role
they play in helping achieve the Mission objectives.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style prioritizes taking care of our people
first, including their families, and demonstrating the highest level of
ethics and integrity in my work. I expect teams I lead to do the same.
I will make it clear I expect the professionals in Mission Tegucigalpa
to do the right thing the right way but also to innovate and embrace
change with a focus on achieving results. I will encourage those I rely
on for support to provide honest and creative advice. I will always
remind my team that they are ultimately responsible to the American
people, and they should view their work not only through a foreign
policy lens but also through a U.S. domestic policy lens. If our work
does not benefit the American people, we need to redirect our efforts.
Finally, diplomacy is changing, and I look forward to supporting
Department of State actions to build a new Diplomacy for the 21st
Century and will encourage Mission Tegucigalpa's active participation
in these efforts. I believe in empowering our talented employees and
supporting their efforts.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates. Everyone
deserves to be treated with respect and dignity both in public and in
private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The role of the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and the DCM's
partnership with the Ambassador remains critical to the success of an
Embassy. I intend to fully partner with and empower the DCM to serve as
the Embassy Chief Operating Officer and as someone prepared to step in
as Charge d'Affaires, if needed.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. While the Ambassador ultimately takes responsibility for
all operations of the Mission, I intend to empower the Deputy Chief of
Mission (DCM) to serve as the Chief Operating Officer, handling the
day-to-day operations of the Embassy, including the coordination of the
work of all federal agencies. The partnership between the Ambassador
and DCM remains critical and I will ensure we make a tight team. I will
support the DCM's work heading up the Emergency Action Committee, the
Law Enforcement Working Group, and other working groups in the Mission
as well as supporting the employee-led Mission Diversity and Inclusion
Council. The DCM would also lead development programs for all First and
Second Tour employees from all agencies while also helping develop mid-
level leaders throughout the Mission. Finally, I believe the DCM can
and should assist me in supporting the requirements of the members of
Congress, including official visits.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who succeed the most
in their roles?
Answer. I strongly support providing all employees with accurate
and constructive feedback. As Ambassador, I would do this personally
with employees working directly for me, but I would also ensure this
remains a priority for all managers in the Mission. Feedback begins
long before the official EER is written and also includes nominating
all qualified employees for awards for outstanding performance.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host-government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Honduras.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I believe building a large and diverse network across the
entire country remains an essential requirement for any diplomat. If
confirmed, I would support Embassy employees engaging with as many
different groups as possible outside the Embassy. While many conditions
(security, pandemic restrictions, weather) can temporarily impact the
ability to meet in-person outside the Embassy, we must continue to find
a way for our team to safely engage. I would work with appropriate
personnel in the Embassy to ensure U.S. diplomats can fully accomplish
their mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Accessing all local populations remains a key part of
diplomacy. I would ensure that we appropriately share finite security,
transportation, and representational resources across the Mission to
allow for access to all local populations. I would also encourage
different agencies and sections to work together to reach many
different populations.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Honduras?
Answer. Embassy Tegucigalpa's Public Affairs Section (PAS) advances
U.S. foreign policy priorities through programs and messaging related
to migration, anti-corruption, support for democracy and civil society,
the fight against transnational crime, and other bilateral priorities.
Honduras' media environment remains open to Embassy messaging, and PAS
has historically found audiences receptive to a broad spectrum of U.S.
Government messages and public programs. This includes programs to
improve quality of life for disadvantaged communities, including
through English language education, a women's entrepreneurship program,
and a public messaging campaign to reduce violence against women.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Embassy Public Affairs Section (PAS) programs address
challenges to educational exchange, including low levels of education,
lack of access to the Internet, and limited English language skills.
PAS works to improve professionalism among Honduran media outlets by
offering professional development opportunities to Honduran
journalists, working to improve the quality of their reporting on
issues like corruption, rule of law, and other key bilateral interests.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. The Department in Washington sets policy and messaging
priorities based on administration goals, while Embassy Public Affairs
teams use their on-the-ground understanding of the media environment,
local audiences, and prevailing political conditions in Honduras to
convey persuasive messages that advance U.S. objectives. When a policy
objective would benefit from the Washington bullhorn, we work with the
Embassy to shape a media statement or tweet to effectively reach
audiences in country. At all times, the Embassy Public Affairs
professionals work closely with counterparts across the interagency to
select the proper tool and channel to achieve a desired result. While
the media and government officials monitor messages from Washington and
value them greatly, the average Honduran is more interested in
messaging from the Embassy. In the realm of migration information,
information flowing through diaspora and smuggling networks have more
sway than official messages from the U.S. Government, either in country
or in Washington, though evidence shows that Hondurans consider U.S.
Government information about immigration rules reliable.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, I commit to taking this threat seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Tegucigalpa personnel?
Answer. Yes, I commit to talking as openly as I can with Mission
Tegucigalpa personnel.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Honduras was identified as lacking societal respect of
religious freedom, particularly in regards to anti-Muslim rhetoric and
behavior.
What is your assessment of this particular issue?
Answer. I believe in the right of every person to practice religion
or not in the manner that best responds to their beliefs and
preferences. If confirmed, I will call for tolerance and respect
between adherents of all faiths and practices, provided they do not
interfere with the rights of others.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will welcome the experience and ideas of
the Ambassador-at-Large to promote religious freedom in Honduras. I
will work with the Embassy community to identify challenges and
opportunities both within the Mission and within the country for us to
promote a message of support and openness to all expressions of faith.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Honduras was identified as having committed severe human rights abuses,
like corruption, unlawful killings, threats and violence against free
media, lack of accountability for those who commit human rights abuses,
violence against women, among many more.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa tracks human rights cases and
abuses carefully, and various offices in the Mission and across the
U.S. Government contribute to the Embassy's understanding of and
ability to engage on these cases. If confirmed, I commit to actively
supporting the Embassy team in policy and programming endeavors to
advance respect for and protection of human rights. President Castro
highlighted citizen security as a priority, and we share her concerns
as we see insecurity as a driver of irregular migration. I will draw on
my experience in the State Department and the Department of Defense to
identify areas of engagement and innovative approaches to strengthening
respect for human rights in Honduras.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Tegucigalpa already engages with civil society
organizations and human rights institutions to follow human rights
cases. If confirmed, I will empower the officers and staff working on
human rights to seek meetings and activities that will advance U.S.
interests in promoting respect for and protecting human rights in
Honduras. I will make myself available to deliver hard messages, as
appropriate, and to celebrate advances, and I will encourage broad use
of funds and programming available through the interagency that support
civil society organizations.
Question. How will you work with the relevant Ambassadors at Large
within the Department to combat these major human rights issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I will welcome the expertise and experience
of the Ambassadors-at-Large with a focus on the various human rights
issues in Honduras. I will ask my team to identify gaps in our
programming and outreach efforts and to make contact with the offices
of the Ambassadors-at-Large to identify any possible cooperation
opportunities.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to raising these human rights
concerns within your first 100 days of your tenure?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to raising human rights
concerns within the first 100 days of my tenure and will also continue
to raise them, as appropriate, throughout my time as Ambassador.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator Tim Kaine
Value-Added Tax
Question. U.S. companies operating in Honduras play an important
role in increasing government revenue, creating jobs, and stimulating
local economies. Improving the environment for U.S. investment by
ensuring businesses are treated fairly and transparently are critical
to addressing the root causes of migration. Unfortunately, U.S.
companies continue to report significant over-withholdings of value
added tax (VAT) and income taxes, and delays or denials in millions of
dollars of tax refunds to which they are lawfully entitled.
If confirmed, how will you ensure the Department works with the
Castro administration to fulfill the legal and financial
obligations necessary to foster an attractive investment
environment and stimulate economic growth, including the timely
refund of excess taxes paid by U.S. companies? What specific
actions will you take to ensure the Castro administration
implements effective remedies to expedite approved refund
payments?
Answer. The United States worked to improve the investment climate
in Honduras for U.S. investors for many years. We strive to increase
predictability, rule of law, and international best practices with
Honduras' Government institutions. If confirmed, I will use the array
of mechanisms available to the Department and through the interagency
to ensure Honduras respects its commitments under investment
mechanisms, including CAFTA-DR, and that U.S. investors can obtain
effective relief from excessive tax withholding.
Rule of Law
Question. An independent judiciary and fair, consistent application
of legal precedent is critical to fostering predictability for U.S.
investors considering opportunities in Honduras. President Biden's Root
Causes Strategy highlights that weak rule of law, lack of transparency,
and corruption deter much needed foreign investment in the region.
As Ambassador, what steps would you take to encourage the
Government of Honduras to strengthen the rule of law and foster
a business-enabling environment for inclusive economic growth,
especially regarding the fair and equitable treatment of
critical investments by the U.S., and particularly in the CEMAR
case?
Answer. The Department, the U.S. Agency for International
Development, and other agencies active at post work on rule of law
programming to strengthen the justice sector in Honduras. These
programs seek to create predictability and accountability in Honduras'
Government institutions and to render those institutions worthy of
confidence from citizens and investors. If confirmed, I will promote
the existing programs and work with my team to develop creative
responses to evolving situations, especially those involving U.S.
investors. A strengthened justice sector will advance several U.S.
priorities in Honduras, including fighting corruption, increasing
citizen security, and supporting economic development. I cannot comment
on the specifics of any case, but if confirmed, I commit to asking my
team to provide me with the information I need to help U.S. investors
pursue resolution of their disputes and to meeting with those investors
as appropriate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Laura Farnsworth Dogu by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Last month, Honduras inaugurated Xiomara Castro to serve
as its new President. She replaces Juan Orlando Hern ndez, under whose
administration Honduras has pursued a broadly pro-American policy. For
example, Honduras joined the U.S. in multilateral initiatives to
support the interim Government of Venezuela and to impose sanctions on
the D!az-Canel/Castro regime in Cuba.
What is your assessment of how Honduras will approach its
relationship to the United States under President Castro?
Answer. I understand the Department devoted significant effort to
developing a positive relationship with President Xiomara Castro and
her administration, beginning during the campaign. U.S. Embassy
Tegucigalpa personnel met with Castro's transition team, and the U.S.
Government sent high-level interlocutors, including Vice President
Harris, to demonstrate U.S. support for some of President Castro's
initiatives. Castro will not fully align with the United States in
every policy, but she repeatedly stressed her hope that the United
States will remain Honduras' preferred partner on her top priorities.
If confirmed, I will strive to build on the existing positive
relationship to accomplish progress on our shared priorities, including
countering corruption and drug trafficking, rebuilding the economy,
improving security, and strengthening respect for human rights, all of
which will contribute to a reduction in irregular migration. President
Castro's victory as an opposition candidate in a free and fair election
also sent the region a positive signal about democratic governance.
Question. What is your assessment of the new Honduran Government's
plans to overhaul the Honduran economy?
Answer. I understand President Castro campaigned heavily on the
need for economic recovery, and she focused on the need for improved
rule of law--especially with regards to fighting corruption--as a
central part of that plan. Honduras struggles with a low-skilled
workforce, limited preventive healthcare options, and other challenges
to economic development, but President Castro has the attention of the
international community and the Honduran private sector. If confirmed,
I will work to maintain President Castro's focus on improving the
business and investment climate and on creating conditions for private
sector-led economic development. I welcomed the announcement that the
United States would facilitate delivery and deployment of pediatric
vaccines to help get the schools open after a two-year hiatus.
Question. How do you think these initiatives will interact with the
Biden administration's policy to counter the root causes of migration?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration stresses the importance of
private sector-led development and promoted efforts like the Call to
Action and Build Back Better World to help organize efforts in
encouraging quality investment and strengthening ties between our
partner countries and U.S. businesses. If President Castro remains
seriously committed to long-term growth and improvement for the
Honduran economy, I believe the Department can deploy tools to help her
and all Hondurans. The mechanisms and tools we have developed will
increase opportunities in Honduras for high-paying, better-quality jobs
that will allow people to remain in their home communities. If
confirmed, I will work with my team in Tegucigalpa and their
counterparts in Washington to maximize our ability to support those
policies that mirror our own efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what priorities will you put forward for
the Biden administration to continue the positive U.S.-Honduras
relationship?
Answer. I understand many of President Castro's policies align with
U.S. priorities for Honduras, including improving citizen security,
with a focus on combating sexual and gender-based violence; countering
corruption and drug trafficking; and improving Honduras' respect for
human rights. If confirmed, I will work with the interagency to seek
responsive and creative ways to continue the positive relationship the
United States enjoys with the Castro administration. I anticipate
points of friction, as in any bilateral relationship, but I hope that
we will maintain a foundation of mutual support and understanding.
Question. Shortly after winning election, President Castro had
aired the idea of switching Honduras' diplomatic recognition from
Taiwan towards the People's Republic of China, a move that the Chinese
Communist Party has eagerly sought for years. In December of last year,
Nicaragua did this and immediately received 1 million doses of the
PRC's Sinopharm vaccine. Honduras, similarly, stands to receive
significant benefits from the CCP should it recognize the PRC.
Do you believe that Honduras should switch diplomatic recognition
from Taiwan to the PRC?
Answer. Taiwan has proven itself a valuable, steady, and respectful
partner to Honduras over several decades. Despite Castro's campaign
musing about switching diplomatic ties to the PRC, she appears to have
reconsidered that position. The United States has stressed the value
and importance of maintaining ties with Taiwan. Taiwan's Vice President
met with the Castro administration around the inauguration and
acknowledged its hope to respond to Honduras' requests for engagement
on economic development and investment. If confirmed, I will facilitate
positive interactions between Taiwan and Honduras.
Question. If confirmed, will you encourage Honduras to maintain
diplomatic ties with Taiwan?
Answer. Yes, I will support Honduras in maintaining diplomatic ties
with Taiwan. Honduras requested evolution in its relationship with
Taiwan--a move from humanitarian assistance to long-term economic
development and investment. If confirmed, I will help both sides
explore the potential such changes offer including through
collaboration with U.S. colleagues working at the American Institute of
Taiwan. I will support initiatives and empower my teams to provide
feedback on the strengths and weaknesses of our current and past
approaches to ensure we can strengthen the overall relationship.
Question. What more can the Biden administration do to provide
Honduras with investment and assistance, so that it does not feel like
it has to accept dubious loans from the PRC's Belt and Road Initiative?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has several existing
mechanisms to facilitate investment and infrastructure improvement as
well as innovative programs. U.S. efforts seek to organize development
and investment to help partner countries with climate resilient
infrastructure and long-term improvements in workforce qualifications,
including through Build Back Better World and the Blue Dot Network. The
U.S. International Development Finance Corporation has mobilized $60
billion for development and investment around the world. In Central
America, Vice President Harris launched the Call to Action to engage
businesses in responsible economic development in Central America, and
the public-private partnership with the Partnership for Central America
seeks to amplify the Call to Action.
Question. Last week, the Honduran Congress passed a law that
granted amnesty to individuals accused of embezzlement, fraud, abuse of
authority, terrorism, sedition and illegal possession of weapons, among
other crimes. The law seems only to apply to government officials who
served from 2006 to 2009, which cleanly lines up with the
Administration of Manuel Zelaya, the former President of Honduras and
President Castro's husband, who was ousted in 2009.
Do you believe the amnesty law tarnishes President Castro's
attempts to portray herself as an anti-corruption advocate?
Answer. I regret that the new Government elected to fight
corruption beginning with an amnesty law. Local NGOs and civil society
actors called the amnesty law ``an impunity pact,'' and other observers
have raised similar concerns about its reach and objective. The turmoil
in the Honduran congress reflects on President Castro's ability to act
on the mandate the people gave her.
Question. Are you worried that this amnesty law raises the question
that President Castro's administration may attempt to re-write
Honduras' constitution, just as former President Zelaya did before his
ouster?
Answer. I understand President Castro has dismissed allegations she
would try to stand up a constituent assembly. If confirmed, I will use
every tool available to me to promote respect for democratic processes
and institutions.
Question. If confirmed and in the event that Honduras re-attempts
constitutional changes that could undermine Honduran democracy, what
will be your response?
Answer. If I am confirmed, and in the event Honduras attempts to
push through constitutional changes that could undermine Honduran
democracy, I will work with the Department and the interagency to use
the appropriate tools to promote respect for democratic institutions
and processes. I would call upon the diplomatic community in Honduras
to use our combined voices and resources to urge a measured and long-
sighted approach to any significant changes proposed.
Question. As you know, President Biden began his administration by
announcing his ambition to address the root causes of migration in
Central America. I believe that increased private sector investment in
Honduras is integral to this effort. It is important for the U.S.
Embassy in Tegucigalpa to work with the Castro administration to
identify barriers to U.S. investment in Honduras and to promote
solutions to improve the business environment for U.S. companies.
Do you agree that increased investment by U.S. companies can help
create economic benefits and contribute to addressing the root
causes of migration in Honduras and the wider region?
Answer. Yes, I agree that U.S. private sector investment can bring
economic benefits to Honduras while also addressing some of the root
causes of irregular migration. I believe high-quality investment brings
not just capital but also builds Hondurans' knowledge and technology in
nearly any sector. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
existing programs throughout the interagency that strive to reduce
trade and commercial barriers and seek to increase economic
opportunities through an improved investment environment in Honduras. I
will carefully review options for near-shoring in support of U.S.
supply chains. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with U.S.
businesses already working in Honduras as well as with those
considering new investments in the country while working closely with
the Honduran Government to improve its investment climate.
Question. If so, how can we work with the Castro administration to
reduce barriers to investment for U.S. companies?
Answer. I understand President Castro reached out to private sector
leaders during the campaign and immediately after her electoral
victory, requesting input and advice on the formation of her economic
and financial policies. If confirmed, I will encourage my team to work
with the Castro administration, private sector leaders in the United
States and Honduras, and across the U.S. Government to maintain the
positive momentum we have seen so far. I believe our broad focus on
improving rule of law and fighting corruption will also contribute to
reducing barriers to U.S. investment and to creating an enabling
environment for more and varied investment.
Question. One of the barriers to U.S. investment in Honduras is the
issue of over-withholding of Honduran Value Added Tax and income tax.
Just like here, the Honduran Government withholds an estimate of what
it believes companies' and individuals' taxes will be throughout the
year, and refunds those entities that have overpaid. Unfortunately,
U.S. investors have experienced significant delays in receiving these
refunds. While the previous Hernandez administration made a commitment
to address this issue, I am concerned that the Castro administration
will not prioritize it.
Do you agree this creates a barrier for U.S. companies looking to
reinvest in Honduras?
Answer. Yes, I believe uncertainty and unpredictability create
barriers to U.S. investment in Honduras.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Castro
administration to resolve refunds owed to U.S. businesses, expedite
approved refund payments, and minimize future over-withholding of tax?
Answer. The United States has sought to improve the investment
climate in Honduras for U.S. investors for many years. We strive to
increase predictability, rule of law, and international best practices
with Honduras' Government institutions. If confirmed, I will use the
array of mechanisms available to the Embassy to ensure Honduras
respects its commitments, including those under CAFTA-DR. I will strive
to show the Honduran Government that ensuring U.S. investors can obtain
effective relief from excessive tax withholding also serves Honduras'
interests as it will provide a clear sign of an improving investment
climate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Randi Charno Levine by Senator Robert Menendez
Ukraine
Question. Transatlantic unity is vital to deterring Putin from re-
invading Ukraine. Portugal has committed to join in imposing severe
costs on Russia if it escalates aggression against Ukraine. If
confirmed, how will you work with the Portuguese Government to ensure a
unified response in the event that Russian actions fell short of a
full-scale invasion, but still constitute an attack on Ukraine's
sovereignty?
Answer. Portugal is contributing forces to the NATO contingent of
troops rotating through the Baltics in Lithuania. Portugal has
consistently supported EU sanctions against Russia and played a
constructive role in support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial
integrity. Foreign Minister Santos Silva has also highlighted the
importance of speaking with one voice and expressed increasing concern
over malign Russian influence in European politics, including hacking
government systems, conducting espionage, and spreading disinformation.
If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the Portuguese to continue
holding Russia accountable for threatening actions and violations of
international norms to deter any destabilizing activities.
European Energy Security
Question. Portugal does not use Russian gas, but Europe still
depends on Russian gas for 40 percent of its energy needs. Given the
strategic importance of the Port of Sines, how would you work to
partner with Portugal on energy security and diversification? And what
opportunities exist for partnership in the Azores for developing clean,
renewable energies?
Answer. Portugal has long advocated for Europe to develop gas
interconnections to transport natural gas and `green' hydrogen between
the Iberian Peninsula and Central Europe to diversify gas supply
sources and reduce energy dependence on Russia. Portugal is also a
climate action leader, among the first to ratify the Paris Agreement
and commit to carbon neutrality by 2050. Portugal will soon begin to
spend its EU recovery funds, which seek to improve infrastructure and
its green energy transition, including in the Azores. If confirmed, I
will work to boost mutual economic growth through increased investment,
climate and energy cooperation, and to counter non-market and coercive
economic practices.
China
Question. Portugal and China signed a memorandum of understanding
on the Belt and Road Initiative in 2018, and China has been a major
investor in Portugal in the past decade. China has historically
attempted to use its investments to push its agenda in Europe--a
hallmark of its debt-trap diplomacy. How would you work with the
Portuguese Government to expose the negative impacts of Chinese
investment, particularly in sensitive sectors like energy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with Portugal to address
the significant challenges PRC actions pose and to counter problematic
PRC influence. I will strive to enhance awareness of the vital national
security significance of critical infrastructure to the Government of
Portugal and promote trusted vendors based in countries with due
process and respect for the rule of law. I will encourage efforts to
strengthen the current investment screening regime in Portugal and
offer technical assistance and the exchange of best practices. In
addition, I will work hard to bring more American businesses to the
table as a strong alternative to PRC investment.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the
health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there will be nothing more important
than the health and security of those working with me. I will consider
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the
Mission Portugal. AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken,
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to
strengthen the Department's communication with our workforce, provide
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect
against these events in the future as we continue to work closely with
the interagency to find the cause of these AHIs.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Randi Charno Levine by Senator James E. Risch
Economic Relationship
Question. Portugal's economy has suffered heavily during the COVID-
19 pandemic. As Ambassador, how would you work with the Portuguese
Government to find ways the U.S. can aid in its domestic economic
recovery?
Answer. While the tourism and hospitality sectors have suffered
during the pandemic, Portuguese GDP grew by 4.9 percent in 2021 and is
expected to grow by another 5.5 percent in 2022. As Prime Minister
Costa and his Government begin a new term, his first move will be to
approve the 2022 budget and implement his party's plans to spend the EU
recovery funds, which seek to improve Portugal's infrastructure and
green energy transition. If confirmed, I will work hard to achieve
mutual economic growth through increased investment, especially in
climate and energy cooperation, and reinforce our shared prosperity.
The United States and Portugal are strongest when we work together, and
we will need this partnership now more than ever as the United States
leads the global recovery from COVID-19.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you encourage U.S. investment in
Portugal?
Answer. U.S. firms have a large and growing footprint in business
service centers in Portugal, taking advantage of its pool of multi-
lingual talent, and Portuguese technology startups flourish in the
startup ecosystem in the United States. U.S. investment can strengthen
our bilateral relationship and create new economic opportunities for
both our countries. If confirmed, I will strive to bring more American
businesses to the table.
Question. As Ambassador, how will you encourage U.S. trade with
Portugal?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that Embassy Lisbon is fully
engaged in recruiting a high-quality delegation to premier initiatives
like the annual SelectUSA Investment Summit, the SelectUSA Tech
Program, and the Select Global Women in Tech Program. Portugal
continues to develop a global reputation as a technology and tech
start-up hub, attracting commensurate interest from U.S. tech firms.
Portuguese firms are also heavily invested in the United States,
particularly in wind and solar energy development, and create thousands
of jobs domestically. If confirmed, I will focus on increasing mutually
beneficial bilateral investment, particularly in climate and energy
cooperation, as Portugal goes through its own clean energy transition.
Political Relationship
Question. Portugal's Socialist Party just won the sole majority in
Parliament. While it has led the ruling coalition for years, it now has
the seats to rule alone. How will you engage with the new PS Government
as well as minority parties on issues affecting the U.S.-Portuguese
relationship?
Answer. As the new government begins its term, they will need to
approve the 2022 budget and implement PS's plans to spend the EU
recovery funds, which seek to improve Portugal's infrastructure and
green energy transition. Portugal's long-standing foreign policy built
on Transatlantic ties, the EU, and ties with the Lusophone world will
remain unchanged. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
Portuguese Government to counter the significant and growing PRC
economic influence and create new opportunities based on these shared
interests and values.
NATO
Question. Portugal only spends 1.54 percent of its GDP on military
expenditures, far below the amount that it and all other NATO members
pledged in 2014 to spend--two percent. Previous ambassadors have urged
Portugal to meet that two percent goal, and while Portugal's military
spending has indeed risen, it has been very slow and a rather small
increase from an already low floor. What will you do differently from
your predecessors to convince or encourage Portugal and its government
of the necessity of being a stronger contributor to NATO?
Answer. Portugal remains a key NATO Ally and plays an important
role in NATO's core mission of collective defense, including sending
146 Marines for three months to Lithuania under the NATO Assurance
Measures mission and 174 soldiers to Romania for NATO's Tailored
Forward presence. Portugal continues to voice unwavering support for
and commitment to NATO missions and operations. Portugal submitted a
roadmap to raise defense spending to 1.66 percent by 2024 but is
expected to fall short of its Wales Pledge commitments. If confirmed, I
will urge the Portuguese increase defense spending to enable it to
modernize its military, meet force contribution commitments, and
fulfill its NATO capability targets.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Lisbon?
Answer. Although the pandemic has taken a toll on all of us, I
understand that morale at Mission Portugal is generally good. Embassy
Lisbon and Consulate Ponta Delgada are staffed by an experienced and
motivated team of Americans from across the interagency and excellent
locally employed staff. The entire team showed enormous flexibility
during the worst of the pandemic. Portugal's high vaccination rate has
helped mitigate against serious illness and deaths among Mission
personnel.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Lisbon?
Answer. If confirmed, I will reach out to members of the team at
all levels, including local staff, contractors, and family members of
all the U.S. Government agencies represented at the Mission to learn
about any concerns they may have and be an empowering, inclusive
leader.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Lisbon?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Mission's Country Team
to develop innovative ways to achieve our goals in the recently updated
Integrated Country Strategy. I will share our mission and vision widely
and frequently to the entire team. I will create opportunities for
frequent messaging and dialogue through events targeting the entire
community, such as town hall discussions, awards and promotion
ceremonies, community events, and other forms of active outreach.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have always believed in the importance of serving the
community, and I have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues
of all backgrounds in a constructive manner. I regularly engage with
members of my team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue
and diversity of thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an
environment of respect as Mission Portugal carries out important work
on behalf of the American people. I also believe in setting high
standards and leading by example. Our employees are our most important
asset. I am dedicated to professional development and helping employees
grow and advance.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of
Mission to advance U.S. priorities in Portugal, including protecting
the safety and security of Americans, expanding our economic
relationship, and advancing shared political priorities. I expect to
have a positive working relationship and to work together closely.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be
to meet the entire team at Embassy Lisbon and Consulate Ponta Delgada,
including the Deputy Chief of Mission. I will consult closely with the
Deputy Chief of Mission on a range of issues and value the
institutional knowledge provided. In general, I would expect the Deputy
Chief of Mission to serve as the chief operating officer for the
Mission, to liaise with the interagency at post and in Washington,
manage implementation of the Administration's strategic goals, and co-
lead efforts to build a cohesive team with good morale.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who succeed the most in their roles?
Answer. Yes. It is imperative that we use the performance
evaluation process to give timely, honest, and constructive feedback to
all employees to increase morale, improve job performance, and reward
high performers.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host-government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Portugal. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Yes. Based on my knowledge of the Department and embassy
operations overseas, U.S. diplomats have done a remarkable job to get
outside our embassy walls and advance U.S. objectives by meeting local
actors in diverse settings and environments. Understanding the health
restrictions due to COVID-19 over the last two plus years, I
wholeheartedly support Edward R. Murrow's view that the most crucial
part of diplomacy happens in the last three feet. My background is
people to people diplomacy. If confirmed, I will follow in the
footsteps of the ambassadors who came before me and traveled the
country extensively to connect with all facets of the Portuguese
community.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. At this time, U.S. diplomats in Portugal face no
restrictions on their movement or interactions with the local
population. If confirmed, I will encourage them to take full advantage
of this environment to advance our interests with all sectors of the
Portuguese populace.
I will also encourage staff to build and strengthen partnerships
with outside entities including a separate Fulbright Commission, the
media, non-governmental organizations, government ministries, alumni of
our exchange programs, and the Luso-American Development Foundation.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Portugal?
Answer. Public diplomacy is a vital part of our mission. The
Fulbright program in Portugal benefits 65-70 American and Portuguese
scholars and students every year. The Portuguese news media scene is
dominated by four main media groups and the Government of Portugal,
including the Lusa wire agency, which reaches beyond Portugal to other
Lusophone countries and to Portuguese communities abroad. Portuguese
outlets are constantly seeking commentary and clarification from the
U.S. Embassy. Public Diplomacy Section efforts focus on competing with
PRC economic and public diplomacy initiatives; supporting transatlantic
economic and trade relations; promoting U.S. culture, values,
education, tourism and products; countering Russian malign activities;
and highlighting the U.S. commitment to the Azores.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. International state-controlled media outlets like Xinhua,
Sputnik, and Russia Today compete against the U.S. Mission and
independent western media outlets for influence in the Portuguese media
space, making media monitoring and skilled engagement to push back
against disinformation even more important. Our digital engagement
efforts are key to engaging Portugal's current and future opinion
leaders. While Portugal has a strong Fulbright Commission and a network
of six American Corners, the PRC continues to build their influence by
offering full scholarships for all levels of education, as well as
expanding their Confucius Center network. If confirmed, I will work to
explore new educational partnerships.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Unity of message is important in foreign policy, so when it
comes to public messaging on policy issues, the U.S. Mission should and
does depend on guidance from Main State. However, it is up to the in-
country team members to provide local understanding of foreign
audiences and context, build key bilateral and multilateral
partnerships, and effectively tailor Washington's messages for the
local context. Embassy Lisbon's public diplomacy team does that very
well, and if confirmed, I'll make sure that we keep up that caliber of
work.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. Have you received a briefing on anomalous health
incidents? If you have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to
receiving a briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have not yet received a briefing, but I commit to
receiving one. If confirmed, there is nothing more important than the
health and security of those working with me at Embassy Lisbon. I will
consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security
of the Mission Portugal Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's
response to AHIs, setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response
Task Force to strengthen the Department's communication with our
workforce and provide care for affected employees and family members.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. Whether or
not anomalous health incidents occur at your embassy, how will you work
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue the good work of our
current leadership team. I will reach out to members of the team at all
levels, including local staff, contractors, and the family members of
all the U.S. Government agencies represented at the Mission to learn
about their concerns.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Lisbon personnel?
Answer. Yes.
Human Rights and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Portugal was downgraded from Tier 1 to Tier 2 because of a lack
of serious efforts to prosecute suspects and a lack of convictions of
traffickers, among other reasons. How will you work with the Portuguese
to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The Government of Portugal did not fully meet the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking in 2021 but made
significant efforts to do so. Multi-year patterns of decreases in
several areas resulted in the downgrade to Tier 2. However, as a
recognized leader on human rights issues, Portugal is well-placed to
continue to take action to reinforce its TIP efforts. If confirmed, I
look forward to cooperating with Portugal to combat this transnational
crime that affects our respective national security and am committed to
partnering with Portugal to identify areas of progress that achieve
tangible results to advance anti-trafficking efforts.
Question. What is your assessment of U.S. efforts to combat
trafficking in country? Please explain in detail.
Answer. Despite the pandemic, Portugal made gains in several areas,
to include investigating more suspects, awarding more restitution to
victims, and updating its national referral mechanism. The Department's
J/TIP office organized a training delivered by the Department of
Justice's Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit in January 2021 and
participated in the U.S.-Portugal strategic dialogue, which also
addressed human trafficking. As a recognized leader on human rights
issues, Portugal is well-placed to continue to take action to reinforce
its TIP efforts, and if confirmed, I look forward to cooperating with
Portugal to achieve tangible results together that advance anti-
trafficking efforts.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, do you commit to raising
human trafficking efforts in the first 100 days of your tenure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Portugal was described to lack a societal respect for
religious freedom, namely in the face of rising antisemitic and anti-
Muslim rhetoric and behavior. What is your assessment of this
particular issue?
Answer. Portugal's commitment to religious freedom is enshrined in
its constitution that protects the freedom of religion and worship and
prohibits religious persecution and discrimination. Overall, relations
among different religious communities in Portugal are very good, and
there have been few incidents of hate crimes against any religious
groups in the last few years. If confirmed, I will use strategic
outreach to advance a U.S. commitment to furthering understanding among
people of all religious traditions and support cultural and religious
diversity in Portugal. Culture and faith are key areas on which to
build mutual understanding through dialogue. At the same time, if
confirmed, I will closely monitor and condemn any acts of religious
intolerance, including those that may target Jewish or Muslim
communities.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will incorporate these topics into the
mission's broader efforts to promote interfaith tolerance and the
safety of religious, racial, and ethnic minority communities in
Portugal. I will encourage the government at the national, state,
regional, and local levels to take steps to improve protection for
religious minority communities, places of worship, and other culturally
meaningful sites, incorporating experience and expertise of those
communities. I will also direct my Country Team to support encounters
with minority communities that promote tolerance and respect for
religious freedom and include community projects and interfaith
coalitions. I will also empower local voices to speak out against hate
crimes.
Question. What is your assessment of U.S. efforts to bolster
religious freedom in Portugal?
Answer. Religious freedom and tolerance have played pivotal roles
in Portugal's history. Embassy Lisbon has maintained strong contacts
with government and religious representatives of Catholic, Muslim,
Jewish, and Protestant groups across various religious freedom issues.
If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen Mission Portugal's outreach to
these communities and expand on our shared commitment to uphold and
protect religious freedom and diversity.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, what is your plan to work
with both Ambassadors-at-Large for Religious Freedom and Office to
monitor and combat Antisemitism given the rise of antisemitic incidents
in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely and seamlessly with
the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, and the Special Envoy
for Holocaust Issues to continue to advocate for these priority issues.
The Portuguese Government has been consistent in its commitment to
Holocaust education, remembrance, and research. In May 2021, the
Holocaust Museum of Porto opened its doors, the first on the Iberian
Peninsula specifically dedicated to the Holocaust. The local Jewish
community, some of whose members lost family in the Holocaust, helped
establish the private museum. There are also plans to build a Jewish
museum in Lisbon. If confirmed, I look forward to promoting Holocaust
education and countering Holocaust distortion and denial, countering
antisemitism and prejudice in all forms, and protecting religious
freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Portugal was reported as having significant human rights abuses to
include corruption, domestic violence, child abuse, and acts of
violence against minority groups. If confirmed, what steps will you
take to address these instances with the host government?
Answer. Portugal has applauded the Administration's commitment to
equality and the defense of human rights, and strongly welcomes U.S.
leadership in these areas. If confirmed, I would be committed to
advancing gender equity and equality, empowering women and girls, and
working hard to prevent and respond to all forms of violence. Exchange
programs also enable contacts to serve as force multipliers for the
U.S. Embassy to advance equality and defend human rights for all. I
would also increase engagement with local advocacy groups, NGOs, and
government officials.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue activities that support
diversity and inclusion and human rights. I will seek to increase
engagement with local advocacy groups, NGOs, and government officials
to advance human rights, including those of the LGBTQI+ community, and
showcase Post's own diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to raising human rights in
the first 100 days of your tenure?
Answer. Yes.
East Asia and the Indo-Pacific
Question. What are the implications of China's investments in
Portugal's energy industry, including its energy grid?
Answer. PRC-backed companies have sizable stakes in key sectors in
Portugal like energy, construction, and insurance. China State Grid and
China Three Gorges are, respectively, the largest shareholders in
Portuguese energy grid operator REN and global utility EDP, two key
players in Portugal's energy transition plans. The PRC also uses
investments in Portugal to further gain an economic foothold in
Lusophone countries through its companies and media.
Question. How will you engage with your Portuguese counterparts on
this matter, if confirmed?
Answer. The depth and breadth of bilateral ties between Portugal
and the United States show that our countries are fundamentally aligned
in ways that the PRC and Portugal are not. However, many Portuguese
politicians are relatively sanguine about the PRC based on Portugal's
500-year history of trading and investments in Macau and China. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Portugal to address the significant
challenges the PRC poses and strive to raise the awareness of the vital
economic and national security significance of critical infrastructure,
including 5G networks, to the Government of Portugal.
Question. The University of Lisbon has a partnership focused on
Naval Architecture and Offshore Technology with Harbin Engineering
University (HEU). HEU is one of China's Seven Sons of National
Defense--the key universities with deep roots in, and ties with, the
Chinese military and defense industry. Will you commit to prioritizing
China-Portugal technology and defense partnerships that could undermine
U.S. interests?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing awareness with
the Government of Portugal as it related to Portuguese-Chinese
technology and defense partnerships that undermine U.S. interests.
Question. How will you tackle this challenge, if confirmed?
Answer. While encouraging academic freedom, if confirmed, I will
urge our allies and partners to practice careful oversight on academic
collaboration with their PRC based academic partners, and strive to
enhance awareness to prevent research that may be exploited by rival
militaries or for human rights abuses.
Question. Portugal is a major hub for undersea cables, and industry
where state-run and state-supported Chinese companies are making major
strides vis-a-vis trusted vendors in the United States, the European
Union, and Japan. Portugal has expressed some understanding of the need
to keep untrusted vendors out of European cable networks. How will you
advance U.S. interests on this issue in your engagements with Portugal,
if confirmed?
Answer. Portugal is actively seeking to attract more undersea
cables to establish itself as European gateway for digital connections.
At the same time, the PRC continues to seek ways to increase science
and technology cooperation with various Portuguese (mainland and
Azorean) maritime institutions. This is concerning from a security
perspective, and if confirmed, I will work hard to push back on the
PRC's technological threats and build resilience to Beijing's economic
coercion.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Randi Charno Levine by Senator Marco Rubio
Golden Visas
Question. Portugal remains one of the few countries in the European
Union to maintain its ``golden visa'' legislation. These golden visas,
or officially, ``investor visas,'' provide essentially residency and
even citizenship to those with enough money to pay. Oligarchs in Russia
and in the People's Republic of China use these programs to gain
citizenship in Europe. If they gain citizenship in a country that
participates in our Visa Waiver Program, that becomes a path for
corrupt officials, responsible for human rights abuses, the ability to
freely travel to the U.S. What is your opinion of Portugal's golden
visa laws?
Answer. Our Mission must continue to facilitate strong connections
between U.S. and Portuguese companies, investors, and entrepreneurs to
carry out legitimate trade and develop new economic opportunities. As a
member of the Visa Waiver Program (VWP), Portugal has a close security
partnership with the United States on immigration and border screening.
If confirmed, I will urge careful oversight of such programs and seek
to maintain and enhance existing information sharing and law
enforcement cooperation with Portugal.
Question. What is your opinion of proposals here that would make
Portuguese nationals eligible for U.S. investor visas?
Answer. Our two nations already enjoy extensive cultural and
economic ties. Bilateral trade in goods between the United States and
Portugal reached $4.6 billion in 2020. Our bilateral relationship
continues to serve as an important building block for our larger goal
of revitalizing the transatlantic partnership. If confirmed, I will
work to strengthen our mutual prosperity and economic growth by
supporting and promoting efforts that increase investment in both
countries. If the AMIGOS Act or equivalent legislation becomes law, I
will facilitate Treaty Trader (E-1)/Treaty Investor (E-2) visas for
qualified Portuguese passport holders.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Portuguese
Government to ensure that Portugal properly vets applicants to its
golden visa program?
Answer. Portugal's participation in the VWP allows the United
States to verify the identity document of travelers and determine
whether these travelers represent a threat to the security of the
United States and its citizens. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen
and expand existing cooperation with Portugal through robust
information sharing and law enforcement cooperation, and jointly
address global and regional threats and challenges. As with other VWP
countries, the Department of Homeland Security assesses the immigration
and border screening capabilities of foreign partners every two years,
including the integrity of any citizenship-by-investment programs.
Afghan Refugees
Question. Portugal has been one of the countries most receptive to
hosting Afghan refugees. Many of these refugees are Christians,
military translators, and others that are at acute risk of oppression
by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Many of them are supported by
American organizations through funding and supplies to help these
refugees rebuild a normal life in Portugal. What is your assessment of
the Administration's plans for the eventual future for Afghan refugees
currently in Portugal?
Answer. Since the relocation of our Afghan partners began in
August, the Government of Portugal has been a trusted and indispensable
partner in the effort to support at-risk individuals and their families
from Afghanistan. The Portuguese continue to express a willingness to
host these Afghan refugees, make them feel welcome, and help them
adjust to life in Portugal. In addition, the Department is moving
forward with refugee processing for Priority 1 and Priority 2 referred
cases in Portugal.
Question. Do you believe the Portuguese Government will agree to
indefinitely host them, or do you believe that Lisbon will want to
resettle them in the U.S. or other third countries?
Answer. The Government of Portugal has offered asylum to the
refugees who have entered their country and the Government has been
clear that they intend to assist the refugees in making Portugal their
permanent home. U.S. NGOs and private citizens are donating an
estimated five million dollars to help fund these efforts. As I
understand it, Embassy Portugal has received no requests from the
Government of Portugal to resettle them in the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. N. Nickolas Perry by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed,
and I will ensure that any reported incident that falls under my Chief
of Mission authority will receive an appropriate medical and security
response. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to
Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs), setting clear goals for the Health
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected
employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people working at U.S. Embassy Kingston.
I commit to working with health and security officials and other
parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate protocols
and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans and local
staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. N. Nickolas Perry by Senator James E. Risch
General
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to placing your personally
owned rental property in Jamaica into a trust that neither you nor any
member of your immediate family controls so that you can ensure there
will be no perceived or real conflict of interest from serving as the
U.S. Ambassador to a country where you have financial gain?
Answer. Since the announcement of the President's intent to appoint
me, my wife and I decided to cease making our privately owned property
available for rentals. We directed the property manager to implement
this decision and the property is now only for private use.
If confirmed, I commit to conduct all my public, personal, and
private business affairs in a manner that is always in full and
complete compliance with the highest ethical standard required for the
office of the U.S. Ambassador.
Counter Narcotics
Question. According to the State Department's 2021 International
Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Jamaica is the largest Caribbean
supplier of marijuana to the United States and a transit point for
cocaine trafficked to the United States and other markets.
Please describe your understanding of the areas in which the U.S.
and Jamaica can improve bilateral efforts to target narcotics
trafficking in Jamaica and the Caribbean writ large.
Answer. I understand U.S.-Jamaican collaboration on matters of law
enforcement and citizen security is excellent, overall. We share the
same goals and the same commitment to combating transnational organized
crime and protecting our citizens.
The United States and Jamaica work collaboratively on a wide range
of issues designed to address crime and violence affecting Jamaican
citizens and enhance the security of the American homeland. We do this
principally through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI). Our
security cooperation with Jamaica under CBSI addresses shared security
priorities including maritime law enforcement, border and port
security, firearms trafficking, transnational crime, gangs, law
enforcement and justice sector capacity building, and youth crime and
violence prevention. The United States also works with the Jamaican
Constabulary Force Narcotics Unit and the Jamaican Defense Force's
Coast Guard to strengthen border security, conduct interdiction
operations, dismantle networks engaged in illicit trafficking, and
cooperate on maritime interdiction of illegal narcotics. If confirmed,
I will work hard to see that this collaboration between our countries
continues to increase.
Question. If confirmed, how will your approach to countering drugs
and crime be different from the U.S. Government's previous policies,
which have not yielded sustained positive results?
Answer. I understand the 26 U.S. Government agencies that make up
the Embassy in Kingston provide capacity building assistance to aid law
enforcement and criminal justice actors, including Jamaican courts, the
Jamaican Constabulary Force, and the Jamaican Defense Force. The United
States made substantial progress through the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative in combating narcotics trafficking and transnational crime
and increasing citizen security. I recognize that U.S. programs need to
continue to evolve to meet the most significant threats and challenges
we face in Jamaica, including sustained work to combat gangs,
corruption, financial crimes, and other emerging issues.
Question. In 2019 Jamaica became a participant in the Chinese
Communist Party's (CCP) Belt and Road Initiative. What specific actions
will you take to highlight the consequences of the CCP's non-
transparent and coercive economic, financial, and lending practices in
order to counter its negative influence in the Caribbean?
Answer. The United States encourages our partners to follow
international best practices for investments and trade that meet high
standards in terms of transparency, adherence to anti-corruption
standards, debt sustainability, labor rights, environmental best
practices, and addressing the needs and concerns of local communities.
We urge partners to develop investment screening mechanisms to ensure
that untrusted vendors do not gain access to or influence over critical
infrastructure or sensitive sectors. Untrusted vendor investment in
critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors opens partners and the
United States up to national security and data privacy risks.
If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that Jamaica's leaders are
aware of the PRC's opaque policies and financing practices that do not
meet international standards and undermine countries' critical
infrastructure security, the rules-based international order, fair
global market competition, or human rights.
Question. In 2020, Jamaica accepted over 140 Cuban doctors to
provide medical services as part of a COVID-19 agreement. Do you agree
that these Cuban medical missions are a form of human trafficking and
if so, what would you do to highlight this issue with the Jamaican
Government?
Answer. I understand there are serious and ongoing concerns about
allegations of forced labor in Cuba's international missions' program,
one of the Cuban Government's largest sources of revenue. If confirmed,
I will urge Jamaican authorities to take the necessary steps to prevent
forced labor and seek transparency on contractual agreements between
the Cuban Government and Cuban overseas workers, to screen those
associated with this program for trafficking indicators, and to protect
those victims identified. I will commit to continued high-level
diplomatic engagement with the Jamaican Government on this issue and
others that relate to our shared support for human rights.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Kingston?
Answer. I understand that the stress of the pandemic, along with
the loss of several Mission staff, had a profound impact on Mission
Kingston. Nevertheless, the Mission staff, both American and local
staff, have lived up to the highest standards of the Department by
continuing to perform at the very highest level, advocating for U.S.
interests and bilateral cooperation related to political and economic
issues, managing development programs, and providing citizen services
to Americans in distress. I applaud their dedication and, if confirmed,
it will be my honor to lead such an outstanding group of public
servants.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kingston?
Answer. The morale, well-being, and safety of all mission employees
will be one of my top priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed. I will
work with Embassy leadership to ensure there are proper resources in
place for all employees to contribute to the Mission's success. I will
also make every effort to ensure that all employees are aware that I
care about them, that I want to hear from them, and that it is my duty
to try to address their concerns.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Kingston?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with my entire
Embassy team, including all 26 agencies represented there, to ensure
that we operate as a single team in the service of the citizens of the
United States, our government, and the strengthening of our
relationship with the people and Government of Jamaica. In carrying out
our mission, I will strive to ensure that Mission Kingston has a
diverse and inclusive workforce where all employees are respected and
treated equitably.
Management is a Key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as a combination of
democratic management and coaching management. I admire democratic
management since I believe good leadership is rooted in collaboration.
I also appreciate the value of the coaching management style in which a
leader is committed to the ongoing development of his staff and works
to identify what motivates each employee so that the manager can
identify their strengths and weaknesses and help them to become better
professionals.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate a
subordinate, in public or in private. I believe such conduct
demonstrates a lack of control and is antithetical to creating a
positive and productive workplace.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. An effective Embassy requires a smooth, complementary
relationship in the Front Office between the Ambassador and the Deputy
Chief of Mission. I recognize that a senior Foreign Service Officer
will be of great value to the Embassy in Kingston and it will be my
responsibility to work with them in a way that takes advantage of their
talents and experience, from coordinating the implementation of the
Integrated Country Strategy to ensuring harmony and synchronization of
the 26 agencies that make up the Mission. If confirmed, I look forward
to sitting down with the Deputy Chief of Mission and devising a
relationship that ensures the success of our important work in Jamaica
on behalf of the United States.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate the Deputy Chief of Mission will
be key to three Mission priorities: the effective implementation of the
Integrated Country Strategy by the Country Team; advocating for U.S.
interests and enhanced bilateral cooperation; and serving as my
principal counsel on anything relating to our staff and their welfare.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who succeed the most
in their roles?
Answer. It is absolutely important to provide all employees, from
entry-level officers to members of my senior staff, with accurate and
constructive feedback. It is essential to their professional
development, and I am committed to making that a hallmark of my service
in Jamaica, if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. I believe clear, accurate, and direct feedback is essential
to the management of all employees., I want to ensure everyone on our
team is pulling their weight and contributing to our success. That will
only be done if everyone receives the feedback they require.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host-government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Jamaica.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I understand U.S. diplomats need to get outside of the
Embassy to meet contacts and assess local conditions, taking the
appropriate precautions related to prevalent violent crime and the
pandemic. As with many things, we should always strive to do better,
and if confirmed, I will certainly encourage the Embassy Kingston staff
to engage as much as conditions allow.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to set the pace for the rest of my
team. I plan to get out and see as many Jamaicans as possible, to share
U.S. views and listen to their concerns, and to showcase the great
programs that the U.S. Government is conducting in Jamaica. As much as
possible, if confirmed, I will encourage embassy staff to interact with
Jamaicans from all walks of life.
Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Jamaica?
Answer. I understand U.S. Embassy Kingston has thriving and dynamic
public diplomacy (PD) programs and engagements involving media,
educational, and cultural institutions. By and large, Jamaicans are
favorable toward our messaging and are eager to participate in our PD
programs.
The Embassy manages a variety of U.S.-sponsored cultural and
educational exchange programs, including the Fulbright Program,
International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), the Young Leaders of
the Americas Initiative (YLAI), and other ad hoc exchanges. We have
great working relationships with government ministries and NGOs.
The Embassy enjoys a strong working relationship with the local
media, and it has a monthly article and radio program highlighting
consular issues. The daily newspapers print the majority of embassy
press releases, and the mission is able to garner interest for press
conferences and interviews with Embassy officials.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The COVID pandemic has substantially altered our public
diplomacy efforts. I understand the Embassy was able to pivot in order
to engage and message digitally when the COVID-19 pandemic made in-
person events impossible. However, schools, NGOs, and civil society
organizations in Jamaica often lack the resources and connectivity to
participate in virtual programs with the Embassy. If confirmed, I will
encourage staff to broaden our public engagement options and think
creatively about how we can interact with more Jamaicans from a wide
variety of backgrounds.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I understand the State Department's bureaus and overseas
missions work hand-in-hand on public diplomacy. In doing so, they
create messaging about key policy priorities that resonate with the
local audience and design educational and cultural programs that
further U.S. goals of economic growth, respect for human rights,
strengthening civil society, protecting the environment, and embracing
diversity.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed, ,
and I will ensure that any reported incident that falls under my Chief
of Mission authority will receive an appropriate medical and security
response. . I understand Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's
response to Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs), setting clear goals for
the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected
employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Kingston personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to speaking as openly as
possible to mission personnel and working with health and security
officials as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate
protocols and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans
and local staff.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Jamaica remained on Tier 2 due to sustained efforts to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking, including a sizable
conviction.
How will you work with the Jamaican Government to address these
ongoing issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. I understand that the Government of Jamaica takes the
Department's annual reporting on trafficking in persons very seriously,
and the Holness administration is a committed partner in combatting
these issues. The 2021 TIP Report acknowledged the Government's
progress in applying stringent penalties to a convicted trafficker and
ensuring restitution paid to a victim. However, the Jamaican Government
continues to struggle with low numbers of victims identified and
assisted, and few prosecutions and convictions. If confirmed, under my
leadership, the U.S. Government and its implementing partners will seek
to strengthen the Jamaican Government's capacity to combat human
trafficking, provide victim services training, and engage in high-level
dialogue with the Jamaican Government to keep them focused on victim
identification and protection, prosecution of criminal actors, and
community-based prevention.
Question. What is your assessment of U.S. efforts to combat
trafficking in country? Please explain in detail.
Answer. The U.S. Government heavily invested in building the
capacity of the Jamaican Government to combat human trafficking in
Jamaica. Under the U.S.-Jamaica Child Protection Compact (CPC)
Partnership, the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
invested nearly $6.7 million to bolster the Government of Jamaica's
efforts to address this issue. The CPC Partnership is a jointly
developed, multi-year plan that builds on existing efforts to prosecute
and punish perpetrators of child trafficking; identify child
trafficking victims and coordinate the provision of comprehensive
protective services; and prevent child trafficking from occurring. Both
our governments committed to working collaboratively in Jamaica over
four years to achieve improved and sustainable policies and practices
to meet the CPC Partnership's objectives. If confirmed, I will seek to
continue these projects alongside our deep engagement to build the
capacity of a broad range of local civil society organizations with the
local knowledge and expertise to support efforts to combat human
trafficking.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, do you commit to raising
human trafficking efforts in the first 100 days of your tenure?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continually improving and
expanding our efforts to combat human trafficking in Jamaica. The
Government of Jamaica is a strong and willing partner in these efforts,
and we look forward to growing our partnership with them, local civil
society organizations, and U.S.-based implementing partners to continue
making headway on this issue. I commit to the prioritization of the
fight against trafficking in persons during my first 100 days and
throughout my tenure.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, the U.S. Embassy was noted as being regularly engaged
with civil society to encourage positive discourse and action as it
relates to religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue?
Answer. Jamaica's constitution firmly guarantees freedom of
religious belief, and this freedom is backed up by a robust array of
civil society organizations that the Embassy regularly works with. If
confirmed, I'll stand by the Jamaican peoples' right of religious
freedom. Moreover, continued stigma against members of the Rastafarian
community and legal discrimination against LGBTQI+ Jamaicans, supported
by some religious groups and leaders, are issues which require
continuing discourse and attention. If confirmed, I will ensure the
Embassy will continue working to address them.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-
Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. I understand Embassy Kingston regularly convenes diverse
faith groups and civil society organizations to promote positive
discourse on the topics of religious freedom and tolerance. Religious
freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and the Department continues
to monitor the religious freedom situation in Jamaica. If confirmed, I
will work the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom
(IRF) and other stakeholders to ensure all citizens enjoy their freedom
of religion and equal protection as stated in the constitution.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Jamaica was identified as having serious human rights issues and
abuses, like corruption, sex and labor trafficking, and poor prison
conditions, among others.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration prioritizes the advancement
of human rights, democracy promotion, and the fight against corruption,
which was on display during the December 2021 Summit for Democracy. If
confirmed, I will continue to raise the U.S. Government's human rights
priorities with our partners in the Government of Jamaica at the
highest levels. Prime Minister Andrew Holness delivered remarks at the
Summit for Democracy that committed Jamaica to advancing human rights
in Jamaica and multilateral fora. Curbing police abuses, human rights
violations, and corruption will be top priorities in our security and
economic partnerships with the Jamaican Government, private sector,
media, civil society organizations, and marginalized communities, and
the Embassy will continue to be deeply involved at nearly every level
of the Jamaican Government's efforts to combat human trafficking.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. A key priority for Embassy Kingston is supporting and
building the capacity of Jamaica's many robust civil society
organizations working to strengthen the rule of law, curb corruption,
and provide support for human rights defenders in the country. Through
programs such as the U.S.-Jamaica Child Protection Compact (CPC)
Partnership, the Embassy directs substantial funding to implementing
partners who train and support Jamaican Government agencies in
combatting the scourges of human trafficking and related issues. If
confirmed, I will continue to convene civil society organizations
focused on fighting corruption to build stronger partnerships, share
lessons learned, identify resource opportunities, better inform our
reporting to Washington and Congress, and guide our conversations with
partners in the Jamaican Government on these issues.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Coordinator on
Global Anti-Corruption on corruption issues in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with the new
Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption in our efforts to better combat
corruption and the problems it feeds such as gang violence, drug
trafficking, and financial scams targeting vulnerable Americans. I will
also seek to enhance the Embassy's anti-corruption efforts by pursuing
the full suite of U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption Pillar 5 lines
of action that would include publicly supporting Jamaica's robust civil
society, journalists, and anti-corruption activists and government
anti-corruption institutions, such as the Auditor General's Department,
the Major Organized Crime Agency, Integrity Commission, Office of the
Director of Public Prosecutions, and Financial Investigations Division.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. N. Nickolas Perry by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Jamaica has become a target of considerable lending
through the Chinese Communist Party's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Since 2005, Jamaica has received about $2.1 billion in financing from
Chinese sources for road construction, housing, entertainment centers,
hospitals, schools and even government buildings. Almost $1.2 billion
have been to critical industries, like the mining of bauxite,
transportation and energy. Capping off this lending, Jamaica formally
joined the Belt and Road Initiative in 2019. Although Jamaican
officials are confident that these loans can be repaid, they have
notably become more reluctant to receive more funding.
Do you agree that China's Belt and Road Initiative is predatory
lending?
Answer. The United States encourages our partners to follow
international best practices for investments and trade that meet high
standards in terms of transparency, adherence to anti-corruption
standards, debt sustainability, labor rights, environmental best
practices, and addressing the needs and concerns of local communities.
The United States urges partners to develop investment screening
mechanisms to ensure that untrusted actors do not gain access to or
influence over critical infrastructure or sensitive sectors. Untrusted
actor investment in critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors opens
partners and the United States up to national security and data privacy
risks.
If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that Jamaica's leaders are
aware of the PRC's opaque policies and financing practices that do not
meet international standards, undermine countries' critical
infrastructure security, the rules-based international order, fair
global market competition, and human rights.
Question. If confirmed, will you support efforts by U.S.-backed
international financial institutions to provide enhanced investment to
Jamaica, including by providing a 10th capital increase to the Inter-
American Development Bank?
In addition to your home state of New York, the largest
concentration of Jamaican-Americans reside in my home state of
Florida. They maintain close ties with their relatives in
Jamaica, and many U.S. companies have business presence in the
Caribbean island. Remittances from these communities also form
a substantial source of Jamaican GDP.
Answer. The Jamaican Government undertook a six-year economic
reform program with support from the IMF prior to the COVID-19 pandemic
which ensured it had the resources to help its citizens. The Holness
administration made impressive gains in reducing public debt. If
confirmed, I will urge the Holness administration to continue on a path
that assures international financial institutions and potential
American investors of Jamaica's fiscal stability, accountability, and
welcoming business environment. If confirmed, I will support greater
investments by the Inter-American Development Bank in projects that
help Jamaica address its development needs in a responsible and
sustainable fashion. Discussions on the IDB's resources should occur
from the bottom up, taking into account the views of all shareholders
and IDB Management and fulsome analyses of financial conditions, the
use of resources and how it relates to the region's challenges, and the
IDB's role within the larger financing and policy landscape for the
region.
Jamaica and the United States have long enjoyed a very close
relationship built upon shared values, trade, cultural ties, tourism,
and the diaspora community. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen
those ties, especially with the diaspora community. I will also focus
on expanding and enhancing our trade and investment relationship with
Jamaica. If confirmed, I will work to increase the awareness of the
opportunities that exist for U.S. businesses outside of the tourism and
hospitality sectors.
Question. If confirmed, what are your top priorities to support
economic and cultural ties between Jamaica and the Jamaican-American
community?
Answer. If confirmed, I believe my life experience will contribute
to a strengthening of the ties between Jamaican-Americans and their
homeland. I will meet with Jamaican-American groups to hear their views
on how we can encourage enhanced economic ties between them and Jamaica
to the benefit of both countries. I will also support the Embassy's
cultural and educational exchanges that enable Americans and Jamaicans
to share ideas and learn from each other. Each of these areas will be
important as we make the U.S.-Jamaican relationship even stronger.
Question. Since the 1990s, drug violence has plagued Jamaica, which
continues to experience high rates of crime and violence. The country
still has the highest homicide rate in the entire Latin America and
Caribbean region, at 45.5 per 100,000 people.
How would you work to improve ongoing anti-drug efforts to prevent
drugs from coming to U.S. from Jamaica?
Answer. I understand U.S.-Jamaican counter-narcotics collaboration
is excellent, overall. We share the same goals and the same commitment
to combatting transnational organized crime and protecting our
citizens.
The United States and Jamaica work collaboratively on a wide range
of issues designed to address drugs and crime. We do this principally
through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI). Jamaica is one
of thirteen Caribbean countries that partners with the United States to
advance three overarching, complementary goals: reduce illicit
trafficking, improve public safety and security, and prevent youth
crime and violence in the Caribbean. Our security cooperation with
Jamaica under CBSI addresses shared security priorities including
maritime law enforcement, border and port security, firearms
trafficking, transnational crime, gangs, law enforcement and justice
sector capacity building, and youth crime and violence prevention.
U.S. assistance also supports the Jamaican Government's capacity to
secure and monitor its borders and territorial seas through training
and technical assistance to the Jamaican Defense Force.
If confirmed, I will work hard to see that this collaboration
between our countries continues to increase as we seek to reduce the
flow of drugs that transit Jamaica and enter the United States.
Question. What is your view of the current Holness Government's
approach to combating violence and drug trafficking, specifically by
creating local states of emergencies?
Answer. I understand that the Holness administration is working
hard to reduce the high level of crime, especially homicide, plaguing
the country. Crime in Jamaica is a special concern because of the
number of U.S. citizens who reside or visit the country. The 26 U.S.
Government agencies that make up the Embassy in Kingston provide
capacity building assistance to aid local criminal justice actors,
including Jamaican courts, the Jamaican Constabulary Force, and the
Jamaican Defense Force, and support other efforts to reduce violence.
This includes programs under the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative to
reduce illicit trafficking, improve public safety and security, and
prevent youth crime and violence in the Caribbean.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we maintain our close
relationship with Jamaican authorities and civil society groups aimed
at reducing the level of violence and countering drug trafficking.
__________
Correspondence from The Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance, Supporting Dr.
Deborah E. Lipstadt's Nomination to be Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Antisemitism
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Correspondence from Senator James Lankford, U.S. Senator for Oklahoma,
Supporting Dr. Deborah E. Lipstadt's Nomination to be Special Envoy to
Monitor and Combat Antisemitism
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, MARCH 3, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:45 a.m., in
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward J.
Markey presiding.
Present: Senators Markey [presiding], Murphy, Kaine,
Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Romney, Young, and Cruz.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. This nominations hearing of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider nominees for four crucial
positions: the Honorable Alina Romanowski to serve as
Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq; Mr. Douglas Hickey to serve
as Ambassador to the Republic of Finland, Mr. Steven Fagin to
serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Yemen; and the Honorable
Erin McKee to serve as Assistant Administrator for the United
States Agency for International Development--USAID--for Europe
and Eurasia.
I would like to congratulate each of you on your
nominations, thank you for your service, and thank your
families who have supported you and will continue to support
you in your service to our country.
I understand that Senator Kaine would like to introduce Mr.
Hickey for Ambassador to Finland.
But let me turn first--would the ranking member of the full
committee, Senator Risch, like to say a word?
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Very briefly, with the permission of Senator
Kaine. I know Senator Kaine and Mr. Hickey are well acquainted.
Mr. Hickey hails from Idaho and this is a man that is well
suited for the position that he has been nominated for. Like a
lot of these, when we get a really good one, he did not seek it
out but the request came knocking and he answered, and has an
outstanding background in the business community.
But he also has very significant experience in the past on
diplomatic matters. So I think you will find him really
qualified for this job.
And right now, this is an important position that we are
talking about. Finland, we all know, is not a member of NATO.
They are having second thoughts, for obvious reasons, and I
think all the encouragement that we can give them, particularly
now when the person--the entity that does not want them--does
not want Finland there cannot do much about it because they are
otherwise occupied, and we hope you will continue to encourage
that.
Mr. Hickey, thank you, and thank you to all of you who are
willing to take these positions and to serve. We are in a
unique time right now. We hope things calm down quickly. But it
looks like we may be in for the long haul. So all of you are
going to have your hands full.
So with that, I am going to excuse myself, as I have some
other things that I have to attend to. Thanks so much.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Risch.
Senator Kaine?
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, to my committee
colleague, and to the nominees Congratulations to all of you,
and I will have questions for each of you but I want to now
proudly introduce my longtime friend--please do not hold that
against him--but my longtime friend, Doug Hickey, who is here
as the President's Ambassador--nominee to be Ambassador to
Finland, and he is joined by his wife, Dawn, who is also a
close friend.
Doug is very qualified for this position for a couple of
reasons. First, he has decades of experience--more than three
decades of experience holding senior level positions in the
telecom, internet, and technology industries, and he has been
in the tech space his whole career as a founder and builder of
numerous companies and also an investor in those companies.
This background is particularly important for Finland
because the technology export is that nation's key industry--is
that nation's key export industry and they are a global leader.
Doug's background in the tech space will make him a natural fit
in the position.
Doug also has, as Chairman--Ranking Member Risch mentioned,
notable government experience because he was appointed by
President Obama to head the U.S. involvement in the Milan World
Expo in 2014. He has performed vital volunteer work for many
philanthropic organizations--Catholic Relief Services, the
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Center, his alma mater, Siena
College.
His life experience, business background, innovation, and
deep intellect will be critical to this U.S.-Finland
partnership.
As Senator Risch mentioned, the U.S. relationship with
Finland is a very strong one but it is more important than
ever. Finland has often played the role with the United States
as an interlocutor on matters dealing with Russia and sometimes
an interpreter as to Russian intent and actions.
Finland has the European Union's longest border with
Russia. So as Vladimir Putin continues the barbaric, unjust,
illegal invasion of Ukraine, Doug will work tirelessly with the
mission there in Finland to strengthen the U.S. commitment to
Finland's security, especially as Finland is taking some steps
that are quite unusual for them--delivery of weaponry to
support Ukraine's defense, consideration of accession to NATO.
He is an excellent and highly qualified choice for this
position and I strongly urge my committee colleagues and then I
will strongly urge my colleagues on the floor to promptly
support him. We need an ambassador in Finland as soon as we
can.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
And thank you, Mr. Hickey. I think you have received about
as good an endorsement as you could receive.
And we also will be hearing from Alina Romanowski, who was
nominated to be the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq. Ambassador
Romanowski is a career member of the Senior Executive Service,
currently serving as the U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait.
Previously, she served as the Department of State's
Principal Deputy Coordinator for Counterterrorism. She joined
the Department of State to establish the Middle East
Partnership Initiative Office and served as its first director.
In light up her broad foreign policy experience, leadership
abilities, and distinguished U.S. Government career, she is,
clearly, highly qualified to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Iraq.
Welcome, Ambassador Romanowski. U.S. leadership is critical
in addressing the dual concerns of security and human rights in
Iraq. Progress on both issues depends on robust engagement
between the United States and the Iraqi Government.
Next, I will introduce Steven Fagin, who is nominated for
the position of U.S. Ambassador to Yemen. Mr. Fagin is a career
member of the Senior Foreign Service, class of Minister-
Counselor. He recently served as the Deputy Chief of Mission
and later charge d'affaires of the U.S. Embassy in Iraq.
Prior to that, Mr. Fagin held several other positions
focused on the Middle East, including principal officer at the
U.S. Consulate General in Erbil, Iraq, and director of the
Office of Iranian Affairs in the State Department's Bureau of
Near Eastern Affairs.
He earned a bachelor's from Williams College and he has
demonstrated success as a leader in both Washington and abroad.
So welcome to you, Mr. Fagin, as well.
And, finally, I would like to introduce Erin McKee, who is
nominated to be the Administrator for Europe and Eurasia at the
U.S. Agency for International Development.
Ambassador McKee is, clearly, up to the challenge ahead,
based on her experience and her expertise. She is currently the
U.S. Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea,
the Solomon Islands, and the Republic of Vanuatu.
Ambassador McKee is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service with the rank of career minister and brings a wealth of
foreign policy and development experience to her position.
Prior to her work in the Pacific Island region, she worked
on Eastern Europe at USAID and in the private sector. She is a
graduate of the University of California. And we welcome you to
the hearing here today.
And so we will begin. But if you, Senator Cruz, would like
to make an opening statement, you are recognized for that
purpose.
STATEMENT OF HON. TED CRUZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TEXAS
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to today's
panelists. Congratulations on your nominations.
If confirmed, each of you will be dispatched to regions
that are in deep turmoil right now and that are beset by
multiple crises. In Europe, as everyone knows, Russia has
launched an unprovoked war, the largest land war that the
continent has seen since World War II.
Our allies face incalculable harm and the existence of
Ukraine hangs in the balance. In the Middle East, the Iranian
regime has flooded the region with terrorism and violence, has
seized control of entire countries, such as Lebanon, and seeks
to build a nuclear arsenal that I believe there is an
unacceptably high risk they would use against Israel or,
indeed, against the American homeland.
Many of these crises are self-inflicted. Since the earliest
days of the Biden administration, Biden-Harris officials have
pursued policies all but explicitly designed to weaken our
allies and to embolden our enemies.
In Europe, the Biden administration spent much of 2021
undercutting our Ukrainian allies militarily, economically, and
diplomatically.
The President inexplicably issued waivers for Nord Stream
2, providing Putin with an alternative route to send gas to
Europe and exposing Ukraine to the existential conflict it is
now facing.
The administration at least twice withheld lethal
assistance from our Ukrainian allies, aid they would have
trained with and now will be using, all in an effort to grease
relations with Russia.
Biden/Harris officials denied President Zelensky an early
critical meeting with President Biden in order to try to coerce
his approval for such policies and, of course, on the eve of
war, State Department officials were dispatched to offer broad
concessions to Russia that would have crippled NATO, and once
they became public that signaled weakness to both our allies
and our adversaries.
The State Department went so far as to pressure the
Ukrainians to cede territory to Russia--the literal definition
of European appeasement.
At times like this, we need every ally we can find. But,
unfortunately, across the globe, the Biden administration has
alienated many of our traditional allies.
Yesterday, this committee heard testimony about India from
Assistant Secretary Lu. India is a critical ally across a
number of areas and the U.S.-Indian alliance has broadened and
deepened in recent years. But under the Biden administration it
has gone backwards.
And so yesterday in a United Nations General Assembly vote
condemning Putin's aggression the Indians abstained rather than
stand with us against Russia, and today there are reports that
the Biden administration is contemplating imposing CAATSA
sanctions against India, the largest democracy on Earth, a
decision that I think would be extraordinarily foolhardy.
India is not the only country to have voted against us and
against condemning Russia. The United Arab Emirates also
abstained in yesterday's vote.
The UAE is a close ally of the United States and during the
Trump administration was a critical player in the Abraham
Accords that fundamentally transformed the entire Middle East
and brought Israelis and Arabs together under American
leadership.
When the Biden administration took over, however, they made
it a week one priority to tilt away from our regional allies
and towards Iran, and they immediately dismantled terrorism
sanctions on the Iran-controlled Houthis in Yemen.
The Houthis, of course, did not wait a day before
escalating their attacks and they eventually started launching
terrorist attacks into the UAE itself.
Critically, this week and this weekend the Biden
administration is looking to lock in their pivot towards Iran
at breathtaking danger to our Middle East allies and to the
United States itself.
There are reports from Vienna that a new agreement from
Iran will be announced imminently. This deal is nothing short
of catastrophic, and I fully anticipate that the Biden
administration will attempt to circumvent congressionally
mandated review of the deal.
The deal will provide Iran with a functionally unlimited
nuclear program, facilitate the development of ICBMs, dismantle
sanctions related to terrorism and human rights, and pour
hundreds of billions of dollars into the regime's coffer.
A regime headed by a theocratic ayatollah who chants
``Death to America'' and ``Death to Israel'' is on the verge of
being massively funded by President Joe Biden.
In these dangerous times, I look forward to hearing your
testimonies and discussing each of these issues with you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. Once again, it is my pleasure to welcome
our nominees to today's hearing. Thank you for taking the time
to discuss your experiences and qualifications with us.
And now we are going to turn to your opening statements and
I will ask each of you to keep your statements to approximately
five minutes, knowing that your full statements will be made
part of the record, without objection. We will start with
Ambassador Romanowski and proceed in turn.
First, I have a few questions that speak to the importance
of this committee and what--and the responsibility we have to
ensure that there is a responsiveness of all officials in the
executive branch and that we expect--we will be seeking from
you, and I would ask each of you to provide just a yes or no
answer.
Do each of you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Can each of you say yes?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Will each of you respond yes?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact? Will each of you answer
yes?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Markey. That is fine, and we will look forward to
your cooperation in the months and years ahead after you are
confirmed.
So we will begin with Ambassador Romanowski. We are now
going to recognize you for a five-minute statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. ALINA L. ROMANOWSKI OF ILLINOIS, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ
Ms. Romanowski. Thank you, Senator.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to submit
my complete testimony for the record.
Senator Markey. Without objection.
Ms. Romanowski. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, and
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to the U.S. Ambassador to
the Republic of Iraq.
I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me, especially as a member of the career
civil service. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
this committee to defend and advance our nation's interest in
Iraq.
I am grateful to share this day with my family. My husband,
a retired U.S. Navy submariner, and I raised two sons, one
making their way in the financial investment world and the
other expecting to serve our nation when he completes the U.S.
Navy's Officer Candidate School next month.
My parents, who came to the United States in their 20s,
instilled in me a deep sense of service, respect, and humility,
and their guidance remains with me in spirit.
My more than 40 years of public service have taken me
across the Departments of State and Defense, USAID, and the
intelligence community in positions mostly focused on the
Middle East.
If confirmed, I will draw on that broad experience to
advance U.S. national security interests in Iraq and the
region. It is the greatest honor to be entrusted with
strengthening our relationship with Iraq.
From my many years of experience in the Middle East,
especially in my current role as Ambassador to Kuwait, I know
firsthand the importance of this critical strategic
partnership.
Iraq remains a foreign policy priority for the United
States and is a cornerstone of regional stability. The United
States is committed to deepening its enduring partnership with
the Iraqi people.
As Iraq learns to manage the COVID-19 pandemic and
continues to rebuild following the territorial defeat of ISIS,
we are focused on bolstering Iraq as a sovereign, stable,
secure partner free from malign influence.
We must stay engaged to ensure that Iraq can address
internal and external threats, secure its borders, limit the
influence of great power competitors, while respecting the
human rights and fundamental freedoms of Iraqis.
If confirmed, I will underscore the importance of Iraq
charting an independent foreign policy and continuing
cooperation with its regional neighbors to enhance its
sovereignty, security, critical infrastructure, and economic
development.
The United States supports a stable, prosperous, and
democratic Iraq that serves all its citizens, including its
most vulnerable and marginalized communities.
If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize U.S. assistance
programs that encourage durable solutions for Iraq's most
vulnerable populations.
Since 2018 alone, the United States has provided over $500
million in assistance to support members of these communities.
If confirmed, I look forward to meeting with these communities
and addressing their concerns.
The United States continues to work with our Iraqi partners
as they seek to strengthen their democratic institutions,
responsive governance, and the rule of law.
If confirmed, bolstering Iraq's independence and advancing
citizens' rights will be a top priority in my engagements with
Iraq's new Government.
I will encourage Iraq's political, economic, and civil
society leaders to focus on building a prosperous and resilient
Iraq. I will also encourage further cultural and educational
exchanges between our two countries.
Economic reform is essential for Iraq to prosper. If
confirmed, I will continue to press the Government of Iraq to
diversify its economy, expand private sector growth, reduce
corruption, improve transparency, and create new markets for
U.S. exports.
For example, I will vigorously advocate for Iraq to fulfill
and even expand its arrangement to purchase U.S. rice and
wheat.
Our security partnership with Iraq is an essential
component of our relationship and stability in the region. The
Combined Joint Task Force Operation Inherent Resolve has
transitioned to an advise, assist, and enable mission. It
continues to provide the Iraqi Security Services critical
support for the enduring defeat of ISIS and retains the
inherent right to self-defense.
If confirmed, I will ensure that our security partnership
continues to support security sector reform, D-ISIS
stabilization, counterterrorism, cooperation, and border
security.
We are invested in strengthening Iraqi's security
institutions including the Peshmerga in the Iraqi Kurdistan
region. The Iraqi Kurdistan region is considered an example of
tolerance and peaceful coexistence.
I am concerned, however, about the backsliding in the area
of human rights, in particular, freedom of expression. If
confirmed, I will work with our partners in the Iraqi Kurdistan
region to ensure they maintain their standing as an example,
working towards political and economic reforms, all while
anchored within a federal Iraq.
Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our
Embassy in Baghdad. My highest priority will be the safety and
security of over 25,000 Americans who live and work in Iraq.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today, and I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Romanowski follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Alina L. Romanowski
Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, and members of the committee,
it is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq.
I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me, especially as a member of the career civil service.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee to defend
and advance our nation's interests in Iraq.
I am grateful to share this day with my family. My husband, a
retired U.S. Navy submariner, and I raised two sons--one making his way
in the financial investment world and the other expecting to serve our
nation when he completes the U.S. Navy's Officer Candidate School next
month. My parents, who came to the United States in their 20s,
instilled in me a deep sense of service, respect, and humility and
their guidance remains with me in spirit.
My more than 40 years of public service have taken me across the
interagency in the Departments of State and Defense, USAID, and the
intelligence community in positions mostly focused on the Middle East.
If confirmed, I will draw on that broad experience to advance U.S.
national security interests in Iraq and the region.
It is the greatest honor to be entrusted with strengthening our
relationship with Iraq. From my many years of experience in the Middle
East, especially in my current role as Ambassador to Kuwait, I know
firsthand the importance of this critical strategic partnership.
Iraq remains a foreign policy priority for the United States and is
a cornerstone of regional stability. The United States is committed to
deepening its enduring partnership with the Iraqi people. As Iraq
learns to manage the COVID-19 pandemic and continues to rebuild
following the territorial defeat of ISIS, we are focused on bolstering
Iraq as a sovereign, stable, secure partner, free from malign
influence. We must stay engaged to ensure that Iraq can address
internal and external threats, secure its borders, limit the influence
of great power competitors, while respecting the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of Iraqis. If confirmed, I will underscore the
importance of Iraq charting an independent foreign policy and
continuing cooperation with its regional neighbors to enhance its
sovereignty, security, critical infrastructure, and economic
development.
The United States supports a stable, prosperous, and democratic
Iraq that serves all its citizens, including its most vulnerable and
marginalized communities. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize
U.S. assistance programs that encourage durable solutions for Iraq's
most vulnerable populations. Since 2018 alone, the United States has
provided over $500 million in assistance to support members of these
communities. If confirmed, I look forward to meeting with these
communities and addressing their concerns.
The United States continues to work with our Iraqi partners as they
seek to strengthen their democratic institutions, responsive
governance, and the rule of law. If confirmed, bolstering Iraq's
independence and advancing citizen rights will be a top priority in my
engagements with Iraq's new Government. I will encourage Iraq's
political, economic, and civil society leaders to focus on building a
prosperous and resilient Iraq. I will also encourage further cultural
and education exchanges between our two countries.
Economic reform is essential for Iraq to prosper. If confirmed, I
will continue to press the Government of Iraq to diversify its economy,
expand private sector growth, reduce corruption, improve transparency,
and create new markets for U.S. exports. For example, I will vigorously
advocate for Iraq to fulfill and even expand its arrangement to
purchase U.S. rice and wheat.
Our security partnership with Iraq is an essential component of our
relationship and stability in the region. The Combined Joint Task
Force--Operation Inherent Resolve has transitioned to an advise,
assist, and enable mission in Iraq. It continues to provide the Iraqi
security forces critical support for the enduring defeat of ISIS and
retains the inherent right to self-defense. If confirmed, I will ensure
that our security partnership continues to support security sector
reform, D-ISIS stabilization, counterterrorism cooperation, and border
security. We are invested in strengthening Iraqi security institutions,
including the Peshmerga in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to strengthen
regional stability.
The Iraqi Kurdistan Region is considered an example of tolerance
and peaceful coexistence. I am concerned, however, about backsliding in
the area of human rights, in particular freedom of expression. If
confirmed, I will work with our partners in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region
to ensure they maintain their standing as an example, working towards
political and economic reforms, all while anchored within federal Iraq.
Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy in
Baghdad. My highest priorities will be to strengthen the U.S.-Iraq
partnership and most importantly, the safety and security of over
25,000 Americans who live and work in Iraq.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today and I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ambassador.
Mr. Hickey, you are recognized for five minutes.
STATEMENT OF DOUGLAS T. HICKEY OF IDAHO, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND
Mr. Hickey. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the privilege of
appearing before you today.
I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to
Finland and I am deeply grateful to President Biden for the
confidence he has placed in me.
I would like to thank my family and friends for all their
support and love during this process. I would like to thank my
wife, who is with me here today, Dawn, and my children, Bob,
Kristen, Cole, Parker, and Lyra for all their love and support.
The United States and Finland share close security,
economic, geopolitical, and cultural ties. Like the United
States, Finland is committed to safeguarding democracy,
protecting fundamental human rights, combating climate change,
promoting technological and economic advance, and ensuring
peace and security throughout the world.
I firmly believe we can continue to accomplish many
American policy objectives with the support of our deep
transatlantic cooperation with Finland.
If confirmed, the following are the top priorities I would
seek to advance.
First, my top priority is always to ensure the safety and
security of American citizens. I would work with Finnish
officials in Embassy Helsinki to ensure Americans visiting or
living in Finland were afforded all protections and rights to
which they are entitled.
I would do my utmost to protect the safety and well being
of Embassy personnel and their families. I would also have an
open-door policy to gather ideas on how to be the most
effective team, how to keep our Embassy community morale high,
and how to best serve American people at home and abroad.
A second priority, if confirmed, will be to further deepen
our defense coordination with defense. As a NATO enhanced
opportunities partner, Finland has contributed much to our
shared global defense objectives.
The Finnish Government announced in December that it would
purchase 64 new F-35 fighter jets, which will deepen U.S.-
Finland security and defense ties for decades to come.
And as a fellow and like-minded member of the Arctic
Council, Finland is an instrumental partner in shaping Arctic
policy, a region of the world garnering increased attention for
its economic, security, and geopolitical prospects.
A third priority would be to advance American economic
interest in Finland, particularly, by growing and empowering
bilateral business ties. The United States and Finland work
well together as two of the world's leading technology
innovators with collaboration in all levels of the private
sector, academia, civil society, and government.
We should continue this work with Finland to open new
sources of economic opportunity in areas such as green
technologies, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and
5G and 6G.
The United States should build upon our shared economic
interest and capabilities with Finland not only to contribute
to increased job creation and economic prosperity for both
nations, but also because our shared values and technological
prowess will provide a stronger defense against adversaries who
may seek to compromise intellectual property or sensitive
infrastructure.
Lastly, if confirmed, I would work to advance joint efforts
by the United States and Finland to address global challenges.
While the Finnish and American people share a love for
democracy and freedom, there are others around the globe
seeking to impose their authoritarian beliefs.
Russia's premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified attack
on Ukraine is just one example. These adversaries spread
disinformation, disrupt peace, imprison dissenters, support
violence, and suppress fundamental rights.
With Finland, I believe the United States has a trusted
partner in defending democratic values and countering tactics
of authoritarian regimes and malicious non-state actors.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Finland on the
unprecedented challenges facing our world such as fighting
climate change, safeguarding the rules-based international
order, countering corruption, and combating COVID-19 and
preventing future pandemics.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the U.S.
relationship with Finland is best equipped to address these and
the challenges that come.
Let me conclude by saying it would be my honor to serve as
U.S. Ambassador to Finland. Thank you for your time and
consideration today, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hickey follows:]
Prepared Statement of Douglas T. Hickey
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. I
am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Finland, and I am
deeply grateful to President Biden for the confidence he has placed in
me.
I would like to thank my family and friends for their support. I
would like to thank my wife Dawn and my children, Bob, Kristen, Cole,
Parker, and Lyra for all their love and support.
The United States and Finland share close security, economic,
geopolitical, and cultural ties. Like the United States, Finland is
committed to safeguarding democracy, protecting fundamental and human
rights, combatting climate change, promoting technological and economic
advancement, and ensuring peace and security throughout the world. I
firmly believe we can continue to accomplish many American policy
objectives with the support of our deep transatlantic cooperation with
Finland. If confirmed, the following are the top priorities I would
seek to advance:
First, my top priority is always to ensure the safety and security
of American citizens. I would work with Finnish officials and Embassy
Helsinki to ensure Americans visiting or living in Finland were
afforded all protections and rights to which they are entitled. I would
do my upmost to protect the safety and well-being of Embassy personnel
and their family members. I would also have an open-door policy to
gather ideas on how to be the most effective team, how to keep our
Embassy community morale high, and how to best serve the American
people at home and abroad.
A second priority, if confirmed, will be to further deepen our
defense coordination with the Finns. As a NATO Enhanced Opportunities
Partner, Finland has contributed much to our shared global defense
objectives. The Finnish Government announced in December that it would
purchase 64 new F-35 fighter jets, which will deepen U.S.-Finland
security and defense ties for decades to come. And as a fellow and
like-minded member of the Arctic Council, Finland is an instrumental
partner in shaping Arctic policy--a region of the world garnering
increasing attention for its economic, security, and geopolitical
prospects.
A third priority would be to advance American economic interests in
Finland, particularly by growing and empowering bilateral business
ties. The United States and Finland work well together as two of the
world's leading technology innovators, with collaboration at all levels
of the private sector, academia, civil society, and government. We
should continue this work with Finland to open new sources of economic
opportunity in areas such as green technologies, artificial
intelligence, quantum computing, and 5 and 6G. The United States should
build upon our shared economic interests and capabilities with Finland,
not only to contribute to increased job creation and economic
prosperity for both nations, but also because our shared values and
technological prowess will provide a stronger defense against
adversaries who may seek to compromise intellectual property or
sensitive infrastructure.
Lastly if confirmed, I would work to advance joint efforts by the
United States and Finland to address global challenges. While the
Finnish and American people share a love of democracy and freedom,
there are others around the globe seeking to impose their authoritarian
beliefs.
Russia's premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified attack on
Ukraine is one example. These adversaries spread disinformation,
disrupt peace, imprison dissenters, support violence, and suppress
fundamental rights. With Finland, I believe the United States has a
trusted partner in defending democratic values and countering the
tactics of authoritarian regimes and malicious non-state actors.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Finland on the
unprecedented challenges facing our world, such as fighting climate
change, safeguarding the rules-based international order, countering
corruption, and combating COVID-19 and preventing future pandemics. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the U.S. relationship with
Finland is best equipped to address these and the challenges that come.
Let me conclude by saying that it would be an honor to serve as the
U.S. Ambassador to Finland. Thank you for your time and consideration.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Hickey.
And now to you, Mr. Fagin. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF STEVEN H. FAGIN OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF YEMEN
Mr. Fagin. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to submit
my complete testimony for the record.
Senator Markey. Without objection.
Mr. Fagin. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz,
distinguished members of the committee, I am thankful for the
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Yemen.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
this honor and their confidence in me. If confirmed, I commit
to working closely with members of this committee and Congress
on the critical U.S. foreign policy and national security
interests in Yemen.
First, I would like to thank my family for their steadfast
support during my 25 years in the Foreign Service, which has
often taken me far away from them.
My sister, Randi, and her husband, Rob, are in attendance
today. I am also one-half of a Foreign Service tandem couple.
The other half, Natasha Franceschi, is Deputy Chief of Mission
in Tunisia. We have served in some challenging places together,
including Baghdad, and Natasha is watching these proceedings
from Tunis.
When I was in college in the late 1980s, I participated in
a student exchange program to the USSR under President Reagan's
U.S.-Soviet exchange initiative. This was a life-changing
experience that led me to pursue a career in diplomacy.
I have spent much of my career working in and on conflict
and post-conflict countries, and I have witnessed firsthand the
human and physical devastation resulting from war, especially
in Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Iraq.
The escalation of hostilities and dramatic increase in
civilian casualties in Yemen over the last few months are
deeply troubling, both for the long-suffering people of Yemen
and for the entire Gulf region.
However, continued conflict is not inevitable and peace in
Yemen is possible. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking to
support U.N.-led efforts to secure a durable and inclusive
resolution to the conflict, which also addresses Yemen's dire
economic situation.
I know we are all profoundly concerned by increasingly
aggressive Houthi actions in recent months, including attacks
impacting civilians and civilian infrastructure in the UAE and
Saudi Arabia using missile and armed drone technology provided
by Iran.
There are more than 130,000 Americans living in these
countries and their safety is under threat from such attacks.
I assure you that, if confirmed, I will have no higher
priority than ensuring the safety and security of our citizens.
The unlawful flow of weapons from Iran to the Houthis is
also enabling the continued Houthi offensive in Marib,
complicating efforts to get the parties to the negotiating
table and extending the suffering of civilians.
Strengthening enforcement of the targeted U.N. arms embargo
for Yemen to cut off the flow of arms to the Houthis must be a
priority.
Mr. Chairman, the ongoing Houthi detention of current and
former members of our local Yemeni staff in Sana'a is
deplorable and an affront to the entire international
community.
The United States has communicated this to the Houthi
leadership, and the U.N. Security Council has condemned these
Houthi actions in the strongest terms, as has the U.S.
Congress.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the safety
and well being of all current and former U.S. Government
employees in Yemen and a return to U.S. control of our former
Embassy compound.
On February 23rd, the Treasury Department announced
additional designations of members of an international network
led by IRGC Quds Force and Houthi financier Sa'id al-Jamal
involved in funding the Houthis' war against the Government of
Yemen.
The United States will continue targeted designations of
individuals and entities that seek to perpetuate the conflict
and humanitarian crisis in Yemen for their own gain.
The United States continues to lead the international
community's humanitarian response to the dire humanitarian and
economic conditions facing the people of Yemen, and our
partners must also do their share to fund this response.
Ensuring partners can deliver crucial assistance without
interference or delay, and enacting reforms to restore the
foundations of Yemen's economy are critical.
Our Yemen policy must continue to be fully aligned with our
global policy priorities and principles. If confirmed, I will
aim to strengthen coordination with the Government of Yemen and
other partners in our shared counterterrorism fight against al-
Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and other violent extremists.
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that
human rights are central to U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed,
I will ensure that this remains the case in Yemen. Without
accountability and justice there cannot be a durable and
lasting peace.
Mr. Chairman, the challenges in Yemen today are,
undoubtedly, complex, as you know. Thank you for the
opportunity to testify and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Fagin follows:]
Prepared Statement of Steven H. Fagin
Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, distinguished members of the
committee, I'm thankful for the opportunity to appear before you today
as President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Yemen.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for this
honor and their confidence in me. If confirmed, I commit to working
closely with members of this committee and Congress on the critical
U.S. foreign policy and national security interests in Yemen.
First, I would like to thank my family for their steadfast support
during my 25 years in the Foreign Service, which has often taken me
away from them. My sister Randi and her husband Rob are in attendance
today. I am one-half of a Foreign Service tandem couple. The other
half, Natasha Franceschi, is Deputy Chief of Mission in Tunisia. We've
served in some challenging places together, including Baghdad, and
Natasha is watching these proceedings from Tunis.
When I was in college in the late 1980s, I participated in a
student exchange program to the USSR under President Reagan's U.S.-
Soviet Exchange Initiative. This was a life-changing experience that
led me to pursue a career in diplomacy. I've spent much of my career
working in and on conflict and post-conflict countries, and I've
witnessed firsthand the human and physical devastation resulting from
war, especially in Iraq and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The escalation of hostilities and dramatic increase in civilian
casualties in Yemen over the last few months are deeply troubling both
for the long-suffering people of Yemen and for the entire Gulf region.
However, continued conflict is not inevitable, and peace in Yemen is
possible. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with U.S.
Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking to support U.N.-led efforts to
secure a durable and inclusive resolution to the conflict, which also
addresses Yemen's dire economic situation.
I know we are all profoundly concerned by increasingly aggressive
Houthi actions in recent months, including attacks impacting civilians
and civilian infrastructure in the UAE and Saudi Arabia using missile
and armed drone technology provided by Iran. There are more than
130,000 Americans living in these countries, and their safety is under
threat from such attacks. I assure you that if confirmed, I will have
no higher priority than ensuring the safety and security of our
citizens.
The unlawful flow of weapons from Iran to the Houthis is also
enabling the continued Houthi offensive in Marib, complicating efforts
to get the parties to the negotiating table, and extending the
suffering of civilians. Strengthening enforcement of the targeted U.N.
arms embargo for Yemen, to cut off the flow of arms to the Houthis,
must be a priority.
Mr. Chairman, the ongoing Houthi detention of current and former
members of our local Yemeni staff in Sana'a is deplorable and an
affront to the entire international community. The United States has
communicated this to the Houthi leadership, and the U.N. Security
Council has condemned these Houthi actions in the strongest terms, as
has the U.S. Congress. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure
the safety and well-being of all current and former U.S. Government
employees in Yemen and a return to U.S. control of our former Embassy
compound.
On February 23, the Treasury Department announced additional
designations of members of an international network, led by IRGC-Qods
Force and Houthi financier Sa'id al-Jamal, involved in funding the
Houthis' war against the Government of Yemen. The United States will
continue targeted designations of individuals and entities that seek to
perpetuate the conflict and the humanitarian crisis in Yemen for their
own gain.
The United States continues to lead the international community's
response to the dire humanitarian and economic conditions facing the
people of Yemen, and our partners must also do their share to fund this
response. Ensuring implementing partners can deliver crucial assistance
without interference or delay, and enacting reforms to restore the
foundations of Yemen's economy, are critical.
Our Yemen policy must continue to be fully aligned with our global
foreign policy priorities and principles. If confirmed, I will aim to
strengthen coordination with the Government of Yemen and other partners
in our shared counter-terrorism fight against Al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula and other violent extremists.
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that human
rights are central to U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will ensure
that this remains the case in Yemen. Without accountability and
justice, there cannot be a durable and lasting peace.
Mr. Chairman, the challenges in Yemen today are undoubtedly complex
as you know. Thank you for the opportunity to testify today and I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Fagin.
And now we will turn to you, Ambassador McKee.
Welcome, and whenever you feel comfortable please begin.
STATEMENT OF HON. ERIN ELIZABETH MCKEE OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED
TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY
FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. McKee. Thank you, Chairman.
With your permission, I would like my full testimony to be
submitted for the record.
Senator Markey. Without objection.
Ms. McKee. Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Cruz, members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be the Assistant Administrator for
Europe and Eurasia for the United States Agency for
International Development.
I would like to thank the President for his trust in me and
I am deeply grateful for the honor to be nominated to serve in
a position at USAID, an agency I dedicated much of my career to
at a moment when its leadership and development expertise are
so urgently needed in Europe and Eurasia.
I am grateful to the members of the committee for the
opportunity to speak with you today, and if confirmed, I pledge
to work with you to advance our nation's interest in this
critical region of the world.
I would like to thank my family for their steadfast
support, particularly my husband, Sean, and my daughter,
Caitlin, who is here with me today. Their unconditional love
and encouragement have been my rock throughout my public
service career.
From Moscow to Lima, from Baghdad to Jakarta, they have
stood by my side and shared in the sacrifice and adventures of
nearly 30 years in the Foreign Service. I could not have made
this journey without them, and for that I am truly grateful.
Since 1995, I have had the tremendous opportunity to
represent the United States in nine overseas assignments as
well as here in Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency for
International Development and currently serving as U.S.
Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu.
It has been my privilege to serve the American people and
advance our country's interests, promote our values and
principles, and offer host country nations a model for hope,
security, prosperity across a variety of diverse and complex
contexts.
If confirmed, I will have the distinct honor and
responsibility to lead the USAID Bureau for Europe and Eurasia
at a time when the stakes are as high as we have seen since
USAID first opened its doors in the region's newly independent
states 30 years ago.
Although many of USAID's partners in Eastern Europe and
Eurasia have achieved remarkable democratic and economic
progress, the region's development trajectory is under
increasing threat.
The Kremlin's malign influence across the region has
expanded and intensified in recent years, and with Russia's
invasion of Ukraine we are facing a grave and dangerous moment.
The People's Republic of China is also increasingly
leveraging its economic might to capture economies, undermine
sovereign decision-making, and weaken democratic norms.
While the people of the region work to secure prosperity, a
stronger voice in government, and independence from foreign
manipulation, powerful anti-democratic elites, both domestic
and foreign, seek to bend the region toward a future of
authoritarian rule and pervasive corruption.
USAID is a critical counterweight to the predatory
partnerships peddled by authoritarian regimes. USAID's work,
work that reflects American quality, integrity, and commitment,
helps host country partners secure mutually beneficial
investments, connectivity, peace, security, and development
impact with results that will be sustained and endure, and
critically, most critically, USAID inspires hope among people
of the region that the democratic dividend that is good
governance and a fair economic playing field are attainable.
Let me also note that while the region's challenges are
great, so too are the opportunities from democratic bright
spots such as Moldova and Armenia to the increasingly perilous
conditions in Belarus and the ongoing political crisis in
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The region's people continue to stand up for transparent
accountable government, human rights, human dignity, at times
at great risk to their own personal safety.
Their efforts to lay the foundation for the region's
democratic future must be protected and safeguarded. Their
hard-fought gains to support their courageous efforts and
encourage further progress is a top priority.
Whether we are confronting the COVID-19 pandemic,
corruption, economic or social inequality, climate change,
threats to energy security, an outwardly aggressive Russia and
increasingly assertive China, or cyber threats, the United
States is most effective when we partner with our allies and
our friends, and support those striving every day in their
countries to build a democratic, prosperous, and stable future.
If confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and our
partners to promote peace and security, increase economic
opportunity, and advance respect for fundamental freedom and
human rights, building enduring partnerships with our host
countries in the process.
Thank you for this invitation to appear before you and I
welcome the opportunity to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. McKee follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
it is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
to be the Assistant Administrator for Europe and Eurasia for the United
States Agency for International Development.
I would like to thank the President for his trust in me, and I am
deeply grateful for the honor of being nominated to serve in a position
at USAID, an Agency I dedicated much of my career to, at a moment when
its leadership and development expertise are so urgently needed in
Europe and Eurasia. I am grateful to the members of the committee for
the opportunity to speak with you today. If confirmed, I pledge to work
with you to advance our nation's interests in this critical region of
the world.
I would like to thank my family for their steadfast support,
particularly my husband Sean and my daughter Caitlin. Their
unconditional love and encouragement have been my rock throughout my
public service career--from Moscow to Lima--from Baghdad to Jakarta,
they have stood by my side and shared in the sacrifice and adventures
of nearly 30 years in the Foreign Service. I could have not made this
journey without them, and for that I am truly grateful.
Since 1995, I have had the tremendous opportunity to represent the
United States in nine overseas assignments, as well as here in
Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency for International Development,
and currently as U.S. Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands,
and Vanuatu. It has been my privilege to serve the American people and
advance our country's interests, promote our values and principles, and
offer host-country nations a model for hope, security, and prosperity
across a variety of diverse contexts.
If confirmed, I will have the distinct honor and responsibility to
lead the USAID Bureau for Europe and Eurasia at a time when the stakes
are as high as we have seen since USAID first opened its doors in the
region's newly independent nations thirty years ago.
Although many of USAID's partners in Europe and Eurasia have
achieved remarkable democratic and economic progress, the region's
development trajectory is under increasing threat. The Kremlin's malign
influence across the region has expanded and intensified in recent
years, and with Russia's invasion of Ukraine, we are facing a grave and
dangerous moment in the region.
The People's Republic of China is also increasingly leveraging its
economic might to capture economies, undermine sovereign decision-
making, and weaken democratic norms.
While the people of the region work to secure prosperity, a
stronger voice in government, and independence from foreign
manipulation, powerful, anti-democratic elites, both domestic and
foreign, seek to bend the region toward a future of authoritarian rule
and pervasive corruption.
USAID is a critical counterweight to the predatory partnerships
peddled by authoritarian regimes. USAID's work--work that reflects
American quality, integrity, and commitment--helps host country
partners secure mutually beneficial investments, connectivity, peace,
security, and development impact, with results that will be sustained
and endure. And critically, USAID inspires hope among the people of the
region that the democratic dividend--good governance and a fair
economic playing field--are attainable.
Let me also note that while the region's challenges are great, so
too are the opportunities. From democratic bright spots, such as
Moldova and Armenia, to the increasingly perilous conditions in Belarus
and the on-going political crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
region's people continue to stand up for transparent, accountable
government, human rights, and human dignity--at times, even at great
risk to their own personal safety. Their efforts lay the foundation for
the region's democratic future. USAID can and must do its part to
safeguard their hard-fought gains, support their courageous efforts,
and encourage further progress.
Whether we are confronting the COVID-19 pandemic, corruption,
economic or social inequality, climate change, threats to energy
security, an outwardly aggressive Russia, an increasingly assertive
China, or cyber threats, the United States is most effective when we
partner with our allies and support those striving every day in their
countries to build a democratic, prosperous future.
If confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and partners to
promote peace and security, increase economic opportunity, and advance
respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights, building enduring
partnership with our host countries in the process.
Thank you for this invitation to appear before you, I welcome the
opportunity to answer your questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
And now we will turn to a round of questions from the
Senators to our panel. The chair will recognize himself and
begin with you, Ambassador McKee.
We are seeing a humanitarian crisis unfold before our eyes
in and around Ukraine. As of this morning, the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees estimated that since the start of the
Russian invasion on February 24th more than 1 million refugees
have already fled Ukraine, with the highest numbers crossing
into Poland and Hungary.
To the extent that you can answer, what is USAID doing
right now to provide humanitarian assistance to Ukrainians and
others who are fleeing the Russian invasion and, from your
perspective, what role should USAID be playing in the days and
weeks and months and years to come as the humanitarian needs
become even greater?
Ms. McKee. Thank you, Chairman, very much for that
question.
It is our utmost priority, if confirmed, and I will make it
our utmost priority to stave off the human tragedy.
I understand that in the past few days USAID has announced
the stand up of a disaster assistance response team, or DART
team, to oversee our humanitarian response in close partnership
with the State Department's PRM Bureau, which will lead the
refugee response in Poland and other neighboring countries.
Administrator Power visited the Poland-Ukraine border over
the weekend to see firsthand the growing humanitarian needs
caused by the invasion and to signal USAID's prioritization of
close coordination with our European partners.
I also understand that from the earliest days our Bureau of
Humanitarian Response in USAID signaled our concerns about the
growing threat from Russia to the European Union and to echo
their counterpart in the EU, and I understand that in
anticipation of a worst case scenario they introduced maximum
flexibility in its response mechanisms to be able to scale up
and deliver the American assistance--foreign assistance through
our U.N. partners and allies where it is needed most.
On February 27th, the United States announced nearly $54
million in additional humanitarian assistance to Ukraine,
including $28 million for USAID to support critically needed
health care, safe drinking water, sanitation, hygiene,
supplies, and protection for vulnerable children.
So we are prioritizing, as I understand, the safety and
security not only of the refugees in the crisis that we are
facing but of our staff and citizens within the Ukrainian
borders and implementing partners who remain bravely protecting
and safeguarding U.S. investments where they can.
If confirmed, everything that we can do to stave off this
human tragedy, deliver humanitarian assistance, deliver
response immediately and build the foundation for recovery in
the medium and long term should the crisis, hopefully, wind
down will be my top priority, if confirmed.
Senator Markey. Thank you. And, as you know, the Biden
administration increased its request for assistance to Europe
by $10.8 million for fiscal year 2022 for activities including
supporting the rule of law and democracy in Central Europe,
combating antisemitism, and strengthening energy security and
diversification.
How is USAID programming furthering those goals and are
there other types of programs that you would prioritize in the
region?
Ms. McKee. Thank you, Senator. That is an important
question as well and I think, today, it is more acute and
critical than ever to stop the democratic backsliding and
provide market-based solutions for energy diversification to
stop the dependence on Gazprom and the Kremlin, and to identify
ways in which we can support the countries of Eastern Europe
and Eurasia to continue their Euro-Atlantic integration on an
accelerated path, and that means shoring up both democratic
institutions as well as civil society to give people a voice
and an opportunity to be able to strengthen good governance as
well as the free and independent media and other programs that
I know exist that need to be amplified now more than ever.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ambassador.
Let me turn now and recognize Senator Cruz for a round of
questions.
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Fagin, let us start with you. When you and I sat down
and met, you emphasized the U.N.-led political process.
This week, the U.N. Security Council approved a resolution
which designates the Houthi militia as a terrorist
organization, making it subject to sanctions, along with
renewing asset freezes and travel bans and extending the arms
embargo.
This is a significant development, to say the least. What
signal does this send when the United Nations Security Council
is acting upon a stronger and more unified message against
terrorism while one of Biden's first moves in office was to
remove the Houthis as a designated terrorist group?
Mr. Fagin. Senator, thank you for the question, and as I
noted in my opening remarks, I share your concerns about the
Houthis' deplorable actions, their terrorist attacks, using
ballistic missile and drone technology against the UAE and
Saudi Arabia.
As the President has said, the issue of the possible
designation of the Houthis as an FTO is under review by the
Administration. My understanding is that that review is
considering the anticipated impact of such a designation on the
behavior of the Houthis as well as the anticipated impact on
the humanitarian situation.
Senator Cruz. Mr. Fagin, I can say we can assess the impact
so far that it has been disastrous. The Biden administration
ostentatiously made it a week one priority to undo terrorism
sanctions on the Iran-controlled Houthis.
On January 25th, just five days into the Administration,
they approved all transactions involving the Houthis for a
month. On January 27th, in his first appearance in the press
room, Secretary Blinken said he was, quote, ``particularly
focused'' on the question of undoing the terrorism
designations.
On February 5th, the State Department announced they would
be delisting those sanctions, and we know what happened next.
That very weekend the Houthis launched missiles at civilians in
the city of Marib, signaling the beginning of an offensive that
would become a bloodbath, and they launched armed drones into
Saudi Arabia.
After a year of such relentless terrorism, the Biden
administration reluctantly announced that it was imposing some
terrorism sanctions on the Houthis but not yet reversing their
decision.
Let me ask you a question I asked you in my office. Do you
believe the Houthis are terrorists?
Mr. Fagin. Senator, as I noted, the Biden administration
has condemned the Houthis' terrorist attacks on Saudi Arabia
and the UAE using ballistic missiles and drones.
Senator Cruz. Okay. Let me try that question again. Do you
believe the Houthis are terrorists?
Mr. Fagin. Senator, as I said, the Biden administration has
condemned the Houthis' terrorist attacks, and as I said as
well----
Senator Cruz. I have to say you said that in my office
also. You said they commit terrorist attacks but you were
unwilling to say they are terrorists. Explain to me how exactly
that works, like, how people who commit terrorist attacks are
not terrorists.
Mr. Fagin. Senator, let me just say, again, that the issue
of an FTO designation is under review by the Administration.
Senator Cruz. How many terrorist attacks do they have to
commit before you will admit they are terrorists?
Mr. Fagin. Senator, the Administration has condemned the
Houthis for their terrorist attacks on Saudi Arabia and the
UAE.
Senator Cruz. Except the Administration is unwilling to
acknowledge the obvious, that they are terrorists. Is one
terrorist attack enough? Is 10? Is a hundred terrorist attacks?
I just want to know how many civilians do the Houthis need
to murder before the Biden administration will acknowledge the
obvious, which is that they are terrorists?
Mr. Fagin. Yeah. Senator, I deeply share your concerns
about the Houthis. The Houthis have committed some deplorable
acts, not only these attacks on the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which
threaten our own citizens there--we have 130,000 citizens or
more than that residing in the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
The Houthis currently have in detention 13 current and
former members of our staff.
Senator Cruz. All right. Let me ask one final question both
to you, Mr. Fagin, and to you, Ms. Romanowski.
In my opening remarks, I discussed my profound concerns
with this administration's foolhardy Iran deal. The basis of
that deal is that Iran, the ayatollah, and the mullahs will be
flooded with hundreds of billions of dollars in immediate
resources from sanctions relief.
Based on both of your assessments of Yemen and Iraq,
respectively, and as a matter of your professional expertise in
the region, do you believe that if the Iranian regime receives
hundreds of billions of dollars that that money will go to
finance terrorism in Yemen and in Iraq?
Mr. Fagin, you can start.
Mr. Fagin. Senator Cruz, thank you for the question.
Again, I share your concerns about the malign activities of
the Iranian regime. But that is a speculative question. There
is not a deal in place.
Senator Cruz. I am asking your professional judgment and
this judgment goes to your competence in terms of whether you
should be confirmed to this post.
Mr. Fagin. Yeah. If I could----
Senator Cruz. Based on the behavior of Iran, do you believe
if they get hundreds of billions of dollars they will use that
to fund terrorism, and I would like a yes or no, based on your
professional judgment.
Mr. Fagin. Again, Senator, it is, unfortunately, a
speculative question because there is not a deal.
Senator Cruz. I am asking for your judgment.
Mr. Fagin. But I can, certainly, say that the Iranians will
not use funds for the betterment of their people.
Senator Cruz. Ms. Romanowski?
Ms. Romanowski. Senator, thank you for the question.
I also share your concerns with Iran's malign activity and
role in the region. Iran remains a primary enduring threat to
both Iraq and the region.
It has increasingly sophisticated military capability so
supports broad proxy networks and it has demonstrated that it
periodically is willing to use force against U.S. allies.
The Biden/Harris administration has determined that getting
back into the JCPOA is the best----
Senator Cruz. Ms. Romanowski, you are reading a statement.
I just am asking--will you answer the question? Do you believe,
based on your professional judgment, they will use hundreds of
billions of dollars to finance terrorism, yes or no?
Ms. Romanowski [continuing]. First of all, I am not privy
to any of the negotiations that are going on. But it is very
clear in the Iranian history that they have used their
resources and their funding that they can get to finance their
proxy networks and to continue to spread their malign
activities across the region.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
Senator Markey. The Senator's time has expired.
The Senator from Connecticut?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The theory here goes that if we stay out of a nuclear
agreement with Iran, if we continue to apply sanctions on Iran,
then that will decrease their support for terrorist groups in
the region.
There is no evidence to suggest that is the case. In fact,
if you look at the period of time since we withdrew from the
agreement all we have seen is an increased level of Iranian
involvement in Yemen, an increased amount of integration
between Iran and the Houthi forces there.
What we have seen is that support for Iranian proxy groups
in Iraq has increased. Those groups started firing at U.S.
troops after we withdrew from the agreement.
So this notion that if the United States continues to apply
maximum pressure that that is somehow going to convince the
Iranians to stop funding groups in the region just does not
bear out in reality.
And as to this question of the designation of the Houthis
as an FTO, we have to deal in the world of reality. Separate
and aside from what you think that term means, the practical
impact of designating the Houthis as an FTO is famine. Is
famine. And that is not me making that claim. That is the U.N.
That is the World Food Programme.
The World Food Programme says very clearly if you designate
the Houthis as an FTO we cannot operate inside Yemen.
They go further. Commercial food operators will not be able
to operate inside Yemen.
Now, maybe that is a flaw of our statutes, that the
designation of an entity as a foreign terrorist organization
has such extreme consequences for the people of that country.
But that is the reality.
And so we have to think seriously about whether we want to
subject millions of Yemenis to starvation as a consequence of
that designation and whether that is better or worse for the
people that we are trying to protect.
And I guess my only ask of you, Mr. Fagin, is that you
consult along with the Administration with those operators on
the ground who are going to be forced to pull out and submit
the Yemeni people to famine and starvation if we go forward
with this designation, given the fact that there are so many
other ways that we can impose sanctions on Houthi leaders, as
the Biden administration already has.
Let me ask you this question, Mr. Fagin.
My sense is that the Saudi-led coalition has not changed
their perspective on the path to peace. Escalation. Escalation.
Escalation.
We have to get into a deescalatory cycle in Yemen in order
to get to the table. We have been pressing the Saudis for the
last year to open up the airport to provide humanitarian
pathways for relief agencies to restart the Yemeni economy.
But at the foundation, we have got to be able to convince
both sides--the Houthis and the Saudis--that more escalation in
Sa'dah province, in Marib, is just going to lead to more of the
same. Am I correct in that assumption?
Mr. Fagin. Senator, thank you for the question, and I share
your concerns about the humanitarian situation and about
escalation.
As you know, in February of 2021 the Administration ended
our support for offensive military operations in Yemen. That
included the suspension of certain sales of munitions to Saudi
Arabia.
The administration has been pressing Saudi Arabia, the UAE,
and all parties to deescalate.
Now, on a positive front, the Saudis, the UAE, the
Government of Yemen, they support this U.N.-led process. In
fact, the Administration has been successful in marshaling an
international consensus in favor of this process, including at
the Security Council.
So we are behind this process and we can bring these
countries along.
Senator Murphy. I think we are going to have to be tougher
on our allies and partners in the region. We have got to be
equally tough on the Houthis. But we have got to deliver, I
think, a stronger message to our allies who continue to bring
the fight to Yemen, notwithstanding the fact that it does not
seem to be accruing to the benefit of their interests.
Mr. Chairman, I will submit a question to the record for
Ms. McKee. I want to make sure that USAID's activities in
funding anti-propaganda and anti-misinformation work in Europe
is integrated with the work of the Global Engagement Center.
I hope that we are going to pass a supplemental
appropriations bill for Ukraine that will include a dramatic
increase in the Global Engagement Center's funding. That means
we will be able to fight Russian propaganda about their efforts
in Ukraine.
USAID does a lot of this work as well, and sometimes I
worry that the two are not always working in close
coordination. And so I will submit a question for the record on
that subject.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. The Senator from Virginia?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
all the nominees. It is a good panel--three career Foreign
Service, one political nominee. I think that mixture that we
have in our ambassadors and Foreign Service professionals
abroad of career and political nominees is a good mixture and
you really represent the best of this tradition.
Mr. Fagin, I just particularly want to just comment about
you. Your spouse is--you are part of a two State Department
family and your spouse is the DCM in Tunisia, and that--it is
hard for families to serve abroad and it is especially hard for
them to serve abroad in split locations.
I remember the first time I was visiting Egypt as a member
of the committee and one of the Foreign Service professionals
there had to leave to go do a Skype date with her husband about
six time zones apart, and I said, that is a long way. She said,
this is not the farthest apart that we have been; we have been
farther apart than that.
So I just want to acknowledge the service of your family
and so many in the Foreign Service world.
Mr. Hickey, I want to ask you a question about the
discussions in Finland about NATO. Really interesting. In 2017,
the support of the Finnish population for NATO accession was 19
percent.
Recently, a poll had it at 53 percent for reasons that are
pretty obvious. And the polling also suggested that support for
joining NATO would be 66 percent if Sweden also were to join.
Finland and Sweden have traditionally had a lot of defense
cooperation.
However, Finnish political parties are still fairly
opposed, at least kind of in their stated position, to NATO
accession. An important role of a U.S. Ambassador is to promote
U.S. interests but not get involved in domestic politics.
The question of whether Finland were to join NATO is very
much a domestic political issue but it also, certainly, touches
upon values and principles really important to the United
States.
So should you be confirmed and be in this position and able
to offer information and answer questions about NATO, how would
you strike that balance between, again, offering advice and
answering questions and not overly engaging in this issue as a
matter of domestic Finnish politics?
Mr. Hickey. Thank you. Thank you, Senator, for that
question.
It is, clearly, timely, what has happened. I have been
tracking the polling information as you have as well in the
public domain. It is pretty striking what has happened and how
quickly it has happened.
The view of Finnish people has changed pretty dramatically,
relative to NATO, to the positive, and the reason, as you said,
is really obvious based upon what is happening with Russia and
Ukraine.
Finland shares the largest border in Europe with Russia--
800 miles--and has had a nuanced relationship with Russia for
many, many years. You talked about it earlier of them not only
as being an interlocutor but as an interpreter for many others,
which is a huge value to us, quite frankly, I think.
I think what we can do and I would do, if confirmed, is to
make sure parties at all levels of civil society in Finland
understand the benefits of NATO. But we have to be thoughtful
that it is a sovereign decision that they are going to make.
So I think our role is, really, more information and
education, and the Finnish people and the Finnish Government
are clear eyed, I think, on how they approach the Russians.
So I think our best role is more information and education
and support if they decide to make such a move.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Hickey, for that, and I want
to thank my colleagues, especially Chairman Menendez and
Ranking Member Risch.
I have a bill that I have had--a bipartisan bill--pending
before the committee for some time that would clarify that the
United States could never withdraw from NATO simply by a
presidential action but that it would take a vote of either the
Senate or an act of Congress--the Senate ratified the NATO
treaty.
That bill has been cleared for presence on our next
business meeting on the 23rd of March. It is bipartisan. I look
forward to taking it up.
Ambassador Romanowski, I want to ask you a question
quickly. I also have a piece of legislation that is bipartisan
that is through the committee and on the floor now to repeal
the Iraq War authorizations from 1991 and 2002.
I am not going to ask you about that. Your testimony very
plainly points out the many areas where we are working in
tandem as partners with Iraq, and I believe the repeal of a war
authorization against the Government of this partner country
would be wise.
I want to ask you just one question, though, about Iraq
right now. Often, as I visited, the state of relations between
the Kurds and the Iraqi central Government is sort of up and
down and controversial, and sometimes it is more mellow.
What is your kind of current understanding of dialogue
between Erbil and the Kurdish region of Iraq and the central
Government?
Ms. Romanowski. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I share your view that there is often difference of view
between the Iraqi Kurdistan regional Government and also the
Government in Iraq.
I do think a lot of it depends on the issues. There was
recently a ruling regarding their oil sharing. I will say that
if I am confirmed one of the things and one of the priorities
will be to ensure that we can facilitate and we can also
represent the interests of both parties, should they ask us.
It is--we want to see them as good partners. We want to see
them working out their differences and we want to also be there
to promote a good relationship between those two governments.
It is critical for Iraq's stability and its prosperity.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Markey. The chair recognizes the Senator from
Maryland.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
Ambassador Romanowski, let me follow up on where Senator
Kaine left off.
Because we have seen a fair amount of political instability
created from the lack of formation of a government. How do you
assess the current situation and what is the United States
doing now to encourage the formation of a government?
Ms. Romanowski. First of all, as a result of the elections,
I think we are optimistic that the elections actually created
some welcome surprises. For example, you have 30 independent
candidates who were elected.
It is stalled right now over the interests between certain
parties, and I know that we are working hard to, again, try to
bring the parties to view the interests of a strong sovereign
Iraq to be what is at stake and what is in their interest in
forming their government as they go forward.
If I am confirmed, keeping the--working with the new
government and ensuring that they can work for their people and
bring their interest of Iraq to working together, as they have
different views, is going to be very important and a critical
component of what I will be doing on a daily basis if any
evidence of what my--of what Ambassador Tueller is doing now.
Senator Van Hollen. As you indicated in response to Senator
Kaine's question, you have the recent decision by the Iraqi
federal supreme court regarding Kurdistan's oil laws deeming
them to be unconstitutional.
Would you agree that it would be in everyone's interests to
have implementation of that ruling stayed so that we can
proceed with negotiations on that point and as we work to try
to--they work to try to form a government?
Ms. Romanowski. My understanding is that they are talking
about what exactly--the implementation of that law. But until
they have worked out those, my understanding is that things
will be going on as they have been before. But that is correct.
Senator Van Hollen. I think the KRG has indicated that they
are going to continue to proceed. Do you see the timing of that
supreme court ruling being part of the efforts to pressure the
Kurds and others with regard to the formation of a government?
Ms. Romanowski. I think the Iraqi supreme court based their
decision, from what I understand, on the technicalities of the
issue, and I think that is where they came out on that one.
Senator Van Hollen. Okay. So you do not see the timing
after all these years has being in any way curious or connected
to the ongoing effort to form a government?
Ms. Romanowski. It does bring--it does make me pause about
that. There are a lot of decisions that come about in that
region for the many years I have been working on and we can
read a lot into it and--but yeah.
Senator Van Hollen. I just--obviously, we have got to make
sure that we do what we can to support the efforts to form a
government.
What is your assessment of ISIS' strength right now in Iraq
and whether or not in this period of time where there is some
vacuum in the formation of government they are attempting to
exploit the situation?
Ms. Romanowski. At this point, we are always very concerned
about the resurgence of ISIS. The fact that we have
transitioned to an advise, assist, and enable mission that
allows us to work--continue to work with the Iraqi Security
Forces on their fight against ISIS is--it convinces me and
leads me very strongly to believe that while they are forming a
government they will remain--the Iraqi Security Services will
remain vigilant on ISIS.
Senator Van Hollen. Right. Again, I think one of the
challenges we got is some of the divisions within the country
among different groups, and not just the Shi'a militia, which,
obviously, are a malign influence, but even among other
parties. We really need to make sure that we bring people
together quickly.
Just in closing here, Ambassador McKee, congratulations on
your nomination. I know you talked a little bit about our
ongoing assistance to Ukraine to support the efforts in
Ukraine.
As you know, the President has just proposed a supplemental
that includes $5 billion for different forms of humanitarian
economic assistance.
Could you talk a little bit about how you envision that
being implemented?
Ms. McKee. Thank you, Senator.
I am not privy to the sort of contours or the intent behind
the bill. But I do know that the wise way forward would be to
build on the investments that we have made to date that we are
currently struggling to safeguard, given the kinetic activity
in the country and our concern for the safety and security of
our staff and our implementing partners.
Looking ahead, obviously, the most important thing will be
to support the Ukrainian people and their aspirations to
continue to build a democracy, to continue to move forward on
Euro-Atlantic integration, to continue to diversify their
economy, their energy resources, and lean westward, and that
would be, if confirmed, my top priority.
Our assistance resources can go far building on the
investments we have made to date in response to both the needs
on the ground as well as what we know are going to be critical
in the days ahead.
Senator Van Hollen. I hope we will move quickly to pass
that supplemental request. Thank you.
Senator Markey. I thank the Senator, and I would like to
thank each of our nominees for being here today and for
answering the questions so attentively, and I am certain that
each of them will be an asset to the United States in their new
positions and I look forward to hearing about the good and
important work that you will be doing.
Senators will have until the close of business tomorrow to
revise and extend their remarks and submit any questions for
the record.
With that, and the thanks of the committee and in the hope
that we can get all of you in your positions very quickly, this
hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:55 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How can the U.S. Embassy help promote and support Iraq's
Government formation?
Answer. The Iraqi people held free and fair elections that were the
most technically credible in the country's history. I understand that
at present, the Department is communicating at the highest levels with
Iraqi leaders to put their differences aside to allow government
formation to occur. If confirmed, I will urge Iraq's leaders to
expediently form a new government that respects Iraq's sovereignty and
serves the needs of the Iraqi people.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to urge Iraqi
parties in the Council of Representative, including Kurdish parties, to
find a path towards forming a government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work our Embassy in
Baghdad and our Consulate in Erbil is doing to encourage party leaders
to expediently form a government that serves the needs of their
constituents. In those engagements, I will encourage the parties to
find common ground and urge them to consider the interests of Iraq
first. I will also urge the Kurdish parties to work together during and
after government formation in order to serve the best interests of the
residents of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region and for the sake of Iraq's
stability.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that
Embassy Baghdad has the staffing and outreach needed to effectively
engage with Iraqi Government officials, as well as Iraqi civil and
cultural society?
Answer. The safety and security of our personnel is the top
priority and engaging with our Iraqi counterparts is essential to doing
our jobs effectively. COVID-19 and the security situation have impacted
staffing levels and our ability to engage. Staffing levels are
constantly reviewed to ensure the appropriate levels given the security
situation. If confirmed, I will regularly review staffing levels and
the security situation to ensure that we have sufficient staff to meet
our national security interests.
Question. What would you need to see on the ground as far as
security to increase staffing levels at Embassy Baghdad and to consider
reopening our Consulate in Basra?
Answer. The safety and security of our personnel is the top
priority. If confirmed, I will regularly review staffing levels with
the country team to ensure that we have sufficient staffing to meet our
national security interests. In that connection, I would need to meet
with the country team to determine whether the security situation in
southern Iraq has sufficiently improved to resume operations at
Consulate General Basrah.
Question. As you know, the Embassy is still recovering from a
devastating attack in 2019. Between a complete shutdown of consular
capacity and ongoing security concerns, the Embassy is limited in its
ability to reach Iraqi citizens. How do you plan to prioritize
restoring consular capacity and other public diplomacy initiatives at
Embassy Baghdad?
Answer. Our Embassy in Baghdad has already made great progress in
restoring our public diplomacy initiatives as COVID-19 restrictions
have begun to ease. Opportunities exist for greater engagement, and if
confirmed I look forward to looking at ways we can continue to do that.
I will prioritize the reconstruction of the infrastructure destroyed in
the 2019 attack, and work to revive the appropriate protocols for the
safety of our consular applicants and employees. I will also support
expediting a safe construction plan that will enable the Consular
Section to once again process visas for U.S. Government exchange
visitors and students.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the
health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, currently as Ambassador to Kuwait I take these
incidents seriously. If confirmed, I will continue to take these
incidents seriously, investigate them thoroughly, and will ensure that
our staff promptly get the medical assistance they need.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that our staff
promptly get the medical assistance they need, and I commit to
reporting these incidents through the proper channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will meet with medical staff and the
RSO to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator James E. Risch
Question. How do you plan to continue to further U.S. interests in
Iraq?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Iraq's leaders to expediently
form a new government that bolsters Iraq's sovereignty and serves the
needs of the Iraqi people, which is essential to the stability of Iraq
and the whole region. I will work with the Iraqi Government and people
to strengthen our strategic partnership and advance key issues of
mutual concern. If confirmed, I will also want to ensure the continued
development of a democratic, inclusive, and rights-respecting
governance system that serves its people and is accountable to all
Iraqis. This is also essential for Iraq's economic development and
capacity to counter internal and external threats.
Question. What are your priority lines of effort linked to U.S.
national security interests?
Answer. Iraq remains a foreign policy priority for the United
States and a cornerstone of our national security interests. If
confirmed, I would focus on bolstering Iraq as a sovereign, stable,
secure partner, free from destabilizing influences. I would continue
U.S. Embassy Baghdad's and Consulate General Erbil's efforts to ensure
that Iraq can address internal and external threats, secure its
borders, and limit external destabilizing influence, while respecting
the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Iraqis, to include
members of vulnerable, marginalized, and disenfranchised populations,
such as IDPs. If confirmed, I would work with the Department of Defense
on programs to advise, assist, and enable Iraqi security forces to
prevent ISIS or other actors from threatening the United States, Iraq,
and the region. If confirmed, I would underscore the importance of Iraq
charting an independent foreign policy and continuing cooperation with
its responsible neighbors to enhance its sovereignty, security,
critical infrastructure, and economic development, while prioritizing
the safety and security of all U.S. personnel and property. If
confirmed, I will also support efforts to help Iraq reduce its
dependence on Iranian electricity and gas imports and expand its
economic cooperation with its Gulf neighbors.
Question. What role will countering Iranian influence play in this
strategy?
Answer. Countering Iran's influence in the region is critical to
U.S. national security interests. If confirmed, I would work to counter
Iranian destabilizing influence in Iraq by promoting democratic
processes and institutions. I would continue Embassy Baghdad and
Consulate General Erbil's efforts to bolster Iraq's sovereignty and
security through supporting the Government of Iraq's ability to create
the operational and institutional capacity to counter existential
threats and effectively secure its borders.
Question. If confirmed, how will you seek to address Iranian
support for militias in Iraq?
Answer. Iran remains an enduring threat to Iraq as well as the
region due to its increasingly sophisticated military capabilities,
broad network of proxies and partners, and willingness to use force
against the United States, our allies, and partners. Iran-aligned
militia groups destabilize Iraqi politics, as we have seen most
recently with their attacks and threats against Iraqi officials and
politicians during the Government formation process. If confirmed, I
would work with the Government of Iraq to disentangle itself from Iran
in areas such as energy, security, entrepreneurship, agriculture, human
rights, and anti-corruption to strengthen Iraq's sovereignty, and echo
the Iraqi people's calls for a government that represents them and
their interests.
Question. Are there specific steps the U.S. can take to curb their
influence in the country and limit their ability to act with impunity?
If so, what are they?
Answer. Encouraging party leaders to expediently form a government
that serves the needs of their constituents is the best path to curb
Iran-aligned militias from influencing the Government of Iraq. In those
engagements, if confirmed, I would encourage the parties to find common
ground and urge them to always consider the interests of Iraq first.
Following government formation, working with the GOI to advance
governance institutions, to include improving accountability and
transparency, will be instrumental in minimizing Iran-aligned militias
influence.
I would also continue Embassy Baghdad and Consulate General Erbil's
coordination with others in the State Department and other agencies to
identify and share with social media companies information regarding
Iranian and other sources of disinformation, exhortations to violence,
and hate speech that may violate their terms of service agreements.
Question. What role can, and should, the U.S. play in advancing
Iraqi-led efforts to form a unified and inclusive government that can
address the genuine needs of its people?
Answer. I understand that at present, the Department is
communicating at the highest levels with Iraqi leaders to put their
differences aside to allow government formation to occur. If confirmed,
I would continue our encouragement of party leaders to expediently form
a new government that respects Iraq's sovereignty and serves the needs
of the Iraqi people. In those engagements, I would encourage the
parties to find common ground and urge them to consider the interests
of Iraq first. I would also urge the Kurdish parties to work together
during and after government formation in order to serve the best
interests of the residents of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, and for the
sake of Iraq's stability.
Question. What role will institutional reform and anti-corruption
efforts play in this strategy?
Answer. First, it is vital that Iraq form a government that will
work toward meaningful reform in the service of the Iraqi people. Once
a new government forms, if confirmed, I will continue Embassy Baghdad's
efforts to encourage and support reforms to counter corruption, improve
the investment climate, and improve the rule of law. The U.S. and Iraqi
Governments concurred on the need for such reforms during the strategic
dialogue meetings over the past two years. Such reforms would benefit
Iraq's stability and prosperity, the well-being of the Iraqi people,
and the U.S.-Iraq strategic partnership.
Question. To what extent do you feel this political impasse creates
a political security vacuum that makes Iraq vulnerable to outside
interference?
Answer. This political impasse has created opportunities for
outside influence, particularly from Iran. This is one reason why, if
confirmed, I would continue Embassy Baghdad's and Consulate General
Erbil's encouragement of party leaders to put Iraq's interests first
and form a government as quickly as possible.
Question. How might the U.S. advance the economic reforms Iraq so
desperately needs? Where does transparency and anti-corruption factor
in your list of priorities?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to continue to use bilateral
fora, such as Strategic Dialogues and trade and investment discussions,
tying specific assistance to needed economic reforms. The Embassy in
Baghdad is currently engaged in advocacy supporting roughly $4.9
billion in U.S. business, primarily in the energy sector. Soliciting
input from business organizations like the U.S.-Iraq Business Council
would expand this base and highlight roadblocks encountered by U.S.
businesses. Finally, the more than 800,000 young Iraqis who enter the
workforce annually represent an opportunity for the United States to
use its soft power to expand Iraq's entrepreneurship base, create jobs,
and diversify Iraq's economy.
Transparency and anti-corruption factor high on the
Administration's list of priorities. Foreign direct investment directly
correlates to perceived security and lack of corruption. Improving the
business climate and efficiency of the government bureaucracy would
encourage U.S. companies to expand investment, and if confirmed, I
would work toward this goal.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to go about addressing the
growing influence of Russia and China in Iraq? What threat do you
believe they pose to U.S. national security interests there?
Answer. Insulating Iraq from the malign influence of Russia and
People's Republic of China (PRC) is key to our national security
interests in the region. As Ambassador to Kuwait, I am concerned about
the efforts by the PRC and Russia to strengthen their influence in the
region at the expense of the United States strategic partnerships in
the Gulf. If confirmed, one of my primary concerns would be that Russia
could seek to expand or strengthen its military ties with Iraq. If
confirmed, I would work to ensure Iraq is aware of the consequences of
pursuing military ties with Russia. I would also press Iraqi leaders to
stand with the vast majority of the international community, including
most Arab countries, in condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine. If
confirmed, I would advance our conversation with Iraq on further steps
we can take to ensure a stable global supply of energy, no matter what
Putin does.
The PRC's main focus in Iraq is the energy sector, but it is also a
significant player in Iraq's information and communication technology
market as well. As oil revenues rise and Iraq moves forward with more
commercial projects, U.S.-PRC economic competition is likely to
increase. It is vital we continue to emphasize to the Government of
Iraq the value of our continued partnership and the risks associated
with the PRC's information collecting capacity and other problematic
PRC activities.
If confirmed, I would also continue Embassy Baghdad and Consulate
General Erbil's coordination with the State Department and other
agencies to identify and share with social media companies Russian and
PRC sources of disinformation, exhortations to violence, and hate
speech that may violate their terms of service agreements.
Question. In your opinion, what steps can the U.S. take to improve
our diplomats' ability to get outside the Embassy compound? How do you
intend to improve the ability of U.S. diplomats to better access all
local populations?
Answer. The safety and security of our personnel is my highest
priority; however engaging with our Iraqi counterparts is essential to
doing our jobs effectively. If confirmed, I would regularly review
staffing levels and the security situation to ensure that we have
sufficient staff to meet our national security interests.
Our Embassy in Baghdad has already made great progress in restoring
our public diplomacy initiatives. Opportunities exist for greater
engagement with Iraqis, and if confirmed I would assess our staffing
levels to determine if they should be adjusted to expand our
engagement. I would prioritize the reconstruction of the infrastructure
destroyed in the 2019 attack. I would also support enabling the
Consular Section to once again process visas for U.S. Government
exchange visitors and students.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Baghdad?
Answer. I understand that Mission Iraq conducted a survey last fall
to gauge post morale and well-being, as well as to solicit general
views on post operations. The survey included questions on leadership,
job satisfaction, and Embassy operations, as well as measures of
diversity and inclusion, and the results helped identify ways that
quality of life can be improved.
COVID restrictions and disruptions have undoubtedly impacted
Mission Iraq over the past two years. However, with 99 percent of
Mission employees vaccinated, the Mission has been able to relax
masking and social distancing requirements, allowing the return for the
most part to pre-COVID operations. If confirmed, I look forward to
engaging with the Embassy staff and using the results of the recent
survey as a guide for improving morale.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Baghdad?
Answer. Mission Iraq is a challenging but rewarding place to work.
If confirmed, I would ensure that employees have clear goals and
understand their role in advancing our national interests. I would
foster an equitable environment in which input is solicited and
considered and in which decisions are made in a transparent manner. Now
that the COVID situation has improved, I would also promote
opportunities outside of the office setting to rebuild and strengthen
the Mission's sense of community and our mission in Iraq and the
region.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Baghdad?
Answer. Mission Iraq consists of a diverse community of direct-hire
employees, contractors, and local staff across multiple U.S. agencies
spread between multiple locations. In such a large community, it can be
challenging to maintain a sense of cohesion, yet all work together to
support vital U.S. national security priorities in Iraq. If confirmed,
I would make every effort to clearly communicate our mission and be
accessible at all of our locations, including through town hall
meetings, written communications, and staff meetings. My experience at
four different national security agencies gives me a unique perspective
that will help me to create and maintain a unified vision among a
diverse community.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. In all of my prior positions, I have been fortunate to work
with a smart, dedicated team of professionals. My management style is
to support a diverse, inclusive, and collaborative decision making
process in which all people feel included and empowered. I take great
pride in mentoring both Civil and Foreign Service as well as military
colleagues and look for ways to help them succeed and further their
careers. If confirmed, I would seek to provide a clear, strategic
vision to advance the President's agenda and look to my Embassy
colleagues to provide innovative ideas and will value their input.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, bullying or berating colleagues is never acceptable.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission position is an essential part
of an Embassy team. If confirmed, I plan to have a close, collaborative
relationship with my DCM and would rely on his or her frank and honest
counsel on all Mission matters. A positive working relationship between
the Chief of Mission and the Deputy Chief of Mission is essential to
good morale at an Embassy.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As the Chief of Mission, I would expect that my Deputy
Chief of Mission would take a lead role on the implementation of all
security, management, and operational matters, including the
professional development of first and second tour officers. However,
since I cannot be in the country at all times, if confirmed I would
also expect my DCM to have developed strong relationships with Iraqi
policymakers and be able to step into my shoes when needed. The DCM
must also be able to deliver honest and frank assessments to me at all
times and not be reticent to provide bad news.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that it is my responsibility as a manager
and leader to provide accurate, constructive, and timely feedback to
employees. I would also expect my team to provide honest feedback to
me. If confirmed, I will use all available management tools, including
awards and letters of appreciation, to reward and recognize those who
are most successful in their roles.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would expect all of the supervisors at
Mission Iraq to adhere to Department leadership principles to provide
clear, accurate, and direct feedback to employees. If confirmed, I
would also use all available management tools, including awards and
letters of appreciation, to recognize and reward high achievers.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges does U.S. face in Iraq?
How do you plan on addressing these?
Answer. Public diplomacy challenges in Iraq include 1) countering
pernicious Iranian and violent extremist influence that undermine Iraqi
sovereignty, 2) promoting economic prosperity, 3) supporting free and
fair elections, 4) increasing transparency and good governance, 5)
providing humanitarian and stabilization assistance, and 6) encouraging
respect for religious, ethnic, and minority communities. If confirmed,
I would continue current efforts to highlight shared priorities: U.S.
support for Iraqis as they stand against corruption and demand
accountability from their elected officials; specific examples of U.S.
Government assistance, including to religious and ethnic minorities;
U.S. pandemic assistance; U.S. support for economic reforms; and
sustained and aggressive counter messaging against malign Iranian
messaging and activity. If confirmed, I would continue our Embassy's
close work with U.S. military elements in support of national security
priorities, including the enduring defeat of ISIS. I would also make it
a priority to continue the Embassy and Consulate General's cultural
engagements, educational exchange programs, and public outreach
programs with Iraqis.
Question. What steps can the U.S. take to address the proliferation
of propaganda promoted by adversaries and strategic competitors in the
Middle East?
Answer. Our cultural, educational, and media engagements with
Iraqis are a cornerstone of communicating America's desire to build
durable connections and promote mutual understanding between the
citizens of both nations. These engagements have and can continue to
play a powerful role in countering disinformation about the United
States, its policies, and its people.
If confirmed, I would seek to expand these engagements and continue
Embassy Baghdad and Consulate General Erbil's coordination with other
offices in the State Department and other agencies to work with social
media companies to identify and share with social media companies
Russian and PRC sources of disinformation, exhortations to violence and
hate speech that may violates their terms of service agreements.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. In keeping with the spirit of the Smith-Mundt Act, the
public diplomacy activities at our Embassy in Baghdad are focused on
influencing the opinions and attitudes of Iraqi audiences. Though the
State Department provides policy guidance and resources that shape and
support the Embassy's efforts, the ultimate decision regarding tone and
content of our messaging resides with our experts in the field.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. If
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. The Department has no higher priority than the health and
safety of our employees. If confirmed, I would take these incidents
seriously, investigate them thoroughly, and ensure that our staff
promptly get the medical assistance they need.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Iraq personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would provide as much information as I
can to Mission Iraq personnel regarding health incidents and other
security matters. I would promote effective and comprehensive
communication throughout Mission Iraq, actively solicit community
feedback, and work to address employee concerns.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes, I have received these briefings in my current position
as U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to ensuring that our staff
promptly get the medical assistance they need and that any anomalous
health incidents are recorded in detail and reported through the proper
channels.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure our employees know there is
nothing the Department and I take more seriously than their well-being.
I will treat every reported case seriously and communicate the
Department's work in caring for and supporting those affected and in
determining the causes of the incidents. Our employees around the world
are committed to serving the American people and promoting our national
interests with integrity and professionalism, and they deserve nothing
less than the best we can offer.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Iraq remained on Tier 2 for scaling their anti-trafficking
efforts in key areas but failing to accurately screen victims, provide
proper protection and prosecution efforts. Iraq also did not prosecute
or convict any traffickers during the reporting period. How will you
work with relevant stakeholders in the Iraqi Government and civil
society to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional
Government have increased their efforts to improve anti-trafficking
capacity over the last few years, but there is still much to be done.
If confirmed, I would engage and encourage the relevant stakeholders in
the Iraqi Government and KRG in these efforts, including identifying
and screening vulnerable populations for trafficking indicators and
supporting the creation of a systematic identification and referral
mechanism. Civil society engagement on trafficking is key in Iraq, and
I would coordinate closely with relevant organizations in-country to
strengthen ongoing initiatives. In addition to protection concerns, if
confirmed, I would urge the Government to make progress in line with
the other recommendations outlined in the 2021 TIP Report.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to accurately portraying any
situational updates regarding human trafficking in Iraq in the annual
Trafficking in Persons report?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Iraq was identified as lacking governmental and
societal respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Protection for members of vulnerable ethnic and religious
communities is a priority for the Department. The administration
supports a stable, prosperous, and democratic Iraq that serves all its
citizens, including members of its most vulnerable and marginalized
communities. If confirmed, I would continue to prioritize U.S.
assistance programs that encourage durable solutions for members of
Iraq's most vulnerable populations, and focus on promoting a
democratic, inclusive, and rights-respecting governance system. I look
forward to coordinating with the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain on this strategy and meeting with
these communities and addressing their concerns.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, Iraq
was identified as having significant human rights issues including
unlawful or arbitrary killings, including extrajudicial killings;
forced disappearances; torture and cases of cruel, inhuman, and
degrading treatment or punishment; harsh and life-threatening prison
and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention;
arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy; serious restrictions
on free expression, the press, and the internet, including violence
against journalists, and much more.
If confirmed, how will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on
the ground?
Answer. Inclusion of civil society voices and perspectives is
central to open and accountable governance. If confirmed, ensuring that
Embassy staff work closely with civil society to further strengthen
civil society and democratic institutions would be a priority for me,
just as I have done as Ambassador to Kuwait. Furthermore, I would urge
the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to ensure
the protection of fundamental freedoms, including freedom of
expression, and to more strongly protect civil society from harassment.
Question. What options are available to the U.S. mission to bolster
human rights?
Answer. I understand that U.S. officials in Washington, Baghdad,
and Erbil continue to raise our human rights concerns with all levels
of the Iraqi Government, which I would continue, if confirmed. That
would include urging the protection of peaceful protesters, activists,
women in public life, and journalists, and pursuing judicial
accountability for violent crimes against those individuals. If
confirmed, I would also consider all options available, such as the
Global Magnitsky Act and other designation authorities, to promote
accountability for those who personally profited through corrupt acts
or play a role in attacking peaceful protesters, resulting in the
deaths of Iraqis.
Promoting accountability to voters and transparency in elections is
also important. In support of the recent Iraqi elections, the United
States provided $9.7 million to UNAMI for technical electoral-
assistance work, and another $5.2 million to support UNAMI's election
monitoring team. If confirmed, I would continue efforts to encourage
Iraqi leaders to form a government without further delay.
Continued humanitarian assistance, such as the additional $155
million announced by the U.S. Government in July 2021, provides
shelter, healthcare, food, water, and hygiene services across Iraq and
helps displaced Iraqis obtain civil documentation, legal services, and
increased access to education and job opportunities. Our programming
addresses critical human rights needs through a variety of
interventions, including securing, exhuming, and processing mass
graves, and providing psychosocial and legal aid services to support
the rehabilitation of survivors of sexual and gender-based violence,
and other groups in vulnerable circumstances.
If confirmed, I would consider all of these options to continue
support for our human rights goals and other national security
interests.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunication Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you
commit to demarching the Iraqi Government and any other counterparts
necessary to communicate U.S. support of Doreen?
Answer. Ms. Doreen Bogdan-Martin is by far the best qualified
candidate for Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication
Union (ITU). The Department places a high priority on this election and
we regularly advocate on behalf of Ms. Bogdan-Martin. If confirmed, I
would enthusiastically support her candidacy and encourage Iraq to vote
for her as the next ITU Secretary-General.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator Todd Young
Question. Do you agree with the Biden administration's support for
repealing the 2002 and 1991 AUMF?
Answer. Yes. As the Administration has stated, there are no current
military operations that rely on the 1991 AUMF and the United States
has no ongoing military activities that rely solely on the 2002 AUMF as
a domestic legal basis, and that repeal of the 2002 AUMF would likely
have minimal impact on current counterterrorism operations.
Question. Practically speaking, what do you believe would be the
effect of repeal on both our diplomatic relationship and our regional
policies?
Answer. There are no current military operations that rely on the
1991 AUMF and the United States has no ongoing military activities that
rely solely on the 2002 AUMF as a domestic legal basis, and repeal of
the 2002 AUMF would likely have minimal impact on current
counterterrorism operations. A repeal would show the U.S. commitment to
continuing a strong relationship with our Iraqi and regional partners.
Question. What is your assessment of Iran's current influence in
Iraq?
Answer. Iran remains the primary and enduring threat to Iraq as
well as the region due to its increasingly sophisticated military
capabilities, broad proxy network, and willingness to use force against
the United States, our allies, and partner forces. Iran-backed militia
groups destabilize Iraqi politics, as we have seen most recently with
their attacks and threats against Iraqi officials and politicians
during the Government formation process. Iran benefits from the
patronage based political system and seeks to undermine efforts for
meaningful reform. As protests since October 2019 and the election
results show, the Iraqi people are increasingly concerned by Iran's
destabilizing influence and want a government responsive to their
needs.
Question. Given that the current divide in forming a government is
driven by disagreements between the major Shia parties, will an outcome
there serve as a bellwether for how the political class and voters
perceive Iran?
Answer. Iran-backed groups performed poorly in the October 10
elections and lost a significant number of seats. However, delays in
government formation could create a potential opening for Iran to
increase its influence in the internal affairs of Iraq. The United
States continues to urge political leaders to compromise on a way
forward and expedite government formation. The United States seeks a
government that bolsters Iraq's sovereignty, addresses the needs of all
Iraqi people including security, and prioritizes economic and political
reforms.
Question. From a Chief of Mission perspective, how will you
approach ensuring the security of your diplomats from Iranian
aggression while ensuring they are still out and doing the business of
diplomacy?
Answer. If confirmed, my highest priority will be the safety and
security of all U.S. Government personnel in Iraq. If confirmed, I will
ensure the mission continuously assesses the security, threats, and
health environment in Iraq to maintain the safety of all personnel
under Chief of Mission security responsibility. As the mission recovers
from COVID, increasing face-to-face diplomacy with in-person meetings
is an essential part of the strategy to maintain and strengthen our
bilateral relationship with the Government of Iraq and the Iraqi people
while keeping our people safe. Balancing security and engagement will
be my highest priority.
Question. Given the ongoing threat from ISIS and Iranian forces,
and in light of last month's strike against the ISIS leader, how do you
assess the role U.S. military forces will continue to play in Iraq and
in the wider region?
Answer. U.S. forces remain in Iraq to advise, assist, and enable
the Iraqi Security Forces, including the Kurdish Peshmerga, in the
continuing fight against ISIS and the development of a capable, self-
reliant, and accountable security force, supported by the Government of
Iraq. I believe U.S. military forces will remain an important
counterterrorism and security partner to Iraq and the region, I must
defer to the Department of Defense for further specifics.
Question. Will Iraq remain a base for U.S. counterterrorism and
intelligence missions?
Answer. U.S. military forces in Iraq have transitioned to an
advise, assist, and enable mission to support the Iraqi Security
Forces, which includes intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance
support. The Department of State continues to provide counterterrorism
assistance to Iraq to prevent violent actors, including ISIS, from
destabilizing and terrorizing its population and the region, to respond
to and interdict terrorism threats, and to assist the Government of
Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to better detect and prevent
the flow of known or suspected terrorists and facilitators, illicit
materials, and weapons. The Department can provide additional
information in a classified setting.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alina L. Romanowski by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. The Biden administration's new nuclear agreement with
Iran will provide Iran with sanctions relief worth hundreds of billions
of dollars, including through the immediate release of assets and the
lifting of sanctions on economic activities. Do you believe that Iran
will use resources that flow from a new agreement to finance Iran-
supported forces in Iraq?
Answer. Iran has demonstrated it is a threat to regional security
and stability, particularly within Iraq. However, the maximum pressure
campaign had virtually no impact on Iran's nefarious behavior, and Iran
rapidly expanded its nuclear program after the previous administration
left the JCPOA. A mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA is
the best available option to constrain anew Iran's nuclear program,
because an Iran with a nuclear weapon would present a far greater
threat. The JCPOA would also provide a platform to address Iran's other
actions, including their support of destabilizing forces in Iraq. The
United States will continue to use its full range of tools, including
sanctions that would persist even during any mutual return to full
implementation of the JCPOA, to counter Iran's destabilizing activities
in Iraq and its support for terrorism, without regard to how Iran
resources those illegitimate efforts.
Question. The Biden administration's new nuclear agreement with
Iran will provide Iran with sanctions relief worth hundreds of billions
of dollars, including through the immediate release of assets and the
lifting of sanctions on economic activities. Do you believe that Iran
will use resources that flow from a new agreement to finance terrorist
groups, either in Iraq or in other countries?
Answer. President Biden has been clear that the United States is
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. Iran's
actions pose fundamental problems across a series of issues--including
its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its
destabilizing actions throughout the region, including in Iraq, and its
abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and
foreign nationals as political tools. Because an Iran with a nuclear
weapon would make all these threats far worse, the President's strategy
is to pursue a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA to
restrict Iran's nuclear program and provide a stronger platform to
address its destabilizing conduct across the region, including in Iraq.
The Biden-Harris administration is committed to use the full range of
tools at its disposal to counter Iran's destabilizing activities, limit
Iran's ability to finance all groups that work to destabilize the
region or the world, and intercept weapons flows to these groups.
However, Iran's past behavior has proven that their decisions to fund
proxy groups throughout the region, including in Iraq, will likely not
change.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Robert Menendez
Finland's Sovereignty
Question. Like all countries, Finland's right to choose its own
alliances and associations is a sovereign one. As discussions about
potential Finnish NATO membership increase as a result of Russia's
illegal invasion of Ukraine, the Russian Foreign Ministry has said that
Finland's accession to NATO would have ``serious military and political
repercussions.''
What role do you see for the United States in helping to protect
Finnish sovereignty to make its own decisions?
Answer. Finland's leadership has consistently reaffirmed that it is
Finland's sovereign decision whether or not to join NATO, rejecting any
attempt by Russia to restrict NATO's Open-Door policy. If confirmed as
U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I commit to consistently reaffirm the
message to our Finnish partners that NATO's door is open, if they
choose to pursue NATO membership.
Nordic Security
Question. Russia's invasion of Ukraine came after months of
increased military activity in its Murmansk region and Kaliningrad
enclave.
How do you assess existing U.S.-Finnish security cooperation, and
where do you see opportunities to deepen cooperation to promote
security in the Nordic and Baltic states?
Answer. The United States and Finland cooperate on regional and
global security, free trade, emerging technology, countering hybrid
threats, and counterterrorism. Finland shares our goal of strengthening
the transatlantic relationship to address the full range of threats and
challenges. Finland's 800-mile-long border with Russia--the longest in
the EU--means it is a key partner in ensuring Europe's security.
Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure the transatlantic security
partnership continues to deepen. Common logistics and interoperability
will create future opportunities for further security cooperation for
decades to come. If confirmed, I will work to continue to deepen
cooperation to promote security in the Nordic and Baltic states.
Malign Chinese Influence
Question. Finland's 2020 telecoms law allows for the country to ban
equipment within the 5G network's key assets due to national security
concerns, but does not name any particular company. Some interpreted
this as a refusal to point a finger at Chinese companies.
How do you assess Finland's relationship with China? Is Finland a
potential partner in strategic competition with China?
Answer. While Finnish officials are willing to publicly criticize
the PRC's human rights record, they also stress the importance of
maintaining effective dialogue. Although Finland does not ban specific
vendors from its 5G network, changes to its telecommunications law in
December 2020 make it difficult for untrusted vendors to operate in the
network. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Finnish
officials, the business community, and civil society on this important
issue, as well as working to increase U.S. trade with Finland as a
counterbalance to the PRC's growing influence in Europe.
Climate
Question. Temperatures in the Arctic are rising three times faster
than the global average. Climate change in the Arctic both harms local
ecosystems and impacts the global climate system.
How will you work with Finland within the framework of the Arctic
Council to address climate change?
Answer. Finland, like the United States, is an Arctic nation, and
our main forum for cooperation on Arctic issues is the Arctic Council.
Both the United States and Finland work together within the Arctic
Council to enhance sustainable development, environmental protection,
and the well-being and security of the people living in the region.
Finland has set among the most ambitious goals in Europe of achieving
carbon neutrality by 2035. It plans to phase out coal by May 2029 and
increase the share of renewables in energy consumption to more than 50
percent during the 2020s to help achieve this goal. If confirmed, I
will work with U.S. and Finnish Government officials and scientific
experts to support Finland's ambitious climate goals.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people working with me. The interagency
community continues its examination of a range of hypotheses. Secretary
Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to anomalous health
incidents, setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task
Force to strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce
and providing care for affected employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that employees
who report a possible anomalous health incident receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who will work with me. I commit
to working with health and security officials and other parties as
recommended.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator James E. Risch
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Helsinki?
Answer. Mission Helsinki has faced challenges posed by COVID-19,
and I am thankful for the staff's continued service. If confirmed, the
health and safety of the personnel and family members of Mission
Helsinki will be my first priority, and I look forward to working with
the talented team of locally employed staff, U.S. Direct Hires, and
their families, and ensuring that everyone on my team understands they
are valued and has my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Helsinki?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Finnish relationship and the
interests of the United States and the American people.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified Mission and vision
at Mission Helsinki?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and
continuous communication throughout the Mission. We are all one team
working together to advance the U.S.-Finnish relationship and the
interests of the American people, so I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, U.S. Embassy
Helsinki is committed to a diverse and inclusive workforce. Diversity
makes our Mission strong by bringing different perspectives and
enhancing creativity and if confirmed, I look forward to working with
the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in the importance of serving the community, and I
have demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues of all backgrounds
in a constructive manner. I regularly engage with members of my team
and always seek to create a space for open dialogue and diversity of
thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an environment of
respect as Mission Finland carries out important work on behalf of the
American people. I also believe in setting high standards and leading
by example. Our employees are our most important asset. I am dedicated
to professional development and helping employees grow and advance.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). If confirmed, I
will work closely with the DCM to advance U.S. priorities in Finland,
including protecting the safety and security of Americans, expanding
our economic relationship, and advancing shared priorities.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief
of Mission on a range of issues and I will value the institutional
knowledge provided. If confirmed, I will entrust the DCM with
responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the Mission, and the
DCM should keep abreast of policy issues to be able to serve as Charge
d'Affaires in my absence.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to use the performance
evaluation process to provide employees with timely, honest, accurate,
and constructive feedback on their performance.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Finland.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Based on my knowledge of the Department and Embassy
operations overseas, U.S. diplomats have done a remarkable job to get
outside our Embassy walls and advance U.S. objectives by meeting local
actors in diverse settings and environments. The COVID-19 pandemic has
been a challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-
face with host country nationals, but as conditions improve, I
understand that U.S. diplomats have resumed in-person engagements and
programs again. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats
get outside of the Embassy to meet with local citizens, including host
government officials and non-governmental organizations.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to exchange ideas with people from all
parts of the country to hear their views and promote our shared goals.
I will use both social and traditional media to reach people across
Finland. Diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility are also an
important part of public diplomacy outreach to ensure efforts reflect
the diversity of U.S. society and societies abroad and encourage the
involvement of people from traditionally underrepresented audiences. If
confirmed, I will work with the Embassy team to continue leveraging
engagements with the media, cultural and educational exchange
organizations, and individual interactions to expand the people-to-
people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral
relationship.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Finland?
Answer. The United States has strong academic, cultural, and
professional exchanges with the people of Finland. If confirmed, I will
work with the Embassy team to continue leveraging relationships with
the media, cultural and educational exchange organizations, and
individuals to expand the people-to-people bonds that are the
foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for U.S.
diplomats to travel and fully engage face-to-face with host country
nationals. As conditions improve, U.S. diplomats have started in-person
engagements and programs again. If confirmed, I look forward to
utilizing both traditional and social media to engage with the Finnish
public, in addition to in-person programs.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance
security cooperation, expand economic and trade relations, strengthen
collaboration on Arctic and climate issues, and deepen people-to-people
ties. I will work to counter adverse influence and mis- and
disinformation through engagements with traditional media,
communication via social media, institutional outreach and personal
interactions, and through a variety of public diplomacy programming.
Working with the public diplomacy team, we will tailor our messaging in
a way that is most appropriate for the Finnish public.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Helsinki personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to sharing what information I
can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with Mission
Helsinki personnel.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have received a briefing at the unclassified level on the
anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel
around the world. If confirmed, I commit to seeking full briefings at
the appropriate classification levels before my departure to post and
learning how I can best protect all Embassy personnel and respond to
reports of any future potential incidents.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other Embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. Missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the personnel and
family members of Embassy Helsinki, and American citizens in Finland,
will always be my first priority. Should an individual report a
potential anomalous health incident, I commit to ensuring the incident
is reported through the appropriate channels and sharing what
information I can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of Embassy personnel,
their families, and American citizens in Finland will always be my
first priority. This is an issue I take very seriously and is a top
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If confirmed, I will
take every measure to keep our staff safe and secure and would take any
report of a potential anomalous health incident very seriously. I will
ensure those affected receive appropriate and prompt medical attention,
and that incidents are investigated fully and reported through the
appropriate channels. I will share what information I can within the
bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and the mission
community.
Europe and Eurasia
Question. For decades, Finland has been a key negotiator between
Russian interests and NATO interests.
If confirmed, how would you make use of this diplomatic connection?
Answer. Finland has been outspoken against Russia's destabilizing
actions, supports sanctions on Russia, and has issued timely statements
condemning Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. The
United States works closely with Finland to monitor and push back
against Russia's malign activities. If confirmed, I would continue to
engage with the Finnish Government to ensure a unified and proactive
approach to address Russian threats.
Question. As Putin's Government grows more aggressive toward
Europe, will Finland lose its status as a mediator between NATO and
Russia? If so, how will that affect NATO-Russia relations?
Answer. Finland maintains a pragmatic but firm relationship with
Russia. Finland is a like-minded partner concerning Russia's unprovoked
and unjustified war against Ukraine, and Finland supports a
multilateral and diplomatic solution. President Niinisto, Prime
Minister Marin, and Foreign Minister Haavisto have publicly condemned
Russia's war against Ukraine as a grave breach of international law and
an attack on the European security order.
Question. If Putin agrees to negotiate with the Ukrainian
Government, would you advocate for this conference to take place on
neutral territory under neutral supervision, such as in Finland? If
yes, how?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, I would note that
Finland is a like-minded partner concerning Russia's unprovoked and
unjustified war against Ukraine, and Finland supports a multilateral
and diplomatic solution. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with
Finland to support our shared security goals.
Question. On February 26, 2022, Finnish Ambassador Mikko Hautala
said Finland does not feel threatened by Russian warnings of a
potential military response if they decide to join NATO.
Do you think that Finland should be worried about the Russian
military?
Answer. While I cannot speak for Finland, the country's independent
defense capabilities safeguard over 800 miles of Europe's Russian
border, enhancing the security of U.S. Allies and partners in the
region. Finland maintains a pragmatic but firm relationship with
Russia. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and actively
participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and operations.
Furthermore, Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure the transatlantic
security partnership continues to deepen.
Question. What will you do as Ambassador to prevent concerns of
Russian aggression from rising?
Answer. Finland is a like-minded partner concerning Russia's
unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine, and Finland supports a
multilateral and diplomatic solution. President Niinisto, Prime
Minister Marin, and Foreign Minister Haavisto have publicly condemned
Russia's war against Ukraine as a grave breach of international law and
an attack on the European security order. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure U.S. and Finnish policies toward Russia remain closely
coordinated.
Question. If Finnish sentiment does change, how will you use your
role to assure Finland of U.S. support?
Answer. Finland is a valued partner and close friend, and the U.S.-
Finland relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The United States and
Finland cooperate on regional and global security, free trade, emerging
technology, countering hybrid threats, and counterterrorism. If
confirmed, I will work to continue to strengthen our cooperation with
Finland and assure Finland of U.S. support on regional and global
challenges.
Question. In the unlikely event of a Russian attack on Finnish
territory, is their military sufficient to repel Russia's?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, Finland's
independent defense capabilities safeguard over 800 miles of Europe's
Russian border, enhancing the security of U.S. Allies and partners in
the region. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and
actively participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and
operations. Furthermore, Finland's purchase of 64 F-35As and associated
missiles and munitions will provide Finland with a credible defense
capability to deter aggression in the region and ensure
interoperability with U.S. forces.
Question. Would you support U.S. security assistance to the Finnish
Government in case of invasion?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I will
commit to continue to strengthen our cooperation with Finland on
regional, security, and global challenges. Finland shares our goal of
strengthening the transatlantic relationship to address the full range
of threats facing the transatlantic community.
Question. In 2019, Finland's top import was crude petroleum, mostly
from Russia. Its top 2019 export was refined petroleum, exporting
mostly to Europe and the U.S.
Given Finland's key role in the oil industry, how would the Finnish
economy be affected by sanctions against Russia's oil and gas
sector?
Answer. Finland is well ahead of most of the world in transitioning
its economy to a sustainable and carbon-neutral energy footing, and as
such is better prepared for possible disruptions of gas and oil
supplies. While Finland imports all its natural gas from Russia, gas
only accounts for five percent of Finland's energy consumption.
Question. Do you think that Finland would support those sanctions?
Answer. Finland has been outspoken against Russia's destabilizing
actions, has been supportive of past sanctions on Russia, and has
issued timely statements condemning Russia's unprovoked and unjustified
war against Ukraine. Finnish officials and the public support the
continuation of sanctions against Russia until the full restoration of
Ukrainian territorial integrity within its sovereign, internationally
recognized borders.
Question. On February 28, 2022, Finland decided to supply the
Ukrainian Government with military gear, including firearms and
ammunition.
Do you support this decision? Why or why not?
Answer. Yes. We are seeing historic levels of international support
for Ukraine and welcome the unprecedented security cooperation and
assistance including lethal defensive aid. The United States has
engaged Allies and partners to support Ukraine in the face of Russia's
unprovoked war. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing this
engagement.
Question. Russia's invasion of Ukraine could cause a long-term
Ukrainian diaspora.
Do you think that Finland would consider accommodating Ukraine's
displaced citizens?
Answer. Recent media reports suggest Finnish citizens are welcoming
and hosting Ukrainian refugees.
Question. Would you encourage the Finnish Government to do so?
Answer. The United States has encouraged countries in the region to
adhere to their refugee obligations. Russia's war against Ukraine has
created a rapidly growing humanitarian crisis, with more than one
million refugees, predominantly women and children, having already fled
the country.
Question. On Monday, February 28, 2022, Ukrainian president
Zelenskyy submitted a petition for Ukraine to join the EU.
Do you think that Finland will support this petition?
Answer. This is a question for Finland to determine.
Question. Would you encourage the Finnish Government to do so?
Answer. The transatlantic community remains the bedrock of U.S.
foreign policy. It is the foundation of our shared security, our shared
prosperity, and our shared values. If confirmed, I would work with
Finland to support Ukraine's integration into European and Euro-
Atlantic institutions, while leaving the specifics of the EU accession
process to Finland and other EU member states.
NATO
Question. Finland has historically remained neutral in European
security matters with regard to Russia; however, since Russia's
reinvasion of Ukraine, Finland has taken action to send military
assistance to the Ukrainian military, and popular support for joining
NATO has surpassed 50 percent for the first time.
What do you believe are the advantages and disadvantages of Finland
joining NATO, both for Finland, the United States, as well as
the NATO alliance itself?
Answer. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and
actively participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and
operations. Finland shares our goal of strengthening the transatlantic
relationship to address the full range of threats facing the
transatlantic community. Both the United States and Finland's
leadership have consistently reaffirmed that it is Finland's sovereign
decision whether or not to apply to join NATO, rejecting any attempt by
Russia to restrict NATO's Open-Door policy. If confirmed as U.S.
Ambassador to Finland, I commit to consistently reaffirm the message to
our Finnish partners that NATO's door is open, if they choose to pursue
NATO membership.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you approach the matter of
Finland joining NATO?
Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I commit to
consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners that NATO's
door is open, if they choose to pursue NATO membership.
Question. What ways can we work with Finland to advance our mutual
national security interests in Europe outside of NATO?
Answer. The United States and Finland cooperate on regional and
global security, free trade, emerging technology, countering hybrid
threats, and counterterrorism. Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure
the transatlantic security partnership continues to deepen. Common
logistics and interoperability will create future opportunities for
further security cooperation between Finland and the United States for
decades to come. Finland is a leader in critical and emerging
technologies ranging from 5G and 6G to quantum computing. These
industries represent billions of dollars in trade, investment, and
cooperation aligned with American companies and interests. If
confirmed, I will work to continue to strengthen our cooperation with
Finland.
Question. Finland is a leader in the implementation of nuclear
power and disposal of radioactive waste.
Do you support the increased use of nuclear power in general?
Answer. There is broad public support in Finland to expand nuclear
energy production. If confirmed, I would look to support this area as
an opportunity to promote American technologies and nuclear energy
solutions that accelerate the clean energy transition and facilitate an
affordable pathway to net-zero.
Question. If sanctions are put on Russia's nuclear industry, which
supplies unique equipment and material for nuclear plants around the
world, including Finland, how will you work with the Government to
ensure they can find alternatives while adhering to sanctions?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I
would work with the Finnish Government on viable, clean, low-carbon
alternatives to Russian nuclear energy. Finland has been proactive in
this area; Finnish leadership have publicly stated their intention to
reduce energy dependence on Russia and the Government has halted
Fennovoima's nuclear power project. If confirmed, I would seek
opportunities for American industry, which has been a decades-long
global leader in civil nuclear technologies and is developing some of
the most advanced new technologies.
Question. In the event of a mainland European energy shortage due
to reduced supply from Russia, how would you encourage the Finnish
Government to assist in preserving and augmenting European energy
security?
Answer. In 2019, a EUR 250 million subsea natural gas pipeline--
called the Balticconnector--was completed between Finland and Estonia.
This pipeline links Finland's gas grid with the Baltics and can be
supplied via existing LNG terminals in Finland and the Baltics.
Question. In the coming decades, how do you foresee clean energy
agreements affecting Finland's large oil and automotive industries?
Answer. Finland is a green energy leader in Europe and is on track
to meet its ambitious 2035 carbon-neutral target. In general, there is
broad public and political support for green energy reforms, and
Finnish industries have already begun transitioning to sustainable and
clean energy.
Question. Do you think they will be able to meet global climate
benchmarks?
Answer. Finland has set among the most ambitious climate goals in
Europe, including achieving carbon neutrality by 2035, planning to
phase out coal by May 2029, and planning to increase the share of
renewables in energy consumption to more than 50 percent during the
2020s to help achieve this goal. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Finland to advance our shared climate goals.
Question. Finland has shown limited interest in accommodating
asylum-seekers from Afghanistan and other countries. In November 2021,
the Finnish Government raised its 2022 refugee quota from 1050 to 1500,
which is still less than three people for every ten thousand Finnish
residents.
If confirmed, would you encourage the Finnish Government to raise
that quota?
Answer. Finland has been a strong leader in its Afghanistan
response, working closely with the United States and Allies to support
evacuation and resettlement. In 2021, Finland quadrupled its
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan to 12.5 million euros. Finland
continues to place human rights as a cornerstone of its foreign policy,
and the United States can work with Finland to continue to ensure the
rights and protection of refugees both within Finland and within a
broader international system. If confirmed, I will work with and
encourage Finland to raise the refugee quota further, while also
recognizing its past leadership.
Question. How do you anticipate Finland and other EU countries will
respond to the recent influx of refugees from Central Asia and the
Middle East?
Answer. In 2015, Finland saw an unprecedented 32,447 individuals
file for asylum protection, and the immigration system responded
quickly to expand capacity and services. By 2020, Finland received only
about 3,000 asylum applications. Finnish Immigration Service was able
to shrink service capacity to correspond to the number of asylum
seekers while maintaining flexibility for future surges.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Finnish
Government to provide long-term resettlement to the thousands of
asylum-seekers currently living in Finland?
Answer. Finland provides services and housing to quota refugees
directly through local municipalities. According to the Finnish Red
Cross, municipal services have been able to secure housing for all
arriving quota refugees and often secure almost 1,000 additional places
ahead of the process for the following year. The Finnish Immigration
Service provides housing, social and healthcare services,
interpretation services, and legal aid to asylum-seekers at regional
reception centers. If confirmed, I will encourage the Finnish
Government to provide long-term resettlement to the thousands of
asylum-seekers currently living in Finland.
Indo-Pacific
Question. Although Finland had a positive relationship with the
Chinese Government through 2017, recent reports by Finnish civil and
defense ministries suggest a much more adversarial stance toward China,
and they encourage solidarity with the rest of the EU on this issue.
If confirmed, how will you support Finland in countering malign CCP
encroachments into Europe's political institutions, especially
the EU?
Answer. While Finnish officials are willing to publicly criticize
the PRC's human rights record, the Finns stress the importance of
maintaining effective dialogue with the PRC. Finland has also been open
in its criticism of the PRC's repression of the Uighurs in Xinjiang,
supporting the EU's March 2021 sanctions targeting PRC officials
implicated in human rights abuses in Xinjiang. Three Finnish officials
were affected by the PRC's retaliatory sanctions. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the Finnish Government and multilateral
institutions to support Finland in countering malign CCP encroachments
into Europe's political institutions.
Question. Do you see Finland as a valuable potential ally in
blocking similar encroachments into the U.N. and other global
institutions?
Answer. Finland is a like-minded partner. After the implementation
of the Hong Kong security law in July 2020, Finland suspended its
extradition treaty with Hong Kong, prompting criticism from PRC state-
controlled media and the PRC's Embassy in Finland. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with Finnish officials, including those working in
U.N. institutions, the business community, and civil society on this
important issue, as well as working to increase U.S. trade with Finland
as a counterbalance to China's growing influence in Europe.
Trade and Technology
Question. One of China's goals is to have Chinese manufacturers
produce new 5G communications systems around the world, which poses a
security risk to the U.S. and our allies. The Finnish
telecommunications company, Nokia, could offer 5G infrastructure that
aligns with our security interests as an alternative to Chinese
companies.
As Ambassador, how would you work with the Finnish Government to
promote private sector engagement in telecommunications?
Answer. Finland is a global leader in telecommunication technology
and is home to one of the three trusted providers of "full stack" 5G
equipment worldwide. Finland is known as the "the world's
telecommunications test laboratory" and is used for experimental
launches of new products and services before going global. Finland
offers a great opportunity for American companies to develop and test
new applications of 5G networks, and if confirmed I look forward to
supporting this opportunity.
Question. What ways could the U.S. Government promote technology
partnerships with Finland in order to create secure and marketable 5G
infrastructure solutions that can compete with Chinese alternatives?
Answer. Although Finland will not ban specific vendors from its 5G
network, changes to its telecommunications law in December 2020 make it
difficult for untrusted vendors to operate in the network. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Finnish officials, the
business community, and civil society on this important issue, as well
as working to increase U.S. trade with Finland as a counterbalance to
the PRC's growing influence in Europe.
Question. How would you work with the Finnish Government to protect
intellectual property with regard to high technology?
Answer. Finland is a source of emerging technology and, as such,
there is an opportunity to promote IPR enforcement worldwide. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Finland on adopting controls
and standards for new technologies such as quantum and artificial
intelligence, which protect our common democratic values, respect for
human rights, and preserve our other fundamental freedoms.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Finland was identified as Tier 1 but courts in country had
failed to prosecute as many traffickers in past reporting periods and
victims continued to be penalized.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Finland was ranked as Tier 1 in the 2021 TIP report.
According to the report, Finland fully meets the minimum standards for
the elimination of trafficking. The Government continued to demonstrate
serious and sustained efforts during the reporting period while
considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, if any, on its anti-
trafficking capacity.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the office of the
Ambassador-at-Large to combat and monitor trafficking in persons to
improve anti-trafficking efforts in Finland?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with the Office to Monitor and
Combat Trafficking in Persons and Finnish authorities to encourage
cooperation to make progress in combating trafficking in persons to
include fully prosecuting traffickers and protecting victims. If
confirmed, I will continue our engagement with the Finnish Government
on this important issue with the goal of ensuring Finland remains as a
Tier 1 status country.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Finland was reported to have had serious incidents
motivated by antisemitic or antimuslim behavior and rhetoric. What is
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Finnish law guarantees freedom of religion and prohibits
discrimination on the grounds of religion. If confirmed, I will support
efforts of Jewish, Muslim, and all faith communities to collectively
advocate on issues that threaten to restrict religious practice. This
includes opposing laws that would negatively infringe on religious
practices, such as the recently proposed animal welfare law that would
ban or limit kosher and halal slaughter. If confirmed, I will advocate
for religious freedom for members of all religious groups, and work
with the Ambassador-at-Large, the Finnish Government, and NGO partners
to promote religious freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Finland had no reports of serious human rights abuses or concerns.
However, there is always room for improvement. If confirmed, how can
you engage with civil society to bolster human rights on the ground and
at the U.S. Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society to advance
shared values, including respect for human rights. Finland is a strong
advocate for addressing global issues in multilateral fora, including
through their new seat on the Human Rights Council. If confirmed, I
will work to leverage our strong relationship and shared values and
utilize public diplomacy tools to promote the international rules-based
order and bolster human rights.
The United Nations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who would
be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU, if elected. She
is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you
commit to demarching the Finnish Government and any other counterparts
necessary to communicate U.S. support of Doreen?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Finnish
Government and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S.
support of Doreen Bogdan-Martin.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Since the unprovoked Russian attack on Ukraine, Finland
is evaluating its security posture particularly given its long border
with Russia.
How should the U.S. build on existing security cooperation with
Finland to strengthen our ties and deter further aggression?
Answer. Finland is a valued partner, and the U.S.-Finland
relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The United States and Finland
cooperate on regional and global security, free trade, emerging
technology, countering hybrid threats, and counterterrorism. Finland's
800-mile-long border with Russia means it is a key partner in ensuring
Europe's security. Finland's purchase of F-35As will ensure the
transatlantic security partnership continues to deepen. Common
logistics and interoperability will create future opportunities for
further security cooperation between Finland and the United States for
decades to come. If confirmed, I will work to continue to build on
existing security cooperation with Finland to strengthen our ties and
deter further aggression.
Question. I am concerned by growing Russian and Chinese efforts to
project power in the Arctic region, as Russia has exponentially
increased its military presence above the Arctic Circle and China now
tries to claim that is a ``near-Arctic'' state.
How does Finland view Russian and Chinese activities in the Arctic?
In what ways are Finland and the United States seeking to work
together on challenges in the Arctic region?
Answer. Finland, like the United States, is an Arctic nation, and
our main forum for cooperation on Arctic issues is the Arctic Council.
Finland is keenly aware of Russia's unprecedented military and
commercial investments in the Arctic and does not agree with the PRC's
claim that it is a ``near-Arctic'' state. Both the United States and
Finland work together within the Arctic Council to enhance sustainable
development, environmental protection, and the well-being and security
of the people living in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to
continuing our close engagement on Arctic issues, including pursuing
new opportunities for scientific collaboration and on our shared
strategic and commercial interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Mitt Romney
Question. Finland has been an outstanding security partner of the
United States, NATO, as well as Ukraine, particularly in light of their
pledge to send military aid to the Ukrainians. Putin may have
calculated that his dishonorable, illegal invasion of Ukraine would
divide NATO from its partners and close NATO's doors to new members,
but his malicious war has only drawn us closer together. I applaud this
administration's steadfast commitment to keeping NATO membership open
to those states that want to join.
Will you commit, if confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, to
consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners that
NATO's door is open, if they choose to purse NATO membership?
Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I commit to
consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners that NATO's
door is open, if they choose to pursue NATO membership.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas T. Hickey by Senator Todd Young
Question. How do you view the impact of Russia's war on Ukraine on
the security status of Finland?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked, premeditated, and unjustified invasion
of Ukraine has significant security ramifications for all of Europe,
for the transatlantic community, and globally. Finland's 800-mile-long
border with Russia--the longest in the EU--means Finland is a key
partner in ensuring Europe's security. Finland is a like-minded partner
concerning Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine, and
Finland supports a multilateral and diplomatic solution. President
Niinisto, Prime Minister Marin, and Foreign Minister Haavisto have
publicly condemned Russia's war against Ukraine as a grave breach of
international law and an attack on the European security order. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. and Finnish policies toward
Russia remain closely coordinated.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with Finland in
coordinating on European security and, potentially, exploring their
membership into NATO?
Answer. Finland is a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner and
actively participates in NATO political dialogue, exercises, and
operations. Finland's leadership has consistently reaffirmed that it is
Finland's sovereign decision whether or not to join NATO, rejecting any
attempt by Russia to restrict NATO's Open-Door policy. This sentiment
was expressed in both New Year's 2022 speeches by President Niinisto
and Prime Minister Marin. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Finland, I
commit to consistently reaffirm the message to our Finnish partners
that NATO's door is open, if they choose to pursue NATO membership.
Question. Relatedly, how would you work with Finland's Scandinavian
neighbors, such as Sweden, to ensure they move together where
appropriate?
Answer. Finland has demonstrated clear solidarity with its EU
partners, Nordic neighbors, and the United States on policy regarding
Russia, including on sanctions. Finland and Sweden are both NATO
Enhanced Opportunities Partners and actively participate in NATO
political dialogue, exercises, and operations. If confirmed, I will
work closely with U.S. Ambassadors in the Nordic region and Europe to
advance U.S. policy and support European security.
Question. What is your assessment of the strategic value of
cooperation with Finland on security and regional stability?
Answer. Finland is a valued partner and close friend, and the U.S.-
Finland relationship is broad and multi-faceted. The United States and
Finland cooperate on regional and global security, free trade, emerging
technology, countering hybrid threats, and counterterrorism. Finland
shares our goal of strengthening the transatlantic relationship to
address the full range of threats facing the transatlantic community.
As a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner, Finland's purchase of F-35As
will ensure the transatlantic security partnership continues to deepen.
Common logistics and interoperability will create future opportunities
for further security cooperation between Finland and the United States
for decades to come. Commercially, Finland's purchase of the F-35As
means billions of dollars injected into the American economy, the
creation of American jobs, and the opportunity to extend for at least
another 30 years our bilateral cooperation in the aviation industry.
Finland is a leader in critical and emerging technologies ranging from
5G and 6G to quantum computing. These industries represent billions of
dollars in trade, investment, and cooperation aligned with American
companies and interests. Our cooperation with Finland helps advance
American technology leadership with our Allies and partners to protect
our shared security interests, economic prosperity, and democratic
values. If confirmed, I will work to continue to strengthen our
cooperation with Finland on regional and global challenges.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How do you plan on working with the Riyadh-based Yemen
Affairs Unit to best address ``on the ground'' issues, including the
monitoring of U.S. assistance in Yemen?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be in the region full-time, serving as
the Chief of Mission for Yemen and leading the Yemen Affairs Unit
located at our Embassy in Riyadh, which oversees the totality of our
interests and efforts in Yemen. These include critical humanitarian and
development work, economic reform efforts, counterterrorism and
security cooperation, engaging with Yemeni and regional officials as
well as Yemeni civil society, and above all else, working to ensure the
safety and security of American citizens. As Chief of Mission, it would
be my responsibility to oversee the implementation and review of third-
party monitoring of all programming with U.S. assistance alongside my
Washington counterparts, and I look forward to working with Congress on
these and many other important issues affecting U.S. interests and
security.
Question. How will you work with Special Envoy Lenderking to create
a space that encourages the warring parties in Yemen to come to the
table and have a constructive dialogue?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
Special Envoy Lenderking to support inclusive U.N.-led efforts to reach
a durable resolution to the conflict in Yemen. The only way to reach
such a resolution is through a negotiated political agreement. There is
no military solution. U.N.-led efforts must also address the underlying
economic and humanitarian crises and lead to accountability for human
rights abuses and violations. This is a complex set of problems, but
not insurmountable; we must continue to work at it tenaciously and with
our partners.
Question. What are your plans to ensure the safety of the U.S.
compound in Sana'a?
Answer. The Houthis' outrageous actions against our Yemeni local
staff and former Embassy compound in Sana'a are both deplorable and
unjustifiable and are an affront to the entire international community,
only further aggravating the conflict in Yemen. If confirmed, I will
lead efforts to ensure the Houthis release unharmed all current and
former U.S. local employees who remain held, end their harassment of
our staff and restrictions on their movement, vacate our former Embassy
compound, and return all seized U.S. Government property. If confirmed,
I would continue our work with our partners in the region to make sure
the Houthis hear loud and clear that these egregious actions seriously
jeopardize the prospects for the Houthis to ever be a part of a
legitimate and internationally recognized Government of Yemen.
Question. The U.S. currently has more than 200 locally employed
staff in Yemen. How do you plan on ensuring the continued safety of
these individuals?
Answer. The United States is fully committed to ensuring the safety
of the 170 locally employed staff who work for the U.S. Government in
Yemen. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, the safety and security of the
U.S. Government employees in Yemen and in the Yemen Affairs Unit in
Riyadh would be paramount. I will pursue every path available to secure
the release of the detained locally employed staff, including
engagement with Houthi leaders, international organizations, other
Yemenis, and regional leaders. I would lead efforts to ensure the
Houthis cease any further detentions or harassment of our employees and
work with regional partners to condemn such acts.
Question. What efforts can be taken to encourage the release of Mr.
Marhabi? How do you plan on engaging with the Houthis and other
regional partners on this matter?
Answer. The fact that the Houthis continue to detain Levi Marhabi
is deplorable. Over the past two years, the international community,
humanitarian groups, and leading NGOs have called for his immediate and
unconditional release. Senior U.S. officials have echoed those calls,
including within the U.N. Security Council. If confirmed, I will engage
Yemeni and regional officials to make clear U.S. expectations regarding
the equal treatment and protection of members of religious minority
groups.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. Any threat to the safety and security of personnel
must be addressed quickly and thoroughly. As Chief of Mission, I would
be responsible for ensuring that U.S. Government employees in Yemen and
in the Yemen Affairs Unit in Riyadh are able to perform their duties
safely.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. The Department's most serious commitment is to its
people, and it will not relent in ensuring that any personnel who fall
ill while in service to their country will get the help that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would have a responsibility to all
those who fall under my care and security responsibility as Chief of
Mission.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Divisions in the Saudi-led coalition helped drive Houthi
military advances in recent years. What steps can the U.S. take to
foster greater cohesion in the Saudi-led coalition?
Answer. Enhancing unity among the anti-Houthi bloc is essential to
reaching a negotiated solution that ends the war. The United States is
working closely with its partners in the region to minimize divisions
in the bloc and, if confirmed, I would meet regularly with these key
stakeholders to remind them of our shared interest in ending this
conflict.
Question. What more do you feel the U.S. can do outside of the
U.N.-led political process to inject greater stability in Yemen?
Answer. The United States has contributed nearly $4.5 billion in
humanitarian assistance to Yemen since the start of the war. This
support not only saves lives, but it also prevents further
deterioration of social and economic conditions that would make it even
harder to resolve the conflict. If confirmed, I would continue our
strong humanitarian efforts, and I would also work with key partners
and international financial institutions to support efforts to
stabilize both Yemen's economy and its governing institutions, as well
as to address the underlying economic drivers of conflict. U.S. support
has helped build the capacity of key Yemeni Government economic
institutions and bolstered job-creating enterprises that improve
conditions for Yemeni families. Our programming has Yemenis--
particularly youth and women--develop skills that increase their
employability.
Question. Do you feel there is merit in recalibrating U.S.
assistance to focus more on local governance and institution building?
Answer. Our foreign assistance in Yemen is intended to address a
wide range of sectors that support U.S. interests in ending the
conflict and improving Yemeni lives. Our economic and community-level
support are key components outside of humanitarian assistance that seek
to advance critical reforms and build on those openings should there be
a political settlement.
Question. What means can the United States employ to get the
Houthis to engage in peace talks in good faith and reduce interference
in aid operations?
Answer. The United States strongly supports U.N. Special Envoy
Grundberg and is leading international efforts to demonstrate to the
Houthis that the only sustainable path forward is through dialogue. We
continually encourage others with relationships with the Houthis to
press them to give up on a military solution to the conflict and come
to the negotiating table. And we will not hesitate to use the tools at
our disposal, including sanctions, to pressure the Houthis to cease
their military offensives and engage sincerely with U.N.-facilitated
political talks to resolve the conflict.
Question. What role can the U.S. play to encourage peace between
the Houthis and the Yemeni Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with U.S.
Special Envoy Tim Lenderking to support U.N.-facilitated efforts to
reach an inclusive, durable resolution to the conflict in Yemen. The
only way to reach such a resolution is through a negotiated inclusive
political agreement. There is no military solution. If confirmed, I
would support the Administration's efforts to advance an inclusive,
U.N.-facilitated political process that also addresses the underlying
economic and humanitarian crises and leads to accountability for human
rights abuses and violations. This is a complex set of problems, but
not insurmountable; we must continue to work tenaciously with our
partners to reach this negotiated political agreement.
Question. What steps can the U.S. take to bring greater pressure on
the Houthis? Are there opportunities to foster greater collaboration
with our regional partners in this space, Oman, Kuwait?
Answer. The Houthis' increasingly provocative and dangerous
behavior warrants a strong international response, and I agree we must
continue to work in concert with our partners to send clear messages to
the Houthis to de-escalate and sit down at the negotiating table. If
confirmed, I would support efforts to use various tools at our
disposal, including sanctions, to pressure the Houthis to cease their
military offensives and engage in good faith with U.N.-facilitated
political talks.
Question. Please provide your perspective on the Riyadh Agreement
and its legitimacy as a realistic pathway towards peace.
Answer. Strengthening the anti-Houthi bloc is essential to reaching
a durable resolution to the conflict. The United States is working with
the parties to the Riyadh Agreement to improve coordination between the
Yemeni Government and the Southern Transitional Council, and if
confirmed, I would strongly support those efforts. The Yemeni Prime
Minister and most of the Yemeni cabinet have returned to Aden, which
was a positive step to ease political tensions and improve governance.
Question. What more can the U.S. to do support Saudi efforts to
advance implementation? Can greater pressure be brought upon the UAE?
Answer. The United States coordinates closely with Saudi Arabia and
the UAE on efforts to strengthen the anti-Houthi bloc. If confirmed, I
would strongly support those efforts. There have been some notable
successes resolving differences among parties to the Riyadh Agreement,
including the Prime Minister and most of the Yemeni cabinet returning
to Aden to perform their official duties.
Question. In your mind, what is the benefit of limiting U.N. talks
to the Houthis and the Saudis?
Answer. The United States supports the U.N.'s plans to ensure
political talks are inclusive so that the full range of Yemeni voices
can be heard, including women and civil society leaders, and members of
other marginalized demographics. I was encouraged by reports of the
U.N. Special Envoy's political consultations, as well as the GCC's
effort to convene a broad representation Yemenis for an upcoming
dialogue. Seven years of war have changed the situation in Yemen, and
political talks must reflect that new reality if they are to secure a
durable political agreement.
Question. Should the southern groups also play a role?
Answer. The United States believes inclusive talks involving voices
across the political spectrum that include women, civil society
leaders, and members of other marginalized demographics are essential
to securing a durable political agreement. Political groups from
throughout Yemen, including southern Yemen, should play an active role
in U.N.-facilitated political talks.
Question. What is your position on the UAE's support for proxy
forces like the Giants Brigade?
Answer. The Saudi-led Coalition's defense of Marib against a
sustained Houthi onslaught has helped prevent a significant
deterioration of already-tenuous conditions in the governorate. Over a
million internally displaced people have sought refuge in Marib. The
Houthis' continued military efforts to seize the city--despite there
being no military solution to the conflict--further underscores the
importance of all parties de-escalating militarily and engaging in
good-faith efforts to negotiate a political resolution under the U.N.'s
leadership. The U.S. Government, at all levels, routinely calls on all
parties to adhere to international humanitarian law, respect human
rights, and engage in good-faith efforts to prevent civilian casualties
and greater human suffering.
Question. Please provide your assessment of proxy forces' role in
CT, and their effectiveness relative to other forces on the ground.
Answer. The United States continues to prioritize counterterrorism
efforts by working closely with the Yemeni Government and regional
partners to counter threats from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP) and ISIS-Yemen, both of which are U.S.-designated terrorist
groups. Counterterrorism operations, battlefield losses to the Houthis,
and internal divisions have degraded AQAP capabilities in Yemen. The
group, however, remains a significant threat to the region and to the
national security of the United States. If confirmed as Chief of
Mission, I would continue to work closely with the Yemeni Government
and regional partner forces to degrade those terrorist threats.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to ensure U.S. equities
will be taken into account in a final settlement if the United States
continues to reduce, restrict, or otherwise sever support to the Saudi-
led coalition (SLC)?
Answer. The Houthis' continued attacks against Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates are unacceptable and threaten nearly 130,000
Americans living in the two countries. U.S. support for Saudi and
Emirati defenses against Houthi attacks remains strong. If confirmed, I
will work closely with U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and both
countries to de-escalate the fighting and turn towards inclusive U.N.-
facilitated political talks. All parties except the Houthis recognize
there is no durable military solution to this conflict.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to address the Houthi's
systematic and widespread human rights abuses which pose a very real
threat to regional stability?
Answer. The best way to help ensure that the human rights of all
Yemenis are respected is to seek a comprehensive and inclusive peace
settlement that includes the meaningful participation of women, civil
society, and members of marginalized groups, which includes their calls
for justice, accountability, and redress for human rights abuses and
violations. The United States will continue to demand that all parties
to the conflict, particularly the Houthis, end human rights abuses,
including those involving the recruitment and use of child soldiers;
killings; abductions, including on the basis of religion; gender-based
violence; torture and other abuses; and interference with the exercise
of freedom of expression, including for members of the press. We have
supported language condemning the unlawful recruitment or use of child
soldiers and other abuses in several recent Security Council statements
on Yemen.
Question. If confirmed, how will you direct your Embassy to work
with civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation
on the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work alongside U.S. Special Envoy Tim
Lenderking in engaging with a wide range of Yemeni groups, including
women and civil society leaders, and members of other marginalized
demographics, to promote a more inclusive peace process and to amplify
their calls for peace, justice, and accountability. The administration
uses foreign assistance to support some of these groups where possible,
including by supporting a diverse independent media and groups working
to document human rights abuses. We hope to continue this critical
work.
Question. What options are available to the U.S. mission to bolster
human rights?
Answer. Justice and accountability for human rights abuses and
violations are key to a durable resolution to the conflict. In support
of this imperative, the Department supports efforts to document
evidence of abuses committed by all parties to the conflict and
emphasizes the importance of using such documentation in current and
future legal, reconciliation, and transitional justice processes. The
continued and worsening harassment of independent journalists and human
rights advocates throughout the country poses a significant obstacle to
a durable peace. The State Department remains committed to supporting
Yemeni journalists and advocating for their protection, and it
consistently raises human rights violations and abuses in Yemen in
public messaging and multilateral forums.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to go about reducing
Iranian influence in Yemen?
Answer. I share your concern about Iran's influence in Yemen.
Ending the conflict is the best way to diminish the Iranian role in the
country. The United States disrupts Iran's destabilizing provision of
weapons and military expertise to the Houthis and has sanctioned
individuals, entities, and vessels related to international networks
used to facilitate the provision of millions of dollars' worth of funds
to the Houthis in cooperation with IRGC-Quds Force senior officials.
Those who seek to profit from the suffering of the Yemeni people must
be stopped.
Question. Are there steps that can be taken to improve interdiction
efforts?
Answer. Iran provides increasingly sophisticated weapons, strategic
advice, logistical support, and funds to the Houthis, which the group
has used to launch attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE, including
terrorist attacks threatening civilians and commercial sites. The
United States continues to disrupt this Iranian support through
increased maritime interdictions, export controls on U.S. origin items,
and targeted sanctions of individuals, entities, and vessels involved
in transferring these items to the Houthis.
Question. To what extent do you feel there is room for greater
Israeli involvement in this space?
Answer. We welcome all efforts to urge the parties toward peace in
Yemen. We believe the Houthis are sensitive to international opinion,
and we welcome the expansion of a broad international consensus on the
need to end this conflict.
Question. How has Iran's support to the Houthis changed in recent
years?
Answer. Iran continues to exacerbate the conflict through its
material and technical support to the Houthis. The Houthis are
responsive to a degree to Iranian direction and policy. Iran continues
to affect the conflict resulting in ever greater regional instability
and miscalculation by all parties.
Question. What impact has it had on the advancement of Houthi
military capabilities?
Answer. The unlawful flow of weapons from Iran to the Houthis in
Yemen is enabling the brutal Houthi offensives in Yemen, increasing the
suffering of civilians.
Question. What more can the U.S. do to address the threat Iranian
support to the Houthis poses?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to countering
the military threat from Iran. The U.S. Navy seized dozens of anti-tank
guided missiles, thousands of assault rifles, and hundreds of machine
guns and rocket-propelled grenade launchers from stateless dhows in the
Arabian Sea in February, May, and December of last year. The U.S. will
continue to disrupt these activities where possible and use sanctions
as appropriate against those who exacerbate the conflict.
Question. How might the signing of a time-limited nuclear deal with
Iran that fails to curb its support to proxies impact dynamics in
Yemen?
Answer. The President has been clear that the Administration is
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and has
stressed that diplomacy, in coordination with our allies and regional
partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. There are fundamental
problems with Iran's behavior across a series of issues, including its
support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its destabilizing
actions throughout the region, and its abhorrent practice of using
wrongfully detained U.S. nationals and others as political tools.
Because an Iran with a nuclear weapon would make all these threats
worse, the President's strategy is to pursue a mutual return to full
implementation of the JCPOA to restrict Iran's nuclear program and
provide a stronger platform from which to address its destabilizing
conduct. The Biden administration is committed to using all the tools
at its disposal to counter Iran's destabilizing activities, to include
limiting its ability to finance groups outside of Iran, and
intercepting weapons flows to these groups.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to advance efforts to
secure the release of U.S. local staff still being held by the Houthis?
Answer. The detentions of our locally employed staff are egregious
and unacceptable. The Department of State is committed to ensuring the
safety of these colleagues. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, their
safety and security would be paramount for me. I would pursue every
path available to secure their release, including engagement with
Houthi leaders, international organizations, other Yemenis, and
regional leaders. I would lead efforts to ensure the Houthis cease any
further detentions or harassment of our current or former employees and
work with the international community to condemn such acts until they
stop.
Question. What options are being considered to shore up the
security of current and former local staff in light of the continued
threat posed by the Houthis?
Answer. The Houthis' unacceptable actions against our local staff
and former Embassy compound in Sana'a are both deplorable and
unjustifiable, and are an affront to the entire international
community, only further aggravating the conflict. If confirmed, I would
lead efforts to ensure the Houthis immediately release unharmed all
current and former U.S. local employees who remain held, end their
harassment of our staff and restrictions on their movement, vacate our
former Embassy compound, and return any seized U.S. Government
property. We must continue to work closely with our partners in the
region to make sure the Houthis hear loud and clear that these
egregious actions seriously jeopardize the prospects for the Houthis to
ever be a part of a legitimate and internationally recognized
Government of Yemen.
Question. There is growing concern over the continued downturn in
the economy, particularly in the South. For some time, it's been clear
that another injection will be needed to stabilize the currency but
this will require progress on advancing fiscal reforms. If confirmed,
how do you plan to press the internationally recognized government to
improve transparency and implement the reforms necessary to set the
condition for greater economic stability?
Answer. Economic grievances are a key driver of the conflict and
must be addressed if we are to ensure its durable resolution. One
element of that effort is improving macroeconomic stability, including
in areas controlled by the Yemeni Government, and that requires steps
to improve transparency. If confirmed, I would work with our regional
and international partners, including experts at international
financial institutions and in the private sector, to support reforms
that bolster the Yemeni economy and ensure resources are used to
benefit the Yemeni people.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Yemen remained a ``special case'' for the sixth year in a row.
Knowing that accurate information on human trafficking in country
remains difficult, how will you work with relevant stakeholders to
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador? If confirmed,
do you commit to accurately portraying any situational updates
regarding human trafficking in Yemen in the annual Trafficking in
Persons report?
Answer. Despite the conflict in Yemen, migrants continue to travel
there, primarily from east Africa, often in search of economic
opportunities in neighboring Gulf countries. Some of these migrants
could be subjected to trafficking. The conflict and lack of effective
government institutions have created serious challenges to monitoring
and investigating cases, prosecuting perpetrators, and protecting
victims. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Embassy team,
other donor countries, NGOs, civil society, and international
organizations to address trafficking in Yemen, including the treatment
of migrant workers. I firmly commit to ensuring that we portray the
trafficking situation in Yemen accurately.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Yemen was identified as lacking governmental and
societal respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The U.S. Government continues to promote religious freedom
in Yemen, engage with religious communities in the Yemeni diaspora, and
closely monitor the conditions of religious minority detainees in Yemen
and to press for their release. If confirmed, I would engage Yemeni and
regional officials to make clear U.S. expectations regarding the equal
treatment and protection of members of religious minority groups.
Question. To what extent to you see the Houthis as a threat to
Israel?
Answer. The Houthis are a threat to regional stability throughout
the Middle East. We know that Israel has expressed concerns publicly
that Houthi missiles could target Israel, and we take those concerns
seriously.
Question. What more can the U.S. do to address their antisemitism,
specifically we should be pressing the U.N. to condition educational
assistance on neutral, un-bias curriculum and educational assistance?
Answer. Houthi antisemitic slogans and efforts to incite violence
and hate are deplorable and must continue to be condemned. If
confirmed, I would stress to all educational programming partners our
expectations about the need to provide inclusive messages in
educational materials as well as ensure improved oversight and quality
control of those materials.
Question. In your opinion, what steps can the U.S. take to improve
our diplomats' ability to get outside the Embassy compound? How do you
intend to improve the ability of U.S. diplomats to better access all
local populations?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy compound in Sana'a has been closed since
2015, and U.S. diplomats work out of the Yemen Affairs Unit in Riyadh.
However, the safety of all U.S. Government personnel is paramount, and
the Department of State takes all necessary precautions in connection
with any travel into Yemen. We take security seriously while also
ensuring diplomats have the access to local populations necessary to
conduct diplomacy. Embassy teams have traveled to Yemen twice in the
last five months.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the Yemen
Affairs Unit (YAU)?
Answer. I understand that YAU personnel are deeply committed to and
motivated by their work on challenging but important issues. If
confirmed, ensuring the morale and well-being of YAU staff would be
among my top priorities.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at the YAU?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my first steps would be to assess the
needs of YAU staff. The pandemic has presented challenges to all of our
posts, and as we emerge from COVID-19, if confirmed, I look forward to
working with the staff at the YAU to ensure they have all the resources
necessary to meet the unique responsibilities of their jobs.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at the YAU?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure that all members of our
mission are fully versed in President Biden's strategic objectives for
Yemen. Creating a unified mission and vision requires open
communication and a common understanding of our strategic objectives,
including to ensure that it remains consistent with our regional,
global and U.S. national security objectives.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in providing strategic guidance and direction and
empowering the members of my team, while creating an environment where
they can provide leadership with ideas and feedback to help drive
policy and management decisions.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. A constructive, open, trusting working relationship between
an Ambassador and Deputy Chief of Mission is absolutely essential for
the successful functioning of any Mission. If confirmed, I look forward
to establishing such a relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission,
and in particular ensuring that my Deputy Chief of Mission feels
empowered to provide frank assessments on all policy and management
issues and on my own performance and actions.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to
be the mission's ``chief operating officer,'' responsible for the day-
to-day management of all aspects of the mission, while also ensuring
that the Deputy Chief of Mission is my alter-ego on policy matters,
fully capable of covering for me as required.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. I believe it is absolutely essential to regularly provide
personnel with constructive and accurate feedback on their performance.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. I support direct feedback and if confirmed, would encourage
all personnel to provide clear, accurate and direct feedback. I also
regularly encourage recognizing high achievers with State Department
awards, including department-wide awards.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges does the U.S. face in
Yemen? How do you plan to address these?
Answer. Increasing anti-American sentiment in Houthi-controlled
media is a real challenge. I understand that our public diplomacy
efforts seek to highlight the damage the war has done to Yemen while
underscoring positive U.S. contributions. Conducting diplomatic
operations from outside of Yemen complicates our ability to undertake
typical public diplomacy programming. I understand the YAU has
developed a robust array of virtual programs, supplemented with in-
person programming implemented by partners. If confirmed, I would
continue to expand these efforts.
Question. What steps can the U.S. take to address the proliferation
of propaganda promoted by adversaries and strategic competitors in the
Middle East?
Answer. The State Department coordinates with the interagency to
address foreign disinformation and propaganda across the region.
Constant media engagements and messaging collaboration with partners
and allies are key to countering foreign state-sponsored disinformation
and propaganda in the Middle East and North Africa information space.
Embassies are also amplifying and deploying Department produced
counter-disinformation material. We also empower local voices to
identify, expose, and refute disinformation and propaganda by
generating their own original, high-quality, and fact-based research
and messaging.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Our Washington and Mission-based press and public diplomacy
teams collaborate on a daily basis to ensure domestic and messaging to
foreign audiences is carefully coordinated. Washington-based
communicators share guidance with colleagues in the field and both
collaborate to ensure messaging is accurately tailored to local
contexts.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously? [for context: anomalous health incidents]
Answer. Yes. Any threat to the safety and security of personnel
must be addressed quickly and thoroughly. As Chief of Mission, it would
be my responsibility to ensure U.S. Government employees under my
security responsibility are able to perform their duties safely.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to YAU personnel?
Answer. Yes., if confirmed I believe that open communication is
essential. As Chief of Mission, I would encourage transparency and open
communication, especially as it relates to the health and safety of
everyone at the YAU.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have not yet received a briefing, but commit to one
before my departure if confirmed.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. The Department's most serious commitment is to its people,
and it will not relent in ensuring that any personnel who fall ill
while in service to their country will get the help that they need. As
required by the National Defense Authorization Act, we will follow the
established procedures for collecting and disseminating information and
ensure that information regarding such incidents is efficiently shared
across relevant federal agencies in a manner that provides appropriate
protections for classified, sensitive, and personal information.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. As Chief of Mission, if confirmed it would be my
responsibility to ensure U.S. personnel are fully informed and able to
perform their jobs safely.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator Todd Young
Question. From your perspective, is a diplomatic solution to the
Yemen conflict feasible?
Answer. The only way to reach a durable resolution to the conflict
in Yemen is through a negotiated political agreement. There is no
military solution. If confirmed, I would support the Administration's
efforts to advance an inclusive, U.N.-led political process that also
addresses the underlying economic and humanitarian crises and leads to
accountability for human rights abuses and violations. To that end,
U.S. diplomatic efforts have helped build unprecedented international
consensus on the need for an immediate, comprehensive ceasefire and
political resolution. This is a complex set of problems, but not
insurmountable; we must continue to work at it tenaciously and with our
partners.
Question. Do you believe UNSCR 2216 properly reflects the current
context in Yemen? Will the new administration seek to modify this
UNSCR?
Answer. The administration is committed to exploring all possible
options, taking into consideration the timing, sequencing, and
ramifications of any new resolution. We continue to work with partners
in the region, U.N. Security Council members, and U.N. Special Envoy
Grundberg to advance the peace process. We continually evaluate whether
the framework for Yemen's political transition outlined in UNSCR 2216
(2015) provides the best basis for peace efforts. We strongly support
the targeted arms embargo and sanctions designations of UNSCR 2216
(2015) as key elements of the U.N. Yemen sanctions regime.
Question. How would you seek to engage with the U.N. Special Envoy,
Hans Grundberg, and what role do you believe the United Nations can
play in Yemen from a political perspective, leaving aside its important
humanitarian work?
Answer. The United States strongly supports U.N. Special Envoy for
Yemen Hans Grundberg and remains committed to supporting a U.N.-led
peace process to achieve an inclusive, durable resolution to the
conflict. The administration's efforts complement those of the U.N.
Special Envoy's. I understand U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim
Lenderking works in lockstep with the U.N. Special Envoy, and if
confirmed, I would work with them to urge all parties to engage with
the U.N., with each other, and with civil society, without pre-
conditions towards achieving an immediate, comprehensive ceasefire and
political resolution of the conflict.
Question. How do you envision working alongside Special Envoy for
Yemen Tim Lenderking?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
Special Envoy Lenderking to reach an inclusive, durable resolution to
the conflict in Yemen. Our responsibilities will not be the same,
however. If confirmed, I will be in the region full-time, serving as
the Chief of Mission for Yemen and leading the Yemen Affairs Unit
located at our Embassy in Riyadh, which oversees the totality of our
interests and efforts in Yemen. These include critical humanitarian and
development work, economic reform efforts, counterterrorism and
security cooperation, engaging with Yemeni and regional officials as
well as Yemeni civil society, and above all else, working to ensure the
safety and security of American citizens. SE Lenderking has been tasked
by the President with a dual mandate: to push for a diplomatic
resolution to the conflict and to mitigate humanitarian suffering in
Yemen.
Question. What would be the impact on diplomatic efforts if the
Houthis are re-designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the
Administration?
Answer. Recent Houthi behavior and increasingly destabilizing
actions certainly warrant consideration of a range of responses and the
President has been clear that a number of options are being explored.
Working in concert with our international partners, we need to send
clear messages to the Houthis to deescalate the situation and sit down
at the negotiating table. Our diplomatic efforts will continue to focus
on the Administration's commitment to an inclusive, durable resolution
to the conflict, which requires engaging with all parties in Yemen,
including the Houthis. However, we must not forget the very real
humanitarian consequences that a designation can entail.
Question. Do you believe the U.S. and our allies and partners
should do all we can to interdict weapons from Iran fueling the war and
humanitarian crisis in Yemen?
Answer. Yes. The Department will not relent in applying pressure on
those who perpetuate the conflict and the humanitarian crisis and
exacerbate the suffering of the Yemeni people. This includes
individuals linked to Iran's destabilizing transfer of weapons,
strategic advice, and logistical support to the Houthis. The United
States continues to disrupt these activities and has sanctioned
individuals, entities, and vessels related to international networks
used to facilitate the provision of millions of dollars' worth of funds
to the Houthis in cooperation with IRGC-Quds Force senior officials.
Question. How do you assess the effectiveness of U.N.-led efforts
to address the large-scale humanitarian needs throughout Yemen?
Answer. The U.N. is our largest operational partner in Yemen due to
its reliability and history operating there. We support U.N.-led
efforts across all sectors to reach those who need assistance most.
However, U.N.-led humanitarian efforts need more support from
international donors, as humanitarian needs worldwide are at an all-
time high. We must continue to urge all donor countries to do
everything they can to support the U.N. Humanitarian Response Plan so
that this work can continue.
Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to protect U.S.
interests in Yemen from a distance, including U.S.-sourced aid, aid
workers, and other humanitarian actors?
Answer. If confirmed, protecting U.S. interests would be one of my
top priorities. Strong, sustained advocacy with all stakeholders in
Yemen has helped to ensure that our implementing partners are able to
safely reach the most vulnerable, including the many Yemenis displaced
as a result of the conflict. If confirmed, I would continue leading
such advocacy. We are the single largest donor of humanitarian
assistance to Yemen, a position we are able to continue as a result of
years of trust and relationship-building with partners and local
authorities. I would lead my Country Team in consultation with
Washington to ensure that this extremely valuable work continues
unimpeded, making the best use of the taxpayer's dollar. We must also
continue working closely with key partners and international financial
institutions to support efforts to stabilize Yemen's economy and
address the underlying economic drivers of conflict to achieve a more
durable peace.
Question. From your perspective, what do you believe is the purpose
of the Houthi's latest escalatory attacks on the UAE?
Answer. Recent Houthi actions, including attacks on the UAE, are
just the latest in a series of reprehensible attacks targeting Yemen's
neighbors. There is no justification for these actions, and we must
continue working with partners to condemn them and make clear to the
Houthis such acts will not be tolerated. The UAE is home to over 60,000
U.S. citizens, and these threats to regional security are extremely
concerning. Houthi actions against our current and former Yemeni local
staff and our former Embassy compound in Sana'a are equally troubling.
All this in combination with the Houthis' military offensives indicates
they continue to pursue a military end to the conflict.
Question. Are their strikes against the Saudis and Emirates an
attempt to coerce these governments into accepting a political
settlement that divides Yemen?
Answer. Houthi attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE are an
unacceptable threat to regional security, including to the over 130,000
Americans who live in those countries. The administration's efforts
towards a political settlement to the conflict are in support of a
united Yemen. In contrast, the Houthis continue to pursue a military
end to the conflict, in blatant disregard of the suffering such
fighting causes for millions of Yemenis. The United States is working
with our partners to pressure the Houthis to stop such attacks and
engage seriously in U.N.-led political talks to end this war and hold
them accountable for human rights abuses.
Question. For their part, what are the Saudis and Emirates hoping
to achieve in Yemen now? Do they believe they can beat the Houthis?
What would such a victory look like?
Answer. The only durable solution to the conflict that will ensure
peace and security in the region is a negotiated, inclusive political
settlement among the Yemenis themselves that includes justice and
accountability for human rights abuses and violations. The United
States is working very closely with Saudi Arabia and the UAE to support
U.N.-led peace efforts to achieve such a political settlement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator John Barrasso
Question. What terrorist organizations are currently in Yemen?
Answer. The United States continues to prioritize counterterrorism
efforts by working closely with the Yemeni Government and regional
partners to counter threats from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP) and ISIS-Yemen, both U.S.-designated terror groups. We also
continue to take efforts against the activities in Yemen of other U.S.-
designated terrorist groups such as Hizballah and the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF). These groups continue
to exploit the political and security vacuum created by the ongoing
conflict and threaten regional security.
Question. What is the current threat posed by AQAP and the Islamic
State in Yemen?
Answer. Counterterrorism operations, battlefield losses to the
Houthis, and internal divisions have degraded AQAP capabilities in
Yemen. The group, however, remains a significant threat to the region
and to the national security of the United States. A small ISIS
presence also exists in Yemen. We continue to actively monitor threats
emanating from Yemen and have resources and capabilities in the region
to address them. As Chief of Mission, I would continue to work closely
with the Yemeni Government and regional partner forces to degrade those
terrorist threats.
Question. How many Houthi leaders are currently sanctioned by the
United States? Which additional Houthi leaders should be reviewed for
sanctionable activities?
Answer. Twelve official Houthi political and military leaders are
currently designated by the United States under a variety of sanctions
authorities. In addition, the United States has sanctioned dozens of
prominent Houthi financiers and facilitators, including the February
23, 2022 designations of members of an international financial network,
led by Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force and Houthi
financier Sa'id al-Jamal, that funds the Houthis' war against the
Government of Yemen. Last year, four Houthis were also designated under
the U.N.'s Yemen sanctions regime.
Question. Do you support the re-listing of the Houthis as a Foreign
Terrorist Organization?
Answer. Recent unacceptable Houthi behavior and increasingly
destabilizing actions certainly warrant consideration of a range of
responses, and the President has been clear that a number of options
are being considered. Working in concert with our international
partners, we need to send clear messages to the Houthis to deescalate
the situation and sit down at the negotiating table. Our diplomatic
efforts will continue to focus on the Administration's commitment to an
inclusive, durable resolution to the conflict, which requires engaging
with all parties in Yemen, including the Houthis. We will continue to
take into account the humanitarian consequences of any of our
designation decisions.
Question. What is the status of the U.S. Embassy compound in Yemen
and what property was seized?
Answer. The Houthis' egregious actions against our Yemeni local
staff and former Embassy compound in Sana'a are both deplorable and
unjustifiable and are an affront to the entire international community,
only further aggravating the conflict in Yemen. Unfortunately, the
Houthis still maintain a presence inside the compound in Sana'a. We do
not yet know the extent of what was taken; however, the standard
procedure when we evacuate from an Embassy is to destroy or remove all
classified material and disable or remove all classified systems. My
understanding is that the Embassy staff followed these procedures
before evacuating and sealing the former Embassy compound in Sana'a in
2015.
Question. How many Yemeni citizens, who previously worked for the
U.S. Embassy in Yemen, are currently being detained by the Houthis?
Answer. To my knowledge, there are eight current U.S. Embassy
Locally Employed Staff and five former staff who are still detained,
two of whom currently work for the U.N.
Question. What efforts has the United States taken to secure the
release of those individuals? [for context: detained LE Staff]
Answer. Special Envoy Lenderking and Charge d'Affaires Westley
continue to work tirelessly to secure the release of detained current
and former Locally Employed staff. At senior levels the Administration
raises this issue at every juncture within the U.N. Security Council
and other multilateral fora to garner consensus in public condemnation
of these actions. The administration appreciated the strong bipartisan
Congressional statement in November condemning these Houthi actions
against our Yemeni employees and Congress's ongoing support in securing
their safety.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your strategy to address this
issue? [for context: LES detainment]
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead efforts to ensure the Houthis
release unharmed all current and former U.S. employees who remain held,
end the harassment of our staff and restrictions on their movement,
vacate our former Embassy compound, and return all seized U.S.
Government property. We must continue to work closely with our partners
in the region to make sure the Houthis hear loudly and clearly that
these egregious actions seriously jeopardize the prospects for the
Houthis to ever be a part of a legitimate and internationally
recognized Government of Yemen.
Question. What is the current relationship between Iran and Yemen?
Answer. Iran's transfer of weapons, strategic advice, and
logistical support have enabled the Houthis to attack ships in the Bab
al-Mandab Strait and use both long-range missiles and drones to
threaten civilian targets inside Saudi Arabia and the UAE, including
the more than 130,000 Americans who live in the two countries. Iranian
support to the Houthis significantly increases the Houthis' ability to
threaten regional peace and security and emboldens Houthi hardliners
who continue to push for a military end to the conflict and avoid
serious engagement in political talks.
Question. What military assistance does Iran provide to the
Houthis?
Answer. Iran provides increasingly sophisticated weapons, strategic
advice, logistical support, and funds to the Houthis, which the group
has used to launch attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE, including
terrorist attacks threatening civilians and commercial sites. The
United States continues to disrupt this Iranian support through
maritime interdictions, export controls on U.S. origin items, and
targeted sanctions of individuals, entities, and vessels involved in
transferring these items to the Houthis.
Question. How much funding is provided to the Houthis from Iran?
Answer. Iran has provided tens of millions of dollars to the
Houthis. The United States continues to identify and disrupt these
efforts; over the past year, for example, the United States has
sanctioned key elements of an international financial network led by
IRGC-QF and Houthi financier Said al-Jamal that was responsible for
transferring tens of millions of dollars to the Houthis.
Question. How could the Houthi rebels benefit from the removal of
sanctions on Iran?
Answer. The President has been clear that the United States is
committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and to
countering the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior. Because an
Iran with a nuclear weapon would make all these threats worse, the
President's strategy is to pursue a mutual return to full compliance
with the JCPOA to restrict Iran's nuclear program and provide a
stronger platform to address its destabilizing conduct. The U.S.
Government maintains a range of tools to combat terrorist financing,
and we will continue to use these to counter Iran's destabilizing
activities and support for terrorism. Additionally, our tools for
countering Iranian behavior are not limited to sanctions. Working with
our allies and partners in the region to counter and disrupt Iranian
threats, as well as using tools such as interdictions and export
controls, has been effective in countering this behavior, and we will
continue to expand our efforts in this area.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Steven H. Fagin by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. Do you assess that Iran will use resources that flow from
a new agreement to finance Iran-supported forces in Yemen?
Answer. While Iran's use of its resources, from whatever source, to
support destabilizing activities in the region remains a matter of
serious concern, the greatest threat to peace efforts remains the
Houthis' intransigence, focus on a military victory, and willingness to
launch long range missiles and UAVs threatening civilian targets in
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The Department will not
relent in applying pressure on those who perpetuate the conflict, risk
civilian lives, worsen the humanitarian crisis, and seek to profit from
the suffering of the Yemeni people. This includes individuals linked to
Iran's destabilizing provision of weapons, funds, and military
expertise to the Houthis. These groups continue to exploit the
political and security vacuum created by the ongoing conflict and
threaten regional security. The United States coordinates closely with
our Gulf partners to amplify our efforts, and we will continue to act
to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing activities regardless
of the outcome of talks in Vienna.
Question. Do you assess that Iran will use resources that flow from
a new agreement to finance terrorist groups, either in Yemen or in
other countries?
Answer. The administration is committed to ensuring Iran never
acquires a nuclear weapon, without regard to the source of Iran's
resources, and has stressed that diplomacy, in coordination with our
allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal.
The administration remains deeply concerned about Iran's actions across
a series of issues--including its support for terrorism, its ballistic
missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and
its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and
foreign nationals as political tools. Because an Iran with a nuclear
weapon would make all these threats worse, the President's strategy is
to pursue a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA to
restrict Iran's nuclear program and provide a stronger platform to
address its destabilizing conduct. The administration is committed to
use all the tools at its disposal to counter Iran's destabilizing
activities, to include limiting its ability to finance all groups that
work to destabilize the region or the world, and intercepting weapons
flows to these groups.
Question. Do you assess the Houthis are terrorists?
Answer. I understand the Department has revoked the Foreign
Terrorist Organization and Specially Designated Global Terrorist
designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, due
to concerns over their potential effects on Yemen's fragile
humanitarian and economic situation. This included concerns voiced by
the U.N., humanitarian groups, and Members of Congress. The United
States has continued, however, through domestic authorities and U.N.
sanctions, to act against those who perpetuate the conflict and the
humanitarian crisis in Yemen, and commit abuses against civilians, and
seek to destabilize the situation for their own gain. This includes
Houthi terrorist attacks against Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which we and
the U.N. have condemned on multiple occasions.
Question. Do you assess that our regional allies consider the
Houthis terrorists?
Answer. The Houthis' deplorable attacks in Yemen and against
Yemen's neighbors warrant consideration of a range of responses, and
the President has been clear that a number of options are being
considered. Working in concert with our international partners,
including regional allies, we need to send clear messages to the
Houthis to deescalate the situation and sit down at the negotiating
table. Our diplomatic efforts will continue to focus on the
Administration's commitment to an inclusive, durable resolution to the
conflict and support of our regional allies.
Question. Do you assess that our regional allies want us to
reimpose the designations?
Answer. The only durable solution to the conflict that will ensure
peace and security in the region is a negotiated, inclusive political
settlement among the Yemenis themselves that includes justice and
accountability for human rights abuses and violations. The United
States is working very closely with Saudi Arabia and the UAE to support
U.N.-led peace efforts to achieve such a political settlement. The
United States is also working closely with our partners and regional
allies to promote accountability for the Houthis' deplorable behavior.
Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis
in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.
Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain
intransigent and focused on their military offensive against Marib, and
on attacks threatening civilian targets outside Yemen in the United
Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. The Marib offensive is the single
biggest threat to peace efforts and is exacerbating an already-dire
humanitarian crisis, placing at risk the approximately one million
internally displaced persons who found refuge in Marib after escaping
fighting in other parts of the country. The Houthis also exacerbate the
humanitarian consequences of the fuel situation at Hudaydah port by
stockpiling fuel and manipulating fuel prices, driving up the cost of
fuel far beyond the reach of most Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis
continue to interfere in the delivery of humanitarian aid.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.
Answer. I understand that the Biden administration revoked the
terrorism designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the
Houthis, in recognition of the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen.
The administration listened to concerns voiced by the United Nations,
humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others,
regarding potential impacts the designations could have had on Yemenis'
access to basic commodities. I understand that the short time that
passed between the designations and the revocations limited the impact
the designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and
commercial imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian
assistance items are now moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.
Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and the
revocations limited the impact that designations could have had on
humanitarian assistance and commercial imports in Marib. Humanitarian
assistance has been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation
of hostilities has caused additional needs and secondary displacement.
The lifting of sanctions has helped ensure uninterrupted commercial
food supplies and the safe delivery of life-saving food, emergency
shelter, water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as
essential non-food items, such as blankets and water containers.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Robert Menendez
Displacement in Ukraine
Question. Ukraine's people are facing an ever-worsening
humanitarian crisis that has sent more than 1 million refugees into
neighboring countries. Most USAID mission countries have expressed
interest to help in hosting families and sending help.
How will you work to coordinate these multilateral efforts? Are
there ways to leverage this moment of openness to refugees in
order to secure more effective and humane refugee policies in
countries where USAID has missions?
Answer. Countries neighboring Ukraine have demonstrated enormous
generosity in their response to the refugee crisis stemming from
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. I understand
that USAID has been working closely with the U.N., NGO partners and
European counterparts to monitor humanitarian needs in Ukraine and
neighboring countries, while coordinating our response efforts.
Administrator Samantha Power visited Poland and Brussels in the first
week of the crisis and I am aware that she has continued to closely
coordinate with officials from Ukraine, the EU, partners in the region,
and international organizations on the humanitarian response. If
confirmed, I will seek to build on this effort by working closely with
USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance and the State Department
Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration to fully leverage all
available resources from neighboring countries and allies to meet the
needs of conflict-affected Ukrainians, internally displaced
populations, and refugees.
Vulnerable Groups in Ukraine
Question. The Russian Federation has a history of targeting
vulnerable populations, including Jehovah's Witnesses, Tatars, and
dissident groups. I am concerned that they will do the same in Ukraine
if their invasion is successful, and that many from these groups will
be forced to join those who have already fled the country.
How would you approach designing and managing programming to
support groups historically persecuted by the Russian
Federation, both who remain in Ukraine and who have fled to
countries like Poland, Moldova, Romania, Hungary, and Slovakia?
Answer. I share your concern that marginalized groups face
increased risk of persecution by the Russian Federation. There are
already signs of human rights violations by Russian forces and it will
be critical to monitor and document these abuses. I understand that
USAID supports organizations in Ukraine that work with vulnerable
populations, including members of the LGBTQI+ community, persons with
disabilities, religious and ethnic minorities. I am also aware that
USAID programs have been helping to provide assistance to these
vulnerable groups, and facilitating the ability for many to safely exit
Ukraine. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing efforts to protect
vulnerable groups both within Ukraine and those who have fled to
neighboring countries.
Anti-Corruption Efforts
Question. Administrator Power has highlighted anti-corruption
efforts as a top priority for USAID. During her trip to Bosnia and
Herzegovina in January, Administrator Power highlighted that, despite
progress towards Euro-Atlantic integration in the Western Balkans,
corruption remains rampant in the region.
How would you work to further Administrator Power's objective to
combat corruption in conjunction with efforts to promote Euro-
Atlantic integration?
Answer. Endemic corruption is one of the most intractable
challenges in the Western Balkans and across the wider region.
Corruption serves as a point of entry for foreign malign influence,
corrodes the development gains countries in the region have made in the
past three decades, and hinders further progress towards Euro-Atlantic
integration. I understand that USAID is supporting the Biden-Harris
administration's Anti-Corruption Strategy in the region through several
lines of effort by piloting innovative approaches. I understand one of
these innovative approaches is the Reporters' Liability Fund, which
provides defense coverage and legal resources to journalists threatened
with vexatious lawsuits. If confirmed, I pledge to make combating
corruption in the Western Balkans and further progress on Euro-Atlantic
integration a top priority of mine and commit to providing you with
regular updates on our progress towards that goal.
Armenia
Question. Armenians continue to grapple with the human costs of the
2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War on a daily basis. USAID assistance to Armenia
should continue and expand support for the humanitarian needs of the
90,000 displaced people uprooted by the war in Nagorno Karabakh.
As worldwide humanitarian demands skyrocket, how will you
prioritize helping those displaced by the Nagorno Karabakh War?
Answer. I understand that USAID provided $2.5 million in
humanitarian assistance in response to the conflict, which included
cash assistance to displaced persons, and in-kind assistance to host-
family households. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID's
Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance who are closely following the needs
of the displaced. I will also seek opportunities, if confirmed, to help
build constructive cross-border interaction and cooperation as the
basis for peace and stability across the South Caucasus.
Democratic Backsliding
Question. As Ukrainian people bravely fight Vladimir Putin's
illegal invasion they inspire support from a growing wave of democratic
voices across Europe. This growing wave undoubtedly worries
authoritarians and illiberal voices as they scramble to find ways to
solidify their established power structures. We see this happening with
Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Alexander Vucic in Serbia.
We also see positive signals with people in all non-EU countries
encouraging their governments to take clear sides in a push to join the
European family.
How do you plan to adjust USAID's strategies in this historic
moment to solidify democratic gains throughout the Balkans and
Eastern Europe as the world rejects the kleptocratic
authoritarianism of Vladimir Putin?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated invasion of Ukraine
presents a grave threat to democracy, freedom, and development progress
across Europe and Eurasia. I believe that USAID's efforts to help build
more prosperous and more democratic countries in the region are more
vital than ever. I have seen firsthand during my career in the foreign
service that the agency has a robust range of tools to promote
democracy and governance and solidify democratic gains. If confirmed, I
intend to focus on strengthening the institutions and processes in
sectors that are foundational to democratic resilience, including a
vibrant civil society, strong independent media, rule of law, free and
fair elections, and transparent and accountable governance. There are
some very positive foundations upon which to do so in Europe and
Eurasia and I look forward to bolstering these efforts, if confirmed.
Question. What concrete steps can USAID take to cut the corrupt
support web of Vladimir Putin by working with its missions in Europe?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that USAID further
leverages its resources to target the Kremlin's corrupt networks. For
example, USAID programs can work to further promote financial
transparency to limit Moscow's ability to funnel money through the
region and support investigative journalism to expose and disrupt the
Kremlin's illicit financial operations. I will also work closely, if
confirmed, with USAID's Anti-Corruption Task Force and our interagency
partners to identify new opportunities to expand our capabilities and
impact in this area.
Energy Security
Question. Global support for sanctioning Russian oil and gas has
never been stronger, as Russia continues to escalate its aggression
towards Ukraine and threatens to cut off supplies to Europe. Given that
almost 40 percent of total European gas consumption comes from Russian
imports, this conflict has severe implications for European energy
security.
How will you work within the Bureau to promote European Energy
Security by supporting projects like the Eastern Europe Natural
Gas Development Partnership? What other projects would you
prioritize?
Answer. As we watch the Kremlin utilize its energy leverage to
manipulate our European allies and partners, we must do more to attract
further investment and diversify supply. I understand that USAID is
assisting countries in developing market rules and energy policy
frameworks aligned with European standards. My understanding is that
through the Eastern Europe Natural Gas Partnership, USAID collaborated
with the United States Energy Association and regional natural gas
transmission system operators to develop Eastern Europe's first
regional pipeline planning model. I also understand that USAID partner
countries are using the regional model to forecast the financial
viability and technical requirements of their infrastructure projects
focused on diversifying energy supply. If confirmed, I commit to
continuing this important work to help bring greater energy security to
Europe and Eurasia.
Question. In your efforts to address European energy security, how
will you balance increased demand for energy and the dire need to
decarbonize?
Answer. In my view, the Biden-Harris administration's climate
change goals and USAID's efforts to advance the region's energy
security are closely connected. Energy diversification and market
integration, including the incorporation of more renewable energy
sources, are critical to both the clean energy transition and advancing
the region's energy security. I understand that USAID is working to
diversify sources of energy supply in the region. In countries that
predominantly have gas as their energy source and who are largely
dependent on Gazprom, I understand that USAID helps partners open the
market to alternative suppliers to limit Gazprom and the Kremlin's out-
sized influence. At the same time, I understand USAID is working to
expand the share of renewables in the energy generation profile across
the region to reduce dependence on high-emitting coal-fired power
plants. If confirmed, I commit to assisting our partners in the Europe
and Eurasia region with advancing the clean energy transition,
combating climate change, and improving energy security.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator James E. Risch
Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero
tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the U.S. foreign
assistance programs under your purview?
Answer. Yes, I commit to upholding a zero tolerance policy for
waste, fraud, and abuse in the U.S. foreign assistance programs under
my purview, if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance
policy for USAID staff and implementing partners under your management
responsibility who engage in the sexual exploitation and abuse of the
communities and individuals they are meant to serve?
Answer. Yes, I pledge to uphold a zero tolerance policy for sexual
harrassment and sexual exploitation for all USAID staff and
implementing partners under my management responsibility, if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with all U.S. law prohibiting the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to providing timely,
accurate, and complete responses to questions and requests raised by
the members and staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
including its minority members?
Answer. Yes.
Material Support
Question. The United States has strict laws prohibiting the
provision of material support to designated foreign terrorist groups.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that all USAID staff and
implementing partners under your management responsibility
strictly adhere to all relevant material support laws,
regulations, policy directives, and vetting requirements?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, what measures will you seek to put in place
to ensure not only that all contracts and agreements contain the
required material support clauses, but also that adherence is closely
monitored and transparently reported to Congress?
Answer. I understand that compliance with federal contracting
requirements is a priority of USAID, and if confirmed, I will work
closely with staff and my counterparts in the USAID Management Bureau's
Office of Acquisitions and Assistance to ensure that our acquisitions
and assistance is conducted in full compliance with all applicable laws
and regulations, and that monitoring and reporting are conducted in an
efficient, timely, and transparent manner.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the
Department of Justice, the Department of Treasury, and the Department
of State to eliminate ambiguity and ensure that USAID's implementing
partners, including USAID's humanitarian assistance partners, have
clear guidance on what constitutes material support, how to identify
intentional and incidental breaches, and how to respond?
Answer. Yes.
Country and Regional Programs
Question. At just over $635 million in FY2020 (actual), the non-
security U.S. foreign assistance budget for Europe and Eurasia has been
comparatively small.
If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance priorities
for Europe and Eurasia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will have the great privilege and
responsibility of leading the USAID Bureau for Europe and Eurasia
during a time when the stakes are extremely high. Responding to the
crisis caused by Russia's unprovoked and premeditated invasion of
Ukraine, including the reverberations felt among neighboring countries,
would be my top foreign assistance priority. If confirmed, I would also
seek ways to sharpen USAID's focus on countering efforts to undermine
democratic institutions and the rule of law, stymying the manipulation
of information, reducing energy vulnerabilities and dependencies, and
expanding economic opportunities.
Question. What options does USAID have to provide humanitarian
assistance and support democratic voices in Ukraine following Russia's
unprovoked and illegal invasion?
Answer. USAID has employed a Disaster Assistance Response Team
based in Poland that is working closely with our European allies and
partners to meet critical needs caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
I'm also aware that USAID is providing food, safe drinking water,
shelter, emergency health care, and much-needed household supplies to
communities and displaced people in need where security conditions
allow. I am committed to addressing the immediate humanitarian needs of
the Ukrainian people and, if confirmed, will work in close coordination
with my colleagues at USAID, the interagency, our European allies and
partners, and with Congress, to respond to the devastating effects of
Russia's unprovoked and unjustified attack on Ukraine.
I'm also aware that USAID continues to support democratic voices in
Ukraine including through Ukraine's Center for Strategic
Communications, which analyzes Russian disinformation narratives and
rapidly produces content to counter them. These types of efforts are
critical for countering Russia's efforts to silence or undermine
Ukraine's democratic voices. If confirmed, I will continue to
prioritize programs that lift up democratic voices inside and outside
Ukraine and to safeguard the democratic gains the Ukrainian people have
worked so hard to achieve.
Question. If confirmed, will you work closely with USAID's Bureau
for Humanitarian Assistance to ensure a seamless transition from
emergency response to early recovery in Ukraine, as conditions allow?
Answer. Throughout my career in the foreign service, I have seen
firsthand USAID's ability to have a meaningful impact in conflict
settings and support recovery efforts post-conflict. If confirmed, I
look forward to overseeing such efforts in Ukraine, working closely
with colleagues in the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance, and to a
continued dialogue with you on this issue.
Question. Where do the Balkans fit into your priorities for
assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, USAID assistance to the Balkans would be a
top priority. While countries in the Balkans, with USAID's support,
have made considerable progress on their stated goal of Euro-Atlantic
integration, these gains must be solidified and maintained. Foreign
malign actors, particularly the Kremlin and the People's Republic of
China, are actively working to undermine democratic and development
progress in the Balkans. In my view, USAID assistance must be
responsive to the threats posed by foreign malign actors, strengthen
the institutions and processes in sectors that are foundational to
democratic resilience, and expand economic opportunities.
Question. What concrete actions will you take as Assistant
Administrator to push partner countries in Europe and Eurasia to reform
their systems and crackdown on corruption?
Answer. I share your concern that USAID partner countries in Europe
and Eurasia need to take additional measures to fight corruption and
pass key reforms in order to promote prosperity, democracy, and Euro-
Atlantic integration. The corrosive impact of corruption undermines
national security and the rule of law, stunts development and equitable
economic growth, and saps our partner governments of legitimacy,
eroding faith in democracy itself. I understand that USAID is
supporting the Biden-Harris administration's Anti-Corruption Strategy
in the region through several lines of effort by piloting innovative
approaches. I understand that one such effort is the Reporters'
Liability Fund, which provides defense coverage and legal resources to
journalists threatened with vexatious lawsuits. If confirmed, I will
work with USAID to ensure the success of these programs and the
sustainability of their outcomes, support the voices of anti-corruption
activists and reforms by committed leaders, within and across the
region.
europe and eurasia
General
Question. Understanding that you are not yet at USAID and have not
yet been fully read-in, what is your understanding and assessment of
USAID's current priorities across the Europe and Eurasia region?
Answer. I understand that USAID's immediate priority for the region
is responding to the crisis caused by Russia's unprovoked and
unjustified invasion of Ukraine, including the reverberations felt
among neighboring countries. I am also aware that USAID has a
Countering Malign Kremlin Influence Development Framework which is a
tool that helps orient and target resources toward the challenge of
foreign malign influence. Additionally, I understand that USAID is
taking on a range of other challenges and opportunities in the region,
including countering democratic backsliding and rising
authoritarianism, expanding economic opportunities, forging stronger
trade linkages to Western countries, building energy security,
countering disinformation, addressing the COVID-19 pandemic and its
aftermath, and fighting endemic corruption.
Question. At what point do you believe that USAID offices should be
closed in countries that have made marked progress in their political
and economic development?
Answer. I understand that USAID has for some time diligently
considered the question of when to phase out work in countries that
have made sufficient development progress. I have also been briefed
that the Bureau for Europe and Eurasia has an analytical unit for
Monitoring Country Progress, which leverages a wide range of data and
surveys to assess levels of development progress. If confirmed, I will
look to utilize and continue to improve these analytical tools to make
an empirically-based determination on the level of progress a
particular country has made and whether such progress warrants
consideration of a change to USAID's posture. If confirmed, I commit to
consulting with Congress prior to undertaking any major programmatic or
footprint changes in the region, if confirmed.
Question. Are there any thresholds that should be passed, or should
such a decision be made as circumstances change?
Answer. It is my understanding that USAID, in coordination with the
Department of State and the interagency, conducts ongoing assessments
of regional and Agency priorities based on changing circumstances on
the ground, and conducts regular evaluations of programs and
development strategies. As a best practice, USAID should always be
poised to flexibly respond to changing circumstances, opportunities,
and constraints, to ensure we effectively utilize taxpayer dollars. I
also believe that consistent consultation with Congress and all key
stakeholders is critical to making sound, informed decisions regarding
USAID's posture and footprint in the region. If confirmed, I look
forward to engaging with you and your staff on these matters.
Question. To be more specific, what do you think are the best means
of lessening a given country's reliance on USAID, and when such
mechanism should be used?
Answer. I believe that the best means of reducing a country's
reliance on USAID assistance is to ensure that our partner countries
pursue and implement reforms that align with the principles of open,
democratic, and responsive governance, and market-based and transparent
economic development. I'm aware that USAID works tirelessly to ensure
that programs promote these development principles and I look forward
to supporting these efforts, if confirmed.
Ukraine
Question. The humanitarian situation in areas attacked and occupied
by Russian forces, as well as in areas faced with an influx of refugees
and IDPs, continues to deteriorate. This crisis requires a massive
immediate response and will necessitate a long term strategy as
hostilities continue and even after they stop.
If confirmed, what will be the first actions you take to respond to
the humanitarian crisis facing the Ukrainian people?
Answer. I understand that USAID has a Disaster Assistance Response
Team based in Poland that is working closely with our European allies
and partners to meet critical needs caused by Russia's invasion of
Ukraine. I'm also aware that USAID is providing food, safe drinking
water, shelter, emergency health care, and much-needed household
supplies to communities and displaced people in need where security
conditions allow. If confirmed, I am committed to addressing the
immediate humanitarian needs of the Ukrainian people and will work in
close coordination with my colleagues at USAID, in the interagency, our
European allies and partners, and with Congress, to bolster the U.S.
Government's response to the devastating effects of Russia's unprovoked
and unjustified attack on Ukraine.
Question. How will you support and facilitate the response to the
growing refugee situation in Poland, Slovakia, Romania, Hungary, and
Moldova, as well as in other countries to which refugees may travel?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on Ukraine has
already forced more than 1.3 million refugees to leave Ukraine. In
addition, current estimates indicate that well over 160,0000 Ukranians
have been displaced internally due to the violence propagated by the
Kremlin. I understand that USAID, along with the State Department's
Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) are leading the
humanitarian response on the ground and working closely with partners
across the U.S. Government and our allies to address this crisis. I
further understand that USAID is leading humanitarian assistance
efforts for internally displaced persons in Ukraine while also
providing food to refugees. State PRM is the lead agency for non-food
assistance to refugees. According to projections, the numbers of
refugees and IDPs is likely to increase dramatically. If confirmed, I
pledge to work closely with colleagues at USAID, State, and the
interagency to ensure we are effectively coordinating our assistance
efforts. If confirmed, I pledge to consult early and often with
Congress, which has a crucial role to play in the success of the United
States' response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
Question. Should Russia's war against Ukraine drag on for months or
years, what actions do you believe USAID should take to assist the
Ukrainian people in need? What do you anticipate will emerge as long-
term needs?
Question. While we do not yet know how long this conflict will
endure or the extent of its impact, I believe that USAID--along with
our allies--must remain committed to the people of Ukraine both by
providing for their immediate humanitarian needs and supporting their
longer term aspirations for peace, prosperity, and democracy. USAID has
already demonstrated its ability to quickly pivot existing programs to
meet evolving needs on the ground. For example, I understand that
through long-established partnerships with regional and local
governments, USAID has supported civil preparedness efforts by helping
local authorities respond to mass population movements, communicate
with its citizens, and repair small infrastructure. I am also aware
that USAID continues to review all of its programming to identify how
to safeguard our investments and sustain these programs where possible,
and most importantly, how to protect the safety of its staff and
partners. Throughout my career in the foreign service, I have seen
firsthand USAID's ability to have a meaningful impact in conflict
settings and support recovery efforts post-conflict. If confirmed, I
look forward to overseeing such efforts in Ukraine and to a continued
dialogue with you on this issue.
Question. Should Russia's war against Ukraine drag on for months or
years, what actions do you believe USAID should not involve itself in?
Answer. I believe USAID should remain focused on its humanitarian
and development mandate of supporting the aspirations of the people of
Ukraine for a democratic, prosperous, healthy, peaceful, and
independent future. If confirmed, I look forward to joining in these
efforts to working closely with our European allies and partners,
interagency colleagues, and Congress, all of whom have a critical role
to play in responding to Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on
Ukraine.
Western Balkans
Question. The Western Balkans still face many of the ethnic
divisions and political challenges as a result of the wars and crimes
against humanity during the breakup of Yugoslavia.
If confirmed, what actions will you take to advance efforts toward
reconciliation, stability, political and ethnic relations, and
anti-corruption?
Answer. I understand that USAID's assistance in the Balkans is
addressing the intractable and intersecting problems which prevent the
countries of the region from progressing towards greater Euro-Atlantic
integration, including foreign malign influence, endemic corruption,
youth brain drain, and the devastating impact of the pandemic on the
economy. I understand that USAID's reconciliation programming across
the Western Balkans includes people-to-people activities that bring
together ethnic communities to foster organic communication and promote
multi-ethnic social exchanges. If confirmed, I look forward to
supporting these efforts, which are essential to building stability,
peace, prosperity, and democracy to the region.
Question. The State Department has a number of experienced
diplomats implementing a strategy for stability and reform in the
Western Balkans. How do you plan to coordinate your efforts with your
regional counterparts at the State Department?
Answer. I understand that USAID coordinates all of the agency's
activities to complement the State Department's important diplomatic
work, including USAID's ongoing support for the EU-facilitated dialogue
between Serbia and Kosovo. If confirmed, I commit to continuing our
close collaboration with the State Department on USAID's assistance
efforts in the region.
USAID Missions in crisis zones
Question. We have had concerns about the risks that USAID teams
have faced in countries like Belarus and Ukraine. Hostile governments
and military operations have necessitated the evacuation and relocation
of teams in the recent past, and USAID teams need emergency protocols
for future situations.
If confirmed, do you commit to devising comprehensive plans for
USAID missions to evacuate, relocate, and (if feasible)
transition to remote operations outside of the given country?
Answer. I agree that the U.S. Government is responsible for
ensuring the safety and security of these dedicated Americans and local
staff working in our embassies abroad. As the U.S. Ambassador to the
Independent State of Papua New Guinea, to the Solomon Islands, and to
the Republic of Vanuatu, and as a career foreign service officer, I
understand the risks that exist to the safety and security of Embassy
staff and personnel. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with
USAID's Office of Security and the State Department to ensure there is
extensive planning in place to safeguard all USAID personnel serving in
USAID missions in Europe and Eurasia and our programs.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. As a sitting U.S. Ambassador, I am aware of the anomalous
health incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around
the world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts. If
confirmed, I commit to receiving a briefing on any incidents involving
the Europe and Eurasia region and to ensuring that the Agency takes all
measures necessary to keep our personnel and partners safe from any
threats.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, I commit to maintaining detailed records and working
with the State Department and relevant other entities on any anomalous
health incident, if confirmed. The safety and security of our personnel
is my highest priority.
Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to sharing information, productive
dialogue, and coordination with the State Department to ensure the
safety and security of our personnel. I also understand that USAID has
a Staff Care unit which directly assists our personnel and facilitates
their access to professional services that may be needed. If confirmed,
I pledge that restoring and preserving morale both in Washington and in
USAID missions overseas will be among my top priorities.
Chinese Influence
Question. Chinese has sought to expand its influence in Europe
through politics, business and investment, including through the Belt-
and-Road Initiative. Predatory business practices and flagrant human
rights violations mean Chinese influence poses a risk to healthy
development in Europe.
If confirmed, what will you do to confront Chinese influence in
Europe?
Answer. I share your concern about the growing influence of the
People's Republic of China in Europe and Eurasia. I understand that
USAID is helping partner countries identify viable investments that do
not require them to sacrifice their long-term interests in favor of
short-term gains. If confirmed, I would reassure our partner countries
that there is an alternative to Chinese debt dependency, digital
authoritarianism, misinformation, and strong-arm tactics. I will also
work with host country partners and our allies, if confirmed, to secure
mutually beneficial investments, connectivity, peace, security and
development impact, with high quality results that will be sustained
and endure.
Question. What are the greatest risks to development posed by
Russian influence in Europe?
Answer. I believe that malign influence--and aggression--from the
Kremlin is the most pressing threat to development in the region. I
have been briefed on USAID's development framework for responding to
malign Kremlin Influence, which positions USAID to counter this grave
and complex threat to development across the region. If confirmed, I
will seek to ensure that USAID further leverages its resources to
target Kremlin corrupt networks. For example, USAID programs can work
to further promote financial transparency to limit Moscow's ability to
funnel money through the region and support investigative journalism to
expose and disrupt the Kremlin's illicit financial operations. If
confirmed, I will also work closely with USAID's Anti-Corruption Task
Force and our interagency partners to identify new opportunities to
expand our capabilities and impact in this effort.
Question. What are the greatest risks to development posed by
Russian influence in the Western Balkans?
Answer. Russia has sought to expand its foothold in the media
sector, its leverage in the energy sector, its economic power, and its
influence with political leaders who have cultivated positive relations
with the Kremlin in order to advance their own political fortunes. The
endemic corruption of the region has also left an open door to
expanding Kremlin influence. This challenge has been particularly
pronounced in the Western Balkans, where Moscow can exploit historical,
cultural, and religious affinities, longstanding networks and economic
ties, and protracted socio-political fractures to its benefit. If
confirmed, I commit to continuing to support USAID's approach to
addressing the Kremlin's growing influence in the Western Balkans.
Question. What tools does USAID have to guide underdeveloped
European economies away from Chinese economic investment?
Answer. My understanding is that USAID is helping partner countries
identify viable investments that do not require them to sacrifice their
long-term interests in favor of short-term gains. For example, I
understand that USAID helps build the institutional capacity of partner
governments to identify and avoid unfair business practices and apply
international procurement practices. If confirmed, I would reassure our
partner countries that there is an alternative to Chinese debt
dependency, digital authoritarianism, misinformation, and strong-arm
tactics. If confirmed, I commit to continuing and expanding upon
USAID's approach, which emphasizes choice, self-determination, and
mutually beneficial investments.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Balkans is often cited as the ``soft underbelly'' of
Europe and the hearing underscored just how vulnerable the region can
be to malign influences. Russia has not hidden its malicious agenda to
sow discord and division. As a result, Serbia has remained neutral on
Russia's war on Ukraine, and on Monday, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov
called Republika Srpska leader Dodik.
Ambassador McKee, how will you approach the Balkans region to
ensure that USAID's funding can contribute to the long-term
success of the region? In particular, how does your programming
engage youth and provide them opportunities for employment and
a prosperous future? Is our assistance to the region currently
structured in a way to meet our strategic goals and at
appropriate levels to do so?
Answer. I agree that USAID assistance efforts in the Balkans should
prioritize engaging with young people, too many of whom do not see a
promising future for themselves in the region and as a result, are
taking their skills and talent to other countries. I understand that
current USAID programs in the Balkans are targeted on combating endemic
corruption, creating more job opportunities, and the need to prepare
young people for the workforce in order to combat the trend of young
people leaving the region. As a leading advocate for the United States'
role and leadership in the Balkans, and I would welcome the opportunity
to work closely with you, if confirmed, on sharpening the focus of
USAID's programs in the Balkans.
Question. I just returned from a Congressional delegation to Poland
with Senators Coons and Durbin. As part of that trip, I had the
opportunity to meet with members of the Belarus pro-democracy movement
who are undertaking inspiring efforts to continue pushing for a free
and democratic Belarus.
Now that we have closed our diplomatic presence in Belarus, how
will USAID pivot its remaining projects in Belarus to continue
supporting a free and independent media, a vibrant civil
society and a democratic Belarus?
Answer. Despite the Government of Belarus' efforts to stifle pro-
democracy voices, I understand that USAID continues to provide
assistance to the pro-democracy movement in Belarus. I believe that
USAID should continue to support the democratic aspirations of the
increasing number of exiled Belarusians, while still working with local
partners where possible. If confirmed, I look forward to keeping you
abreast of USAID's on-going efforts to assist civil society and a free
and independent media in Belarus, both of which are critical lines of
effort.
Question. While we call out the unprovoked aggression of Putin, it
must be known that we are not at war with the Russian people. Putin is
escalating his crackdown on the independent media and civil society
groups. At the same time, Russia continues its disinformation efforts,
spreading lies within and outside Russia.
If confirmed, how will you reconsider our strategy to continue our
support to the Russian people, particularly the independent
media and civil society? How do we effectively combat Russian
disinformation? How is USAID collaborating with the State
Department on this problem?
Answer. I agree that it is important to distinguish between the
people of Russia and the Russian Federation. There are many Russian
citizens showing remarkable courage and bravery by protesting the
invasion of Ukraine in the streets of Moscow. I understand that through
creative initiatives, USAID provides support to local, independent
voices, media outlets and practitioners, and civil society
organizations. As the Kremlin implements even harsher and more
repressive measures inside Russia, I will, if confirmed, assess how
USAID assistance can be most impactful and effective given the evolving
situation.
Answer. I also understand that USAID staff working on countering
Kremlin disinformation regularly meet with their counterparts at the
State Department to discuss program design and share best practices.
These efforts are also geared towards making sure USAID and State are
avoiding duplication of efforts so that we can most effectively utilize
the funds provided by Congress to counter the lies and false
information spread by the Kremlin. If confirmed, I will seek ways to
build upon the close coordination between USAID and the State
Department around these critical efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Mitt Romney
Question. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has precipitated a
humanitarian catastrophe that will likely worsen as the Russian
military continues to target innocent civilians, population centers,
and critical infrastructure. One million Ukrainians have already been
forced to flee their homes as refugees, with potentially millions more
to follow. What's more, I remain concerned that Russia could conduct a
siege of major cities, starving the populations. If confirmed, you will
oversee USAID's foreign assistance efforts in Europe and Eurasia,
including Ukraine.
If confirmed, how will you plan to lead USAID's efforts to
prioritize urgent assistance for the Ukrainian people,
including food, water, shelter, and health care, including in
the event that the Russian army tries to cut off supplies to
Ukrainian cities?
Answer. I understand that USAID has a Disaster Assistance Response
Team based in Poland, that is working closely with our European allies
and partners to meet critical needs caused by Russia's invasion of
Ukraine. I'm also aware that USAID is providing food, safe drinking
water, shelter, emergency health care, and much-needed household
supplies to communities and displaced people in need where security
conditions allow. I am committed to addressing the immediate
humanitarian needs of the Ukrainian people and, if confirmed, will work
in close coordination with my colleagues at USAID, in the interagency,
our European allies and partners, and with Congress, to respond to the
devastating effects of Russia's unprovoked and unjustified attack on
Ukraine.
Question. Will you commit to keeping me updated on USAID's efforts
to support the Ukrainian people?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I pledge to closely consult with you on
USAID's efforts to support the Ukrainian people.
Question. What is USAID's plan, alongside the State Department, the
Department of Homeland Security, and other agencies, to address the
crisis of potentially millions of Ukrainians seeking refuge in Poland
and across Europe, as well as those who will be internally displaced
within Ukraine?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on Ukraine has
already forced more than 1.3 million refugees to leave Ukraine. In
addition, current estimates indicate that well over 160,0000 Ukranians
have been displaced internally due to the violence propagated by the
Kremlin. I understand that USAID, along with our colleagues in the
State Department's Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM)
are leading the humanitarian response on the ground and working closely
with partners across the U.S. Government to address this crisis. I
further understand that USAID is leading humanitarian assistance
efforts for internally displaced persons in Ukraine while also
providing food to refugees. State PRM is the lead agency for non-food
assistance to refugees. According to projections, the numbers of
refugees and IDPs is likely to increase dramatically. If confirmed, I
pledge to work closely with colleagues at USAID, State, and the
interagency to ensure we are effectively coordinating our assistance
efforts. If confirmed, I will also prioritize outreach and consultation
with Congress which has a crucial role to play in the success of the
United States' response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how would you coordinate with our European
partners in facilitating humanitarian assistance to Ukrainian refugees?
Answer. Within days of Russia's invasion, Administrator Samantha
Power traveled to the border of Poland and Ukraine to draw attention to
the needs of Ukrainians fleeing violence.
Administrator Power also met with European Union (E.U.) leaders in
Brussels to deepen U.S.-EU cooperation on efforts to provide displaced
Ukrainians with urgent humanitarian aid. If confirmed, I will work
closely with our European counterparts to solidify and strengthen
coordination on the response to Russia's unprovoked and unjustified
invasion of Ukraine so that our assistance efforts are cohesive and
synchronous.
Question. In what ways does the Ukraine war change USAID's
priorities and planning for Europe and Eurasia?
Answer. Russia's unprovoked and premeditated attack on Ukraine
presents a grave threat to freedom, democracy, and development progress
throughout the region. The people of Belarus, Moldova, and Georgia are
all too familiar with the specter of Russian aggression. I believe that
USAID's continued support for the democratic movement in Belarus, the
reform-oriented government of Moldova, and further progress on key
reforms in Georgia is more critical than ever. The impacts of Russia's
invasion of Ukraine are only beginning to reverberate throughout the
region. I am committed, if confirmed, to leading USAID's efforts to
support peace, democracy, and prosperity in Europe and Eurasia at this
pivotal moment for the region.
Question. How do you believe the conflict affects USAID's long-term
capabilities to carry out its programs within Ukraine?
Answer. While we do not yet know how long this conflict will endure
or the extent of its impact, USAID has already demonstrated its ability
to quickly pivot existing programs to meet evolving needs on the
ground. For example, I understand that through long-established
partnerships with regional and local governments, USAID has supported
civil preparedness efforts by helping local authorities respond to mass
population movements, communicate with its citizens, and repair small
infrastructure. I am also aware that USAID continues to review all of
its programming to identify how to safeguard our investments and
sustain these programs where possible, and most importantly, how to
protect the safety of its staff and partners. Throughout my career in
the foreign service I have seen firsthand USAID's ability to have a
meaningful impact in conflict settings and support recovery efforts
post-conflict. If confirmed, I look forward to overseeing such efforts
in Ukraine and to a continued dialogue with you on this issue.
Question. If confirmed, how would you reevaluate USAID engagement
in Belarus and Georgia in light of Russia's latest actions?
Answer. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has broad implications for
neighboring countries. The Lukashanka regime's decision to host Russian
troops has invigorated anti-war sentiment within Belarus, manifesting
in visible protests despite the repressive measures imposed by the
Belarussian security services. I believe that USAID should continue to
support the democratic aspirations of the people of Belarus and work
with local partners where possible. If confirmed, I am happy to provide
you with regular updates on USAID's support for the democratic movement
in Belarus.
I understand that USAID assistance in Georgia focuses on supporting
reform-oriented actors in civil society and public institutions that
promote transparency, international standards, and accountability. I
believe that the Agency should continue its dialogue with all key
stakeholders to encourage constructive progress toward reforms and
Western integration. I look forward to supporting these efforts, if
confirmed.
Question. Given Russia's frequent mischaracterization of USAID's
engagement, how would you communicate with our partners about the
mission and role of USAID, if confirmed?
Answer. I share your concern about the Kremlin's tendency to spread
lies and false information about USAID's programs in Europe and
Eurasia. I understand that across the region,
USAID consistently communicates the Agency's mission of promoting
self-determination, sovereignty, and helping partner countries make
informed choices about their own development path. If confirmed, I
would build upon the proactive messaging already underway to reach new
audiences through community outreach, digital engagement, and support
for local media across the region.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, MARCH 15, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin J.
Cardin presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Menendez, Coons,
Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
I know that we are still missing Dr. Muyangwa. But since
she is a Marylander we will excuse her whenever she gets here
so that will be fine.
Let me, first, thank our nominees and thank the committee.
We adjusted the time because of the schedule changes here.
There are bill signings taking place. We have, of course, the
issues in regards to Ukraine. We will have President Zelensky
before a virtual joint meeting of the members of Congress
tomorrow. So it is a crowded agenda.
First, let me thank our nominees for their willingness to
be flexible on time and the members of the committee. I,
particularly, want to thank Senator Hagerty--he will be here
shortly--for his cooperation in adjusting the calendar.
The Republicans did have a lunch today so he may be a few
minutes late getting here. But he said it was perfectly okay
for us to start the hearing in order to give maximum time for
our witnesses--our nominees--and the questioning by members of
the committee.
I want to thank all four of our nominees for these
positions. These are extremely well-qualified individuals who
have devoted themselves to diplomacy, a career in public
service, and have served our Nation and are willing now to take
on responsibilities in critically important positions at any
time but, particularly, now the challenges that we have in our
country.
I also want to extend my thanks to your families because we
know that public service is a family sacrifice, and we thank
them very much for their willingness to allow your service for
our country.
I am going to give short introductions to our four nominees
and then we will hear from you and we will have questions by
members of the committee.
First on our list is Bernadette Meehan, who is nominated to
be the Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of
Chile. She currently serves as Executive Vice President of
Global Programs at the Obama Foundation, where she served
previously as Chief International Officer and Executive
Director of International Programs.
Prior to that, she was a career Foreign Service Officer and
worked in multiple positions at the National Security Council
including as a senior advisor, as a special assistant to the
President and National Security Council spokesperson, and
earlier as Director for Strategic Communications.
She also served as a special assistant to the Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton and served overseas in UAE, Iraq, and
Colombia, and has served with bravery in some of our most
dangerous situations.
Dr. John Nkengasong is currently the--has been nominated to
be the Ambassador-at-Large of the United States Government
Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally. He is currently the
director of African Center for Disease Control and Prevention
in Ethiopia.
Prior to that, he was the Acting Deputy Director of the
Center for Global Health at the U.S. Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, before that the chief of International
Laboratory branch division of Global HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis
at CDC.
He also served as the Associate Director for laboratory
science in the division for Global AIDS, HIV, and Tuberculosis
at the Center for Global Health and co-chair of PEPFAR's
laboratory Technical Working Group.
Dr. Monde Muyangwa has been nominated to be the Assistant
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development,
and she is from Maryland, as I have indicated before. We will
give her a little bit of a preference as a result of that, and
then we know that she will be with us shortly. She is in the
building and on her way up to the hearing.
She is the director of African Programs at the Woodrow
Wilson Center. Prior to joining the Wilson Center, she served
as the academic dean of the African Center for Strategic
Studies at the National Defense University, where she also
served as professor of civil-military relations. She also
worked as Director of Research and then Vice President for
Research and Policy at the National Summit on Africa.
Prior to that, she worked as Director of International
Education Programs at New Mexico Highlands University.
Then, lastly, we have Rebecca Gonzales, who has been
nominated to be the Senior Foreign Service Class of Minister-
Counselor to be Director of the Office of Foreign Missions.
She is currently serving as the U.S. Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Lesotho. Previously, she served as the chief of
staff in the Bureau of Administration at the Department of
State.
She has also served as the Deputy Executive Director of the
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, as Deputy Manager Counselor at
the U.S. Embassies in Pretoria, South Africa, Management
Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Botswana, a special assistant in
the Office of the Under Secretary of Management of the
Department of State.
Other assignments for Ambassador Gonzales include service
in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs and the U.S. Embassies in
Saudi Arabia, India, Colombia, and Greece.
Wow. Let me just tell you something. We have four very
impressive individuals who have served our country with great
distinction. We are really honored to have you before us and
your willingness to continue to serve our . We thank you for
that.
As I have indicated earlier, when Senator Hagerty gets here
we will allow him to give his opening comments, but we will
start with Ms. Meehan.
You may--your full testimony will be made part of our
record and you may proceed as you wish. Please try to keep your
comments to no more than five minutes.
STATEMENT OF BERNADETTE M. MEEHAN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF CHILE
Ms. Meehan. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Chile.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence that they have placed in me. I want to thank my
husband, Evan, here with me today, my parents, Terry and Joe,
and my sister, Liz, for their love and support, and note how
much we love and miss my younger brother, Chris, who passed
away last summer.
I would also like to express my love for my daughter,
Milly, who, at three years old, is the light of my life and
reminds me every day how rewarding and challenging it is to be
a working mom.
Over 25 years I have been fortunate to hold diverse
positions in the Government, nonprofit, and private sectors.
But the highest privilege was representing my country for 13
years as a career Foreign Service Officer. It would be the
honor of my life to return to the service of the American
people as a U.S. diplomat.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
Congress to advance the interests of the United States in
Chile. While serving in Colombia on my first tour as a Foreign
Service Officer, I was abducted and assaulted by armed
assailants. During my year in Iraq, I witnessed every day the
dangers facing Americans--diplomats, military, NGO staff,
journalists, and civilians.
I am proud to volunteer with a nonprofit organization that
supports families of Americans taken hostage or wrongfully
detained abroad and the former hostages and detainees when they
return home.
These experiences ingrained in me the solemn responsibility
the U.S. Government has and, if confirmed, the safety of
American citizens will be my highest priority.
I first visited Chile in 1992 when I was a 16-year-old high
school exchange student in Argentina. On school break, I joined
my host family on a bus trip across Patagonia and Magallanes to
Punta Arenas, Chile.
In the 30 years since, Chile has undergone enormous
changes. The United States' relationship with Chile is one of
the strongest, most diverse, and most beneficial in the Western
Hemisphere, from trade and investment to cooperation in
science, technology, and defense to promoting good governance
and human rights throughout the region.
For over 30 years, Chile has been a champion of democracy
and free and fair trade, and a like-minded partner with robust
economic, academic, and cultural ties. Chile is also a leader
in calling out human rights abuses and undemocratic practices
in Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua.
If confirmed, I will build on our shared values to continue
this important and productive partnership with a focus on three
areas.
First, supporting Chile's vibrant democracy at a pivotal
moment in Chile's history with free and fair elections last
year that set a powerful example for the region and the world,
and a constitutional assembly that is channeling grievances
into a peaceful and democratic reform process.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with President
Boric and his administration and offering U.S. support to the
Chilean Government and civil society organizations as they seek
to deliver greater economic opportunity and social equality to
the Chilean people.
Second, promoting economic opportunity and trade that will
benefit all Americans and Chileans. Our free trade agreement
has nearly quadrupled bilateral trades in goods, propelling job
creation and economic growth in both countries.
The United States is Chile's number-one source of foreign
direct investment with $23 billion in FDI, and the Department
of Commerce reports that U.S. exports to Chile support an
estimated 87,000 American jobs.
I believe Chile's commendable tradition of openness,
combined with a responsible investment screening mechanism that
considers national security interests, would maintain the
security of Chile's critical infrastructure and sensitive
technologies as well as Chile's attractiveness to foreign
investors.
To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, if
confirmed, I will advocate for a continued business climate in
Chile that is based on respect for free trade, democracy, and
democratic good governance.
Third, bolstering our already strong collaboration in
science, technology, and innovation, including on priorities
such as investing in renewable energy and combating the climate
crisis, as well as space, health, and emerging technologies.
U.S. investment in scientific infrastructure in Chile
exceeds $1 billion. Chile is a leader on oceans and climate
issues and in deploying clean energy such as solar, wind, and
hydrogen.
Chile is also a world leader in vaccinating its people
against COVID-19. The United States values our partnerships
with Chile in these areas and, if confirmed, I will work to
expand them.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Meehan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Bernadette M. Meehan
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Chile.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me.
I want to thank my husband, Evan, my parents Terry and Joe, and my
sister Liz for their love and support, and note how much we love and
miss my brother Chris, who passed away last summer. I'd also like to
express my love for my daughter Milly, who at three years old is the
light of my life and reminds me every day how rewarding and challenging
it is to be a working mom.
Over 25 years, I have been fortunate to hold diverse positions in
the Government, non-profit, and private sectors, but the highest
privilege was representing my country for 13 years as a Foreign Service
Officer. It would be the honor of my life to return to the service of
the American people as a U.S. diplomat. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with the Congress to advance the interests of the
United States in Chile.
While serving in Colombia on my first tour as a Foreign Service
Officer, I was abducted and assaulted by armed assailants. During my
year serving in Iraq, I witnessed every day the dangers facing
Americans--diplomats, military, NGO staff, journalists, and civilians.
I am proud to volunteer with a non-profit organization that supports
families of Americans taken hostage or wrongfully detained abroad, and
the former hostages and detainees when they return home. These
experiences ingrained in me the solemn responsibility that the U.S.
Government has, and if confirmed, the safety of American citizens will
be my highest priority.
I first visited Chile in 1992, when I was a 16-year-old high school
exchange student in Argentina. On school break, I joined my host family
on a bus trip across Patagonia and Magallanes to Punta Arenas, Chile.
In the 30 years since, Chile has undergone enormous changes.
The United States' relationship with Chile is one of the strongest,
most diverse, and mutually beneficial in the Western Hemisphere, from
trade and investment to cooperation in science, technology, and
defense, to promoting good governance and human rights throughout the
region. For over 30 years, Chile has been a champion of democracy and
free and fair trade and a like-minded partner with robust economic,
academic, and cultural ties. Chile is also a leader in calling out
human rights abuses and undemocratic practices in Cuba, Venezuela, and
Nicaragua.
If confirmed, I will build on our shared values to continue this
important and productive partnership, with a focus on three areas:
First, supporting Chile's vibrant democracy at a pivotal moment in
Chile's history, with free and fair elections last year that set a
powerful example for the world and a constitutional assembly that is
channeling grievances into a peaceful and democratic reform process. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with President Boric and his
administration and offering U.S. support to the Chilean Government and
civil society organizations as they seek to deliver greater economic
opportunity and social equality to the Chilean people.
Second, promoting economic opportunity and trade that will benefit
all Americans and Chileans. Our Free Trade Agreement has nearly
quadrupled bilateral trade in goods, propelling job creation and
economic growth in both countries. The United States is Chile's number
one source of foreign direct investment, with $23 billion in FDI, and
the Department of Commerce reports that U.S. exports to Chile support
an estimated 87,000 American jobs. I believe Chile's commendable
tradition of openness, combined with a responsible investment screening
mechanism that considers national security interests, would maintain
the security of Chile's critical infrastructure and sensitive
technologies, as well as Chile's attractiveness to foreign investors.
To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, if confirmed, I will
advocate for a continued business climate in Chile that is based on
respect for free trade, transparency, and democratic good governance.
Third, bolstering our already strong collaborations in science,
technology, and innovation, including on priorities such as investing
in renewable energy and combatting the climate crisis, as well as
space, health, and emerging technologies. U.S. investment in scientific
infrastructure in Chile exceeds $1 billion. Chile is a leader on oceans
and climate issues and in deploying clean energy, such as solar, wind,
and hydrogen. Chile is also a world leader in vaccinating its people
against COVID-19. The United States values our partnerships with Chile
in these areas, and if confirmed, I will work to expand them.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony.
We will now hear from Dr. Nkengasong.
STATEMENT OF DR. JOHN N. NKENGASONG OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE, COORDINATOR OF THE UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES TO COMBAT HIV/AIDS GLOBALLY
Mr. Nkengasong. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty,
members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before
you today as President Biden's nominee as the U.S. Global AIDS
Coordinator to lead and coordinate PEPFAR, the President's
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.
I am immensely grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for entrusting me at a critical time as we face the
fight against a dual pandemic, HIV/AIDS and COVID-19.
I want to thank my lovely wife, Susan, and our three
wonderful children--Pete, Gladys, and Paul--for their patience
and support all the years as I have pursued a career in global
health.
If confirmed, I would assume leadership of an unprecedented
initiative with a long history of strong bipartisan
congressional leadership and a proven track record of
lifesaving work.
Since 2003 when Congress and President Bush created PEPFAR,
it has saved more than 21 million lives and prevented millions
of HIV infections, including in children. PEPFAR has been
strengthened over the last 19 years through continued American
generosity and a conviction to finish the fight against HIV/
AIDS.
Despite COVID-19, PEPFAR has proven remarkably resilient in
protecting and advancing HIV gains as well as creating the
backbone to fight other health threats, including COVID-19.
I know this to be true, as I believe it and seen firsthand
the positive impact it has had on people around the world.
If confirmed, I will draw upon my three decades of program
and research experience in public health and HIV to advance
PEPFAR's mission, assure that it continues its success,
collaborate with partner countries and communities, and sustain
the strong partnership it enjoys with Congress, including all
of you.
If confirmed, I will be stepping into this role at a
critical moment when the world is confronted with a dual
pandemic. We have seen how COVID-19 has affected some HIV
programs with devastating results. But we have also witnessed
how the health systems and institutions built and strengthened
by PEPFAR investment have been central to COVID-19 response.
If confirmed, I will work and focus on continuing our fight
against HIV/AIDS in close collaboration with countries and
communities while also acknowledging and appreciating the
broader context that will determine the success of our actions.
As the director of the Africa CDC, I have seen how PEPFAR's
investment in health systems have strengthened and, in some
cases, established the fundamental health infrastructures--
laboratory systems, surveillance, and human resources in the
countries where we have served.
In the past, efforts around HIV were premised upon building
health systems around the world. The goal now must shift and I
believe our efforts must now ensure that these services and
systems are sustainable, resilient to prevent and respond to
HIV/AIDS, including pediatric HIV/AIDS, in the future, as well
as other diseases.
For this to happen, it is my belief that we need to
capitalize on the capacity and experience of those in the
countries where we work with a deep respect for their
perspectives or needs and taking into account their knowledge
and local expertise.
As we continue our fight towards sustaining epidemic
control of HIV/AIDS, the key task ahead of us will involve
doubling down on evidence-based interventions to address local
contexts. We must work in partnership with communities and
countries to ensure that we have enabling environments that
leave nobody behind.
For health systems to be sustainable and keep infectious
diseases in check, we must act collectively to support the
capabilities of local leaders and regional institutions, and
work in respectful partnership and accountability with them.
I am humbled and privileged to appear before you today, and
I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Nkengasong follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. John N. Nkengasong
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee as the
Ambassador-at-Large, Coordinator of the United States Government
Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally to lead and coordinate PEPFAR,
the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. I am immensely grateful
to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for entrusting me at this
critical time as we face and fight the dual global pandemics of HIV/
AIDS and COVID-19.
I want to thank my lovely wife Susan, and our three lovely children
(Pete, Gladys, and Paul) for their patience and support all the years
as they have followed me in multiple countries across the world as I
pursue global health.
If confirmed, I would assume leadership of an unprecedented
initiative with a long history of strong, unwavering bipartisan
Congressional leadership and support and a proven track record of
global life-saving work. Since 2003, when Congress and President George
W. Bush created the initiative, PEPFAR has saved more than 21 million
lives and prevented millions of HIV infections. PEPFAR has been
strengthened over the last 19 years through continued American
generosity and a conviction to finish the fight against AIDS.
Despite COVID-19, PEPFAR has proven remarkably resilient in
protecting and advancing hard-fought HIV gains as well as creating the
backbone to fight other health threats, including COVID-19. I know all
this to be true, as I have lived it and seen it firsthand--the positive
impact it has had on people around the globe.
PEPFAR is one of the most successful initiatives implemented
through a whole-of-U.S. Government approach, bringing the best of the
United States to bear. If confirmed, I will draw upon my three decades
of experience with programs and research in public health and HIV,
specifically from the United States CDC, as well as my recent
experiences as the first Director of the Africa CDC and other
leadership roles in public health institutions, to humbly advance
PEPFAR's mission, assure its continued success, collaborate with
partner governments and communities, and sustain the strong partnership
it enjoys with Congress.
If confirmed, I would be stepping into this role at a critical
moment when the world is confronted with dual global pandemics. We have
seen how COVID-19 has affected some progress in our HIV efforts with
devastating results, but we have also witnessed how the health systems
and institutions built and strengthened by PEPFAR's investments have
been central to the COVID-19 response.
I have dedicated my service to improving public health by fighting
diseases. My experience specific to HIV goes back more than 30 years. I
served as Chief of Virology and the WHO Collaborating Center on HIV
diagnostics at the Institute of Tropical Medicine Antwerp. I then
served as the U.S. CDC's Acting Deputy Principal Director of the Center
for Global Health, as well as an Associate Director within CDC's
Division of Global HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis.
If confirmed, I will draw upon these experiences and focus on
continuing our fight against HIV/AIDS in close collaboration with
governments and communities, while also acknowledging and appreciating
the broader context that will determine the success of our actions and
the future of the PEPFAR program. As Director of the Africa CDC, I have
seen how PEPFAR's investments in health systems over the past 19 years
have strengthened--and in some cases, established--the fundamental
health infrastructure, laboratories, surveillance systems, and human
resources for health in the countries where it helps serve.
In the past, efforts around HIV were premised upon building these
systems from the ground up. With these now in place, the goal has now
shifted, and I believe our efforts must now ensure that these services
and systems are sustainable and resilient to prevent and respond to
HIV/AIDS in the future, as well as other diseases. For this to happen,
it is my belief that we need to capitalize on the capacity and
experience of those in the countries where we work, coming to the table
with a deep respect for their perspectives and needs, taking account of
their insights, their knowledge of local contexts, and their reservoirs
of expertise. For such systems to be sustainable and keep infectious
disease in check, we must act collectively to support the capabilities
of local leaders and regional institutions and work in respectful
partnership and accountability with them.
As we continue our fight toward sustaining epidemic control of HIV/
AIDS in so many places, the key tasks ahead will involve diplomatic
engagement and doubling down on evidence-based interventions to address
local contexts.
I am humbled and privileged to appear before you today and to be
considered to lead, if confirmed, truly one of the most remarkable,
life-saving efforts ever. I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
We will now go to Senator Hagerty for his opening comments.
Of course, Senator Hagerty is a former ambassador to Japan so
he knows how you all feel on that side of the room.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Cardin, and I must say
it was a real privilege to be on that side when you were
sitting here. You were very kind to me through that process and
I appreciate it.
And I would also say to all of you I hope you will reach
out to us here on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
should you be confirmed, and view us as your allies and
supporters.
And, really, I would like to thank all of you and your
families. I know what it takes from a family perspective to do
the jobs that you are taking on. A big thanks goes out to them
as well.
I would like to start with the nominee to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Chile. The United States and Chile share a long
history of friendship and cooperation, and I look forward to
hearing from the nominee about how we can strengthen the U.S.
partnership with Chile while also countering China's malign
influence in the country and, frankly, throughout Latin
America.
I would like to turn to the nominee to be the coordinator
of United States Government activities to combat HIV/AIDS
globally. This position will spearhead the effort to curb HIV/
AIDS and the United States needs a strong ambassador who will
work tirelessly to maintain this commitment in combating the
HIV/AIDS pandemic. I look forward to hearing from the nominee
on this subject.
Next, I would like to turn to the nomination for USAID's
Assistant Administrator for Africa. This position serves an
important role in continuing progress made under the Trump
administration's Prosper Africa Initiative to provide an
alternative to China's increased investment in debt diplomacy
on the African continent through its One Belt, One Road
strategy.
At a time when our strategic adversaries are attempting to
rewrite international rules and norms, it will be critical for
USAID to advance investments and values that represent the free
world.
And last but, certainly, not least, I would like to focus
on the nomination to the Director of the Office of Foreign
Missions.
This position has the important task of establishing the
foundation of diplomacy by facilitating the secure and
efficient operations of U.S. missions abroad and of foreign
missions and international organizations here in the United
States.
To all four nominees, again, I want to thank you and your
families for serving our and for answering the questions before
the committee today. I look forward to your testimony.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
We will now go to Dr. Muyangwa. Glad to hear from you.
STATEMENT OF DR. MONDE MUYANGWA OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE AN
ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Muyangwa. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you as
President Biden's nominee for Assistant Administrator for
Africa at the United States Agency for International
Development. I am grateful for President Biden and
Administrator Power's trust in me to serve in this position.
I would not be sitting before you today without the love,
support, and sacrifice of my family in the United States and
Zambia. I owe them a huge debt of gratitude.
I would especially like to thank my husband, our family
anchor and my biggest supporter, David Kaloustian; our
daughter, Inonge, who is here with me today; my mother, bo
Nmukulo Muyangwa; and my siblings, extended family, and network
of friends and colleagues.
I would also like to acknowledge two role models for their
unwavering support and belief in me--my late father, bo Mubaale
Muyangwa, and my late uncle, Simasiku Chimuka.
As a girl growing up in Zambia, I experienced USAID's work
firsthand. To deter Zambia's support for the region's
liberation and independence movement, the apartheid and
minority regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia blockaded or
destroyed landlocked Zambia's transport infrastructure,
disrupting the economy and causing severe food shortages.
Still, USAID found a way of getting critical food supplies
to the population. I vividly remember the day trucks pulled
into my boarding school to deliver bags of maize meal
emblazoned with the USAID logo.
In addition, being from a region hit hard by HIV/AIDS, I
have lost family members to the disease. Over the years, I have
witnessed PEPFAR save millions of lives. USAID's mission
resonates deeply with me on a personal level.
Professionally, I have spent the last 24 years working to
advance U.S.-Africa relations, focusing on the issues that are
at the heart of USAID's mission--security, development, and
governance.
I spent three years at the National Summit on Africa
engaging Americans across the country about why Africa matters
to the United States and developing policy recommendations for
stronger U.S.-Africa relations.
I then spent 13 years at the Africa Center for Strategic
Studies at the Department of Defense building African
capacities and partnerships to prevent and address conflict,
violent extremism, and fragility, and enhance good governance
and the rule of law.
For the last eight years at the Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars I have led the organization's
work analyzing and developing policy options for addressing key
issues in U.S.-Africa relations in the economic, governance,
and security realms.
If confirmed, I vow to bring this substantive leadership
experience and long-term commitment to working in a bipartisan
manner to bear on the USAID mission on the Africa Bureau's
work.
Today, USAID's mission is more important than ever. The
COVID-19 pandemic has overwhelmed fragile health systems,
caused tremendous loss of life, erased several years of
development gains, and thrown millions of Africans into
poverty.
Insecurity, violent extremism, and conflict in several
countries have killed thousands and displaced millions more,
resulting in humanitarian crises that are compounded by climate
change.
Furthermore, the continent is witnessing a rapidly evolving
democracy landscape and the increased role of international
actors, especially China and Russia.
While the narrative about Africa is too often dominated by
its challenges, the Africa that I know is also characterized by
resilience, transformation, and promise, as partially evidenced
by African innovations to mitigate the impact of the pandemic,
expanding tech hubs, and people fighting to safeguard
democracy.
These and other developments have reinforced my belief that
Africa's people, particularly its youth, are the continent's
greatest resource.
Therefore, if confirmed, I commit to working with you to
engage with Africa's challenges and opportunities, and balance
the agency's lifesaving work with investments in development.
Specifically, I would focus on four priorities.
First, solidify and expand our economic engagement and
recover the gains lost to the COVID pandemic and humanitarian
crises, and foster investments to help put the continent back
on an upward development trajectory.
Second, address the key factors that hinder development
including climate change, democratic backsliding, and
fragility.
Third, consolidate, develop, and expand strategic
partnerships with Africans in other countries with the private
sector and civil society in order to amplify the pace and
impact of desired development outcomes.
Fourth, and the overarching goal, lead and manage the
Africa Bureau's people, programs, and financial resources in a
way that both supports the well being and security of staff and
ensures that the resources entrusted to us by the American
people are managed effectively, efficiently, and with
accountability.
I have long appreciated the bipartisan support for Africa
in Congress and, if confirmed, I look forward to working with
you and others in Congress to continue to strengthen U.S.-
Africa relations.
Thank you for your consideration.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Muyangwa follows:]
Prepared Statement of Monde Muyangwa, Ph.D.
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee for Assistant Administrator for Africa at the United States
Agency for International Development. I am grateful for President Biden
and Administrator Power's trust in me to serve in this position.
I would not be sitting before you today without the love, support,
and sacrifice of my family in the United States and Zambia. I owe them
a huge debt of gratitude. I would especially like to thank my husband,
our family anchor and my biggest supporter, David Kaloustian; our
daughter, Inonge; my mother, bo Namukulo Muyangwa; and my siblings,
extended family, and network of friends and colleagues in both
countries. I would also like to acknowledge two role models for their
unwavering support and belief in me--my late father, bo Mbaale Muyangwa
and late uncle, bo Simasiku Chimuka.
As a girl growing up in Zambia, I experienced USAID's work
firsthand. To deter Zambia's support for the region's liberation and
independence movements, the apartheid and minority regimes in South
Africa and Rhodesia blockaded or destroyed landlocked Zambia's
transport infrastructure, disrupting the economy and causing severe
food shortages. Still, USAID found a way of getting critical food
supplies to the population. I vividly remember the day trucks pulled
into my boarding school to deliver bags of maize meal, emblazoned with
the USAID logo. In addition, being from a region hit hard by HIV/AIDS,
I have lost family members to the disease. Over the years, I have
observed PEPFAR save millions of lives. USAID's mission resonates
deeply with me on a personal level.
Professionally, I have spent the last 24 years working to advance
U.S.-Africa relations, focusing on the issues at the heart of USAID's
mission: security, development, and governance. I spent three years at
the National Summit on Africa, engaging Americans across the country
about why Africa matters to the United States and developing policy
recommendations for stronger U.S.-Africa relations. I then spent 13
years at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies at the Department of
Defense, building African capacities and partnerships to prevent and
address conflict, violent extremism, and fragility and enhance good
governance and the rule of law. For the last eight years at the Woodrow
Wilson International Center for Scholars, I have led the organization's
work analyzing and developing policy options for addressing key issues
in U.S.-Africa relations in the economic, governance, and security
realms. If confirmed, I vow to bring this substantive leadership
experience and longstanding commitment to working in a bipartisan
manner to bear on the USAID mission and the Africa Bureau's work.
Today, USAID's mission is more important than ever. The COVID-19
pandemic has overwhelmed fragile health systems, caused tremendous loss
of life, erased several years of development gains, and thrown millions
of Africans into poverty. Insecurity, violent extremism, and conflict
in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, the Lake Chad Basin, Central Africa,
and northern Mozambique have killed thousands and displaced millions
more, resulting in humanitarian crises compounded by climate change.
Furthermore, the continent is witnessing a rapidly evolving democracy
landscape and the increased role of international actors, especially
China and Russia.
While the narrative about Africa is too often dominated by its
challenges, the Africa that I know is also characterized by resilience,
transformation, and promise, as partially evidenced by African
innovations to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic, expanding tech
hubs, and the people fighting to safeguard democracy. These and other
developments have reinforced my belief that Africa's people,
particularly its youth, are the continent's greatest resource.
Therefore, if confirmed, I commit to working with you to engage
with Africa's challenges and opportunities and balance the agency's
life-saving work with investments in development. Specifically, I would
focus on four priorities: First, solidify and expand our economic
engagement to recover the gains lost to the COVID pandemic and
humanitarian crises, and foster investments to help put the continent
back on an upward development trajectory. Second, address the key
factors that hinder development, including climate change, democratic
backsliding, and fragility. Third, consolidate, develop, and expand
strategic partnerships with African and other countries, the private
sector, and civil society in order to amplify the pace and impact of
desired development outcomes. Fourth--and the overarching goal--lead
and manage the Africa Bureau's people, programs, and financial
resources in a way that both supports the well-being and security of
staff and ensures that the resources entrusted to us by the American
people are managed effectively, efficiently, and with accountability.
I have long appreciated the bipartisan support for Africa in
Congress. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and others
in Congress to continue to strengthen U.S.-Africa relations.
Thank you for your consideration.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
We will now go to Ambassador Gonzales.
STATEMENT OF HON. REBECCA ELIZA GONZALES OF TEXAS, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE OF FOREIGN
MISSIONS
Ms. Gonzales. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
members of the committee, over four years ago, I was honored to
sit before you as a nominee for United States Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Lesotho. I thank you for putting your trust and
confidence in me back then.
I am tremendously proud of the countless women and men
across the globe with whom I have had the honor to work with as
we have made important strides in combating HIV/AIDS,
championing democracy and human rights, and promoting trade. I
am truly honored to come again before this committee as a
nominee, this time as the Director of the Office of Foreign
Missions. I am grateful for the confidence President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have shown in me through this nomination.
If confirmed as Director of Foreign Missions, I look
forward to working with this committee and the Congress in
advancing U.S. national security interests, protecting the
American public, and advocating for United States missions, our
dedicated staff members, and their families overseas.
I would like to take a moment just to recognize and thank
my late father, Jose Rene, and my mother, Estella B. Gonzales.
My father, Colonel Jose Rene Gonzales, served in the United
States Air Force for 26 years and was buried in 2013 with full
military honors at Arlington National Cemetery.
My mother, Estella, who is still a D.C. public school
teacher and is here with me today, has been teaching for over
30 years, and I thank you, Mom, for being here.
I would also like to recognize my son, Imagine Alexander,
who recently completed his studies at the University of
California, who is also here with me.
Raised in a military family, I lived abroad and this gave
me a great appreciation for other cultures and a desire to
serve my country by joining the Foreign Service. It has been a
profound honor and great privilege serving my country for
nearly 30 years as a Foreign Service Officer.
My experience in Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America
and a recognition that there is always much to learn, have
prepared me, if confirmed, for the important task of leading
the Office of Foreign Missions, an organization whose primary
goals are using reciprocity to ensure equitable treatment for
U.S. diplomatic and consular missions abroad, regulating the
activities of foreign missions in the United States to protect
U.S. foreign policy and national security interests, protecting
the United States public from abuses of privileges and
immunities by members of foreign missions, and providing
assistance to ensure the U.S.-based foreign mission community
has appropriate privileges, benefits, and services on a
reciprocal basis.
As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 pursuant to
the Foreign Missions Act. For more than 30 years this Act has
guided the department's management and regulation of foreign
missions in the United States and the extension of privileges
and benefits, which are crucial to ensuring the smooth and
efficient conduct of U.S. foreign policy.
It is through vigilant management and attention to these
activities that OFM also protects the public from the abuses--
from the abuse of privilege and immunities by members of
foreign missions.
A key element of the Foreign Missions Act is reciprocity.
This fundamental tenet allows OFM to positively influence and
condition the environment in which U.S. diplomatic and consular
missions abroad operate.
Reciprocity plays an integral role in advancing our
national interests, the efficient conduct of diplomacy, and the
safety and well being of our staff and their family members
abroad.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the
opportunity to address you and the esteemed members of this
committee. If confirmed, my priority will be to further the
important objectives Congress set out in the Foreign Missions
Act.
I look forward to continuing OFM's outstanding work in
helping to resolve a myriad of existing challenges and those
that inevitably rise in the conduct of U.S. diplomacy.
I thank you, again, for the opportunity to appear before
you today and welcome any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Gonzales follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Rebecca Eliza Gonzales
Mr. Chairman, ranking member, and members of the committee, over
four years ago I was honored to sit before you as the nominee for
United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho. I thank you for
putting your trust and confidence in me back then. I'm tremendously
proud of the countless women and men across the globe with whom I have
had the honor to work with as we made important strides in combating
HIV/AIDS, championing democracy and human rights, and promoting trade.
I am truly honored to come again before this committee as a nominee--
this time as the Director of the Office of Foreign Missions. I am
grateful for the confidence President Biden and Secretary Blinken have
shown in me through this nomination
If confirmed as Director of Foreign Missions, I look forward to
working with this Committee and the Congress in advancing U.S. national
security interests, protecting the American public, and advocating for
United States missions, our dedicated staff members and their families
overseas.
I would like to take just a moment to recognize and thank my late
father, Jose Rene, and my mother Estella B Gonzales. My father, Colonel
Jose Rene Gonzales, served in the United States Air Force for 26 years
and was buried in 2013 with full military honors at Arlington National
Cemetery. My mother, Estella, has been a D.C. public school teacher for
more than 30 years, and, indeed, I am fortunate to have her with me
today. I would also like to recognize my son, Imagine Alexander, who
completed his studies at the University of California who is also here
with me today.
Raised in a military family, I lived abroad and this gave me a
great appreciation for other cultures and a desire to serve my country
by joining the Foreign Service. It has been a profound honor and great
privilege serving my country for nearly 30 years as a Foreign Service
Officer.
My experiences in Africa, the Middle East and Latin America and a
recognition that there is always much to learn have prepared me, if
confirmed, for the important task of leading the Office of Foreign
Missions, an organization whose primary goals are:
Using reciprocity to ensure equitable treatment for U.S. diplomatic
and consular missions abroad;
Regulating the activities of foreign missions in the United States
to protect U.S. foreign policy and national security interests;
Protecting the U.S. public from abuses of privileges and immunities
by members of foreign missions; and
Providing assistance to ensure the U.S.-based foreign mission
community has appropriate privileges, benefits, and services on
a reciprocal basis.
As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 pursuant to the
Foreign Missions Act. For more than 30 years, this Act has guided the
Department's management and regulation of foreign missions in the
United States and the extension of privileges and benefits ranging from
property acquisition to domestic travel courtesies and restrictions.
Each of these functions is crucial to ensuring the smooth and efficient
conduct of U.S. foreign policy. It is through vigilant management and
attention to these activities that OFM also protects the public from
the abuse of privileges and immunities by members of foreign missions.
A key element of the Foreign Missions Act is reciprocity. This
fundamental tenant allows OFM to positively influence and condition the
environment in which U.S. diplomatic and consular missions abroad
operate. Reciprocity plays an integral role in advancing our national
interests, the efficient conduct of diplomacy, and the safety and
wellbeing of our staff and their family members abroad. Accordingly,
OFM plays a critical role in assisting with the resolution of matters
with foreign governments thus contributing to the overall success of
the Department's commitment to the safe and efficient operations of our
diplomatic and consular missions abroad as well as the safety and
prosperity of the American people.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the opportunity to
address you and the esteemed members of the committee. If confirmed, my
priority will be to further the important objectives Congress set out
in the Foreign Missions Act, to include the protection our national
security interests and the American public. I look forward to
continuing OFM's work in helping to resolve a myriad of existing
challenges and those that inevitably arise in the conduct of U.S.
diplomacy.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome any questions you may
have.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for your comments.
All four of you, thank you for your service as you have
taken life experiences and have turned that into a way to use
the position of public service to strengthen our . I thank all
four of you for your commitment to strengthening America
through service and in diplomacy.
I have some obligatory questions that I will ask on behalf
of the committee. I would ask that each one of you respond
either yes or no to the questions. Then I will yield to my
colleagues for the first round of questioning.
The first question--this has to do with cooperation with
our committee, et cetera--do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
Just go down the row.
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation when policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. You have all passed this part of the
hearing. Congratulations to all of you.
[Laughter.]
Senator Cardin. With that, let me yield to Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, Senator Hagerty, thank you so
much, and what a great panel of witnesses.
Ms. Meehan, I want to talk to you about your service to the
country because your opening comments were humble, and I do not
want to delve into things that are uncomfortable but I also
want this committee to know of your bravery.
You served in Colombia at a very difficult time--2004 to
2006--and you passed over it briefly in your comments. During
the time you were serving our there you were kidnapped. You
were assaulted.
There was a subsequent trial of at least some of the
perpetrators. We always have nominees for ambassador who come
before us and say they will take, as a serious priority,
keeping their people safe and they always mean it.
I know that that means a particular amount to you, and I
also know that you must really rejoice, as many of us do, in
the progress that has happened in Colombia since the years that
you were there.
To see Colombia announced as a major non-NATO ally by
President Biden last week, those kinds of signs of progress
make you feel--must make you feel pretty proud.
You then came back to United States later that year, 2006,
and during the Bush administration. It was during the Iraq war,
a particularly dangerous phase of that war, and the State
Department was looking for volunteers to go to Iraq into the
war zone there.
Having had a traumatic experience in Colombia, I doubt any
of your colleagues would have looked askance at Bernadette
Meehan not volunteering to go to Iraq. But you volunteered to
go to Iraq within months after the difficult experience in
Colombia.
And when I found this out, I was kind of stunned by that. I
asked you, when we talked by phone, why did you volunteer to go
to Iraq within months after this challenging, challenging
situation in Colombia.
Ms. Meehan. Senator, thank you for your comments and for
the question.
When I joined the Foreign Service, the area that I loved
most in the world was the Western Hemisphere so I knew that I
wanted to serve there on my first tour.
When it came time to bid on my second tour, the foreign
policy priority of President Bush was the war in Iraq and I
felt that as a Foreign Service Officer, a career civil servant,
I had a duty to answer the call.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was looking for
volunteers to serve alongside the men and women of the armed
forces and so, for me, this was part of the mission that I had
signed up to as a career Foreign Service Officer.
I also joined the Foreign Service with the hope that
someday I would be a leader in the Department of State, and I
faced the question if at some point in the future, 10, 20
years, I was in a leadership position and was asked to send
junior Foreign Service Officers off to a war zone or other
difficult post I would have to be able to answer the question
where was I during my formative years as a Foreign Service
Officer when the war of Iraq and the war in Afghanistan was
taking place.
And so in addition to a duty to serve the President and his
foreign policy priorities, I also felt a responsibility to the
institution of the State Department, which made it an easy
decision.
It was by far the most difficult year of my life. That was
a particularly vicious time in that war. But there is not a day
that goes by that I regret the decision to serve.
Senator Kaine. And, Ms. Meehan, it was not just a difficult
time in the war. It was a difficult time for you personally.
Tell the committee.
Again, I do not want to probe unnecessarily but please tell
the committee about your experience during the year you were in
Iraq.
Ms. Meehan. Sure. It was a beautiful spring day and I was
outside on my cell phone talking with someone on the other side
of the Green Zone and I could hear the C-RAM go off--the alert
system--in a far part of the Green Zone.
But there was a rocket barrage and one of the rockets
landed close to where I was and I suffered a concussion,
hearing damage that lingers to this day, as a result of that
injury, which, to be clear, in the scale of the conflict and
the ultimate sacrifices that people made fighting in Iraq and
Afghanistan, it is minimal and inconsequential.
But this is part of the risk that we assume when we sign up
to work in the Foreign Service. It is something that we
acknowledge is a part of the commitment to serving the
interests of the United States and part of our commitment to be
worldwide available wherever the Secretary and the President
need us to serve.
Senator Kaine. I would like to think that if I were in a
similar circumstance and had had a very difficult experience,
for example, in Colombia, and then I came back and then there
was an opportunity to volunteer to go into a war zone, I would
like to think--I would like to think that I would have accepted
that responsibility and volunteered.
But I really cannot honestly say that I am sure I would
have, and that was a very patriotic and ennobling decision. You
continued to then serve patriotically for many more years in
the Foreign Service, for which we thank you.
But, again, I did not want to get into things that were
uncomfortable but I think this is really important for the
committee to know. Thank you for sharing that.
I yield back.
Senator Cardin. I think Senator Kaine speaks for every
member of this committee. Thank you for your response to that.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. I will speak for Senator Kaine as well to
say I feel certain that you would have volunteered if that
situation arose.
Ms. Meehan, I would like to just stay with you for the
moment, if I might, first, to thank you. For a first tour FSO
to have the experience you did in Colombia, I very much
appreciate and respect how that has, I am sure, informed your
decision-making process as you have continued to serve our and
I am sure it will continue to do so, going forward, if you are
confirmed.
I also want to acknowledge the fact--I understand you have
a three-year-old.
Ms. Meehan. Yes, Senator. Milly.
Senator Hagerty. If you are confirmed, I feel certain Milly
will have a most wonderful life-changing experience as she
grows into age--an age now that she will remember the
experience being with you and serving in a very important role.
I commend you and your family for that.
I would like, though, to turn to the influence of China in
Chile. In 2018, Chile agreed to join China's Belt and Road
Initiative. In 2019, Chile expanded its bilateral free trade
agreement with China.
In 2021, Chile joined the Asian Infrastructure Investment
Bank that China uses to mount its influence, and just a few
days ago Gabriel Boric was inaugurated as Chile's new
president, and a new president, a young president, a president
that, I think, would probably benefit greatly from the advice
of a United States ambassador.
I would like to get a sense for your understanding of the
strategic implications of China's role and how that will inform
your advice to that president as well as our policy there.
Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you very much for the question,
Senator.
In addition to all of the statistics and context that you
provided, it is important to note that China is also Chile's
number-one trading partner, having overtaken the United States
in 2009, and on the soft power side China has announced plans
to open Sinovac manufacturing and distribution centers in Chile
and also runs a network of 21 Confucius Institutes in the
country and, in comparison, the U.S. runs 14 American spaces in
Chile.
I think about approaching this issue with vigilance in a
number of ways. The first is, as you note, there is a new
administration. I think it is important to emphasize the
importance of Chile maintaining a business climate that is
based on respect for free trade, transparency, and democratic
good governance.
I think we need to use our position to emphasize the
advantages of engaging and doing business with U.S. companies
and I think part of that is contrasting it with the impact that
you get between PRC firms and U.S. firms in areas that are
shared values for the U.S. and Chile: environmental impact,
labor rights impact, debt, sovereignty, telecom, and data
privacy and security.
I would also underscore that investments that may seem
convenient and inexpensive at the outset can be extremely
costly----
Senator Hagerty. Yes.
Ms. Meehan.--if they compromise national security, and this
would be engaging with untrusted vendors as an example.
Senator Hagerty. I think China's role in their
telecommunications infrastructure is a concern that you and I
both share. I would just encourage you that if you are
confirmed that you would undertake a very direct and engaged
position with the business community, with the Chamber of
Commerce--the American Chamber of Commerce there--do everything
you can to convene American enterprises. We are their largest
foreign direct investor----
Ms. Meehan. That is correct.
Senator Hagerty.--regardless of the fact that we have lost
our--we have allowed China to take the pole position in terms
of trade.
There is opportunity there and I think an ambassador with
the right mindset can make a real difference, and the deeper
our economic ties the stronger our security ties will be.
I would encourage you to do that and would be happy to work
with you in that regard if I could be helpful in any way.
Next, I would like to turn to Dr. Nkengasong, and I
understand that you worked on public health issues for many
years, particularly in Africa.
And as a result of China's irresponsible and dangerous
mismanagement of COVID-19 the entire world is still suffering
from the consequences of this global pandemic. As the director
of the African Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, I
imagine you have had a view on China's role with respect to
COVID-19 and I would like to get your sense of what China's
role was with respect to the outbreak of COVID-19.
Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator.
I have served as the director of the Africa Center for
Disease Control and Prevention, which is a specialized
technical agency of the African Union, for five years, and I
was there as the second man from the U.S. Government to the
African Union, which they deeply appreciate that.
I think--let me start, first of all, with the recognition
that the leadership role that the U.S. has played in supporting
Africa in this COVID fight has been extraordinary, especially
with the support--the direct support provided to the Africa
CDC.
The data that has been analyzed throughout the continent
has been data analyzed with the support of the partnership with
the U.S. Government. Large case studies have been conducted
thanks to the efforts and direct technical assistance from the
U.S. Government.
The U.S. Government is the largest provider of vaccines
across Africa as we speak now, and thanks to that leadership,
the continent--and I can speak--reflect on the mood within the
African Union--is thanks to the support from the United States.
Now, we have to continue to work with WHO (World Health
Organization) and all our allies to make sure that we
understand the origins of COVID-19, the virus that caused this
pandemic, and we can only do that through cooperation and
support for a strengthened WHO so that it can enable us to get
into the depth of this.
If we do not know that, it will be very difficult for us to
prepare for the next pandemic and even so to get rid of this
current pandemic.
Senator Hagerty. I am surprised that you would look to the
WHO, given their role and their influence--the malign influence
that China has had at the WHO. But with reform perhaps that is
the correct answer. But thank you very much for your service.
Mr. Chairman, I am beyond my time here.
Senator Cardin. Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member.
Thank you to all of the nominees for your continued public
service.
First question for Dr. Muyangwa. How do you think about
climate adaptation, climate impacts? I am not asking you about
policy questions as it relates to energy generation, fuel,
anything like that.
But to the extent that USAID has a role in dealing with
extreme weather events, drought, and all the suffering that
goes along with that, is USAID downstream from all that and
just sort of servicing those problems or does it have a role in
sort of thinking through some strategies a little bit upstream
and a little bit more looking where the ball is going to be as
opposed to just responding to circumstances?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
I mean, that is a key question. I understand that the
agency is playing a key role in this area. Climate change is
one of the priorities for the Administration and, therefore,
for the agency as well.
To that regard, it is my understanding that the agency just
recently released a draft climate change strategy that is
looking at those different strategies and approaches of how we
engage--internationally on this issue of climate change.
I do not have visibility on the strategy but I do know that
the agency is working and figuring out how that strategy is
then embedded into the various programming and approaches that
it has on the continent.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Ms. Meehan, thank you for being willing to serve again. Can
you just talk to me about rare earth minerals and the
relationship that the United States has as it relates to the
materials that we need specifically for some of our high-tech
manufacturing and also the balance that we may have to strike
in terms of we, clearly, need these rare earth elements but
they are not inconsequential environmentally in terms of the
extraction?
Ms. Meehan. Yeah. Thank you very much for the question,
Senator.
The extractive industry is one that is extremely important
to Chile's economy. They are the number-one producer of copper
in the world and the number-two producer of lithium.
As you point out, lithium is sort of the conundrum in that
it is necessary to develop batteries and some of the other
things we need for clean energy but it is an extractive.
I think one of the ways that the United States can continue
to partner with Chile in this area is on promoting sustainable
development of critical minerals. We have deep U.S. mining
interests and business interests.
But I think our commitment to environmental safeguards, in
particular, referring back to Senator Hagerty's question, is a
competitive advantage for us when competing with PRC firms that
are looking to invest in this area.
Senator Schatz. Okay. That is a smart answer. Let me just
ask you another broader question. Where are the additional
opportunities for climate partnership?
Ms. Meehan. Sure. Chile has been a leader and is to be
commended, I think, on clean energy, environment, and climate
action. They use their----
Senator Schatz. And fisheries.
Ms. Meehan. And fisheries, yes. Marine protection, ocean
protection, fisheries down around Antarctica as well.
We have a strong foundation for collaboration already and I
think there is always opportunities to do more. They have an
ambitious hydrogen program to use hydrogen as a way to reduce
emissions from industry.
They are a leader in clean energy, solar, wind, which all,
obviously, have positive impacts for the environment and are
ripe for continued collaboration with the United States.
Senator Schatz. Final question. Reporters Without Borders
assesses that there is, quote, ``little pluralism'' in Chile
and that journalists are vulnerable. Do you share that
assessment and, if so, what should we do about it?
Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you for the question.
Chile has a commendable tradition of an open and free
press. President Boric, who just took office on Friday, has
made respect for human rights, democracy, and transparency
fundamental to his platform and so I would expect that this
would be an area where I would continue to make the U.S.
position on these issues known and would find an open audience
in the new administration.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Ms. Meehan. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Senator Young had joined us by WebEx. Is
Senator Young--I understand that he is not available right now.
Senator Van Hollen, are you ready?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you all
for your testimony and service. Congratulations on your
nominations.
Dr. Muyangwa, it is good to see a fellow Marylander here,
and I chair the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee so I am especially
interested in your vision of what role AID can play in Prosper
Africa and other initiatives.
Could you just take a moment and talk about how you
envision USAID's new trade and investment program and how that
fits into Prosper Africa and any sort of changes in direction
or vision from the previous administration, if you were
confirmed?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
One of the things that I have witnessed over the years of
working in this space is how the United States Government has
expanded our economic engagement infrastructure with the
continent from one administration to the next.
Starting with AGOA, going on to President Obama's Doing
Business in Africa and the Trump administration's Prosper
Africa Initiative, I believe that that expansion gives us a lot
of opportunities to strengthen our economic engagement with the
continent to provide a rules-based alternative to--oh, the mic
was not on. Sorry. Sorry. To provide a rules-based economic
model that would counter what the PRC has to offer to the
continent.
I think there are plenty of opportunities there for the
agency to deepen that economic engagement and so that is a key
piece of that.
I also see the work that Power Africa is doing on the
African continent because I see Prosper Africa and Power Africa
working together to push and expand and deepen that economic
engagement.
The fact that Power Africa has now brought first time
electricity users to 127 million since its inception, I think,
that has implications for development. That has implications
for our engagement with the African continent and so those are
things that I would look to expand and build on, if confirmed.
The fact that Prosper Africa has now done, I think--I
believe it is 800 deals worth $50 billion in about 45 African
countries, and so if we continue to grow on that we really have
the opportunity to strengthen U.S.-Africa economic engagement
and counter the People's Republic of China at the same time.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that, and we had a
hearing--our first hearing in the Subcommittee on Africa really
focused on these issues of economic opportunity for Africa with
its young population but also opportunities, of course, for
American businesses working with African businesses.
And one of the suggestions that came out of that hearing--
and I am just interested in your opinion. I do not have a
particular view on this. But is that we really need to focus
more on a sectoral strategy in order to be effective.
In other words, instead of simply saying we want to engage
across the board on all commercial relations, should we be more
strategic about it in terms of focusing on certain sectors with
respect to our trade and investment strategy?
Ms. Muyangwa. Sure, and I thank you very much for that
question. I believe the agency is looking at some of those
sectors already.
I understand, for instance, that the agency, together with
the DFC, have a project that they are working on to enhance
American investors' participation in West Africa's rapidly
growing housing sector.
And so I think there are different things that they are
looking at in that regard and I think that is work that should,
obviously, continue.
I do not have enough information on it to know whether
there are specific sectors beyond housing and the power sector.
But that is, definitely, something that I would want to look
into and see if that is a much more impactful strategy that we
could pursue.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. My time is very brief but I
did have a quick question for Dr. Nkengasong. Congratulations
on your nomination.
PEPFAR--my question is, obviously, we have an ongoing
challenge of fighting COVID-19. How does that impact, if at
all, your efforts with PEPFAR--the things we have learned from
that or the things that make it especially complicated now with
respect to PEPFAR, given what is happening in COVID?
Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. And I am afraid, for the good of my
colleagues, if you could keep it at 30 seconds because I know
others have questions.
Mr. Nkengasong. Absolutely. I think PEPFAR, Senator, has
created a tremendous public health infrastructure that has been
used effectively, thanks to your leadership, to fighting HIV/
AIDS in the world but also provides a unique opportunity to
fight other diseases, including COVID-19.
We have seen how--during this pandemic how COVID has
impacted our ability, some of our efforts, to fight HIV/AIDS.
But we have also seen how we have used HIV platforms to scale
up vaccination in countries like Zambia and others settings
there.
I believe this is really an opportune moment to harness
that investment that we have put in place for the last 20 years
to make it a more robust and efficient system in fighting the
HIV pandemic as well as other emerging diseases.
We all know in the field that there will be probably other
pandemics, but if we use the platforms efficiently we can
actually make an impact and get ourselves ready.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. I now recognize the Chairman of our
committee, Senator Menendez.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. They are
all very important positions. Let me turn to Ms. Meehan.
President Boric has spoken out clearly on challenges to
human rights and democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean,
frankly stating that the repressive authoritarian regimes in
Venezuela and Nicaragua have failed--his words--and there are
permanent restrictions on freedoms in Cuba.
These are important and welcome statements by President
Boric and provide an opportunity for U.S. diplomacy on
democracy and human rights in our hemisphere.
If you are confirmed, how will you engage with President
Boric on democracy and human rights in Cuba, Venezuela,
Nicaragua, other countries in the hemisphere?
Ms. Meehan. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the question and
for the opportunity to appear before the committee today.
This is an area where we have a shared interest with
President Boric. As you noted, he has been strong in his
defense of human rights in the region and around the world
including the Russian invasion--condemning the Russian invasion
in Ukraine.
I think we have a unique opportunity with him. He has made
defense of human rights such a central piece of how he intends
to govern Chile and be active in the region that, I think, it
gives us an opportunity to approach him to be a new kind of
leader on the left in the region.
I am, particularly, heartened by the fact that he has
pushed back against members of his own coalition who have
disagreed with his statements condemning autocratic regimes in
the region and he has made a point of saying, I think in
response to their criticisms, that he will continue to condemn
human rights no matter the creed of those inflicting them upon
their people.
This is an area where I would plan to be actively engaged,
centering this concern and our engagement around a shared value
that the United States and Chile have and using it as an
opportunity for him to make a firm statement.
The Chairman. I am glad to hear that.
Now, in that regard, you were on a podcast in 2018 in which
you spoke about your role in shaping U.S. policy towards Cuba
during the Obama administration and you offered your personal
views.
Talking about Cuba, you said, quote, ``In the broad sense,
there is the sexiness of the history. There are assassination
attempts, the swarthy guerrilla commander who overthrows
Batista and takes over. Then there is the sultry mystery--the
forbidden fruit, if you will. You get to know this place on a
more intimate level and it is a charming, wonderful, enchanting
place.''
In referring to your talks with the Cuban regime, you also
say, ``If it takes sitting down at a table and really trying to
understand the other perspective even if you completely
disagree with it and being respectful and eating some pig and
drinking some rum, and that allows you to say there should be
space for internet and [speaks foreign language] or at least a
space to discuss it, then I would say that is progress.''
As you know, the Cuban regime has a decades-long record of
repressing, jailing, torturing, and killing its political
opponents. What aspect of the Cuban regime's human rights
record fits into the, quote, ``sexiness of history'' that you
mentioned?
Ms. Meehan. Senator, thank you--Mr. Chairman, thank you for
the question.
In my work as a career Foreign Service Officer, my role was
to carry out the policy of the President. I will never have the
knowledge of Cuba that you have. I will never have the personal
connection that you and thousands of other Cuban Americans
have. I acknowledge that.
I care deeply about the plight of the Cuban people, and if
anything I said in that interview led you to believe otherwise
I regret that, and I would like to state clearly for the record
today where I stand on this issue.
I believe that the Cuban people are entitled to choose
their own government, that they are entitled to the universal
human rights that everyone in the world is entitled to.
I believe that the regime needs to be held accountable for
systemic ongoing abuses against the Cuban people. Cuba is a
national security threat to the United States and a malign
influence in the region, and if confirmed as Ambassador to
Chile I will do everything in my power to advance U.S. policy
to help the people of Cuba by partnering with the Government of
Chile, and I would welcome, if confirmed, the opportunity to
consult with you on how we might encourage President Boric to
take a more active role.
The Chairman. So then since the historic protests of July
of last year where the Diaz-Canel regime jailed and sentenced
hundreds of Cubans, including minors, to lengthy prison terms
just for protesting peacefully, I assume that that was not part
of your assessment of what makes Cuba a, quote, ``charming,
wonderful, enchanting place?''
Ms. Meehan. Mr. Chairman, in my limited role working on
Cuba, the most meaningful aspect was getting to engage with
some of the Cuban people directly, organizing President Obama's
roundtable where I had the immense honor to meet courageous
people like Jose Daniel Ferrer, Berta Soler, Yoani Sanchez,
others who have fought and given way more than I can ever
understand in defense of their own rights.
That is what was most meaningful to me about my engagement
and, again, if any statements I have made took away from the
focus that should be on the suffering of the Cuban people and
the atrocities of the regime then I regret that, and I commit
to you that if I am confirmed for this position I will do
everything I can to fight to advance U.S. policy for the people
of Cuba.
The Chairman. I raise these questions--this morning the
full committee had a hearing on authoritarianism throughout the
world and democratic backsliding and what do we do about that.
Here is the epitome of authoritarianism, dictatorship, and
the consequences to people. And so I understand when one is a
Foreign Service Officer that they speak, but in some of these
comments it was not as a Foreign Service Officer. It goes to
who you are in terms of what you are thinking about, and that
is why I raise the question because if you are going to be in a
country in Latin America where, in fact, the president has
shown some willingness to engage in that direction and being an
advocate for human rights and democracy in the hemisphere, then
we need an ambassador who is going to echo that.
If I may, Mr. Chairman, I have one final question.
In December of 2013, I introduced the Nuclear Weapon-Free
Iran Act, a bill that was co-sponsored by 59 members of the
Senate, including Senators Schumer, Cardin, Coons, Booker,
Warner, Casey, Gillibrand, Manchin, Bennet, just to mention a
few.
As the NSC spokesperson, you responded to our initiative by
saying, ``If certain members of Congress want the United States
to take military action they should be up front with the
American public and say so.
``Otherwise, it is not clear why any member of Congress
would support a bill that possibly closes the door on diplomacy
and makes it more likely that the United States will have to
choose between military options or allowing Iran's nuclear
program to proceed.''
I want to understand. I want to get clarification here. Do
you, personally, believe that I, Majority Leader Schumer,
Senator Cardin, Coons, Booker, and our colleagues, by
introducing the bill, were pushing the United States to take
military action against Iran?
Ms. Meehan. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the question.
I was a career Foreign Service Officer, and in my capacity
as NSC spokesperson part of my responsibility was to issue
comments and statements that reflect the President's policies.
Those comments and statements are often the product of
interagency drafting and clearances way above my level. My
personal opinion, since you asked for it, to be clear, is,
first and foremost, that Iran can never be allowed to obtain a
nuclear weapon.
With regards to your second question, no, I do not believe
that. I served in Iraq, Senator, and I am very cognizant and
admired the tough vote that you took to oppose the war in Iraq
when it was a very unpopular decision.
I do not believe that you are someone who would advocate
for unnecessary military action.
The Chairman. You made that statement as a--as the essence
of an interagency process where, basically, you were told this
is the position we have and so, therefore, you were espousing
that position. Is that what you are telling me?
Ms. Meehan. Yes, Senator, that would be accurate.
The Chairman. That is a very insightful thing. And so I
would also believe you do not personally believe that we were
trying to close the door on diplomacy?
Ms. Meehan. Senator, I would hope that that no member of
the U.S. Congress would close the door on diplomacy.
The Chairman. I really appreciate your answers or insights.
That will go into my book for sure, and I thank you all. I have
questions for--I know there are other colleagues here--I have
questions. I will wait for Dr. Muyangwa as well.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator Booker was with us by WebEx. Is
Senator Booker there?
[No response.]
Senator Cardin. If not, we will go to Senator Markey.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
And, Ms. Meehan, as a Boston College alumnus,
congratulations to you and your incredible career in the
Foreign Service and on the National Security Council.
We are very proud of you. We are very proud of Ambassador
Burns now in China----
Ms. Meehan. Yes.
Senator Markey.--doing a great job. Ambassador Hartley in
Great Britain. You are making the Eagles very proud--your great
work--and in Chile, it is getting more complicated and,
obviously, we need someone with great experience in order to be
able to navigate that pathway.
With Boric now inaugurated and this relationship that the
Chileans have with the Chinese, especially with regard to their
precious metals and not only the United States' but other
countries' need for them to make a clean energy revolution,
could you talk a little bit about that copper, lithium, China,
and the strings that they attach and what the United States
should be doing in order to rectify that fact?
Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you very much for the question,
Senator, and go Eagles, for the record.
Clean energy is an area where Chile has been a leader in
the region and they are to be commended for that. They have
made impressive commitments on becoming carbon neutral, phasing
out coal power plants, focusing on solar and renewable, clean
energy.
But extractives are also extremely important to the Chilean
economy and there are also significant U.S. business interests
in the mining sector in Chile, the number-one producer of
copper, the number-two producer of lithium in the world.
But I think that this is an area where the U.S. can work
with Chile to promote sustainable development of critical
minerals, which allows the Chilean economy to continue to grow,
which protects U.S. business interests in the mining sector but
also allows us to use our competitive advantage over the PRC,
which is our commitment to environmental safeguards and labor
rights.
I think it is an issue where there are multiple threads of
interest and priorities for the U.S. Government that we have a
very collaborative partnership to build on with the Chilean
Government.
Senator Markey. Thank you. And when President Kennedy gave
his speech at Rice University when the Soviets threatened to
take control of space that we needed a mission to invent new
metals and technologies, and to bring that mission back from
the moon in heat twice the intensity of the sun and get it all
done in eight years, and we did it.
The Russians are challenging us again with the Russian oil
and gas that too much of the West has become dependent upon and
we need a similar response.
But we are going to need to find a way of using our
relationship with countries like this as China seeks to exploit
those relationships.
Would you like to comment upon China's plan right now in
country after country, including Chile, to take
disproportionate control over those natural resources?
Ms. Meehan. Sure, Senator.
Chile--China--the PRC is Chile's number-one trading
partner. Chile is a member of the Belt and Road Initiative. We
see Chinese increasing PRC investment in critical sectors like
lithium production, telecom, ports, data security, renewable
energy, energy distribution, and space within Chile.
It is an area where we need to remain vigilant. I think
highlighting the advantages of doing business with the United
States, our commitment to environmental safeguards, labor
rights, the protection that is needed when dealing with data
privacy and sovereignty issues shows a clear advantage for the
United States over the PRC.
I also think it would be worthwhile and, if confirmed, I
would like to share the experience of the United States that we
have had with CFIUS.
This is a mechanism that has allowed us to identify
critical sectors, identify threats to those sectors, and
consider national security when making investment decisions,
and I think that could be an experience that would be worth
sharing with the Chilean Government.
Senator Markey. I thank you. And, again, your wisdom, your
experience, they are going to be critical. This is a turning
point in world history that we are living through right now and
we have to learn the lessons and implement a plan.
And, Dr. Nkengasong, how will you work with countries where
same-sex relations are criminalized to ensure that LGBTQI
persons are not shut out of receiving lifesaving health care
through PEPFAR?
Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator, for that. A very
important question.
Our goal in PEPFAR, if confirmed, Senator, should continue
to be focusing on the pandemic or epidemic by the year 2030.
That means using science and data-driven approaches to
follow where the virus is. I will say that--I mean, our mantra
should be follow the virus regardless of where it is because a
threat--the virus presence in any community or subcommunity or
individuals is a threat for all our efforts there.
I think, if confirmed, I would continue to advocate for the
use of effective data-driven approaches, regardless of people's
beliefs and practices, to fight the pandemic, and work with
countries that have policies in place that are adverse to this
and shed light on where the issues are, where they should focus
on fighting the virus, knowing that it is a threat for all of
us and it can undermine the 20 years of investment that we have
all put in place there.
I think, Senator, if confirmed, that is what I will do with
effective partnership with countries as much as possible to
advocate for the rights of people.
Senator Markey. And I thank you, and I thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
I just want to say that, without taking up any additional
time, that conversion therapy is now increasingly a practice in
countries around the world and I just want to make sure that
you are going to work to ensure that no PEPFAR implementer
discriminates against LGBTQI persons through such conversion
theory.
Mr. Nkengasong. Absolutely. That is what I am referring to,
Senator that we should focus what--the enemy is the virus, not
people. I think that is--that should be very, very evident and
I will--if confirmed, I will carry that as a mantra.
Senator Markey. I appreciate that, and I appreciate the
service of all of you here. Thank you so much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Markey. We
will have a second round of questions now. I will begin with
Senator Menendez and then Senator Hagerty.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
In the last 18 months, coups have occurred in Mali, Chad,
Sudan, Guinea, and Burkina Faso, and attempted coups in Niger,
prompting alarm among policymakers about democratic backsliding
in Africa.
Dr. Muyangwa, what is your--in your view, what accounts for
the backsliding and how would you assess the effectiveness of
USAID's democracy and governance programs in Africa?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
Like you, I, and many other people who work in this space,
are very concerned about the trend for democratic backsliding
that we have seen across the globe, including Africa.
At the same time, even as the democratic backsliding is
occurring on the continent, what you are also seeing is a very
high demand from ordinary Africans for democracy.
The protests that have brought millions of Africans across
the continent into the streets demanding democracy, demanding
accountability for their government, that shows all of us that
that demand for democracy is alive and well and in all corners
of the continent.
I believe that the agency, USAID, is doing some good work
in terms of trying to support and make sure that we can arrest
this democratic backsliding. The investment that the agency is
putting in terms of strengthening democratic institutions,
strengthening or opening up the space for political
participation, trying to work with some countries on electoral
reforms, trying to ensure that we have a media that can play
its role addressing electoral violence, so that they have--the
agency has these programs in many countries that are
experiencing this democratic backsliding.
The Chairman. Let me----
Ms. Muyangwa. Having said that----
The Chairman. Yeah, I was just going to say, I am glad to
hear you say having said that because my time is limited.
Ms. Muyangwa. Sure.
The Chairman. Maybe this is where you are going to go next
when you say having said that.
Part of it is I want to understand, from your view as
someone who is nominated for this position, what is the--and it
does not have to be nice if it is not nice, okay--the
effectiveness of USAID's democracy and governance efforts in
African countries, what adjustments would you make if you were
confirmed?
Ms. Muyangwa. If I were confirmed, I think one of the
things we would want to look at is, really, looking at the new
ways that authoritarians and others are using to undermine
democracy, make sure we understand what those ways are, and
then looking at our toolbox to say do we have the right tools
in our toolbox to really go to the heart of these new ways of
undermining democracy, and looking at our toolbox to say how
can we amplify and consolidate some of the good work that the
agency is already doing.
I think it is that part of understanding the ways in which
democracy is being undermined and looking at the toolbox.
The Chairman. Can I get a commitment from you that you
would engage with my staff on proposed changes to our democracy
and governance programs in Africa to address this challenge?
Ms. Muyangwa. Absolutely. I can commit to continuing to
consult with the committee and your staff on this issue.
The Chairman. Okay. And, finally, Senator Kaine and I met
with a series of members of the Ethiopian community last night,
particularly, Tigrayans.
What do we do in a place like Tigray where, in fact, from
my perspective, we have a genocide going on? We are seeing the
slaughter. We saw a video of live people being burned.
I know we are focused on Ukraine, as we should be. But we
cannot let the rest of the world think that they can get away
with what they are doing because we are somehow diverted.
What do we do in a--what do we do in a country like that?
How do we work to, first, get humanitarian assistance and then,
of course, to develop a dialogue that brings us to a political
solution?
Ms. Muyangwa. Sure. Thank you, Senator. The situation in
northern Ethiopia is a difficult one and the images that you
were talking about, I think, we all saw those horrifying images
this past weekend.
It is a tough question. I believe that the U.S. Government,
including members of this committee, hitting all of the
pressure points that I can see from where I sit, urging the
political leadership to find a political situation to the
situation, pressing on justice and accountability, ensuring
that the Ethiopian and Tigrayan Government--sorry, the
Ethiopian and Eritrean Governments focus on justice and
accountability to ensure that those who are committing these
gross violations are held to account, ensuring that national
and international investigations can occur unfettered--the U.S.
Government, including the agency, continue to press for
unfettered humanitarian access.
I think continuing on all of those fronts needs to move
forward, and if I were confirmed, that is--I would continue on
those efforts on the humanitarian assistance, in particular.
The Chairman. We look forward to your confirmation as well
as that effort, and we need our Government to double its
efforts in this regard.
I think if this was happening in some other part of the
world there would be a hue and outcry. It is happening in
Africa and so, therefore, it does not quite seem to have the
same outcry. My conscience will not be blotted by not raising
it and continuing to drive our own country to deal with it.
Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Senator Hagerty?
And then Senator Coons.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Dr. Muyangwa, I would like to turn to you, if I might, and
talk about the Prosper Africa Initiative. I was very pleased to
learn that in July of last year this program that was launched
back in 2019 is going to be extended. When the program was
first enacted, it was promoting trade, commercial ties, and
investment across Africa.
It is all done with an aim to provide a more viable
alternative to the malign influence that China and Russia both
purvey there in Africa.
And I would like to ask you how would USAID best leverage
the private sector--the American private sector, which is a
huge source of competitive advantage for us here--how would
USAID leverage our private sector to better counter the malign
influence of China and Russia in the region?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you very much, Senator, for that
question.
I believe that Prosper Africa has already laid a solid
foundation in terms of what it has accomplished to date--the
800 deals that it has already done with $50 billion--worth $50
billion--and I think building on that is going to be critical.
I think there are a number of ways that that can be
leveraged. From my perspective, I think some of those ways
include creating an environment in which American companies
feel that their investments would be secure. Part of that is a
regulatory framework.
I think in reducing the barriers to trade--that trade and
investment that exists--and, really, just working to deepen
some of the financial and capital markets.
I think there is a lot of space still in that area, but
also just making American companies comfortable with the sense
that their--they can invest in Africa safely and that they will
yield a return on that investment.
I think all of those are key elements that the agency can
continue to push on. But I think----
Senator Hagerty. I could not agree with you more, and I am
a very strong proponent of deeper economic ties because they
lead then, certainly, to stronger security ties.
Ms. Muyangwa. Absolutely.
Senator Hagerty. I applaud your perspective on that and
hope that you will continue to focus particularly on how to
engage the private sector as an important partner in that
initiative.
Ambassador Gonzales, I might turn to you now to talk about
how Afghanistan is going to be represented in the United
Nations.
In December, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a
resolution to delay a decision on who will represent the
Government of Afghanistan in New York. The Taliban, of course,
seeks to replace the envoy from the Afghan Government.
The Afghan Government's current envoy was appointed by the
democratically-elected people of--the democratically-elected
Government of Afghanistan. We do not know how long this
decision will be deferred at the United Nations.
But in your prospective role at OFM, what factors would
influence the extent of the services, if any services, that you
would provide to a Taliban-controlled Afghanistan mission to
the United Nations in New York?
Ms. Gonzales. Thank you very much for that question,
Senator, and I share your concerns about Afghanistan and the
Taliban.
I thank Congress, as I did earlier, Senator, for passing
the Office of Foreign Missions Act and providing us with those
tools that we can use to regulate the activities of foreign
missions here in the United States.
If I were confirmed, you have my commitment that I will
work to protect U.S. national security, foreign policy
interests, and I look forward to working with you, Senator, and
the Congress and our other national security stakeholders to
look into these issues and how--and determine how to address
these issues in the best manner.
Thank you, sir.
Senator Hagerty. Would you would you consider, for example,
restricting the travel of diplomats from a Taliban-elected
government the way we do diplomats from Iran or North Korea?
Ms. Gonzales. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
We do have travel restrictions, as you noted, and if
confirmed, I, certainly, would in consultation with our other--
with yourself and our other national security stakeholders.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
Ms. Gonzales. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Kaine. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Acting Chairman Kaine and Acting
Ranking Member Hagerty.
Thank you to the four nominees who are before me. It is
great to have an opportunity to question you. I look forward to
supporting your nominations and to working with you.
If I could, Ambassador Gonzales, just briefly, if
confirmed, how would you improve the Office of Foreign
Missions' work with local law enforcement to ensure the proper
delivery of consular notifications to foreign nationals in the
United States?
Ms. Gonzales. Thank you for that question, Senator Coons.
I would work--I know that our various offices of--our
various offices throughout the United States work very closely
with local authorities, municipal governments, and state
governments as well as foreign missions located throughout the
United States.
If I were confirmed, I will, certainly, travel to these
areas and continue OFM's outstanding work in establishing--in
communicating their relations with the various embassies and
diplomatic missions throughout the United States.
And, of course, Senator, I welcome your advice and your
partnership.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Dr. Muyangwa, I would be interested in your thoughts both
on the DFC--the Development Finance Corporation--and how we
might strengthen its ability to partner with our vital allies
to crowd in private finance and to contribute to the
transparent and sustainable development of Africa and, thus,
sort of build out a little bit Prosper Africa.
And given all your deep experience across the continent,
what do you think the Administration's signature initiative
might be as we prepare for the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit later
this year?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Senator.
I think there are a lot of opportunities for USAID to
collaborate with the DFC and that is already underway in many
ways. I understand that USAID is working with the U.S.
Development Finance Corporation to implement Prosper Africa and
Power Africa.
That is a good mechanism for harnessing the 17 agencies
that work together to make sure that everybody is pushing in
the right direction.
The work that the agency has working with the DFC to invest
in vaccine manufacturing facilities across Africa to ensure
that Africa can respond to the next pandemic, I think, is key--
these two manufacturing facilities that they have in Africa and
India, which will produce 2 billion COVID vaccines, mostly for
the developing world, and then there is the pioneering
investment vehicle that I talked about that is looking at how
Americans can invest in West Africa's rapidly growing housing
sector.
And so I think all of those opportunities that provide an
opportunity to, really, leverage and crowd in the private
sector that can continue and be expanded upon.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Dr. Nkengasong, thank you for your dedication to
international public health. This is a particularly critical
moment for us to remain vigilant and engaged around COVID-19
but to not forget that there continues to be public health
challenges such as ones you have long addressed and that PEPFAR
is a great example of a successful U.S.-led bipartisan approach
to global public health.
I would be interested in your view. The Biden
administration has agreed to host the next replenishment of the
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.
Has COVID-19 negatively or positively impacted
international efforts to combat some of the most deadly
infectious diseases in the world, including HIV/AIDS?
Mr. Nkengasong. Thank you, Senator.
It is obvious, Senator, that in the last two years the
COVID-19 pandemic has been extremely disruptive and has,
really, taken over the space and crowded the attention that
other serious pandemics--i.e., HIV and other endemic diseases
like malaria and tuberculosis used to happen.
If confirmed, Senator, it will be my goal to make sure that
we work with our partner countries to elevate and make sure
that they understand that HIV is still a serious threat and a
threat that if we do not pay enough attention to it the gains
that we have made over the last 20 years may significantly be
disrupted.
But it also offers a unique opportunity, as I said earlier,
that the platforms that we have all put in place, including
developing public-private partnerships--one of those, I recall,
you engineered with Siemens several years ago when I was still
at the U.S. CDC--bringing the private sector and other
foundations to help with the efforts there.
I believe what are called--if confirmed, I will promote
this lot--what are called Partnership For Action, which means
that you bring all the foundations, their private sector,
together so that we can continue to elevate the fight against
HIV/AIDS, which is, as I believe and I have said, a serious
security threat for countries that we support.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Doctor. And if I could, with the
forbearance of the acting chair--and by the way, just while I
have two members here, I just--we failed to fund the COVID
supplemental and it is something, I think, is desperately
needed globally before we see another variant emerge.
If I could, Ms. Meehan, thank you for your service under
both the Bush and the Obama administrations. I know you have
been asked at length about the challenges of the U.S.-Chile
relationship, about how you would address China, which remains
Chile's largest partner, and the new president, Gabriel Boric.
I would be interested in your comments on the U.S.-Chile
astronomy partnership and its potential, and then just how you
would advise us on sort of the future of the left-right divide
in Latin America and what the United States, in working more
closely, hopefully, with the new administration in Chile can do
to help sort of reset some of the expectations about U.S.-Chile
relationships.
Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you, Senator, for the questions.
Astronomy--so the United States has a bilateral science and
technology agreement with Chile. Chile is a leader in this
area. The Atacama Desert provides some of the richest
environments for astronomy and research anywhere in the world.
The U.S. is already a strong partner in these efforts, and
what I find particularly exciting about opportunities and, if
confirmed, what I would seek to expand on is that this is not
just a government-to-government opportunity.
It is a way to bring in private-public partnerships, a way
to include academia, entrepreneurs and, I think, given the need
to focus on STEM in the United States and getting young people
excited about science and technology, astronomy offers an
interesting way to involve school-to-school and other people-
people exchanges as a way of strengthening that already strong
partnership.
With regards to your question about the left, President
Boric has been in office only for a few days but we have
already seen from him a strong defense of human rights, and
what I have found particularly heartening is that he has made a
point of saying that he will condemn violations of human rights
whatever the creed of the government violating them.
He has spoken out strongly against autocratic tendencies in
Nicaragua and Venezuela, and in defense of the Cuban people
following the July 11th protests of last year.
I think this really represents an opportunity for the
United States to say this is a shared goal and he has an
opportunity to define a new model for what being a leader on
the left really means in Latin America these days.
And, if confirmed, I would very much look forward to
engaging with President Boric and his administration on this
important issue.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ms. Meehan. Thank you very much,
Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Just a few last items.
Ambassador Gonzales, I just wanted to say the position at
Office of Foreign Missions is very important in Virginia. Not
only is such a high percentage of our State Department
personnel living in Virginia but a very high percentage of the
members of foreign missions posted to the Washington area live
in Virginia.
I will never forget meeting President Duque of Colombia for
the first time and he said, you know, I have followed you since
you were mayor of Richmond. And I said, why would you do that?
He goes, because I was living in northern Virginia for many of
the years when I was posted here, I think, to the World Bank
before getting into electoral politics in Colombia.
The operation--the efficient operation of these missions
matters a lot to Virginians. The health and safety of our
Virginians who are deployed overseas but own houses in Virginia
matter a lot so your position is really important to my
commonwealth and I just wanted to put that on the record that
it is not just about things thousands of miles away. There is a
home audience that really cares about the work of your office.
Dr. Muyangwa, I just want to associate myself with comments
made by Senator Menendez about just the tragedy in Ethiopia,
and nobody has been more active on this than Senator Coons. He
has done just yeoman's work to try to leverage assets of the
United States to bring relief to suffering in Tigray and
elsewhere in Ethiopia and find a path forward to negotiation
and peace.
Your opening statement was very vivid as you described your
excitement and your recollection of seeing grain delivered in
bags with the USAID label emblazoned on them. One of the
significant challenges now in Ethiopia is difficulty of
delivering humanitarian aid in the midst of a crushing famine.
And so I would look forward to working with you, should you
be confirmed, to make sure that we are really leaning forward
on the humanitarian efforts there.
And then finally, Ms. Meehan, I wanted to ask you one more
question about Chile. I understand that before you were in
Foreign Service you had a first career in finance on Wall
Street, and I actually think--I think it was Senator Hagerty
who was asking you questions about the U.S.-Chile trade
relationship.
We had been number one. China is number one, but we still
have significant economic ties. How would that finance
background be of assistance, should you be confirmed?
Ms. Meehan. Sure. Thank you for the question, Senator
Kaine.
As you noted, I started my career on Wall Street, and I
think this is a particularly critical time for U.S. engagement
with the Government of Chile to defend U.S. business interests.
Not only do we have a new administration where the
president has made commitments to the Chilean people about
expanding equality that will require some tradeoffs with fiscal
decisions, we also have a constitutional convention that is
rewriting the entire constitution from scratch.
I think it is a critical time for U.S. engagement and, if
confirmed, this would be one of my highest priorities. I would
routinely engage with the U.S. business community, with the
AmCham, with members of Congress, to understand what the
priorities of the U.S. business community are and to understand
what their concerns are.
I would relay those concerns on a regular basis to the
Government of Chile. I would be a firm supporter and advocate
for maintaining adherence to the Free Trade Agreement as they
undertake a lot of these legislative and regulatory reforms,
and I would also encourage the Government of Chile to engage
directly with industry representatives as they are considering
legislative and regulatory changes to understand directly from
business what the impact will be on U.S. investment and,
frankly, the broader investment climate because in order to
deliver on the equality that he has promised for the Chilean
people, President Boric will need to manage that with good
fiscal policy because he cannot achieve those goals without a
robust economy to fund it.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
To all of the witnesses, congratulation on your
nominations. The record of this hearing will remain open till
close to business 5:00 p.m., Friday, March 18th, for colleagues
that want to submit questions.
I would encourage each of you, should questions be
submitted to you, that you respond promptly.
And with that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:32 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed.
The interagency community continues its examination of a range of
hypotheses. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to
Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs), setting clear goals for the Health
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected
employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people working at U.S. Embassy Santiago.
I commit to working with health and security officials and other
parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate protocols
and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans and local
staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Santiago?
Answer. Overall, Mission morale has been resilient in the face of
COVID-19 restrictions and challenges. I understand that Embassy
leadership did an excellent job maintaining morale during the strict
shutdowns mandated by Chilean authorities in 2020 and the move back to
in-person engagements in 2021. The Charge d'Affaires was widely
commended for his proactive communication with the Country Team and
Embassy community. Chile has the highest vaccination rate in the world,
and nearly 100 percent of eligible U.S. employees and 95 percent of
local Embassy staff are fully vaccinated. Restaurants, businesses,
workplaces, and schools are open, and the Embassy conducts in-person
official engagements and activities, while following U.S. and Chilean
Government guidance on masking and social distancing.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to
improve morale at Mission Santiago?
Answer. As Embassy Santiago, like many Missions around the world,
emerges from a period of stress and isolation due to COVID-19, I will
prioritize, if confirmed, personal engagement with the Embassy
community--with an emphasis on listening so I can best understand
concerns and priorities. If confirmed, I will be the first Ambassador
to lead Embassy Santiago in more than three years, and I will build on
the excellent work of the Charge d'Affaires to prioritize communication
through regular, Mission-wide Town Hall forums and dedicated office
hours for more personal conversations. Finding ways to celebrate the
accomplishments of team members will also be a focus, including
contributions by Locally Engaged Staff. The well-being of families is
key to Embassy morale, and I look forward to being a frequent
participant at events coordinated by the Community Liaison Officer.
Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. How do you intend to
create a unified Mission and vision at Mission Santiago?
Answer. To be successful, Embassy Santiago must work towards shared
objectives, and all agencies and individuals must understand how they
contribute to them. I understand that the Embassy is developing a new
integrated country strategy (ICS) with the input of all agencies at
post that aligns with the Administration's priorities. If confirmed, I
would use the ICS process to invest all team members in the unified
vision--not just Agency and Section heads--by prioritizing
communication and feedback, and creating diverse, inclusive interagency
teams to accomplish the resulting objectives.
Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is approachable, inclusive, and
engaged. I lay out clear objectives and motivate individuals while
creating a strong sense of community and shared purpose among the
entire team. If confirmed, my focus on the wellbeing of the community
will include families of Mission personnel. I strive to provide clear
direction and give people autonomy, while always being available to
offer guidance and feedback, and I will welcome feedback from all
members of the Embassy community. I treat all team members with respect
and will foster a culture that emphasizes respectful feedback and
celebration of accomplishments throughout the Mission. I care deeply
about supporting professional development and have a particular
interest in nurturing future leaders within the Embassy community.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive
to berate subordinates, either in public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The Ambassador's relationship with the Deputy Chief of
Mission (DCM) is a partnership that is critical to the success of any
Embassy. If confirmed, I intend to partner with my DCM to create an
environment where all team members feel empowered to achieve the
Mission's goals and take pride in their work.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM) to act as a Chief Operating Officer who will oversee the day-to-
day operations of the Embassy. These responsibilities will include
leading the Emergency Action Committee and other Embassy working
groups, as well as supporting employee-led initiatives, including
diversity and inclusion efforts. I believe deeply in professional
development opportunities and will ask the DCM to lead leadership
development and mentorship programs for all levels of staff, both
American and locally employed. I will also ask the DCM to support
efforts of the Community Liaison Officer to maintain the well-being of
the broader Embassy community, including families. I view the
Ambassador and DCM as partners, and intend to have a close,
collaborative relationship where the DCM is encouraged to provide
feedback and guidance to me on a wide range of issues.
Question. The Department has a well-established system for
providing regular, ongoing feedback through formal counseling sessions
and employee evaluation reports (EERs). If confirmed as Ambassador, it
will be essential for me to establish clear expectations and guidelines
for all Embassy personnel, both American and locally employed staff, to
ensure employees are performing as a team and at the highest level.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to provide
employees with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles. I will also ensure that this is a priority for all Embassy
managers.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Chile.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their Missions?
Answer. It is important for diplomats to get outside of Embassy
walls and engage with more people to accomplish the Mission. I
understand that Embassy Santiago has a very positive relationship with
civil society, the private sector, host government officials, and
fellow foreign diplomats, and if confirmed I hope to continue these
constructive relationships in pursuit of our goals. The current staff
of the Embassy travel throughout the country and, if confirmed, I plan
to visit each region of Chile personally and will encourage Embassy
staff to frequently get out of the Embassy to meet with our
interlocutors.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Accessing local populations is key to meeting our
objectives. The COVID-19 pandemic significantly changed the way Embassy
Santiago engages with local communities, by using virtual and hybrid
engagements to maintain communication. If confirmed, I will work with
the Embassy's health unit and regional security office to ensure our
diplomatic staff can safely access all local populations in person when
needed and with our public affairs section to continue to incorporate
online engagements to reach more people outside of the capital of
Santiago.
Question. Public diplomacy is an Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign
Policy Efforts, What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Chile?
Answer. Chileans have a strong baseline affinity for the United
States and are receptive in general to U.S. points of view. Chile
enjoys a free and professional press, though overall public trust in
the media has been decreasing according to public opinion surveys.
Traditional media ownership is highly concentrated, but new digital
media outlets are gaining traction. Embassy Santiago operates 14
American Spaces throughout Chile as a key platform for people-to-people
engagement, including in areas that are increasingly influenced through
the People's Republic of China's (PRC) 21 Confucius Institutes. The
United States engages in a wide range of educational, cultural, and
professional exchanges and programs in Chile to build people-to-people
relationships, promote economic ties, and enhance institutional and
civil society networks.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While nearly seven in ten Chileans expressed a favorable
opinion of the United States, around half of Chileans expressed
favorable views of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which is
aggressively trying to expand its influence in Chile through a network
of 21 Confucius Institutes, outreach by the ambassador, and a robust
media campaign including paid advertising. U.S. public diplomacy
efforts to counter the PRC's influence campaign in Chile are focused on
highlighting our shared values, security interests, and commercial and
academic links.
The low rate of English language fluency, and Embassy Santiago's
limited resources to help the Chilean Ministry of Education improve
English language teaching, present additional challenges.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Our countries share many of the same values and priorities,
and Chile has the capacity to help advance those priorities. To do so,
it is critical that the Embassy tailors Washington messaging in a way
that demonstrates our expectations and belief that Chile can and should
be an equal partner and regional leader. Based on their expertise of
the Chilean media environment and public, Embassy Santiago's Public
Affairs team is well suited to convey U.S. policy objectives in a way
that preserves Department goals while gaining maximum traction with the
Chilean public. Depending on the topic and target audience, some
messages are more effective coming from Washington voices. If
confirmed, I will ensure that the Embassy and Washington continue to
work closely together to not only get the message right but also the
messenger.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to taking this threat
seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Santiago personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as I can
to Mission Santiago personnel. I believe it is important to communicate
regularly and transparently with all elements of the Mission.
Question. China is building a logistics base in Tierra del Fuego,
Argentina, near the Chilean border. Please describe your concerns with
this logistics base and growing Chinese presence in Argentina and Chile
in particular.
Answer. The U.S. Government does not discourage or prohibit
countries from working with the People's Republic of China (PRC),
however we are concerned about its growing number of projects in
critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors in the region, including
investments in lithium production, energy distribution, telecom, space,
and renewable energy in Chile. The United States and Chile share a
close relationship based on shared values. Both countries also
recognize the benefits of working together on issues of common
interest, including economic growth; clean energy development;
cooperation on science, technology, and innovation; access to quality
education; improved natural resource management; biodiversity
conservation; and environmental enforcement and facilitating trade.
If confirmed, I will continue our collaboration with Chile in these
critical sectors and ensure that I voice U.S. concerns about the
national security implications of potentially risky or sensitive
projects with the PRC. Embassy Santiago will also continue to promote
transparency, cooperation, and international security to strengthen our
bilateral relationship in the process.
Question. What tangible efforts should Chile pursue to counter
malign Chinese presence?
Answer. Chile is a democratic country with strong institutions and
a positive relationship with the United States in terms of shared
values and common interests. If confirmed, I will continue to foster
our relationship to promote fair labor practices, human rights, and
strong environmental policies. I believe Chile's commendable tradition
of openness, combined with a robust national security-focus investment
screening regime, would help to protect Chile's critical infrastructure
and sensitive technologies, as well as Chile's attractiveness to
foreign investors. If confirmed, I will work with the committee on
Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), chaired by the
Treasury Department, to build understanding with the Chilean Government
about the CFIUS process and best practices in foreign investment
reviews. I will also advocate for a continued business climate in Chile
that is based on respect for free trade, transparency, and democratic
good governance.
Question. If confirmed, how would you engage the Chilean public
about their constitutional reforms?
Answer. The Constitutional Convention is a sovereign process that
allows the people of Chile to weigh in on the future path that their
country will take. Chile continues to serve as a model for the Western
Hemisphere as its people channel their discontent into a peaceful,
democratic, and transparent process. If confirmed, I will convey
respect for the Chilean people to determine the nature of their
constitution and express faith in the Chilean people's dedication to
democratic principles. If the new constitution is approved, I will
ensure that it is clear to both the Chilean public and government that
the United States will continue to deepen our strong bilateral
cooperation as Chile moves forward under its new constitution.
Question. What implications do you see for the bilateral
relationship if the constitution moves away from the rules-based order
built over the past forty years?
Answer. Chile continues to prove itself as an example of a strong
democracy, rooted in the safeguarding of human rights and rule-of-law.
Chile is deeply committed to the promotion of human rights and
democratic principles on a global level, and a strong proponent of
rules-based open trade, both in bilateral and multilateral settings.
President Boric emphasizes his administration's commitment to holding
all human rights abusers accountable, regardless of a leader's
political affiliation. Although we do not yet know the outcome of
Chile's Constitutional Convention, the Biden-Harris administration is
optimistic that the new constitution will reflect Chile's steadfast
commitment to these principles as the United States deepens its robust
political and economic cooperation with the Boric administration based
on our shared values.
Question. Please describe your assessment of Chile's role in the
mass migrations taking place across Latin America?
Answer. As host to a growing population of approximately 500,000
Venezuelan migrants and 180,000 Haitian migrants, Chile plays an
integral role providing humanitarian support to migrants in country, as
well as an important leadership role in addressing this crisis
regionally. For example, during the Regional Migration Ministerial held
in Bogota, Colombia, in October 2021, Chile supported the Ministerial
statement to advance more humane migration management policies in the
region. The new Foreign Minister, Antonia Urrejola, publicly stated
that Chile must play a leadership role in coordinating the regional
response and indicated that Chile will adopt the Global Compact for
Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration. Migrants from the region continue
to view Chile as a destination that offers economic opportunity. A
migration law passed in April 2021 offered a pathway to legal status
for irregular migrants, but some civil society organizations expressed
concern that bureaucratic obstacles still prevent some migrants from
regularizing their status.
Question. How would you engage with the Chilean Government to have
a more productive role in migration management?
Answer. The United States is negotiating a non-legally binding
bilateral Migration Arrangement with Chile, as well as with several
other key partners throughout the hemisphere. Each bilateral
Arrangement is expected to draw from a common framework of priorities
on stabilization of migrant and refugee-receiving communities,
expansion of legal pathways for migration and protection, and increased
humane migration management. The proposed bilateral Migration
Arrangement with Chile provides a mechanism to urge Chile to take on
greater responsibility to humanely manage migration and expand the
reach of our collaborative efforts throughout the hemisphere. If
confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Chile, civil
society, and international partners to make progress on this issue.
Regional Politics
Question. What do you view as the biggest challenge to regional
stability in Latin America?
Answer. One of the most prominent challenges to regional stability
is the gap between the aspirations of the people of the Americas for
improved social and economic conditions, more inclusive democracy, and
greater opportunities and the capacity of governments to meet those
expectations. Frustration with weak and ineffective governance and
corruption create opportunities for populist and authoritarian actors
to take advantage of that frustration to gain power. Chile's strong
institutions and leadership can help address this challenge.
Transnational organized crime represents a continuing threat as well.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Chile was identified as Tier 1 for its ongoing efforts to
combat human trafficking in-country but there are still areas of
improvement such as increasing lenient sentencing for traffickers.
What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. Chile met the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking and demonstrated serious and sustained efforts to combat
trafficking. However, lenient sentencing means that many convicted
traffickers receive only probation without time in prison, which
creates potential safety concerns for trafficking victims, weakens
deterrence, and undercuts Chile's wider efforts to fight trafficking.
Nevertheless, the Chilean Government identified more trafficking
victims in the last reporting period, established a new specialized
anti-trafficking investigative unit, and expanded the capacity of an
existing specialized unit--all positive efforts. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with the appropriate authorities to ensure Chile
continues to make progress in its efforts combating sex and labor
trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the office of the
Ambassador-at-Large to combat and monitor trafficking in persons to
improve anti-trafficking efforts in Chile?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the Ambassador-at-
Large to integrate anti-trafficking components into our broader
engagement with the Chilean Government. I will build on current efforts
in Chile to strengthen the capacity of law enforcement and public
officials at the local and national level to raise awareness,
effectively investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes, and to
provide increased services to victims. I will encourage the Embassy
team to think creatively about engaging with the Chilean Government and
public on trafficking and responding to local challenges.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with other regional U.S.
Ambassadors to improve trafficking efforts in neighboring countries?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate with other U.S. Ambassadors
to support consistent outreach and messaging within the region, to
identify best practices and lessons learned across legal frameworks,
law enforcement efforts, and programming to combat sex and labor
trafficking and address the needs of vulnerable communities.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Chile was reported to have had serious incidents
motivated by antisemitic or anti-Muslim behavior and rhetoric. What is
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. I strongly condemn any religious freedom violations and any
violations of the rights of members of religious minority groups. If
confirmed, I will engage a wide range of religious groups, including
Chile's Jewish and Muslim communities, to understand their concerns and
priorities and to promote interfaith dialogue and understanding. I will
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to apply best practices to foster a
zero-tolerance environment for religious discrimination in Chile.
Question. In 2020, the Chilean senate passed a pro-BDS resolution
calling on President Pinera to adopt a law boycotting goods from
Israeli settlements in the West Bank and commercial activities with
companies operating in the West Bank. If confirmed, do you commit to
pushing back on the BDS movement and any bias against Israel?
Answer. The administration and I firmly reject the BDS movement,
which unfairly singles out Israel. While the Administration always
respects the right to freedom of expression, the United States will be
a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize Israel. We will
continue to support Israel's further integration into the international
community, and if confirmed, I will do the same in Chile.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Chilean
Government and civil society on such matters relating to their efforts
to support BDS?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build on previous efforts by Embassy
Santiago to actively engage with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric
administration to convey the United States' firm opposition to boycott
movement worldwide and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS)
legislation that currently sits in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies, as
well as any efforts to delegitimize Israel. While the bill does not
explicitly mention Israel, many of the bill's supporters have made
clear that their goal is to implement BDS restrictions on all Chile-
Israel trade. I will also engage relevant community members,
businesses, and embassies from like-minded countries to speak out
against support for the BDS movement.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, Chile
had isolated reports of serious human rights abuses or concerns by the
Government including arbitrary or unlawful killings.
If confirmed, how can you engage with civil society to bolster
human rights on the ground and at the US Mission?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy in Santiago engages with civil society,
especially regarding human rights, and meets regularly with non-profit
organizations and the Chilean Government to address concerns when
appropriate. If confirmed, I will continue our work on this issue with
the newly inaugurated Boric administration, whose Foreign Minister,
Antonia Urrejola, has an extensive human rights background.
Question. If confirmed, please describe your human rights strategy
and priorities as U.S. Ambassador to Chile.
Answer. The United States and Chile have a strong, shared
foundation of values that encompass respect for human rights and
democratic principles. President Boric has spoken out against human
rights abuses committed in Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Cuba. Human rights
and multilateral cooperation make up core tenets of his stated foreign
policy goals, which provides an opportunity for him to be a leader in
the promotion of our shared values across the hemisphere. If confirmed,
I will use this opportunity to encourage new avenues of cooperation
with the Boric administration to ensure that human rights remain a
central pillar of U.S.-Chilean cooperation, both within Chile and the
hemisphere. I also commit to supporting the Embassy team in policy and
programming endeavors to advance respect for human rights and to
identify bilateral cooperation opportunities with the new Boric
administration.
The United Nations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations leads a
whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install qualified,
independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections for
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Chilean Government
and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S.
support of Doreen?
Answer. Yes. Secretary Blinken publicly endorsed Ms. Doreen Bogdan-
Martin's candidacy to lead the ITU in March 2021. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Bureau of International Organization Affairs (IO)
to support Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy and encourage Chile to vote
for her for ITU Secretary-General, as well as the candidacies of other
Americans endorsed by the Department to fill critical positions at the
U.N. and its specialized bodies.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with IO to identify U.N. and JPO
opportunities for qualified U.S. citizens, recruit U.S. citizens for
these positions, and advocate on their behalf where appropriate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. I have the honor and privilege of representing the
country's largest Cuban American community in Florida. I am the son of
Cuban immigrants. For all of us in South Florida, our history with Cuba
is complicated and tragic. Today, Cuba is a country where Cubans cannot
succeed. Instead, the Cuban people are jailed and tortured for simply
exercising the fundamental freedoms of speech, religion, and assembly.
In 2018, you spoke with Ben Rhodes on his podcast about your
experience organizing President Obama's 2016 trip to Havana. In that
podcast, you spoke glowingly of your experience in Cuba and working
with Alejandro Castro, Fidel's nephew. You said that there was a
``sexiness'' to Cuba's history and even a ``sultry mystery.''
Do you stand by those statements, in light of the experience of
Cuban Americans with the regime? Please explain.
Answer. I recognize, and feel deeply about, the plight of the Cuban
people. I believe that the Cuban people are entitled to a stable,
prosperous, and free country, and I admire their courage and strength
as they seek access to fundamental freedoms and human rights. I believe
that the Cuban regime needs to be held accountable for its systemic
oppression of the Cuban people and its malign activities in the region.
If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Chile, I will support all U.S.
efforts to empower the Cuban people to determine their own future and
efforts to hold the regime accountable.
Question. Given your egregious misreading of Cuba's history, why
should Chilean Americans, and the Senate, trust your judgement when it
comes to representing America's interests in Chile, if confirmed?
Answer. As a career Foreign Service Officer my duty was to assist
in the implementation of the President's policies to the best of my
ability, and I did so faithfully in Republican and Democratic
administrations, in assignments around the world. In those 13 years of
service to the United States as a career Foreign Service Officer I
willingly made personal and career sacrifices to advance U.S. interests
and values around the world. I also have broad and deep experience
working in finance, which has prepared me to be a strong advocate for
U.S. trade and investment interests in Chile, particularly at a time of
increasing competition from the People's Republic of China. In
addition, I have spent years working to provide access to opportunity
to young people around the world, which I believe to be not only in
their interest, but in the interest of the United States. I have been
honored to volunteer to assist families of Americans held hostage or
unjustly detained overseas as well. If confirmed, I will use all of
these experiences to promote U.S. interests in Chile and throughout the
Western Hemisphere, which I believe my record of service shows I am
well qualified to do.
Question. March 20th marks the 6th anniversary of President Obama's
visit to Havana, the first by an American president since the
revolution. In the podcast with Ben Rhodes, you described the evening
of the 20th extremely vividly. You went to a state-owned restaurant, a
paladar, called LaGuardia. You described the evening as ``this great
roof deck and people are smoking cigars and drinking rum'' with Jimmy
Buffett, Derek Jeter, and Jose Andres.
Is this an inaccurate recounting of your description of that night?
Answer. In my capacity as a career Foreign Service Officer, my duty
was to assist in the implementation of the President's trip to Cuba.
The trip was in support of the Administration's policy to help empower
ordinary Cubans to take greater control over their own lives and convey
U.S. Government support for the fundamental freedoms and human rights
of the Cuban people. We met with a broad array of people, including
Cuban civil society actors, human rights defenders, journalists,
artists, and entrepreneurs. Each of these actors shared and reinforced
concerns, triumphs, grievances, and the grave injustices that the Cuban
people have experienced under decades of repression. I also experienced
a sense of hope among the Cuban people and those who traveled to Cuba,
that the lives of the Cuban people could change for the better.
Question. Do you recall any protesters, or demonstrators that
disrupted this glamorous evening with celebrities in old Havana?
Answer. The most meaningful aspect of my discrete role working on
Cuba as a career Foreign Service Officer was the honor of meeting with
Cuban civil society actors during the President's roundtable
conversation with them. It was deeply impactful to hear the concerns,
grievances, and the grave injustices that the Cuban people have
experienced under decades of repression. If confirmed as U.S.
Ambassador to Chile, I will support all U.S. efforts to empower the
Cuban people to determine their own future and efforts to hold the
regime accountable.
Question. Were you aware that in the three months before March
2016, the Cuban regime had arrested more than 300 dissidents as part of
a crackdown on opposition leaders, to ensure a smooth visit for you and
President Obama?
Answer. I was aware of the Cuban regime's poor human rights record
and its abusive treatment of civil society actors and understood that
the U.S. Government policy was one aimed at empowering ordinary Cubans
to take greater control over their own lives. I supported the
Administration's efforts to increase access to the Internet for Cuban
citizens and promote private sector activity, consistent with my
support for fundamental freedoms and human rights around the world over
the course of my 13-year career as a Foreign Service Officer and non-
government work in support of those values.
Question. Were you aware that on March 20, the same day you,
President Obama, and the Castros were watching the baseball game, Cuban
officials arrested Lazaro Yuri Valle Roca, beat him, and detained him
for five days--all because he tried to video a protest on March 20th?
Answer. I am aware of the Cuban regime's poor human rights record
and its abusive treatment of civil society actors. I admire the courage
and strength of the Cuban people, who are fighting for access to
fundamental freedoms and human rights. I condemn the Cuban regime's
repression and human rights abuses. I support the Biden-Harris
administration's commitment to promote accountability for Cuban
Government officials involved in human rights abuses, and the
consideration of all tools to do so.
Question. In response to Chairman Menendez's question during your
nominations hearing, you responded that at the time of the visit in
2016, you were a foreign service officer with a duty to carry out the
policy of the President. But in 2018, at the time you spoke with Ben
Rhodes, you had no obligation to defend or agree with the President's
policies. Why, then, did you still speak so glowingly with Ben Rhodes
about working with a regime responsible for egregious human rights
abuses?
Answer. I greatly admire the spirit, courage, and ingenuity of the
Cuban people and the resilience of Cuban culture in the face of decades
of repression. I saw my work as a career Foreign Service Officer as
supporting efforts to promote greater freedoms so that individuals
living in Cuba can realize their potential. During this conversation in
2018, when I still worked for President Obama, I did not have the
intention of taking the focus away from the suffering of the Cuban
people and the courage they have demonstrated over decades in pushing
back against a repressive regime. My admiration is for the Cuban
people, not those who oppress them. I firmly believe that the Cuban
people are entitled to a stable, prosperous, and free country, and I
admire their bravery as they seek access to fundamental freedoms and
human rights. I believe that the Cuban regime needs to be held
accountable for its systemic oppression of the Cuban people and its
malign activities in the region. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to
Chile, I will support all U.S. efforts to empower the Cuban people to
determine their own future and efforts to hold the regime accountable.
Question. In 2010, the U.S. and Chile negotiated a bilateral treaty
on income tax. While Chile has ratified the treaty, the Senate has not.
This treaty would ensure that American businesses in Chile are not
unfairly taxed for income their investments earn there. Do you support
ratification of this treaty?
Answer. I support ratification of the bilateral tax treaty. The
treaty would reduce withholding tax rates on royalties, dividends,
interest payments, and capital gains and avoid double taxation of U.S.
companies, which would ultimately ensure that they are not adversely
impacted when operating in Chile. Ratification of this treaty would
encourage increased U.S. investment into Chile, thus strengthening our
bilateral commercial ties to bring additional economic benefits to both
countries. At present, U.S. firms in Chile compete against firms from
33 other countries that have tax treaties with Chile, such as the
People's Republic of China, Russia, Canada, South Korea, the United
Kingdom, and Japan. The treaty also receives widespread support from
U.S. businesses that operate in Chile, as its implementation will
ensure that U.S. companies are not placed at a disadvantage from double
taxation.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the new Chilean
Government to ensure the treaty is implemented so that American
businesses in Chile are treated fairly?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively communicate with Chilean
lawmakers and the Boric administration to identify best practices that
will ensure that the Chilean Government fully implements the treaty and
that U.S. businesses are treated fairly. To this end, I will engage
regularly with the U.S. business community and associations including
the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham), to understand their views,
convey their concerns to the Government of Chile, and ensure that
implementation of the treaty meets their needs. I will engage with
likeminded partners that already have active bilateral tax treaties to
understand the best ways to promote full implementation. I will also
consult with the Congress to understand the views of their
constituents.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
bernadette m. mehan by senator rubio
Question. Thank you for your answers to my questions from
March 15, 2022. I appreciate that you now seem to recognize the
plight of the Cuban people and that the regime in Cuba needs to
be held accountable. Expressing these sentiments is the bare
minimum that should be expected of public servants that
represent the United States, but they, unfortunately, do not
answer my original questions to you. Therefore, I re-state the
question here again: Do you stand by your statements that you
felt there was a ``sexiness'' and a ``sultry mystery'' to
Cuba's history?
At the time of the President's visit to Havana in 2016, were you
aware that the regime had arrested, beaten and detained
Lazaro Yuri Valle Roca?
Answer. The quotes referenced were part of a response to a
question in 2018 about ``why Cuba occupies an outsized role in
the world and Americans' imagination'' and spoke to part of the
long and extensive history of Cuba. My response was not meant
to reflect my personal view. As part of the same question in
2018, when asked what was most important to me personally about
my discrete role working on the President's trip to Cuba, I
spoke about my admiration for the Cuban-American community and
the Cuban people. Today, for the record, I reaffirm that the
quotes referenced do not reflect my personal view. My
admiration is for the Cuban people and their courageous history
seeking access to fundamental freedoms and human rights. It was
not my intention in 2018 to suggest otherwise.
As a career Foreign Service Officer, my role was to assist in
the organization of the President's trip to Cuba. At the time
of the President's visit to Havana in 2016, I was not
personally aware of the case of Lazaro Yuri Valle Roca or its
details.
Question. In response to one of my questions, you said that
you were ``aware of the Cuban regime's poor human rights record
and its abusive treatment of civil society actors'' at the time
of President Obama's trip to 2016. In 2018, why did you
describe Cuban history as having ``sexiness'' or ``sultry
mystery'' in this way when speaking with Ben Rhodes?
Answer. The quotes referenced were part of a response to a
question in 2018 about ``why Cuba occupies an outsized role in
the world and Americans' imagination'' and spoke to part of the
long and extensive history of Cuba. My response was not meant
to reflect my personal view. As part of the same question, when
asked what was most important to me about my limited role
working on the President's trip to Cuba, I spoke about my
admiration for the Cuban-American community and the Cuban
people. The Cuban regime's record on human rights is
reprehensible. I care deeply about the plight of the Cuban
people, and it was not my intention to express otherwise. If
confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Chile, I will work tirelessly
to advance U.S. policy to help the people of Cuba and advance
their human rights by partnering with the Government of Chile,
and if confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to consult
with you on how we might encourage the Chileans to take a more
active role in this effort.
Question. Even though you were aware of the regime's
appalling human rights record and the decades of suffering
experienced by the Cuban people and Cuban American community,
why then, when asked by Rhodes to sum up your experience
working on Cuba, did you answer ``I can hold my rum?''
Answer. Throughout that 2018 conversation, I spoke of my
admiration for the Cuban-American community and the Cuban
people and the work I did as a career Foreign Service Officer
to assist in the implementation of the President's trip to
Cuba. I discussed the broad array of people we met with on the
trip, including Cuban civil society actors, human rights
defenders, journalists, artists, and entrepreneurs. It was a
broad-ranging, informal conversation and taken in its totality,
emphasized my respect for the Cuban people and their efforts to
seek access to fundamental freedoms and human rights, and how
the trip supported the Administration's policy to help empower
ordinary Cubans to take greater control of their lives and
convey U.S. Government support for the fundamental freedoms and
human rights of the Cuban people. It was not my intention to
take away from the focus that should be on the suffering of the
Cuban people. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Chile, I will
support all U.S. efforts to empower the Cuban people to
determine their own future, and efforts to hold the regime
accountable.
Question. Thank you for your responses in support of
implementing the bilateral tax treaty in Chile. As you know,
Chile is still in the midst of a historic constitutional
convention, which may undo decades of progress in Chile. What
is your view of the constitutional convention process in Chile?
If confirmed, how would you work with the Convention to support its
work so that it results in a constitution responsive to the
desires of the Chilean people and in the best interests of
Chile and the United States?
Answer. The Constitutional Convention is a sovereign,
democratic process that allows the people of Chile to weigh in
on the future path that their country will take. Chile
continues to serve as a model for the Western Hemisphere as its
people channel their social, economic, and political demands
into a peaceful, democratic, and transparent process. If
confirmed, I will convey respect for the Chilean people's right
to determine the nature of their constitution and express faith
in the Chilean people's dedication to democratic principles,
including good governance, human rights, and a continued
business climate based on respect for free trade, transparency,
and rule of law. If confirmed, I would offer U.S. support to
government and civil society organizations and promote
exchanges between U.S. and Chilean constitutional experts so
that Chile can the benefit of our experience with our own
constitutional model, as Chileans seek to enhance and
consolidate the impressive democratic and economic advances
Chile has made over the past three decades. If the new
constitution is approved, I will ensure that it is clear to the
Chilean public and government that the United States will
continue to deepen our strong bilateral cooperation as Chile
moves forward under its new constitution.
Question. Last year, the Chilean Congress drafted a bill
mandating that Chile formally institute a boycott, divestment
and sanctions (BDS) policy against the Jewish state of Israel.
Fortunately, that measure did not progress through the
Congress. Do you support BDS policies? If confirmed, what would
you do in response to future actions by the Chilean Government
to institute this policy of hate against Israel?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration and I firmly reject
the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement and
associated policies, which unfairly single out Israel. If
confirmed, I will build on previous efforts by Embassy Santiago
to actively engage with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric
administration to convey the United States' firm opposition to
the boycott movement worldwide and the BDS legislation that
currently sits in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies, as well as
any efforts to delegitimize or discriminate against Israel.
While the bill does not explicitly mention Israel, many of the
bill's supporters have made clear that their goal is to
implement BDS restrictions on all Chile-Israel trade. If
confirmed, I will also engage relevant community members,
businesses, and embassies from like-minded countries to speak
out publicly against BDS legislation and the BDS movement.
Question. In your opinion, how would a new constitution in
Chile support or obstruct future policies similar to the 2021
BDS bills?
Answer. It is not yet clear whether the new constitution
currently being drafted in Chile will support or obstruct
future policies similar to the 2021 Boycott, Divestment, and
Sanctions (BDS) bill. Embassy Santiago has been actively
engaging with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric administration to
convey the United States' firm opposition to the boycott
movement worldwide. If confirmed, I will build on this
engagement, including with other relevant stakeholders, to
oppose BDS legislation. Additionally, my public comments will
make clear the United States' firm opposition to the BDS
movement and any other policies that unfairly single out Israel
and I will underscore that BDS legislation is counterproductive
and runs contrary to values of free trade and non-
discrimination that are shared values for both the United
States and Chile.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Todd Young
Question. How do you view the current status and future of the
U.S.-Chile trade and investment relationship in the context of growing
Chinese engagement and the pending new constitution?
Answer. The United States continues to lead in new foreign direct
investment into Chile and ranks second, behind the People's Republic of
China (PRC), in terms of overall trade. I believe there is an
opportunity to deepen our commercial relationship with Chile and
collaborate on sharing and implementing best practices in trade and
investment, including advocating for steps Chile can take to establish
a robust investment screening mechanism. Unlike the PRC, the United
States upholds high standards for labor rights, environmental policies,
and privacy standards when pursuing investment opportunities. Chile's
strong institutions, free trade, and commitment to the rule of law
serve as opportunities to expand our bilateral relationship. The new
Boric administration stresses that it supports increased,
``responsible,'' investment, and, if confirmed, I plan to engage with
the Boric administration and the business community to find additional
trade and investment opportunities that exemplify U.S. best practices.
It is not yet clear how the new constitution currently being drafted in
Chile will impact trade and investment opportunities, but my engagement
with the Boric administration will prioritize the need to ensure the
safeguarding of both U.S. and Chilean business interests.
Question. What is your perspective on the pending U.S.-Chile
bilateral tax treaty and its impact on U.S. businesses in Chile?
Answer. I understand the bilateral tax treaty would put U.S.
businesses in a far more advantageous position when pursuing investment
opportunities in Chile. The treaty would reduce withholding tax rates
on royalties, dividends, interest payments, and capital gains and avoid
double taxation of U.S. companies. The lack of a bilateral tax treaty
puts U.S. companies in Chile at a disadvantage against their
competitors. U.S. firms in Chile compete against firms from 33 other
countries that have a bilateral tax treaty with Chile, such as China,
Russia, Canada, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and Japan. Both U.S.
and Chilean companies, including members of AmCham Chile, urge the
ratification and enactment of the tax treaty.
Question. To ensure that the tax treaty is in line with the Base
Erosion and Anti-Abuse Tax (BEAT) enacted as part of the Tax Cut and
Jobs Act, the U.S. Department of Treasury has indicated the Chilean
Government needs to approve reservation language clarifying how the tax
treaty interacts with BEAT. In your opinion, how will the Government of
Chile respond to this reservation language?
Answer. President Boric has not yet publicly stated his views on
the tax treaty or reservation language. Given that this treaty was
ratified by the Chilean congress in 2014, I expect that among the new
Congress that took office on March 11, there will be some support among
its members to approve a U.S. Senate reservation. Boric's
administration advocates for tax reforms, including increases in mining
royalty fees, that seek to increase state revenue. If confirmed, I will
engage with Chilean lawmakers and the Boric administration to
underscore the fact that increased private sector cooperation between
the United States and Chile will not only bring additional economic
benefits to both countries, but also a number of social and
environmental benefits, such as improved labor laws, privacy
protections, technology sharing, and high environmental protection
standards.
Question. What challenges do you expect approval of the reservation
language will face with the Chilean Congress and administration? What
efforts will you undertake to overcome those concerns and challenges?
Answer. No coalition has a majority in the new session of the
Chilean Congress, which began on March 11. This could translate to
challenges in reaching the necessary votes to approve reservation
language. If confirmed, I plan to engage Chilean lawmakers and the
Boric administration to highlight that the benefits brought to both the
United States and Chile are innumerable, since implementing the
bilateral tax treaty will allow for deeper economic cooperation between
our two countries. I will continue to highlight the benefits of U.S.
investment and make the case that U.S. investment falls in line with
Boric's goals of increased, ``responsible'' foreign investment in
Chile, especially when compared to other investment partners, like the
People's Republic of China.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bernadette M. Meehan by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. As you know, the committee on Foreign Investment in the
United States (CFIUS) plays a critical role in reviewing the national
security implications of foreign investments in the United States. As I
understand it, Chile has not established its own approach to effective
foreign investment screening, even though China, which engages in
malign economic influence, has its eyes on Chile and Southern Cone
countries with respect to lithium and other critical minerals, and
other critically important sectors.
If you are confirmed, do you commit to working with the U.S.
Department of the Treasury to increase engagement with
Government of Chile in order to educate Chile about the CFIUS
process of the United States and persuade Chile to establish
its own effective investment screening mechanism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will find additional opportunities to brief
the Chilean Government on best practices for investment screening,
drawing on the U.S. CFIUS process, and building upon ongoing efforts
from both the Departments of State and the Treasury to provide
information on this issue. I will engage early on with the Boric
administration to arrange briefings and engagements that would be most
useful to encourage best practices that support Chilean and U.S.
national security. I will also continue to engage with the American
Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) Chile and other business associations to
understand and advocate for steps Chile can take to establish a robust
investment screening mechanism. In tandem with these efforts, I will
ask the Embassy team to ensure that we amplify through media and
speaking engagements our efforts and collaboration with Chile, with an
emphasis on the shared values between the United States and Chile and
the advantages of doing business with U.S. companies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. PEPFAR is the signature global health program of the
United States, with a large budget administered by a complex
organization that includes staff from multiple agencies, foreign
service officers stationed abroad, contractors, and local implementing
partners.
What are the main challenges to effective coordination between S/
GAC HQ and other elements of the PEPFAR organization?
Answer. As an alumnus of PEPFAR, I've worked with all the U.S
Government implementing agencies and many of the partners, and I have
witnessed the remarkable focus on mission among PEPFAR teams and
implementers. I've experienced a model that enables discussion and
debate and a chance to recommend a course of action to the coordinator.
We all share the goal of saving millions of lives and providing
services utilizing expertise from all U.S. Government agencies. If
confirmed, I hope to continue to inspire that level of cooperation and
focus for our common goals while continuing to seek ways for improved
coordination.
Question. How will you address staffing shortages across PEPFAR, if
confirmed?
Answer. High vacancy rates are a major challenge across the U.S.
Government, including PEPFAR. If confirmed, it will be my priority to
ensure that PEPFAR staffing vacancies are addressed, and we are meeting
the needs of PEPFAR staff here at home and in all our Embassies around
the world. The staff must see themselves valued, respected, and treated
well. We must offer a workplace that appeals to the workforce of today.
I intend to lead with respect and appreciation for staff, and to learn
from the experience of the past 18 months working through the COVID-19
pandemic. I will also continue the efforts within the Department of
State to promote diversity, equity and inclusion in hiring practices
and promotions.
Question. Will you commit to fully and proactively cooperating with
the PEPFAR Effectiveness and Efficiency Review being conducted by the
Government Accountability Office if confirmed?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Beginning in April 2018, PEPFAR began pursuing the goal
of channeling 70 percent of its funding to local partners. This policy
was the subject of an audit by USAID's Office of Inspector General,
published December 13, 2021.
What analysis informed the decision to channel 70 percent of funds
through partners funding? Do you agree that 70 percent is the
right number?
Answer. In response to countries' desire for expanded independence,
PEPFAR further embedded sustainability and domestic financing elements
into its work. To achieve and sustain epidemic control, HIV services
must be owned and operated by local actors. Thus, the bold, but
achievable goal of having 70 percent of PEPFAR resources by agency
channeled through local organizations, took root. These organizations
understand the local context and needs of PEPFAR beneficiaries and have
complemented international efforts to strengthen local capabilities. If
confirmed, I will fully review the results of the effort thus far, and
the audit, and continue to work with Congress and implementing agencies
to fully realize the recommendations of the report.
Question. What are the main challenges related to increasing local
partner funding?
Answer. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government
responsibility. Partner countries must also invest sufficient domestic
financing for HIV programs and ensure an enabling policy environment
for their effective and efficient allocation. Many partner governments
have increased their investment in their respective HIV response over
time. However, several cannot, and this has been compounded recently by
COVID-19. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote self-reliance
by developing more efficient models of service delivery and
strengthening technical, managerial and financial capacity for local
stakeholders to maintain key services, systems and resources stewarded
by local institutions.
Question. Do you commit to implementing the recommendations of the
USAID OIG audit?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to a fair and open evaluation
of the recommendations of the USAID OIG and work to realize its full
potential across PEPFAR programs and processes.
Question. As many countries approach epidemic control, how should
PEPFAR adjust its mission to cement those gains and, as appropriate,
wind down operations?
Answer. PEPFAR has a duty to ensure high-quality prevention and
treatment services throughout every stage of program evolution. As
countries reach sustained control of HIV, we must ensure there is an
enabling policy and programmatic environment for addressing key
populations, underserved populations and other structural barriers to
an effective and sustainable HIV/AIDS response. PEPFAR must work to
identify areas where increased local financing and management
responsibilities can occur. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with partner governments, civil society, and multilateral organizations
to create a shared and gradual sustainability pathway that is ambitious
and resilient in the face of future threats.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief me and/or my staff as requested during your tenure as PEPFAR
Coordinator?
Answer. Yes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant U.S.
global health strategies, initiatives, and funding?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on
these matters.
Question. A recent report by the Center for International Private
Enterprise (CIPE) Anti-Corruption and Governance Center suggests that
an estimated seven percent of global spending on public health is lost
to waste, fraud, and abuse. The United States is, by far, the single
most generous donor of global health assistance. If confirmed, will you
commit to upholding a zero-tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse
in the programs under your purview?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero-tolerance
policy for all PEPFAR-supported staff and implementing partners who
engage in the sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable
communities they are meant to serve?
Answer. Yes. This will be a priority for PEPFAR.
Question. It took the Biden administration nearly a year to
nominate someone to fill this vital position. Despite the commitment
and best efforts of career staff within the Office of the Global AIDS
Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (S/GAC), and compounded by the COVID-
19 pandemic, the lack of full-time, Senate-confirmed leadership appears
to have taken a toll. What is your understanding of morale within S/GAC
and how, if necessary, do you intend to improve it?
Answer. A successful Mission must begin with the people who make it
happen. The staff must see themselves valued, respected, and treated
well. I intend to lead with respect and appreciation for staff, and to
learn from the experience of the past 18 months working through the
COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, it will be my priority to ensure that
we are meeting the needs of PEPFAR staff here at home and in all our
Missions around the world.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified Mission and vision
across the PEPFAR program while holding implementing agencies and
partners accountable for transparency and results?
Answer. As an alumnus of PEPFAR, I've worked with all of the U.S
Government implementing agencies and many of the partners, and I have
witnessed the remarkable focus on Mission among PEPFAR teams and
implementers. I know that we all share the same goal of saving as many
lives as possible from HIV/AIDS. If we continue sharing this goal, we
will continue to be a highly successful program. If confirmed, I hope
to continue to inspire that level of cooperation and focus for our
common goals.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have mentioned before that respectful partnership will
govern my approach if I am confirmed. Before I ask it of others, I live
it myself first. My staff would describe me as easy-going and flexible.
I like to be prepared and I listen well.
Question. In your view, how would your management style translate
to PEPFAR, where your workforce and implementing partners are composed
of a dizzying array of career foreign and civil servants, political
appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency
Service Agreements, foreign governments, international organizations,
contractors, and grantees, often with competing priorities and
interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to drawing upon the expertise
that exists among all PEPFAR's U.S Government implementing agencies. We
all share the goal of saving millions of lives and providing services
that require expertise from across the U.S. Government--whether it's
USAID's experience with supply chain management, CDC's experience with
laboratory programs, DOD's experience with peer-to-peer military
programs, or Peace Corps' experience with community-based initiatives.
All of us bring something different to the table and as a result, we
have made lasting impact. What I've experienced is a model that enables
discussion and debate and a chance to recommend a course of action to
the Coordinator.
Question. The success of PEPFAR largely can be attributed to S/
GAC's commitment to aggressively pursuing prevention and treatment
goals, improving targeting, measuring impact, and holding partners
accountable for outcomes. PEPFAR's Populations Based HIV Impact
Assessments (PHIAs) have served as a particularly useful tool for
identifying gaps and measuring impact on incidence, and will be even
more critical in the context of COVID-19. If confirmed, will you commit
to submitting to Congress the PHIAs planned for FY 2022 through FY
2024, in addition to Country Operating Plans (COPs) and required
Congressional Notifications?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on
these matters.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. Yes.
Question. USAID and CDC have a long history of stretching the
boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds,
including: using PEPFAR funds to finance the construction of schools in
Malawi despite the availability of education funds earmarked by
appropriators annually for this purpose; using PEPFAR funds statutorily
set aside to support children who have been made vulnerable by HIV/AIDS
for activities with no discernable connection to HIV/AIDS; and by using
PEFPAR funds to support salaries for implementing agency staff who are
only nominally focused on combatting HIV/AIDS. If confirmed, will you
commit to ensuring all U.S. Government-supported efforts to combat HIV/
AIDS globally are efficient, effective, aligned, and complementary to
the work of S/GAC?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you work to ensure that implementing agencies and
partners, including USAID and CDC, meaningfully contribute to, but also
strictly adhere to, PEPFAR's Country Operating Plan (COP) process?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In addition to directly enabling the provision of life-
saving treatment for nearly 19 million people and averting 2.8 million
newborn infections, PEPFAR support for public health infrastructure and
personnel has contributed to stronger health systems and reductions in
all-cause mortality in its focus countries. The ``PEPFAR effect'' on
health systems has never been more evident than in the response to the
COVID-19 pandemic. Congress repeatedly has made clear the intent to
transition PEPFAR from an emergency response to enduring country-led
programs.
As we approach the 20-year anniversary of PEPFAR, what comes next?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work collaboratively with countries,
and with my counterparts in the diplomatic corps and development
community, to identify ways we can continue to expand long-term country
responsibility on sustaining HIV impact while also closing gaps that
exist for PEPFAR-supported beneficiaries. In consultation with
Congress, it will also be important explore how PEPFAR's model and
platforms can be further maximized to efficiently and effectively
deliver on preparedness and response to other health threats as COVID-
19 has shown the urgency of doing so. Doing so without compromising the
HIV/AIDS program would require additional resources and legislative
support, including in its reauthorization.
Question. Given the negative impact the COVID-19 pandemic has had
on efforts to combat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria globally,
when, if ever, would be an appropriate transition point for focus
countries?
Answer. PEPFAR has a duty to ensure that the people receiving
prevention and treatment are served high-quality services throughout
any change. Many PEPFAR supported countries are not currently able to
wholly finance the HIV response, in many cases compounded by COVID-19.
Decreases to a country program's funding program must happen with
considerable planning from both PEPFAR and our partners at the local
and multilateral levels. PEPFAR continues to ensure that the program
transitions to local ownership, ever expanding independence of local
actors. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government
responsibility and must work to identify areas where increased
financing and management responsibilities can occur.
Question. In July, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee passed S.
2297, the International Pandemic Preparedness and COVID-19 Response
Act, with overwhelming bipartisan support. Many aspects of this
legislation were built upon the foundation of PEPFAR, including its
authorization for a Special Representative for Global Health Security
at the Department of State. Do you agree with the legislation's basic
premise that U.S. global health security and diplomacy are inextricably
linked, and that enhanced leadership by the Department of State will be
required to advance an effective U.S. global health security and
diplomacy strategy overseas?
Answer. Global health security is inextricably linked to U.S.
foreign policy and national security goals. If confirmed, I commit to
working with you and others to leverage the strengths of PEPFAR and
ensure that the State Department is best positioned to most effectively
address current and future global health challenges. I look forward to
working with the State Department, including the Bureau of Oceans,
International Environmental, and Scientific Affairs (OES), Coordinator
for COVID-19 Response and Health Security (CRHS), and Office of Foreign
Assistance (F) to ensure that the health diplomacy, and global health
security and pandemic preparedness efforts of the State Department are
fully realized.
Question. Do you agree that PEPFAR could serve as an effective
model for enhancing U.S. global health security and pandemic
preparedness more broadly?
Answer. With the bipartisan support of Congress, PEPFAR rapidly
mobilized an unprecedented and impactful response to the global AIDS
epidemic. I believe PEPFAR has been one of the most successful foreign
assistance efforts of its kind because of its focus on results, on
science, the ability to bring the whole of U.S. Government to bear with
strong accountability mechanisms, and the high-level political support
it enjoys from all of you, as well as support across the State
Department and broader interagency. I look forward to leveraging PEPFAR
as one of the U.S. Government's tools to enhance. global health
security and pandemic preparedness broadly.
Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. In 2018, S/GAC established a 70 percent
localization target. There has, however, been confusion about how
``localization'' is defined and measured across the implementing
agencies, and how oversight of local partners should be conducted.
According to a December 13, 2021, report by the USAID Office of the
Inspector General, USAID was not on target to meet the ambitious PEPFAR
goal. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to
establish a formalized definition and plan for ``localization,'' to
include support for partner government investment strategies and direct
funding for both local faith- and community-based organizations?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on
this matter.
Question. In your testimony, you spoke of the need to ``act
collectively to support the capabilities of local leaders and regional
institutions and work in respectful partnership and accountability with
them.'' Do you agree that as the head of PEPFAR, your first
responsibility would be to advance the global health interests of the
United States?
Answer. Yes, PEPFAR's success would not be possible without the
generosity of the American taxpayer and if confirmed, America's global
health interests will be my foremost concern as the head of PEPFAR. We
should continue to think about how PEPFAR can be leveraged to build the
future health system needed to combat new health threats.
Question. Do you agree that ``accountability'' under the PEFPAR
program must include accountability of partners (including partner
governments, regional institutions, and local organizations) to uphold
commitments and deliver measurable results?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you agree that ``accountability'' under the PEFPAR
program must also include accountability of partners (including partner
governments, regional institutions, and local organizations) to the
American taxpayer?
Answer. Yes.
Question. There has been strong focus over the past 14 months on
multilateral institutions to address global health challenges,
including but not limited to the U.S. international response to the
COVID-19 pandemic. Recognizing that multilateral and bilateral programs
work collaboratively, and that each have their own unique strengths and
challenges, what would you consider to be the appropriate balance
between multilateral and U.S. bilateral assistance to combat HIV/AIDS
and to address emerging global health security challenges?
Answer. Our multilateral and bilateral investments are mutually
beneficial in leveraging resources and increasing access to quality
health care services, and represent a balanced approach to maximize
programmatic impact. At a time when our biggest global challenges defy
national boundaries--from pandemics to climate change--the importance
of multilateral organizations is only heightened. The administration
has expressed repeatedly that when we are absent from the table, we
cannot ensure the reforms needed to ensure the full effectiveness of
these institutions. PEPFAR must continue to strengthen its bilateral
relationships with partner countries and leverage the collective
strength of multilaterals in combatting global health challenges.
Question. It is notable that PEPFAR has managed to expand services
despite a flat budget since 2009. It also is notable that the Biden
administration has signaled its intent to increase contributions to the
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (the Global Fund).
It would be difficult to justify this increase, particularly if coupled
with a flat or declining bilateral PEPFAR budget, absent a clear
strategy to shift responsibility for purchasing HIV/AIDS commodities to
the Global Fund. If confirmed, will you commit to improving
coordination and collaboration with the Global Fund in a manner that
shifts greater responsibility to the Fund (or the partner countries
themselves) for testing and treatment commodities, while bilateral
PEPFAR funds are prioritized for creating an enabling environment for
efficient and effective service delivery?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on
these matters.
Question. The American Rescue Plan (ARP) provided the Secretary of
State with $3.75 billion ``to prevent, prepare for, and respond to
coronavirus,'' including through a $3.5 billion contribution to the
Global Fund. Though there was virtually no consultation on the
authorizing language, the authors reportedly intended for this
assistance to be used to leverage existing PEPFAR/Global Fund platforms
and protect against backsliding. If confirmed, will you commit to
ensuring that funds made available through the American Rescue Plan
(ARP) for the international COVID-19 response are carefully aligned
with and complementary to PEPFAR whenever and wherever applicable,
including by ensuring that PEPFAR platforms are effectively leveraged
(rather than duplicated) and that implementing agencies and partners
are held accountable for measurable results?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on
this matter.
Question. Within the Access to COVID-19 Tools (Act) Accelerator,
the Global Fund's COVID-19 Response Mechanism is responsible for the
diagnostics and health systems strengthening pillars. The United States
has committed $3.5 billion to the Global Fund for this purpose. What is
your assessment of the Global Fund's performance to date? What is the
Global Fund getting right, and what would you do differently?
Answer. I understand that the increased financial contributions
from the U.S. have created a stronger and better functioning Global
Fund, enabling more impactful U.S. bilateral programs across the three
diseases and allowing the United States to continue to tackle HIV/AIDS
on a truly global scale. Our multilateral and bilateral investments are
mutually beneficial; they leverage resources and represent a balanced
approach to maximize impact. The USG works closely with the Global Fund
to provide complementary, not duplicative services, and work such as
strengthening the Global Fund's internal oversight systems, program
coordination, and creating efficiencies between Global Fund and U.S.
investments are all routine practices now.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. The Global Fund helped form the consortium of key
multilateral agencies that came together in April 2020 to combine
assets to respond to the COVID-19 emergency and enhance coordination
and collaboration. The $3.5 billion commitment from the United States
made it the largest provider of support to LMICS across the three ACT A
pillars (Diagnostics, Health Systems, and Treatment). They have brought
assets and services to countries in desperate need, leveraging their
sourcing and procurement expertise, and have done it well while staying
in their lane. They have excelled in bringing new products, suppliers,
and manufacturers to the arena with due diligence, safely and quickly
procuring products in a very complex supply chain.
Question. Are you concerned by the Global Fund's aggressive push to
take on broader health systems strengthening, rather than remain
focused on the three diseases it was created to combat?
Answer. I believe that PEPFAR has had to be deliberate to not
dilute its responsibilities to deliver on HIV. The Global Fund has
faced similar pressures for HIV, TB, and malaria. However, COVID-19
must be addressed for each institutions' mandate to get back on track.
PEPFAR has worked with governments and communities to address a
plethora of COVID-19-related health challenges, and to strengthen
primary, secondary, and tertiary service provision platforms. This work
has demonstrated that health system investments by PEPFAR and the
Global Fund, within their current mandates, have contributed to the
broader COVID-19 response effort.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. I believe that the Global Fund's focus on the three
diseases of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria has been on point and
remains critical to finish the job the Global Fund was created to do.
With the negative impacts on these diseases due to COVID-19, a focus on
the countries that are at risk of AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria is
now even more necessary to save lives. While the Global Fund's disease-
focused efforts have strengthened critical health systems capacities,
expanding to broader efforts could dilute its focus. Consequently, the
Global Fund should not expand to countries and areas that are not at
risk of AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria.
Question. Public health experts consistently are learning more
about COVID19, including who is at greatest risk for severe disease and
who should be prioritized for vaccination and treatment. This includes
the 18 million HIV positive individuals receiving antiretroviral
treatment (ART) through PEPFAR. If confirmed, what measures would you
propose to take to ensure 100 percent vaccination coverage for
individuals on PEPFAR-supported ART?
Answer. People living with HIV are at higher risk for severe COVID-
19 and vaccination is recommended by both U.S. CDC and prevention and
WHO guidelines. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all PLHIV on
PEPFAR-supported ART are prioritized for COVID vaccination. PEPFAR has
demonstrated with American Rescue Plan Funds that vaccine uptake among
PLHIV is efficient and effective by reaching PEPFAR beneficiaries
through existing service delivery platforms. Current PEPFAR-supported
infrastructure and health systems (e.g. supply chain management, health
information systems, and human resources) could be leveraged quickly to
support countries in COVID-19 vaccination, planning and administration.
Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public
health research--such as gain-of-function or other life sciences
research that poses dual-use concerns--in cooperation with countries
that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have violated or
failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or where the
United States cannot certify that such country is in compliance with
the Biological Weapons Convention?
Answer. No.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure PEPFAR-supported research
and development grants and contracts are fully vetted and do not flow
to partners, including through sub-awards, engaged in such research,
particularly in countries with lax biosecurity standards?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how would you enhance S/GAC's monitoring
and evaluation of sub-awards related to life sciences research?
Answer. Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) is an essential function
for S/GAC and PEPFAR U.S. Government implementing agencies. To
executive M&E well requires knowledge in project planning, data
collection, making data usable, and using data for decision-making. If
confirmed, I would work to further strengthen S/GAC human resources
with technical skills and tools required to ensure effective monitoring
and to manage evaluations funded through prime and sub-awards related
to life sciences research and implement quality HIV programs.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to ensure compliance
with current policy regarding U.S. foreign assistance
Question. China has used the COVID-19 pandemic to advance its
relations with other countries through vaccine diplomacy. As of May
2021, China has exported more than 250 million vaccine doses (about 42
percent of its total production). Many of these doses were sold, not
donated, and yet Chinese public media messaging around the vaccine
deliveries have laid the groundwork for the Chinese Government to
broaden engagement with key countries. How can we counter misleading
narratives around China's vaccine diplomacy? In your previous role, did
you work to counter such narratives? If so, how?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure that the US
continues to be recognized for its extraordinary leadership in
mitigating covid including the provision of vaccines globally with no
strings attached. At Africa CDC my focus was on expanding vaccine
accessibility and once secured, getting shots into arms by creating
rapid response teams who sought to provide technical assistance to
countries so vaccines would be well utilized.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. The United States must counter the PRC's misleading
narratives everywhere they emerge. In my previous role, I worked to
counter these by publicly acknowledging U.S. efforts and raising the
profile of the U.S. for being the largest contributor of vaccines,
while also privately working diplomatically to dispel misinformation
amongst AU Member States. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to
ensure that the United States continues to be recognized for its
extraordinary leadership in mitigating COVID-19, including through the
provision of safe and effective vaccines globally at no cost and with
no political strings attached.
Question. What can PEPFAR do to better promote the programming and
support the U.S. provides in terms of global health, particularly in
areas where China is expanding its own aid footprint?
Answer. PEPFAR was extraordinarily helpful in Africa when COVID
appeared. I witnessed this firsthand. The investments for HIV and HIV/
TB were in place, and were utilized to offer test, treat, and
vaccination services for COVID. PEPFAR staff across multiple
disciplines at U.S. Embassies across the continent where the technical
collaborators to offer surveillance, infection control and other
innovations to counter the new pandemic. Many of the HIV investments
that PEPFAR has made in lab, surveillance, HRH, supply chain, etc.,
were utilized. We can do more to be responsive--when we provide
vaccines, we must also provide the supplies to get them into arms, as
well as other critical medical products
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. PEPFAR is among the United States' most powerful diplomatic
and programmatic tools and exemplifies its technical prowess, trusted
relationships, and enduring efforts to save lives across the globe. The
PRC's approach has been to hide funding arrangements with countries
when investing in things that are visible--infrastructure projects, for
example. Conversely, PEPFAR should be more outspoken about its
tremendous investment, its very visible impact on HIV for the citizens
of the countries, and the health systems that have been strengthened
through this outcome-focused effort that has also helped respond to
COVID-19 and other health threats.
Question. In March 2021, you said in an interview to Chinese state-
owned Xinhua that you would welcome Chinese vaccines and appreciate
China's health efforts in Africa. Do you still stand by this statement?
What would you consider the successes and failures of Chinese health
engagement with Africa throughout the pandemic?
Answer. In my role as CDC Africa Director, at that time the
countries were not on anyone's radar for vaccines and the appeal was
made everywhere, including to China. Chinese engagement was practical
and responsive to what countries asked for. Actions such as offering
vaccines without transparency on efficacy data were barriers to
overcome.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. As Director of the Africa CDC, an agency of the African
Union, it was my role to confront this threat to the lives of over a
billion people, and I was supporting a global appeal to make safe and
effective, WHO EUL-approved vaccines available to African countries.
The PRC engaged countries on a bilateral basis, which was outside the
scope of the Director's authority, and Africa CDC had no role in
countries' decisions regarding which vaccines to administer to their
populations. If confirmed, I will continue to push for equitable access
to safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines globally with no political
strings attached.
Question. What lessons can the African continent learn about the
risks of engaging with the Chinese on health issues?
Answer. One valuable lesson is to be science-based and look
thoroughly and apolitically at the incentive structure of the
partnership being offered. Valuing full and transparent relationships
is better in the long-term.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. The United States seeks a science-based approach and looks
thoroughly at the incentive structure of any partnership being offered.
We require full and transparent relationships that remain in our
interests and that of our partners. We must vigilantly uphold the
principles of transparency and data accuracy throughout these
engagements. As Director of the Africa CDC, I have ensured that
collaboration with the PRC is guided by Africa CDC's five-year
strategic plan and not determined or influenced by the PRC's offers for
input.
Question. China has shown us, time and time again, that it is not a
reliable partner in global health. At the beginning of the COVID-19
pandemic, it suppressed vital information about the spread of the
virus, impeded global research into the virus, and spread
disinformation about its origins. China also engaged in early-pandemic
stockpiling of key PPE, and later profited off of selling this PPE and
its vaccines. To this day, it refuses to cooperate fully with global
health organizations and spreads disinformation about the nature of the
virus. Do you think there is still an opportunity to work with China on
global health, given its unreliability and lack of transparency? Why or
why not? Please be specific.
Answer. We welcome the PRC's cooperation on issues such as climate
change, global health security, arms control, and nonproliferation-all
issues that threaten the entire world and require everyone to do their
part. The United States is committed to building back better global
health security to mitigate future pandemics and other biological
threats--emphasizing that all nations need increased capacity now.
Countries and institutions must hold themselves accountable, fulfilling
the commitments we've all made and surging resources required to end
this pandemic by vaccinating the world, saving lives now, and building
back better.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. The Department of State has noted transnational issues for
cooperation with the PRC where our interests align, including global
health security. Health diplomacy has been an effective tool of soft
power. Cooperation between the U.S. CDC and China CDC as a public
health goal to prevent, detect, respond to, and contain future health
threats must be weighed with the risks associated with the lack of
reliable data and lack of transparency. Our continuous engagement with
the PRC could place additional pressure on the PRC to improve
transparency.
Question. Under your tenure, the African CDC headquarters building
was contracted to be built by the China Civil Engineering Construction
Corporation, one of the largest Chinese state-owned enterprises for
construction and a key player in China's One Belt, One Road initiative.
This contract was concluded after reports came out in 2018 that the
Chinese state-owned enterprise-built African Union headquarters had
been bugged by the Chinese Government and that the building was wired
to transfer sensitive AU data back to China. What was the impetus for
allowing yet another Chinese state-owned enterprise construct a key
headquarter building after there had been clear evidence that previous
Chinese construction was built with bugs?
Answer. Africa CDC, as an agency of the African Union, identifies
areas of need including infrastructure development. Responsibility on
fulfilling development plans sit within the African Union leadership
processes and protocols.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. The decision to contract PRC-backed enterprises to
construct the Africa CDC's headquarters predated my arrival as the head
of the agency in January 2016. It was an agreement made by the African
Union Commission, and a political decision several levels above me. The
AU established a technical working group to ensure that the
construction was carried out according to international norms and
standards, and it took almost two years from the first meeting in May
2017 to agree on the format of the building, as we held firm on many
key aspects. I pushed back in my limited capacity as a technical person
within the AU system in this note here.
Question. What assurances, if any, did you receive to ensure the
Chinese Government would not construct the African CDC building to spy
on public health programming in Africa and transfer sensitive data back
to China? What steps did you take to very these assurances?
Answer. The African Union seeks transparency within every
partnership development, including infrastructure development. Any
unauthorized actions were a breech on the side of the partner, not
negligence by Africa CDC.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. Africa CDC has requested that all software--including the
building's information and data management systems--be handled by an
independent group, as opposed to the PRC state-owned enterprise, to
ensure that it is under the strict oversight of the African Union. The
African Union seeks transparency within every partnership, including on
infrastructure development, and does not condone spying or unauthorized
data sharing.
Question. During your time with the African CDC, you supported
cooperation with China on setting up Africa's Regional Integrated
Surveillance and Laboratory Network to help coordinate and integrate
healthcare capacity and public health data. What guardrails, if any,
did you put on this cooperation to protect sensitive health data?
Answer. Africa CDC guidance aligns with WHO guidance to all WHO
Member States regarding the protection of the individual rights of
citizens for their health information to not be used without consent.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. None of the three Regional Integrated Surveillance and
Laboratory Networks that Africa CDC is establishing in Central,
Southern, and West Africa has benefited from any PRC support or input--
absolutely none.
Question. Did you have any concerns, or do you have, about the
integration of so many public services under Chinese technical
expertise and infrastructure? How did you address those concerns at the
time?
Answer. AU member states make their own decisions on who they
partner with on technical expertise and infrastructure. The role of
Africa CDC is to provide best practices, encourage collaboration and
enhance communication amongst countries in an effort to build strong
networks to fight ongoing and new health threats.
Revised Response (Received April 2, 2022)
Answer. During my tenure at Africa CDC, there have been three PRC-
associated seconded staff, from 2017 to 2019, with each staying for one
year. By contrast, during the last five years Africa CDC has benefited
from ten U.S. CDC assignees and or seconded staff, with three embedded
full-time. AU member states make their own decisions as to whom they
partner with on technical expertise and infrastructure. Africa CDC's
role is to provide best practices, encourage collaboration, and enhance
communication amongst countries to build strong networks to fight
ongoing and new health threats. I have been very clear on my stance
that we must insist on respectful and action-oriented partnerships that
are fully aligned with Africa CDC's priorities.
Question. Do you commit to ensuring that any data collected by
PEPFAR programs is protected and cannot be accessed by authoritarian
governments?
Answer. Yes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. On January 27, 2020, you wrote an article that called
Beijing's response to the COVID-19 pandemic ``swift and decisive'' and
praised its ``political openness'' as a ``new dawn for global health
security and international health diplomacy.'' This was certainly the
early days of the pandemic, but already by January 27, the Chinese
response to COVID-19 was anything but a ``new dawn.'' A few days before
January 27, on January 23, the PRC instituted a complete lockdown of
Wuhan. The PRC took draconian measures that far exceeded the lockdowns
that we all eventually experienced during the pandemic. They welded
people into their homes to force them to comply with the lockdown, and
to keep them from leaving once the hospitals were full. They harassed
the family members of those who had died of the disease. A blogger who
covered this, Zhang Zhan, still remains in custody for telling the
world about the Chinese Communist Party's repression. What about this
response was a ``new dawn?''
Answer. In my role as CDC Africa Director at that time, we
desperately wanted transparency and openness to understand the origins
of this new global threat. We assumed that China, as a WHO Member State
and a purported supporter of global health security, would behave
responsibly and share all relevant information, data, and samples in a
timely and transparent manner; but unfortunately that was not--and
still is not--the case.
Question. Do you still believe the PRC's response to the COVID-19
crisis is a model other countries should follow now, or for future
pandemics?
Answer. The world still does not definitely know the origins of the
virus and the early spread of COVID-19. The PRC is politicizing this
issue, when it should be a straightforward discussion and analysis of
data among experts. The inquiry into the origins of this pandemic must
be science-based and have access all relevant data, samples, and
information. We owe it to our people and people all around the world to
look thoroughly and apolitically into the origins of COVID-19.
Question. In the same piece, you wrote the following: ``By 10
January 2020, the consortium had sequenced and publicly released
partial sequences obtained from a patient in Wuhan that demonstrated at
least 70 percent similarity in genetic material to severe acute
respiratory syndrome (SARS). Such transparency in sharing sequence
information is critical for the development of diagnostic tests and
potential therapy and vaccines to help control the outbreak, should it
spread widely. The sequences were deposited in GenBank.'' The
``transparency'' you praised was not transparency at all. It was the
result of a brave Chinese scientist, Zhang Yongzhen, releasing the
sequences without Beijing's permission. Zhang's lab at the Shanghai
Public Health Clinical Center sequenced the full genome of SARS-CoV-2
by January 5, and immediately shared the sequence with the National
Health Commission and sought permission to publish. After receiving no
answer for six days, Zhang asked a colleague in Australia to release
the sequence on GenBank on January 11 (local time). A day later, the
authorities closed his lab for ``rectification.'' The NHC did not share
the genome sequence with the WHO until after Zhang published it. We
have a whistleblower to thank for the information that allowed us to
develop our diagnostic tests, vaccines, and treatments, not the PRC
authorities. When you wrote this article, did you know that the
``transparency'' you praised was actually a courageous scientist acting
in defiance of Beijing for the sake of global public health?
Answer. No.
Question. On January 3, the PRC National Health Commission issued a
confidential gag order to prevent Chinese scientists from sharing
information related to the virus with anyone without authorization and
ordered them to destroy samples in their possession. While this
information did not becoming publicly known until April 2020, given the
extent of the initial cover up with SARS in 2003-2004, and many other
instances of PRC authorities covering up, distorting, or
misrepresenting data of various types over the years since then,
shouldn't you have been more skeptical of Beijing's claims early in the
outbreak?
Answer. My position at the time was we would take the information
in good faith in the hopes it would encourage a meaningful partnership
to fight COVID-19. Over time it became apparent that not all the
information was being freely shared.
Question. Thanks to investigative reporting by brave Chinese
journalists, we've known since 2021 that the genome had been sequenced
by commercial companies at least as early as December 27, 2019, and
these companies had provided the results to Wuhan and central
authorities. So the truth is far more complicated than the picture that
you painted in your article, which was based on data curated by
Beijing. Do you regret jumping to conclusions in the absence of
reliable data? In retrospect, how do you account for this misjudgment?
What lessons have you learned?
Answer. At that time, we sincerely thought that maybe the
relationship Africa CDC had fostered with Chinese counterparts would
yield scientific dividends to fight COVID-19 and as a result of our
scientific and technical exchange, there would be the emergence of
information to fight the spread. With hindsight now, it is clear that
we were premature in drawing conclusions that did not stand the test of
time.
Question. Going forward, do you commit to being more circumspect
when making assessments of developing situations, and more skeptical of
data coming out of China?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, will you rigorously question the integrity
and quality of any assistance provided by the Chinese Communist Party
to global AIDS relief?
Answer. Yes.
Question. I understand that you played a leading role in standing
up Africa's CDC. While more coordination in infectious disease control
is certainly needed in Africa, Africa's CDC was built and funded by
China. Similarly, Beijing designed, built, and paid for the African
Union's $200 million headquarters, with Huawei installing its servers.
It turns out that the headquarters was hacked and had its data
transferred to a server in China. This raises concerns that Beijing
will seek to steal data from the Africa CDC in the same way they did
with the AU headquarters. Can you explain your role more in Africa's
CDC?
Answer. As a U.S. Government official, I was seconded from the U.S.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to the Africa Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention as its Director from 2021-2026. The AU
process dictated how Africa CDC would be financed; my role was to
realize a vision I had to build local competency and resilience and
expand partnership between the U.S. CDC, my home of thirty years, and
Africa.
Question. Did you ever push back on China's role in constructing
the facility?
Answer. The decisions were promoted through complicated AU
discussions and negotiations. I had no vote.
Question. Since establishing the President's Emergency Plan for
AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), Congress has stipulated that the program has
overall management and budget authority across agencies, enabling it to
strategically guide U.S. efforts on global HIV and AIDS. In addition,
as a program situated in the State Department, PEPFAR has been able to
incorporate global health leadership with U.S. diplomatic assets,
helping to integrate its work on the ground and strengthening its
relationships with partner governments. Many have credited these
attributes as core to PEPFAR's success. What do you see as
opportunities to utilize the program's diplomatic relationships and its
cross agency authority to address the next phase in the global HIV
response?
Answer. First, all credit to PEPFAR's founding legislation which
equipped the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator with the budget, authority,
and the Department of State's foreign assistance leadership to execute
what I believe is one of the most successful development initiatives
ever launched by a country. That focus, aligned with impressive support
to keep the program committed to its goal has yielded dividends that
can appropriately evolve into an effective multisectoral instrument to
demonstrate how a focused approach to problems can continue to drive
results and make a lasting impact. If confirmed, I will work
collaboratively with all stakeholders to identify ways we can continue
to expand country responsibility on sustaining HIV impact.
Question. If confirmed, will you continue to maintain PEPFAR's
management and budget authority across the interagency?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I commit to working with Congress on
this matter.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. John N. Nkengasong by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. In January 2021, the State Department called for a
transparent and thorough investigation into the origin of the COVID-19
pandemic. Understanding the origin of COVID-19 is essential to advance
global public health, economic recovery, and international security. In
particular, the State Department urged the World Health Organization to
press the Government of China to show transparency and share
information about the initial outbreak and spread of COVID-19. China,
however, has resisted the international community's effort to
understand the outbreak and spread of COVID-19. What is your view of
China's role in the outbreak and spread of COVID-19?
Answer. While fighting the current COVID-19 pandemic must be our
priority, understanding its origins and transparency of data are
critical to prepare for, prevent, and more rapidly respond to the next
pandemic. If confirmed, I will work across the U.S. Government
interagency and with our external partners to ensure that we continue
to support the WHO's ongoing efforts to identify the origins of COVID-
19. Toward this end, WHO has appointed a new expert panel to focus on
better managing outbreaks of unknown origin in the future, and, if
confirmed, I will cooperate with it to the extent appropriate.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. In its own backyard, the People's Republic of China (PRC)
responded to COVID-19 by cracking down on public health officials who
wanted to alert the world on early observations about how the virus was
spreading, which could have saved lives. The lack of transparency and
misinformation by PRC officials, their actions to block flow of helpful
information from their own scientists, and the PRCs refusal to
collaborate with countries when it was crucial to do so led to the
escalation of this pandemic. I agree that the inability of WHO to
compel collaboration by PRC hampered global efforts further. The United
States must counter the PRC's misleading narratives everywhere they
emerge. I worked to counter these by publicly acknowledging U.S.
efforts and raising the profile of the United States for being the
largest contributor of vaccines, while also privately working
diplomatically to dispel misinformation circulating amongst AU Member
States. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the preeminence
of the United States as the credible partner to assist in mitigating
COVID-19, including through the provision of safe and effective
vaccines globally at no cost, and set countries on a course for true
health security.
Question. What mistakes, in your view, did China commit in the
outbreak and spread of COVID-19?
Answer. As the world continues to seek to control the COVID-19
pandemic, we must ensure the lessons we have so painfully learned are
never repeated. If confirmed, I will work with both the U.S. Government
interagency and collaborating partners to strengthen the global health
architecture so that all countries are better prepared to prevent,
detect, and respond to the threats of infectious disease.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. The primary mistake the People's Republic of China (PRC)
made, in my view, was its choice to hide the truth of its earliest
observations of how the COVID-19 virus spread. Once it became clear
that the virus spread asymptomatically, it was crucial that the world
know that fact immediately. The PRC's blocking the WHO from conducting
an independent investigation was another mistake, leading to
perceptions, rather than science driving global decision-making. Also,
as stated above, the PRC's cracking down on public health officials who
wanted to alert the world on early observations about how the virus was
spreading, which could have saved lives, was a serious miscalculation.
Lastly, the spread of misinformation has been concerning. For instance,
despite the May 2020 statement by the PRC leadership that $2 billion
will be allocated to fight COVID-19, no funding has materialized.
Question. From 2016 to 2021, you served as the Director of Africa's
Center for Disease Control and Prevention. China has used public health
assistance to Africa to exert further influence often at the expense of
Africans. Please provide details on your cooperation and collaboration
with the Government of China during the time that you served as the
Director of Africa's Center for Disease Control and Prevention?
Answer. In my role as Director, our goal was to broaden
collaboration. I sought to create as many partnerships and third-party
engagements to support the needs of AU member states. Since the Ebola
outbreak, in seeking a coordinated response, the Africa CDC forged
partnerships with China, with the EU, with the United States and many
others, to collaborate on technical issues that would enhance health
security. When COVID appeared, Africa CDC leveraged WHO to try to bring
China into the on-going dialogue on how best to understand the etiology
of this new disease.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. As Director of the Africa CDC, an agency of the African
Union, it was my role to confront threats to the health of over a
billion people, and I supported a global appeal to make safe and
effective, World Health Organization Emergency Use Listing Procedure
(WHO EUL)-approved vaccines available to African countries. The PRC
engaged countries on a bilateral basis, which was outside the scope of
the Director's authority, and Africa CDC had no role in countries'
decisions regarding which vaccines to administer to their populations.
When the PRC offered vaccines to the African Union Commission (AUC) in
Addis Ababa that had not received WHO EUL-approval, I opposed it very
strongly and advised the AUC to only use vaccines that had received
proper regulatory approvals. If confirmed, I will continue to push for
equitable global access to safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines. When I
arrived in January 2017 as Director, my priority was to develop a 5-
year strategic plan for Africa CDC. I used the plan, which was endorsed
by the Africa CDC governing board, to constrain the ability of the PRC
to discuss public health priorities for Africa only in the context of
the strategic plan. For instance, I stopped programs to send young
African scientists to China for short term training, and instead argued
that such training could be done on the continent of Africa.
Question. When you served as the Director of Africa's Center for
Disease Control and Prevention, what efforts did you take to protect
the data of Africans from exploitation by China?
Answer. Data use and sharing is an important aspect of the COVID-19
response, and AU member states encouraged data transparency, which was
instrumental in mitigating transmission of the virus across the
continent. Relevant data were also available to our technical partners
including China and other countries to inform mitigation and vaccine
efforts.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. Africa CDC has requested that all software--including the
building's information and data management systems--be handled by an
independent group, as opposed to the People's Republic of China (PRC)
state-owned enterprise, to ensure that it is under the strict oversight
of the African Union. Currently, Africa CDC is actively looking for
African organizations that can develop needed software for Africa CDC,
so that the PRC is not doing it for Africa CDC. The African Union seeks
transparency within every partnership, including on infrastructure
development, and does not condone spying or unauthorized data sharing.
Question. If confirmed, what limitations or safeguards will you put
in place for all future interactions with the Government of China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work aggressively to draw on America's
comparative advantages in global health and development and engage
directly with partner countries and civil society to ensure that good
governance, transparency, and accountability are integrated into all
our PEPFAR programming.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. One obvious limitation that should be imposed on the
People's Republic of China (PRC) is unfettered access to data and
information which has been the hallmark of scientific collaborations
before COVID-19. It would be important to not simply embrace the high
cost of PRC inaction, but for the United States to boldly call for
adoption and implementation of new global standards for health
engagement with the PRC based on the painful lessons learned. Any
interaction with the PRC should be handled with the utmost of care. If
confirmed, where PRC influence is taking hold, I would seek for PEPFAR
to be more outspoken to safeguard against PRC-induced corruption, and
to speak more about PEPFAR's tremendous investment over time, it's very
visible impact on HIV for the citizens of the countries, and the health
systems that have helped respond to COVID-19 and other health threats
and stand to further promote health security efforts.
Question. PEPFAR has previously worked best when U.S. taxpayer
dollars were granted to partner countries only in return for concrete
improvements in their processes. In specific, U.S. taxpayer dollars
must operate as an instrument of accountability-not simply as largesse
for foreign governments. A key goal of U.S. foreign assistance should
be to ensure that recipients someday achieve self-reliance. If
confirmed, what are your plans to impose accountability on partners of
PEPFAR program to ensure high performance?
Answer. PEPFAR is recognized as an exemplary steward of American
taxpayer dollars. I believe it has some of the most rigorous data
reporting and monitoring measures in place across all its programs that
tracks to real outcomes. If confirmed, I intend to ensure program and
policy decisions continue to be driven by the most robust, granular
data available so that U.S. taxpayer dollars continue to have the
greatest impact and reach those with the greatest need and at highest
risk--a hallmark of the PEPFAR program. I will work collaboratively
with countries, and with my counterparts in the diplomatic corps and
development community, to identify ways we can continue to expand
country functional and financial responsibility and capacity for self-
reliance.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. PEPFAR is recognized as an exemplary steward of American
taxpayer dollars. I believe it has some of the most rigorous data
reporting and monitoring measures in place across all its programs that
track to real outcomes. If confirmed, I intend to ensure program and
policy decisions continue to be driven by the most robust, granular
data available so that U.S. taxpayer dollars continue to have the
greatest impact and reach those with the greatest need and at highest
risk--a hallmark of the PEPFAR program. I will work collaboratively
with countries, and with my counterparts in the diplomatic corps and
development community, to identify ways we can continue to expand
country functional and financial responsibility and capacity for self-
reliance.
Question. If confirmed, what are you plans to empower recipients of
PEPFAR foreign assistance to eventually achieve self-reliance?
Answer. Because of PEPFAR's support, countries are achieving or
nearing epidemic control of HIV. We must work together with others as
epidemic control is a dynamic state. Many partner governments have
increased their investment in their respective HIV response over time.
However, several cannot, and this has been compounded recently by
COVID-19. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government
responsibility. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote self-
reliance by developing more efficient models of service delivery and
strengthening technical, managerial and financial capacity for partner
governments to maintain key services, systems and resources stewarded
by local institutions.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. Because of PEPFAR's support, countries are achieving or
nearing epidemic control of HIV. We must work together with others as
epidemic control is a dynamic state. Many partner governments have
increased their investment in their respective HIV response over time.
However, several cannot, and this has been compounded recently by
COVID-19. PEPFAR is not a replacement for partner government
responsibility. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote self-
reliance by developing more efficient models of service delivery and
strengthening technical, managerial, and financial capacity for partner
governments to maintain key services, systems and resources stewarded
by local partners and institutions.
Question. During your SFRC nomination hearing on March 15, 2022,
you referenced your desire to continue to strengthen cooperation with
the World Health Organization (WHO) in an effort to curb the current
global pandemic, as well as prevent the next pandemic. The WHO,
however, has come under significant scrutiny as a result of its
inability to conduct a thorough and comprehensive investigation into
the origin of COVID-19 from China. Moreover, China's increasing
influence at the WHO continues to jeopardize the integrity of the
organization. What is your view of the World Health Organization's role
in the outbreak and spread of COVID-19?
Answer. The WHO plays a key role in helping countries to prepare
and respond to a wide range of health issues. During the COVID-19
pandemic, the WHO has ensured that vital supplies reach frontline
health workers with personal protective equipment (PPE), diagnostics,
and other tools. If confirmed, I will work across the U.S. Government
interagency and with our external partners to ensure that we continue
to support reforms and improvements of the WHO, including its ability
to thoroughly and transparently lead studies into outbreaks of unknown
origin. American leadership and American values can help to strengthen
the WHO, ensure availability and accessibility of health services for
all people, and support a recovery from the global disruption of COVID-
19 to enhance preparedness, detection, and response to future pandemics
in order to protect everyone.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. The WHO took an overly supportive posture of the People's
Republic of China (PRC) at the start of the pandemic, which tempered
the more aggressive stance all nations should have taken when
information on the potential of COVID-19 to spread widely was scarce.
Following that misstep, the WHO has ensured that vital supplies reach
frontline health workers with personal protective equipment (PPE),
diagnostics, and other tools. If confirmed, I will work across the U.S.
Government interagency and with our external partners to ensure that we
continue to support reforms and improvements of the WHO. I will support
the U.S. negotiating team that is exploring how to strengthen the WHO's
ability to lead transparent studies into outbreaks of unknown origin
through language in a possible new international agreement. American
leadership and American values can help to strengthen and reform the
WHO, ensure availability and accessibility of health services for all
people, and support a recovery from the global disruption of COVID-19
to enhance preparedness, detection, and response to future pandemics in
order to protect everyone. A reformed and accountable WHO is what is
needed most to ensure that the world does not witness such a
catastrophic pandemic again.
Question. What should the United States do to achieve
accountability and competence from the World Health Organization?
Answer. Much work remains to strengthen and improve the performance
of the WHO and our global pandemic preparedness and response. If
confirmed, I will support the work of our U.S. Government interagency
team to strengthen and reform the WHO, I look forward to working with
you and others in joining the effort to do so.
Revised Response (Received April 26, 2022)
Answer. Much work remains to strengthen, reform and improve the
performance of the WHO and our global pandemic preparedness and
response. The United States wants to strengthen the role of Member
States in WHO governance, specifically in determining the strategic
direction and core functions of WHO. The United States has highlighted
several high-priority reform areas with WHO where we understand there
is Member State consensus to move forward quickly, including WHO
governance, budget and financial transparency and oversight,
accountability, allocation of resources between headquarters, regional
and country offices, human resources management, and compliance, risk
management, and ethics. We must work to match funding to expectations,
ensure the institution moves forward on reforms, and strengthens
capacity to govern disease events in a more transparent manner. If
confirmed, I will support the work of our U.S. Government interagency
team to strengthen the role of Member States and press for reform at
the WHO. I look forward to working with you and others in joining the
effort to press on the reform area of accountability.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. Monde Muyangwa by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Global sovereign debt is at record levels--the highest in
50 years and triple 2008 levels; China is Africa's largest bilateral
creditor, holding more than 20 percent of African debt--and payments to
China account for nearly 30 percent of 2021's debt service. The rise of
commercial creditors is another trend, with nearly half of African
countries' public sector debt owed to the private sector. This shift in
the lender landscape brings with it a set of challenges, particularly
the increasing levels of opaque or hidden debt; collateralization of
strategic reserves and commercial interest rates. This dynamic has a
high social cost with ballooning debt service payments, diverting funds
from vital public services. Of equal concern is the impact opaque debt
has on democratic governance in terms of facilitating corruption,
bolstering authoritarians, and expanding foreign malign influences.
Under your leadership, how will USAID raise awareness of the
challenge of hidden debt and leverage democracy assistance
programs to support parliaments, civil society, governments,
and others to prioritize transparency, oversight, and sound
debt management?
Answer. I understand that USAID supports partner government
institutions to become more transparent, responsive, and effective.
This includes efforts to strengthen justice systems, enhance public
administration and public financial management, and promote
transparency and accountability across the public sector. In addition,
USAID supports civil society, media and government entities to perform
and enhance oversight functions and information sharing. Finally, I
understand that under Prosper Africa, USAID also seeks to increase
investment from U.S. institutional investors, further demonstrating an
alternative to state-backed debt financing of the United States'
strategic competitors. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the
Bureau for Africa to strengthen theseefforts.
Question. When our attention is focused on crises such as the spate
of coups or closing democratic space, we sometimes overlook countries
that are quietly moving in the right direction and merit additional
support and assistance.
What does the U.S. provide to countries as a ``democracy dividend''
when they do show progress or begin transitions?
Answer. I believe that it is important to support countries as they
work to demonstrate to their citizenry that democracy leads to improved
social and economic outcomes. Demand for democracy in Africa remains
high, underscoring the need to encourage open dialogue to identify
opportunities and challenges and help governments to manage
expectations.
Moreover, Africa is home to many of the world's most striking
democratic openings in recent years, for example those in Zambia,
Malawi, and Gambia. It is crucial that we help democratic reformers in
countries like these succeed.
Question. What should we be doing by way of assistance to help
cement transitions?
Answer. It is important for development actors to listen to
government officials and citizens in partner countries to understand
how assistance can be deployed to encourage positive state-society
relations that will support democratic development and consolidation.
There is not a single approach, and responses should be tailored to the
country-specific context. Efforts may include capacity building of
government institutions, delivery of basic services, facilitating
consultative and participatory decision-making, or peacebuilding and
reconciliation activities, among others.
Question. Do you commit to coming back to the committee with your
ideas for a democracy dividend for countries that take important steps
toward democratic transitions, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to consulting with the
committee and sharing my ideas for how USAID can support countries that
are demonstrating democratic progress.
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society across Africa? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will prioritize meeting with civil
society actors in the U.S. and from African countries as a means to
ensuring their voices, which are critical to advancing development
solutions, are heard. Supporting civil society also means working to
promote an enabling environment where organizations and citizens can
operate freely. This may include supporting civil society demands to
reverse draconian laws and calling out repressive measures. If
confirmed, I will also work closely with my counterparts at the
Department of State to encourage diplomatic engagement on rolling back
restrictive measures and advocating against the adoption of new
measures.
Question. Will you and your USAID team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors on the
continent?
Answer. The rapid growth of social media in particular has changed
how the world communicates, and with that comes increasing risks of
misinformation and disinformation. I believe that USAID does have a
role to play in ensuring that partners have the tools to combat
misinformation and disinformation, which may require training service
providers, as well as promoting the role of traditional media and
journalists, to disseminate accurate information.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in across Africa, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face
in Africa?
Question. Yes. LGBTQI+ people throughout Africa face harassment,
physical attacks, and arrest, and are often denied access to basic
education, health, housing, economic opportunities, and other services.
Their participation in democratic processes and government is also
limited. If confirmed, I pledge to implement USAID's comprehensive,
inclusive non-discrimination policies for the beneficiaries of USAID
assistance; ensure programs continue to reach out to the most-
marginalized members of society, including LGBTQI+ populations; and
elevate the importance of practices that ensure the dignity of all
Africans, irrespective of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
Congressional Consultations
Question. How do you intend to revitalize the relationship between
Congress and USAID through the Africa Bureau? What steps will you take
to make sure transparency is a central tenant within USAID's programs?
Answer. I appreciate the support that this committee, and the full
Congress, have given to matters on the African continent over the
years. Your attention to key issues affecting the continent and
continued focus on opportunities for U.S. assistance has been
invaluable. If confirmed, I will take steps to ensure that transparency
is core to all of USAID's programming in Africa, and look forward to
consulting with you on a regular basis on areas of mutual concern.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief me and/or my staff each time you are in Washington for visits or
consultations during your tenure as Assistant Administrator of the
Africa Bureau of USAID?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to briefing the committee and
consulting with the committee throughout my tenure at USAID.
Power Africa
Question. The initial Electrify Africa Act of 2015 embraced all
power generating options available, including fossil fuels. Times are
changing and the availability and effectiveness of renewables have
never been better, in addition to the need for rapid decarbonization.
What direction do you think Power Africa should go to meet both
energy needs and mitigation goals?
Answer. I believe that Power Africa will continue to drive energy
transformation for sub-Saharan Africa under the Electrify Africa Act of
2015 and support the Administration's climate action agenda. It is my
understanding that Power Africa and USAID take a renewable energy first
approach, but will consider support for carbon-intensive power projects
to achieve highly impactful development objectives that cannot be met
by less carbon-intensive alternatives under the Administration's
Interim International Energy Engagement Guidance. If confirmed, I will
work with my colleagues in Power Africa to continue to promote mutual
economic prosperity between the U.S. and African partners via
technical/field expertise, innovation, investment, and enabling
environment reform. With a strong emphasis on renewable energy and
advancing the pledged climate ambitions of both the U.S. Government and
African leaders, the ambitious goals of the program continue to advance
universal energy access--adding 30,000 megawatts and 60 million
connections by 2030, in addition to tracking metric tons of carbon
dioxide equivalent (CO2e), reduced, sequestered, or avoided through
clean energy.
Question. What role should USAID play in addressing slave and child
labor and corruption in supply chains that produce materials essential
to renewable energy development?
Answer. I understand that USAID is working with interagency
counterparts to develop a policy on forced labor that will end
financing for purchases from suppliers that are the subject of a U.S.
Customs and Border Protection Withhold Release Order (WRO), on the
Commerce Entity List, or otherwise sanctioned for their use of forced
labor. In addition, USAID is dedicated to addressing the role of forced
labor in the extraction of critical minerals necessary for renewable
energy technologies and high performing batteries, noting the majority
of supplies come from Africa. This should be done through work with
interagency partners and private industry investors to promote strong
labor rights, protection for private capital, financial transparency,
and other social safeguards as the demand for ``green industry''
minerals rises.
DEI/Workforce
Question. How do you anticipate fostering diversity, equity, and
inclusion within the Africa Bureau's workforce and among its
implementing partners in Washington and overseas?
Answer. First, I would like to commend the Agency for the
designation of a Chief Diversity Officer. If confirmed, I look forward
to engaging with her on diversity and inclusion issues that impact the
Bureau for Africa. If confirmed, I will ensure the Bureau and USAID's
Missions across Africa continue to engage implementing partners to
promote the rights and inclusion of marginalized and underrepresented
populations throughout the development process. I also understand that
USAID is escalating its efforts to enhance staff diversity, equity, and
inclusion, and that the Bureau for Africa has a volunteer employee-led
Diversity, Equity, Inclusion and Accessibility (DEIA) Council, as do
the majority of USAID Missions in Africa. If confirmed, I will elevate
and give my full support to these efforts.
Local Partnerships
Question. What are the key challenges to meeting administrator
Power's charge that 25 percent of all USAID funds shall be programmed
via local partners, and how would you address them?
Answer. The geography and variation in size and political context
of countries across Africa require distinct approaches to advancing
localization. We have seen compelling examples of how effective
development and humanitarian assistance can be when local actors and
communities in African countries lead in addressing local challenges.
Administrator Power's 25 percent target is global in scope, and there
will be significant variation by region. In all instances, it is
essential that USAID elevate local voices, expand rigorous co-design,
strengthen local capacity, and ensure that all activities support
sustained locally led and community responsive development. This
includes taking lessons learned from historical and ongoing
localization efforts, and engaging with regional leaders and USG
stakeholders, like the African Development Fund and the Development
Finance Corporation, to determine what localization looks like for the
African continent. If confirmed, I look forward to working to unleash
the potential of local businesses and institutions in various African
country contexts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. Monde Muyangwa by Senator James E. Risch
Management
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant USAID
strategies, initiatives, programs and funding in Africa?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with the committee
in a bipartisan manner to provide information requested in a timely,
accurate, and complete fashion.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero
tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your
purview?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold a zero tolerance policy
for any waste, fraud and abuse across all of USAID's programming under
my purview.
Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance
policy for all USAID staff and implementing partners under your
management responsibility who engage in the sexual exploitation and
abuse of the vulnerable communities they are meant to serve?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold a zero tolerance policy
for any USAID staff and implementing partners under my management
responsibility who engage in any form of sexual exploitation or abuse
of any kind.
Question. What is your understanding of morale within USAID's
Africa Bureau and how, if necessary, do you intend to improve it?
Answer. It is the responsibility of leadership to be highly attuned
to the state of staff morale, particularly in large and complex
organizations such as USAID. It is my understanding that the impacts of
the COVID pandemic, the increased need to deliver development and
humanitarian assistance across the African continent, as well as the
uptick in political violence in several countries, have had an impact
on the morale of Africa Bureau staff. If confirmed, I will consult with
Africa Bureau staff, both in Washington D.C. and the field, and
representatives from the Office of Human Capital and Talent Management
to gauge the state of morale as well as the resources available to
address staff concerns, and develop a plan of action to address the
issues identified.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across the Africa Bureau's offices, initiatives, and programs while
holding managers and implementing partners accountable for transparency
and results?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to promote joint strategic
planning within the Bureau to overcome stove-piping and unify across
streams. I will empower components to develop contextualized
implementation plans with clearly stated objectives and results that
derive from and support the Africa Bureau joint strategy and its
priorities. I will also work with Bureau leadership to continually
highlight the importance of our unified mission and the factors that
make for a successful ``Team USAID.'' Where necessary, I will
strengthen the Bureau's various mechanisms for accountability and
transparency, including performance reports, site visits, robust
program evaluations, and audits.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as vision-driven and
results-oriented. My goal is to create an inclusive, team-oriented
environment where staff are held accountable for achieving results and
feel empowered and supported by management.
Question. In your view, how would your management style translate
to USAID, where your workforce and implementing partners are composed
of a dizzying array of career foreign and civil servants, political
appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency
Service Agreements, foreign governments, international organizations,
contractors, and grantees, often with competing priorities and
interests?
Answer. I spent 13 years at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies
and eight years at the Wilson Center leading diverse teams composed of
federal employees, foreign nationals, and contracted staff hired under
various employment mechanisms. If confirmed, I will utilize my
experience to address staffing and human resource concerns that may
hinder a cohesive, team-oriented work environment. My transparent and
agile management style will allow me to effectively balance the
Bureau's competing priorities while holding everyone accountable for
achieving the overall Agency and U.S. Government foreign policy
objectives.
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
Question. USAID missions have a long history of stretching the
boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds,
including: using PEPFAR funds to finance the construction of schools in
Malawi despite the availability of education funds earmarked by
appropriators annually for this purpose; using PEPFAR funds statutorily
set aside to support children who have been made vulnerable by HIV/AIDS
for activities with no discernable connection to HIV/AIDS; and by using
PEFPAR funds to support salaries for implementing agency staff who are
only nominally focused on combatting HIV/AIDS.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring all U.S. Government-
supported efforts to combat HIV/AIDS globally are efficient,
effective, aligned, and complementary to the work of the Office
of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring USAID's HIV/AIDS
efforts are efficient, effective, aligned, and complementary to the
work of the Office of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health
Diplomacy (OGAC).
Question. Will you work to ensure that implementing missions and
partners meaningfully contribute to, but also strictly adhere to,
PEPFAR's Country Operating Plan (COP) process?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure continued Africa Bureau
engagement with Missions and partners in the field to ensure meaningful
contributions to, engagement with, and adherence to each country's
annual PEPFAR Country Operating Plan (COP) process. In addition, I will
fully collaborate with Global Health Bureau leadership, who remain
USAID's principal interlocutor with the Office of the U.S. Global AIDS
Coordinator.
Localization
Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. There has, however, been confusion about
how ``localization'' is defined and measured across the implementing
agencies, and how oversight of local partners should be conducted.
What should ``localization'' look like in Africa?
Answer. The geography and variation in size and political context
of countries across Africa require distinct approaches to advancing
localization. We have seen compelling examples of the effectiveness of
development and humanitarian assistance when local actors and
communities in African countries lead in addressing local challenges.
Administrator Power's 25 percent target is global in scope, and there
will be significant variation by region. In all instances, it is
essential that USAID elevate local voices, expand rigorous co-design,
strengthen local capacity, and ensure that all activities support
sustained locally-led and community responsive development. This
includes taking lessons learned from historical and ongoing
localization efforts, engaging with regional leaders and USG
stakeholders, like the African Development Fund and the Development
Finance Corporation, to determine what localization looks like for the
African continent. If confirmed, I look forward to working to unleash
the potential of local businesses and institutions in various African
country contexts.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to
establish a formalized definition and plan for ``localization'', to
include support for partner government investment strategies and direct
funding for both local faith- and community-based organizations?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID colleagues and
with Congress to implement the vision for localization described by
Administrator Power in her November 4, 2021 policy speech at Georgetown
University, including plans for government-to-government assistance,
where appropriate, and direct funding for local faith- and community-
based organizations as critical partners in USAID's localization
efforts.
Question. If confirmed, how would you approach oversight of local
partners by USAID's missions in Africa?
Answer. USAID has significant experience partnering directly with
local actors across Africa, in a variety of contexts. It is my
understanding that USAID awards in Africa and around the globe include
substantial compliance provisions, both required by law and enhanced
through USAID-specific policies to ensure that the Agency is an
effective steward of taxpayer dollars. Similarly, direct awards are
monitored by Agency staff to ensure compliance with award terms and
conditions and to ensure the achievement of the intended results. If
confirmed, I would ensure that USAID staff are appropriately trained
for, and properly implement, these robust award management and
oversight duties.
Humanitarian Assistance
Question. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has released a
memo which, among other things, directs the new OMB Made in America
Office to ``review how best to ensure agency compliance with cargo
preference requirements to maximize the utilization of U.S.-flag
vessels, in excess of any applicable statutory minimum, to the greatest
extent practicable.'' This is likely to increase pressure upon USAID to
exceed existing cargo preference requirements for food aid under the
Food for Peace Act, notwithstanding the fact that the Government
Accountability Office (GAO) repeatedly has found that such requirements
significantly increase the cost of food aid while failing to advance
the purposes of the Cargo Preference Act of 1954.
In your testimony, you delivered impassioned remarks about how
USAID's delivery of U.S. international food aid in Zambia
impacted you personally. Given growing needs across the world,
and particularly in areas beset by conflict and food insecurity
in Africa, do you agree that it is incumbent upon USAID, in
partnership with Congress, to stretch our aid dollars as far as
possible so we can reach more people in need, in less time, and
at less expense?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to
make USAID's programming as effective and efficient as possible in
combating rising food insecurity and building the resilience of
vulnerable communities. Each of the food assistance modalities--U.S.
in-kind food contributions, locally and regionally procured food, and
cash-based programming--complements the others in addressing food
insecurity efficiently and effectively. Now more than ever, it is
critical to maximize USAID's ability to reach more people in need, in
less time, and at less expense.
Question. Do you agree that U.S. cargo preference requirements for
food aid have outlived their statutory purpose?
Answer. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian need,
USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency of
its programs is of utmost importance. Cargo preference requirements
increase the cost of programming U.S. in-kind commodities in
humanitarian programs. If confirmed, I will work closely with USAID's
Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance and interagency partners to ensure
USAID food assistance most efficiently and effectively reaches those
most in need in compliance with all applicable rules and regulations.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to
reform U.S. international food aid programs and bolster the Global Food
Security Strategy in a manner that saves lives, supports early
recovery, stimulates agriculture-led economic growth, and ultimately
promotes self-reliance in Africa?
Answer. Yes. The most marginalized populations are bearing the
brunt of the COVID-19 pandemic's impact. The war in Ukraine is also
driving up global food prices, which could cause increases in food
insecurity and malnutrition. I understand that USAID is leveraging
short-term and long-term programs to respond. This includes engaging
governments on trade and inclusive economic growth policies; engaging
government and private sector partners to increase access to nutritious
food; working with small and medium sized enterprises across food
systems; transitioning households and communities off of assistance;
and supporting governments to create and strengthen their existing
social protection systems. If confirmed, I commit to working with
Congress to combat food insecurity and malnutrition in Africa.
Branding
Question. Given your experience noted above, how important is the
USAID ``brand?''
Answer. The USAID brand is critical. I recognize that branding the
Agency's work is required by law under the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961. While recognizing there are limited exceptions to branding to
maintain partner safety and security, the USAID brand should be front
and center as it drives trust, reputation, and impact. Around the
world, it's important that the people who visit the clinics that USAID
modernizes, or attend the schools that USAID builds, realize that these
facilities have been provided or upgraded with the support of the
American people. This recognition not only makes people aware of the
good work that the Agency does, but it also helps ensure USAID funding
continues, and can help inspire new partnerships. The USAID brand also
helps American taxpayers understand where their tax dollars are going.
If confirmed, I am committed to maintaining the brand equity that USAID
has built over the years.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that United
States foreign assistance in Africa is appropriately branded?
Answer. While recognizing there are limited exceptions to branding
to maintain partner safety and security, I am committed to USAID
branding, and if confirmed, will work to ensure that United States
foreign assistance in Africa is appropriately branded in all instances.
I believe appropriate branding sends a strong public diplomacy message
by conveying that United States assistance is due to the generosity of
the American people.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that the Agency will follow the
law and ensure compliance with all applicable laws and regulations,
including those related to family planning and abortion.
Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?
Answer. It is my understanding that USAID does not fund abortion.
If confirmed, I commit to continuing to comply with the law, including
the Helms and Siljander amendments, in implementing the Agency's
programs, including voluntary family planning and reproductive health
programs.
Power Africa
Question. In the face of growing Chinese influence and investment,
and in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, there arguably has never been
a more important time to advance U.S. strategic programs to reduce
energy poverty, support transformative energy development, and
stimulate economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the President's
FY 2022 budget request proposed to reduce by 26 percent funding for one
of the most important instruments the USG has in its arsenal to
accomplish these goals--Power Africa--while simultaneously imposing
carbon caps and renewable energy mandates that inevitably will push
developing economies in sub-Saharan Africa closer to China.
Should reducing energy poverty in sub-Saharan Africa be a priority
for USAID?
Answer. Yes. Ending energy poverty remains one of the greatest, if
not the greatest, development challenges of our time. Power Africa will
continue to increase access to power and the use of clean energy, as
well as support investments in regional renewable energy programs in
sub-Saharan Africa.
Question. If so, how can that reasonably be accomplished while the
Administration redirects funding for Power Africa to undefined climate
change objectives and abandons the bipartisan, bicameral agreement on
an ``all-of-the-above'' approach under the historic Electrify Africa
Act?
Answer. I believe the Agency's work through Power Africa, which
leverages investments from U.S. and global partners, including the U.S.
International Development Finance Corporation, will be able to achieve
strong and lasting results. In line with the Electrify Africa Act,
Power Africa targets resources to develop and offer the best tools,
services, and solutions from the private and public sector, including
its 12 U.S. Government agency partners, to promote transparent market-
driven energy development in sub-Saharan Africa. Power Africa takes a
country by country, project by project approach when evaluating how
best to end energy poverty and builds the essential regulatory reforms
and procurement practices to support a prosperous and democratic
future.
Prosper Africa
Question. Launched by the Trump administration, Prosper Africa is a
U.S. Government initiative supported by 17 agencies and departments,
led by USAID, to increase two-way trade and investment between the
United States and Africa. In 2019, Africa accounted for just 1.4
percent of U.S. global trade and received 0.7 percent of U.S. foreign
direct investment. Such shares have declined relative to their
historical highs a decade or so ago. One vital area of Prosper Africa
that requires greater emphasis, and where USAID can play a crucial
role, is in improving the enabling environment within African partner
countries to better-attract U.S. business investment. Improvements in
anti-corruption initiatives, human rights, the rule of law, and overall
democratic governance would create better conditions for U.S.
investment. Such enhancements would also counterbalance efforts by
Chinese firms and the Chinese Communist Party to undermine free-market
competition in African markets to their advantage.
What are your views on USAID's role in promoting trade and
investment and building stronger ties between the United States
and the African continent?
Answer. I understand USAID plays a leading role in Prosper Africa.
It does so by developing innovative new programming that drives the
initiative's impact and by hosting the initiative's interagency
Secretariat, which coordinates the initiative across 17 participating
U.S. Government agencies, offers whole-of-government deal facilitation
services, and leads private sector outreach. USAID is well-positioned
to coordinate Prosper Africa due to the Agency's strong technical
expertise in all aspects of trade and investment, extensive field
presence, and flexible programs, which span the continent and allow the
Agency to fill gaps in interagency resources and capacities.
Question. How should U.S.-African trade and investment initiatives
factor into the U.S. global strategy to counter China, particularly in
Africa?
While the U.S. Government cannot match strategic competitors'
state-led approach dollar-for-dollar, Prosper Africa works to unlock
billions in U.S. private capital flows to promote Africa's economic
development, providing governments with high-quality, private
financing. The approach contributes to local job creation, greater
transparency, local economic development, citizen empowerment, climate-
smart solutions, and improved labor and environmental standards. For
example, USAID partners with the U.S. and African financial services
sectors to strategically deploy blended financing resources to develop
cost-effective financing tools that position U.S. and African firms to
better compete with firms receiving subsidized loans.
Question. If confirmed as USAID Assistant Administrator for Africa,
do you intend to advocate for continuing or modifying the existing
Prosper Africa initiative? If so, how?
Answer. Prosper Africa is a critically important initiative, and if
confirmed I will advocate to continue it. It is my understanding that
businesses have told USAID that they find it difficult to access the
U.S. Government's tools and services; they don't have enough
information to do business effectively; and, for U.S. businesses and
investors, their perceived risk of doing business in Africa is very
high. Prosper Africa addresses these constraints by offering a one-stop
shop where companies and investors can access the right U.S. Government
services to meet their needs; and the initiative brings new resources
to modernize the U.S. Government's toolkit to more effectively advance
deals, improve enabling environments, promote market opportunities, and
deepen financial and capital markets.
Question. How can the U.S. Government, through USAID programs, most
effectively support efforts to improve the enabling environment for
competitive foreign investment by U.S. firms in Africa? What types of
partnerships work best?
Answer. Robust enabling environments are critical for investors who
have a difficult time evaluating and taking risk in African markets
that often don't have clear regulations or reliable, consistent data on
investment performance. Through Prosper Africa, USAID and other
participating agencies have ramped up support for the investment
ecosystem that gives investors the tools to evaluate risk in African
markets, including the global and local credit rating agencies, local
and global regulators, and recipient country governments. Holistic
partnerships that include investors and donors working collaboratively
with developing country governments and global regulators are the best
route to comprehensive changes that lead to transparent market capital.
Question. How can the United States best incentivize reforms and
other actions necessary to foster economic opportunity and expand two-
way trade and investment with the African continent?
Answer. I understand that through Prosper Africa, USAID coordinates
across the U.S. Government to identify and advance priority reforms.
USAID's support for customs reforms and trade facilitation (e.g.,
implementation of the World Trade Organization Trade Facilitation
Agreement and the African Continental Free Trade Area) also helps
countries establish the laws, policies, and practices necessary to
facilitate international trade and commerce, and minimize clearance
times and costs. This includes reducing barriers to trade and
increasing the transparency and predictability of border procedures.
This creates regional economies of scale that allow countries to become
more integrated into international value chains, thereby promoting
inclusive economic growth.
Regional
Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under
threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral
processes to remain in power while stifling dissent and limiting
opposition parties and candidates' activities. Since 2020, several
African ruling parties and incumbent leaders deployed authoritarian
tactics that manipulated democratic processes and constitutional
frameworks, including in Cameroon, Ethiopia, CAR, Tanzania, Uganda, and
Zimbabwe. More recently, the African continent has seen a spate of
coups in Mali, Guinea, Sudan, Burkina Faso and Chad. Meanwhile, across
multiple administrations, U.S. democracy and governance programs are
chronically underfunded and notoriously slow to respond to emerging
opportunities.
If confirmed, how will you prioritize reinforcing democratic
institutions and norms in Africa through USAID programs while
balancing competing priorities in the areas of economic growth,
stabilization, global health, humanitarian assistance, and
human rights?
Answer. Democracy and robust democratic institutions are necessary
for the success of other development efforts. It is a collective effort
to improve democratic outcomes while promoting economic growth and
human rights, and contributing to stabilization, global health, and
humanitarian efforts. I understand that USAID programming often works
across these subject matters, integrating the building and
reinforcement of democratic norms, processes, and principles into
programs that support health services and other development activities.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these linkages continue and
are deepened and that democracy issues receive the attention they
deserve as an essential element of USAID's programming in Africa.
Question. In 2018 and 2019 respectively, Ethiopia and Sudan
embarked upon unexpected democratic transitions, both of which have
experienced catastrophic setbacks and continue to face very uncertain
futures. While the United States was, and continues to be, eager to
support these transitions, rapidly mobilizing, programming, and now
redirecting the necessary resources (enabling policies, funding, and
staff) has been a challenge. If confirmed, how would you prepare
USAID's Africa Bureau to better respond to rapid democratic changes and
seize unexpected opportunities, while also being able to rapidly shift
gears if conditions of the ground warrant a change?
Answer. It is critical that USAID has the appropriate tools in its
toolbox to respond to evolving dynamics, including new efforts in
Africa to undermine democratic gains. It is my understanding that USAID
has a range of tools, resources, and programming approaches that are
utilized in rapidly changing political and crisis contexts. If
confirmed, I will seek to learn more about them, how and when they are
deployed, and to enhance their use in sub-Saharan Africa to provide
more timely and effective responses. I will ensure that the Africa
Bureau continues close partnership and coordination with the Bureau for
Development, Democracy, and Innovation (DDI), the Bureau for Conflict
Prevention and Stabilization (CPS), and other bureaus, to provide the
most effective assistance in rapidly changing contexts.
Question. What is your assessment of the efficacy of EWER systems
as an effective conflict prevention tool in Africa?
Answer. I believe that EWER (Early Warning and Early Response)
systems are an important tool that can bolster national, regional, and
local efforts to help identify potential hotspots and respond to
deteriorating situations. In Africa, regional organizations and other
local entities use EWER systems to better equip decision-makers to take
preventive action and address cross-border threats, violence risks, and
humanitarian disasters.
Question. There are long-standing concerns about the fungibility of
U.S. foreign assistance for African countries ruled by authoritarian
regimes (e.g., Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, etc.), particularly for health
and food security programs, which account for the overwhelming majority
of U.S. assistance on the continent. While this aid advances U.S.
humanitarian interests, it can also offset essential budget lines,
displace national investment, and enable authoritarian regimes to
prioritize military spending, pilfer state resources, and support
corrupt patronage networks.
Do you think it is time for the United States to undertake a
comprehensive re-evaluation of the policies, forms, and methods
of delivering U.S. foreign assistance in Africa?
Answer. USAID works in very complex environments, and I understand
that the Agency's investments in Africa, particularly in health and
food security, are structured to be sensitive to local contexts. When
providing assistance in the region, USAID works with both U.N.
organizations and international and local non-governmental
organizations to ensure that support and services go to those most in
need. USAID also utilizes a variety of tools to monitor the delivery of
assistance to ensure compliance with all applicable laws and
regulations.
Question. What should U.S. foreign assistance policy be towards
countries ruled by authoritarian regimes? How can we most effectively
deliver aid such that it reaches the intended beneficiaries without
enabling the preservation of repressive regimes?
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance in countries with authoritarian
regimes should work to improve the lives of individuals, through
health, WASH, humanitarian, and other efforts while working to empower
and protect citizen voices to demand greater rights and democracy. This
is best accomplished through civil society support, often beginning
with capacity building efforts in service provision, while improving
the ability of local civil society organizations (CSO) to advocate for
citizenry. Work with these groups can also be nimble and quick to react
to democratic openings, allowing CSOs to pivot to democratization
efforts, building on the trust that already exists between them and the
communities they represent. USAID assistance should continue to take
its cues from local partners to ensure it is as effective as possible
while managing risk appropriately.
Question. While programs like the Young African Leaders Initiative
(YALI) and the initiative's Mandela Washington Fellowship are vital,
what can USAID do to expand its reach and effectively engage with
Africa's enormous youth population?
Answer. I understand that USAID Missions in Africa engage youth not
only through the YALI initiative, but in the co-creation, design and
implementation of various sector activities, from civic engagement to
preventing climate change, to improving access to healthcare, and
increasing skills that can be applied to work, problem-solving, and
well-being. Evidence shows that youth-integrated development
contributes to greater economic growth, democracy, and stability.
Through continued USAID engagement with youth as partners to initiate,
lead, and actively participate in activities, African youth will gain
improved skills for making positive changes in their lives, gain assets
to provide for themselves and their family, and contribute value to
their local community. I also see opportunities as USAID Missions in
Africa increase requirements for implementers of youth programs to
build the capacity of and engage with youth-led organizations as sub-
grantees.
Question. Beyond student exchanges, how can the United States best
position itself to partner with African nations to engage their young
people and build long-term partnerships with Africa's next generation
of decision-makers, business partners, and allies?
Answer. I understand that many recent Country Development
Cooperation Strategies (CDCS) in Africa support an intentional focus on
youth. This strategic direction is the foundation for increasing youth
programming that prepares youth for success in civic, political, and
social engagements. More broadly, USAID's African Missions are building
on experiences working with young people and local communities to
create thoughtful and deliberate program designs that ensure the
inclusion of youth as leaders and to be directly involved in
opportunities that can open the window for a demographic and democratic
dividend and catapult long-lasting sustainable economic growth and
human development.
Cameroon
Question. The Anglophone conflict in Cameroon is one of the world's
most neglected yet intensely brutal conflicts. The United States has
employed many diplomatic tools at its disposal, including the
suspension of most security assistance and AGOA eligibility, yet the
war continues.
Simultaneously, USAID's programming is limited in Cameroon on all
fronts, with humanitarian aid focused on the complex emergency in the
Lake Chad Basin (affecting Cameroon's Far North) and humanitarian
impacts of conflict in the Northwest and Southwest. There is a notable
shortage in conflict, democracy, and human rights programming to
address both the Anglophone Crisis and the significant challenges to
democratic reform at the national and local levels.
What tools does the United States have at its disposal through
USAID to encourage a peaceful and enduring resolution to the
Anglophone conflict in Cameroon and support democracy and human
rights nationwide? If confirmed, what tools do you intend to
deploy?
Answer. USAID supports diplomatic efforts deployed by the
Department of State and other international actors to reach a peaceful
resolution between the Government of Cameroon and Anglophone
separatists in the northwest and southwest regions of the country.
USAID is addressing immediate humanitarian needs in this region through
assistance focused on emergency food, health, and other lifesaving
support to vulnerable populations, such as internally displaced
persons. I understand USAID issued a new democracy and governance
activity to strengthen civil society capacity and empower women's role
and agency in the Far North Region.
If confirmed, I will work with my team to explore additional
opportunities to advance democracy, human rights, and governance, with
thoughtful analysis to ascertain when there is opening space and an
enabling environment to deploy more activities in this sector.
Question. How can USAID assistance support other international
efforts to bring about peace and greater stability to Cameroon?
Answer. I know from my prior experience that Cameroon is
strategically placed in a geographic neighborhood rife with conflict
and population displacement, due to an evolving insurgency and internal
governance and cohesion shortfalls. As I understand it, donors are
supporting Cameroon via interventions to respond to and mitigate the
impacts of the various crises exacerbated by the instability in the
Lake Chad Region in the North, the Central African Republic (CAR)
refugee situation in the East, and Cameroon's internal civil conflicts
in the Northwest and Southwest. I am aware that besides the USG,
Cameroon is obtaining support from the European Union, Agence France
Development, the World Bank, and the United Nations. I know that USAID
humanitarian resources complement efforts by other USG agencies and
other donors working towards durable solutions that strengthen
community resilience, bolster the role of women and youth, and enhance
the capacity of civil society organizations.
If confirmed, I will work to synergize and enhance the impact of
assistance interventions to support peace and stability, in close
coordination with the USG, international donors, host country partners,
and civil society.
Democratic Republic of The Congo
Question. Following controversial 2018 elections in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC), the United States publicly and adamantly
backed President Tshisekedi. It supported efforts to reform and
challenge the status quo established by former President Kabila. While
in 2018 USAID invested in programs in DRC to support the electoral
process (on a relatively limited basis), including with civil society,
media, political parties, domestic and international observers, and the
election commission, the hesitancy by the U.S. and our European
partners to invest fully in the 2018 elections was understandable.
However, given the U.S.' staunch support of President Tshisekedi and
the Privileged Partnership for Peace and Prosperity (#PP4PP), it will
be even more critical that DRC's next elections are credible.
In your view, has USAID sufficiently invested in the 2023 electoral
process in DRC?
Answer. I understand that USAID is investing $12.65 million in DRC,
subject to the availability of funds, to strengthen transparency and
electoral administration, improve civic education, empower communities
to participate in elections, and support marginalized communities to
understand and access political processes. USAID is also supporting
civil society and media to raise awareness and counter misinformation
about electoral and political processes. In addition, USAID plans to
fund international and domestic observation and conduct public opinion
polling to enable greater understanding of the priorities of the
broader public, and to inform politicians of their popularity, ahead of
the elections. This work will be essential in supporting a credible
election process in 2023.
Question. In your view, how can USAID best support democratic
reforms in the DRC, including by enhancing prospects for free, fair,
and transparent elections in 2023?
Answer. USAID supports democratic reforms by promoting peace and
stability in eastern DRC, increasing transparency throughout the
country, and working to ensure that elections are free, fair, and
credible. It is my understanding that in an effort to strengthen the
foundation for durable peace, USAID is mobilizing communities in
eastern DRC to prevent and resolve conflicts; improving accountability
and effectiveness of service delivery by government institutions;
promoting economic growth and inclusion; and reducing drivers of
conflict and support for armed groups. At the same time, USAID is
strengthening anti-corruption throughout its programming and working
with civil society to oversee budgets and expenditures.
Question. In your view, what is the role of USAID in the Privileged
Partnership for Peace and Prosperity (#PP4PP)?
Answer. The PP4PP+Protection of the Environment is a platform under
which all USG activities operate. For USAID, the focus is to bring an
end to the decades-long conflict in eastern DRC, help set the DRC on
the path to sustainable and equitable economic and social development,
improve the effectiveness, accountability and responsiveness of
governance at all levels, and encourage and sustain the DRC
Government's decision to make the U.S. its partner of choice in trade;
and in foreign policy where there are shared interests. It also
provides a platform to put management and utilization of the rich
natural resource base of the DRC on a permanent path to sustainability.
Question. How can USAID better support anti-corruption reforms in
DRC?
Answer. I understand that USAID is leveraging the Government of
DRC's (GDRC) commitments to anti-corruption and rule of law, which are
embedded throughout USAID's programs. After a nine-year pause, due to
President Kabila's control of the judiciary, USAID is re-engaging with
a $15 million investment to improve the Administration of justice and
tackle corruption. USAID is also leveraging the GDRC's public financial
management strategy, where the International Monetary Fund and World
Bank conditionalities incentivize the GDRC's reform, including
strengthening safeguards against corruption. If confirmed, I will work
with my USAID colleagues to continue to work with sub-national
governments to reduce opportunities for corruption by tracing and
managing revenues, including those from the extractive industries, and
ensure community and civil society participation in planning and
oversight of those resources.
Kenya
Question. Kenya will have elections in 2022. In your opinion, is
planned USAID support to Kenya's electoral process adequate?
Answer. As a longtime partner of Kenya and its people, I understand
that the United States is implementing a robust strategy to support
local stakeholders as they work to improve Kenya's electoral processes.
USAID plays a key role in these efforts. Its activities include support
to strengthening the institutional capacity of electoral institutions,
advocacy around electoral reforms, election violence early warning and
prevention, voter education, increasing the participation of women and
youth in electoral processes, and local and international elections
observers. If confirmed, I am committed to working with my State
Department counterparts to support Kenya's efforts to conduct free and
fair elections that are credible, peaceful, and reflect the will of the
Kenyan people.
Somalia
Question. The United States has emphasized the need for one-person-
one-vote direct elections in Somalia and has provided support through
USAID and other channels toward that end. However, after significant
delay, high tensions, and political games, the country is pursuing an
indirect selection process for members of parliament and the office of
the president instead of a direct election.
Do you believe the United States, and subsequently USAID democracy
and governance programming in Somalia, held overly ambitious
expectations for Somalia's electoral processes since the
selection process of 2016/2017, given the circumstances on the
ground?
Answer. My understanding is that following the 2016/17 indirect
selection process, the Somali Government and international community
jointly set a goal for holding universal suffrage, one-person, one-vote
elections in 2020. This goal was ambitious given, for example, the fact
that certain areas of the country remain inaccessible for the purpose
of conducting elections. Nevertheless, following two successive,
peaceful transfers of power, it was reasonable to expect a more
democratic and inclusive electoral process in 2020.
Question. What is your view of prospects for democratic direct
elections in Somalia in the future, particularly given Somalia's
persistent security and governance challenges?
Answer. Progress toward universal suffrage, one-person, one-vote
elections remains the best path for Somalia to move beyond the current
system. Despite the disappointment of the 2020 electoral process, the
success of recent pilot direct local elections in three districts in
Puntland offer hope that such progress is possible, particularly at the
sub-national level. I understand that USAID intends to collaborate with
key Somali stakeholders and other donors to build on the recent success
in Puntland. That engagement will seek to establish a critical mass of
examples of inclusive governance at the sub-national level to
demonstrate what democratic governance can deliver, and thereby build a
growing constituency for eventual democratic, direct elections at the
national level. These efforts will be complemented by support for a
national dialogue mechanism to constructively debate and eventually
agree upon the precise nature of Somalia's federal model, including
power- and resource-sharing.
Question. How will the failure of Somalia's election process impact
the direction of USAID development assistance to Somalia under your
leadership of the Africa Bureau?
Answer. The 2020 elections exposed the fragility of Somalia's
negotiated political settlement. I understand that USAID intends to
capitalize on the success of recent pilot direct local elections in
three districts in Puntland to build a growing constituency for
democratic processes in Somalia. This will be critical to demonstrate
the worth and viability of democratic elections to the people of
Somalia. I am also aware that USAID investments in Somalia focus on two
critical priorities: (1) addressing the structural conditions that
allow violent extremist organizations such as al-Shabaab to maintain a
foothold in Somali society; and (2) reducing chronic humanitarian need.
These priorities are highly relevant to the advancement of U.S.
interests in Somalia.
Question. As Assistant Administrator for Africa, if confirmed, how
will you approach tailoring development assistance to the dramatic
variations in capacity across Somalia's regions and federal member
states, to include Somaliland?
Answer. I understand that USAID investments in Somalia focus on two
critical priorities: (1) addressing the structural conditions that
allow violent extremist organizations such as al-Shabaab to maintain a
foothold in Somali society; and (2) reducing chronic humanitarian need,
which compromises the wellbeing and stability of the Somali people and
costs the U.S. taxpayer about $450 million annually. USAID engages with
all regional administrations within the parameters of the U.S.
Government's single Somalia policy. Progress should be encouraged, and
if confirmed, I will work to ensure USAID remains strongly committed to
finding practical ways of leveraging multilateral investments,
particularly World Bank resources, to benefit all Somalis, including
those in Somaliland.
South Sudan
Question. South Sudan has been a U.S. priority issue for decades.
Throughout this troubled history, the United States has provided strong
support for the peace process in an attempt to resolve Sudan and then-
Southern Sudan's decades-long civil war, preparations for South Sudan's
separation and independence from Sudan, and the provision of extensive
U.S. humanitarian and development assistance (upwards of $1 billion per
year)--including the years since the outbreak of South Sudan's civil
war in 2013.
What is your assessment of U.S. assistance provided to South Sudan
since 2005/2011?
Answer. I understand that the United States, through USAID, has
been the largest donor of foreign assistance to the South Sudanese
people for decades, including during Sudan's north-south civil war,
implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the process
that led to South Sudan's independence, and the civil war that erupted
in South Sudan in 2013. Since South Sudan's independence in 2011, the
United States has provided over $7 billion in humanitarian and
development assistance to support the people of South Sudan. U.S.
assistance has been essential to saving lives, recovering livelihoods,
providing protection to civilians and basic education and health
services, building resilience to shocks, and supporting democracy,
human rights, and governance through civil society and independent
media.
Question. Has U.S. assistance contributed to or hindered the
achievement of U.S. policy goals for South Sudan?
Answer. U.S. assistance contributes to the objectives outlined in
the Integrated Country Strategy for South Sudan, including support for
the peace process, delivery of humanitarian assistance to meet the
needs of communities in crisis and save lives, and sustainable economic
and social development to increase resilience to climate- and conflict-
driven shocks.
Question. What is your perspective on the U.S. assistance review,
announced in 2018, for South Sudan?
Answer. I understand that the goal of the South Sudan assistance
review announced in 2018 was to ensure that U.S. foreign assistance
does not contribute to or prolong the conflict, nor facilitate
predatory or corrupt behavior. These concepts are critical. As part of
that, USAID, along with others in the interagency, participated in the
collection and analysis of information that was handed over to the
interagency for review. If confirmed, I commit to deepening my
understanding of the review and its results.
Question. If confirmed, how would you support action on the
findings of the assistance review?
Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the interagency on
how best to proceed following the assistance review. I share Congress'
concerns about the ongoing conflict and corruption in South Sudan, and
will work to ensure transparency and oversight of USAID funding and
activities.
Question. If confirmed, as USAID Assistant Administrator for
Africa, how will you engage with the State Department and other members
of the interagency to review the U.S. approach to South Sudan, taking
into consideration the extensive humanitarian and development
assistance provided over the last two decades?
Answer. I understand there is a long history of positive
collaboration between USAID and the interagency on U.S. assistance and
the U.S. policy approach to South Sudan. If confirmed, I will
collaborate with the State Department and interagency colleagues on
assistance and policy priorities, including encouraging the Government
of South Sudan to create an enabling environment for safe delivery of
humanitarian assistance to people in need.
Question. Is a change in humanitarian assistance--to address
emergency needs in response to shocks and to address long-term
humanitarian challenges--needed for South Sudan?
Answer. I understand that humanitarian need in South Sudan is at
its highest level since independence due to ongoing conflict,
displacement, and flooding. USAID humanitarian assistance targets the
most vulnerable populations, which includes children and pregnant women
at risk of malnutrition, internally displaced persons, and returnees.
USAID and partners continuously review the effectiveness of its
humanitarian operations in South Sudan to ensure the life-saving
assistance we provide is reaching the most vulnerable in a principled,
conflict-sensitive way. USAID's current strategy seeks to layer
humanitarian and development assistance in the highest need pockets of
the country. This strategy reflects efforts to increase household and
community resilience to shocks and improve social cohesion, with the
goal of reducing humanitarian needs.
Sudan
Question. The ouster of longtime President Omar al-Bashir in April
2019 and the installation of a power-sharing government between the
Transitional Military Council and the civilian Forces for Freedom and
Change served as a historic moment not just for the Sudanese people but
also the U.S.-Sudan bilateral relationship. At the end of 2020, the
United States reached a bilateral agreement with Sudan due to
negotiations over lifting Sudan's State Sponsor of Terror Designation
and for Sudan's participation in the Abraham Accords. As part of the
bilateral agreement, $700 million in foreign assistance was committed
to South Sudan in the 2020 omnibus spending bill. The coup on October
25, 2021 however, halted the vast majority of U.S. assistance to
Sudan's transition, and discussions about a change in approach remain
underway.
How should the United States prioritize its assistance to Sudan,
including the $700 million in aid noted above?
Answer. USAID, as a key implementing agency of this U.S. Government
funding, should prioritize its assistance to Sudan, including from the
$700 million assistance package, to focus on programming that will help
ensure a return to the democratic transition as the Sudanese people
have so strongly called for through ongoing, large-scale protests
following the military takeover in October. Specifically, assistance
should be prioritized in three key areas: 1) strengthening civilian
political leadership; 2) protecting human rights, including freedom of
expression and assembly; and 3) supporting the Sudanese people's demand
for an end to their military's longstanding domination of politics and
the economy. Additionally, if the political transition moves forward
and the security context improves, investment in the agricultural
sector would set the stage for greater economic expansion and
connectivity to markets in urban centers, further improving food
security and job creation throughout the country. It is my
understanding that conversations are ongoing within the Administration
on the prioritization of the $700 million in aid noted above. If
confirmed, I commit to consulting with Congress on prioritization of
assistance in Africa, including in Sudan.
Question. Will you ensure that a sufficient amount of this
assistance will support U.S. democracy and governance strengthening
initiatives in Sudan, without providing direct assistance to the
current regime in Khartoum or any other government in Khartoum that is
not legitimately civilian-led?
Answer. Yes. While a democratic transition will not be linear and
success remains uncertain, the U.S. Government must be positioned to
adjust the tools at its disposal. Initiatives that strengthen democracy
and governance in Sudan are of utmost importance to ensuring that a
democratic transition can occur, and I understand this is a key aspect
of USAID strategy and programming. Since October 2021, I understand
that USAID has worked closely with implementing partners to pivot
democracy programming toward non-governmental actors, including an even
greater focus on civil society, the media, and others who support
democratic governance in Sudan. If I am confirmed, I commit to doing
everything in my power to ensure that U.S. assistance does not benefit
the current government or any other illegitimate government that is
formed without the consent of the Sudanese people.
Zimbabwe
Question. While there was hope that the end of Mugabe's 37-year
reign as president of Zimbabwe would usher in democratic and economic
reforms, the four years of leadership under President Mnangagwa have
demonstrated a continuation, if not worsening, of human rights abuses,
financial mismanagement, and kleptocratic behavior of the ZANU-PF
regime.
From your perspective, what tools does the United States have at
its disposal that are underutilized to encourage democratic and
economic reforms in Zimbabwe?
Answer. It is my understanding that within the last year, the
interagency established a working group to examine this exact question.
The State Department is bringing new analytical and diplomatic tools to
the collective USG effort on Zimbabwe. USAID has identified public
interest litigation, specifically on electoral law procedure, as
another way the Agency can push for reform. The Zimbabwe Mission has
begun implementation of these activities and sees potential for
expansion. If confirmed, I commit to monitoring this issue.
Question. An area of considerable debate has been the value of
reincorporating political party programming into the portfolio of U.S.
democracy assistance to Zimbabwe. Do you commit to reviewing USAID's
posture on political party support in Zimbabwe?
Answer. Yes, and I am aware that this has been an ongoing
discussion between USAID and the State Department. If confirmed, I
commit to USAID's continued review and exploration of this option,
recognizing its potential risks and benefits.
Question. If confirmed, would you support the investment of
resources into enhancing investigative journalism and research to
better understand Zimbabwe's corruption and kleptocratic networks?
Answer. Yes. I understand that USAID awarded a new program focused
on enhancing investigative journalism in Zimbabwe in September 2021. It
will increase the capacity of the media to hold powerful state and non-
state actors accountable for their acts and omissions. The program also
aims to strengthen citizen participation in public life and spur demand
for accountability by improving citizens' access to timely and reliable
information. Further, it is my understanding that USAID is in the
process of designing a new anti-corruption activity that will have a
focus on enhanced investigative journalism of corruption.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Rebecca Eliza Conzales by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Do you believe that we should rebalance certain
countries' diplomatic presence in our country in the name of
reciprocity, given their actions against our diplomats in theirs?
Answer. If confirmed, I will review certain countries' diplomatic
presence in the United States and compare it to the U.S. presence
overseas. Depending on the results of the analysis, I would then work
with all stakeholders, as applicable, to explore any possibilities of
leveraging reciprocity to rebalance the diplomatic presence if such
rebalancing would be in the interest of the United States.
Question. In your view, where should diplomatic immunity end? What
crimes committed by foreign diplomats in the U.S. ``cross the line''
and should merit prosecution?
Answer. Persons enjoying immunity from the jurisdiction of the host
country's laws nonetheless have a duty to respect those laws, which is
something I respected in my career as a foreign service officer serving
overseas. Immunity is not a license for misconduct. If confirmed, you
have my commitment that I will ensure that the Department of State's
Office of Foreign Missions' responsibilities under the Foreign Mission
Act are met, including protecting the U.S. public from abuses of
privileges and immunities by members of the foreign missions in the
United States.
Question. Is it acceptable for foreign diplomats to facilitate the
departure from the U.S. of their citizens who have been charged with
serious crimes, before they go through the American justice system?
Answer. From my perspective, individuals should be held accountable
for actions that they take, consistent with any applicable immunity
under international law. It is my understanding that the Office of
Foreign Missions (OFM) works closely with other Department offices and
law enforcement to ensure appropriate consequences under international
law for anyone who enjoys immunity in the U.S. and is alleged to have
committed a crime. It is my understanding that OFM pursues appropriate
action to protect the U.S. from potential abuses of immunity by members
of foreign missions in the United States. If confirmed, you have my
commitment to continue to do so.
Question. If you are confirmed for this position and if a similar
situation as described above occurs during your tenure, what actions
will you take?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that protecting the U.S. public
from potential abuses of diplomatic immunity and privileges remains one
of OFM's highest priorities and in doing so, I will consider the range
of tools under the Foreign Missions Act.
Question. Do you believe that there are any institutions in the
United States that have not been designated as ``foreign missions'' but
should be?
Answer. The Foreign Missions Act establishes a broad framework for
considering whether particular actions are in the best interests of the
United States, including but not limited to considerations of
reciprocity, national security, and international legal obligations. If
confirmed, I will collaborate with my team in the Office of Foreign
Mission, the Department, and any applicable interagency partners to
review the possible designation of other entities as needed.
Question. Likewise, do you believe that there are any institutions
in the U.S. that have been wrongfully designated as ``foreign
missions?''
Answer. If I am confirmed, I intend to review the existing
designations in consultation with my team and, if warranted, I will
take any appropriate steps to update any designations as needed.
Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have had the opportunity over my thirty-six-year career
to observe various management styles. My management style is based on
these observations, my experience, and the situation at hand. Every
individual has unique talents and experiences and has something
valuable to contribute. I embrace diversity, inclusion, and
collaboration. I also recognize that there are times that I must make
immediate decisions due to life, safety, or other compelling reasons. I
strive to be a decisive, kind, and courageous manager. My interactions
are based on courtesy and respect. I began my State Department career
as a GS-3 Secretarial Assistant, became an ambassador, and am now being
nominated as the Director of the Office of Foreign Missions. I could
have not accomplished this without the support of my subordinates,
mentors, and supervisors. If confirmed, I will use my experiences and
achievements over the last thirty-six years to unify and empower the
team. I want the team to thrive, learn and grow. I look forward to
learning and working with the Office of Foreign Missions staff as they
continue their outstanding work.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to the Office of Foreign Missions?
Answer. The Office of Foreign Missions is comprised of staff with
diverse backgrounds and a wealth of experience. Staffing currently
includes Civil Service Officers, Foreign Service Officers, and
contractors. If confirmed, I will use my collaborative management style
and experience to empower and draw on each employee's expertise and
talent to contribute to the overall mission of the Office and the State
Department. I will also collaborate with other stakeholders, to include
local and state governments, Congress, and other national security
partners. If confirmed, I will use a whole of government approach to
execute the responsibilities of the Office of Foreign Missions and to
protect our national security/foreign policy interests and the American
public.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates in any setting. In every instance and interaction every
individual needs to be treated with dignity and respect.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, APRIL 7, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m. in
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, and via
videoconference, Hon. Christopher Murphy presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy [presiding], Menendez, Coons,
Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, Romney, Young, Cruz,
and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. Good morning, everyone. The hearing of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee will now come to order.
Thank you for the participation of our witnesses in this
important hearing. We are going to be in the middle of votes
throughout the hearing, but in the interest of your time we are
going to try to work through this hearing, and Senator Romney
and I and Senator Schatz will go back and forth to votes. We
will have other colleagues joining us over the course of the
morning.
Today we are considering four nominations: Caroline Kennedy
to be Ambassador to the Commonwealth of Australia; Philip
Goldberg to be Ambassador to the Republic of Korea; MaryKay
Carlson to be Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines;
and Marc Nathanson to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway.
Let me begin by welcoming our nominees and your families.
We are thankful for your willingness to serve.
I am going to give some brief opening remarks, hand it over
to Senator Romney, and we have a few of our colleagues to help
us with introductions.
If confirmed, you are all going to take your oath of office
at a critical point in world history. Just this week, we have
seen the horrific images from Ukraine. We have seen a country
turned into a crime scene where there is irrefutable evidence
of brutality against civilians by Russia's forces. These
actions demand accountability, both for the soldiers who
perpetrated these atrocities and the officials in the Kremlin
who ordered them.
We have seen countries from around the world step up to
impose unprecedented costs on Russia for its unjustified and
unprovoked war of aggression on Ukraine. Last month, each of
the four countries we are here to talk about today joined an
overwhelming majority of the world at the U.N. General Assembly
in condemning the Russian invasion and supporting greater
humanitarian access in Ukraine. We know that maintaining that
unity amongst allies and partners will be crucial.
Ambassador Kennedy, let me begin by thanking you for your
continued service to this country, and let me say a few words
about Australia, one of our most important partners in the
Indo-Pacific.
The recently announced AUKUS security pact, of which I am a
great champion, takes our bilateral partnership to a new level
and will further advance the exchange of defense capabilities,
including supporting the acquisition of nuclear-powered
submarines for the Australian Navy. But our cooperation goes
far beyond the security sector. President Biden has placed a
priority on strengthening the region, coordinating the power of
the Quad so that the United States and Australia, along with
the other members, can help work together on COVID-19 vaccines,
climate change, technological innovation, and regional
competition. The Quad format shows tremendous promise in its
ability to convene regional democracies to solve collective
challenges and to present a contrast to China's increasingly
assertive posture in the Indo-Pacific.
Ambassador Goldberg, as you well know, throughout your
wealth of experience in the Foreign Service, South Korea is one
of our oldest and most important partners in Asia. Since 1953,
our Mutual Defense Treaty has been ironclad. We now have nearly
30,000 troops based in South Korea, and I applaud the
Administration's success in negotiating a new cost-sharing
agreement with the South Korean Government.
After competitive elections that ended last month, which
included not only contentious debate on domestic issues but
also outlined competing policies on how South Korea will
address the challenges from North Korea and China, there is
going to be a new president taking office in May, and we look
forward to working with you as you tell us more about how you
are going to work with the incoming president.
Ms. Carlson, the United States and the Philippines have a
special relationship through shared history, cultures, defense
cooperation, economic relations, close people-to-people ties.
The Philippines' strategic location bordering the South China
Sea in proximity to Taiwan undergirds the importance of our
defense relationship. They have been a major non-NATO ally
since 2003.
Despite those close security ties, democratic backsliding
throughout the course of President Duterte's time in office has
been troubling. Senator Schatz and I were part of the first
congressional delegation to meet with President Duterte in
Manila shortly after his election. In that meeting, he was
crystal clear about his objectives to use any means possible to
wage war on drug dealers and drug users, but the execution-
style violence he has employed, frankly, surpassed my worst
expectations. President Duterte called President Putin his
idol, a personal friend, while claiming that the Philippines
would remain neutral in response to Russia's invasion of
Ukraine.
Mr. Nathanson, the United States and Norway enjoy a long
tradition of strong ties based on our shared democratic values.
We share an interest in addressing the problems posed by
climate change, particularly with respect to the Arctic and
collaborating with other Arctic states.
On the security side, Norway, as you know, is a founding
member of NATO. It has been a crucial partner with us in
strengthening the eastern flank of that alliance in response to
Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
Norway is also the world's third largest exporter of
natural gas, and the fifth largest petroleum exporter, and is
poised to play a critical role in stabilizing energy markets
that are roiled by Russia's war in Ukraine.
These are incredibly important bilateral relationships made
more important by the crisis that our friends in Ukraine are
embroiled in today, and we look forward to having a robust
discussion with you today about these important posts.
We have a few of our colleagues here to help us with
introductions, and so before we do that, let me turn it over to
Senator Romney for opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you,
those of you who are willing to serve our country yet again in
our service overseas.
This is a critical time in the world's history. I met with
leaders from an international body yesterday, and they said in
some respects this is unprecedented. We have war at the same
time we have famine, and at the same time we have a pandemic,
all three hitting the world at the same time. And you will each
represent our interests in parts of the world that are critical
to promoting America's interests around the world.
There are some who think we should simply forget the world
and just return home and only think about what is happening
here. I happen to believe that if we are truly interested in
America's interests first, that means we need to be extensively
involved in the world, making sure that the cause of freedom
persists such that we can enjoy the economic vitality and peace
that has been associated, in large measure, with the last 70
years.
And I want to thank each of you for your willingness and
that of your families to be willing to serve yet again. You
have been nominated to serve in countries that are obviously
very important allies to the U.S., and those partnerships are
going to become more important in the years ahead.
The Honorable Ambassador Caroline Kennedy will be going to
Australia. As she knows, Australia is our steadfast partner and
among our most important allies historically and today. Our
partnership will remain critical in maintaining a free and open
Indo-Pacific.
I hope, Ambassador Kennedy, that you are going to be able
to work with our friends in Australia to identify new
opportunities for bilateral and multilateral cooperation, and
to strengthen the already strong Quad relationship which we
have.
The Honorable Philip S. Goldberg, South Korea, as you know,
is our most important ally in dealing with the ongoing threat
of North Korea, and we need to work together to deter North
Korea's aggression, to push the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program, to stop its
belligerent actions, and to cease its illegal activity.
Of course, our partnership goes beyond this single common
threat. I hope you will also approach your time as ambassador
to recommit to our partnership and to find new ways to advance
the interests which we have among freedom-loving countries and
nations that follow the rule of law to encourage China to begin
to abide by those common rules.
Ms. MaryKay Loss Carlson, if confirmed, you will be
stepping into a vital role and will be tasked with perhaps
rebuilding and strengthening our relationship with the
Philippines. As the Chairman has just indicated, our
relationship with the Philippines has been strained with the
current president expressing points of view which are
antithetical to those which many of us hold. We are happy to
see that the Visiting Forces Agreement was restored last year.
We clearly have a good relationship with those who have the
long-term interest of the region in their sights. I hope that
you will be able to work with our friends in the Philippines to
find a much better path forward with regards to our common
interest in human rights.
Mr. Marc Nathanson, I do not need to tell you that NATO is
pleased to have Norway as an important ally. Its geopolitical
significance will only become more important as Russia and
China attempt to change the rules of the road, particularly as
they relate to their presence in the Arctic. I hope you will
use your time as ambassador to strengthen our cooperation with
Norway, especially on those Arctic issues. And additionally, I
hope you will be able to work with our Norwegian allies to
develop common or complementary responses when faced with
threats from Russia and China.
So, to all of you, I appreciate your willingness to serve.
It is a real commitment, and I hope the American people
recognize that on the part of you and your families to go serve
our country in a foreign place with so much happening in the
world represents a sacrifice on your part and is one which I
personally, and I think all members of our committee, deeply
appreciate.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Romney.
Let me now turn to Senator Markey for purposes of an
introduction.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
It is my pleasure to introduce Caroline Kennedy, who is
nominated to be our next Ambassador to the Commonwealth of
Australia.
Joining her in person is her husband Ed and her son Jack,
who, like mom, once graced these halls as a Senate intern. We
welcome them today as we all recognize Caroline Kennedy's
tremendous achievements in diplomacy.
Watching on this committee's livestream no doubt are
Ambassador Kennedy's two daughters, Rose and Tatiana.
Caroline Kennedy has statesmanship and public service in
her DNA, public service to kids in New York City, public
service in support of what her father called the moral cause of
civil rights, and public service as our Ambassador to Japan.
She embodies the strength, integrity, poise, and humor that is
necessary to serve our country in consequential times.
Caroline was not a conventional ambassador. She has been a
trailblazer as the first woman to serve as U.S. Ambassador to
Japan. She used her megaphone to champion the rights of women,
to deepen our alliance with Japan, and to skillfully navigate
the key touchpoints in the bilateral relationship.
She did the unconventional, from a bike ride to lift
spirits ravaged by the 2021 earthquake, to donning a Santa
Claus hat to reach youths on YouTube.
But she also excelled in her more traditional duties.
Japanese Foreign Minister Kishida, who is now Prime Minister of
Japan, said of Caroline, ``She was an exceptionally tough
negotiator.'' As a best-selling author and student of history,
Caroline Kennedy was mindful of symbolism. President Kennedy's
boat was sunk by the Japanese in World War 2, the same war that
saw the attack on Pearl Harbor and later the first and only use
of nuclear weapons that ended the war at a great cost.
As Ambassador to Japan, Caroline played a key role to
reconcile the painful legacy of war by facilitating President
Barack Obama's historic visit to Hiroshima and helping Prime
Minister Abe communicate directly with the American people at
Pearl Harbor.
Ambassador Kennedy is a fantastic pick for another key
ally, Australia, the democratic anchor in the Indo-Pacific.
Caroline and other members of her family started the Profiles
in Courage Award in 1989. Past recipients include George
Herbert Walker Bush, Ambassador Robert Bord, and a member of
this committee, Senator Mitt Romney.
As an educator, author, philanthropist, ambassador and,
most of all, a proud mother, Caroline's life has been and will
continue to be what we all believe is a profile in courage.
And as Chair of the East Asia Subcommittee, it has been my
pleasure to work with Caroline Kennedy in her role in the Asia
region, and I am proud to support my friend, Caroline Kennedy,
for this important post. She will do an absolutely great job. I
urge swift confirmation for Ambassador Kennedy to this new and
critical post.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Markey. We
know that votes are pending on the floor, and we appreciate you
providing the introduction.
Let me give some brief introductions of our other guests
here today. We may be joined by another colleague for help in
those introductions, and then we will begin with testimony from
our witnesses.
We are also joined here today by Ambassador Philip
Goldberg, our nominee to be Ambassador to Korea. Ambassador
Goldberg is completing his current assignment as Ambassador to
Colombia after previously serving at our Embassy in Cuba and as
our Ambassador to the Philippines.
After that, we have Ms. MaryKay Loss Carlson, the nominee
to be Ambassador to the Philippines. Ms. Carlson is a career
member of the State Department's Senior Foreign Service, having
most recently served as the charge in Argentina.
And finally, Mr. Nathanson is nominated to be Ambassador to
Norway. We are grateful for his significant service in the
private sector, his active participation in matters of foreign
affairs. We are grateful to have him before the committee, and
I think we will have a supplemental introduction.
Let us start with you, Ambassador Kennedy. We welcome your
opening remarks, and then we will go down the panel. Just make
sure your microphone is on.
STATEMENT OF HON. CAROLINE KENNEDY OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA
Ambassador Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, thank you, Ranking
Member Romney, members of the committee. I want to also thank
my friend, Senator Markey, for his very kind introduction and
for being here today.
It is an honor to appear before you this morning as the
President's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to
Australia. I am grateful for the consideration of this
distinguished committee, and I look forward to answering your
questions and hearing firsthand your thoughts and concerns
about our vital relationship with Australia.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other
members of Congress to advance the interests of the United
States, protect the safety of our citizens, and strengthen the
bilateral relationship for the benefit of both our countries.
I would like to thank my family for their support during
this process, and their enthusiasm for this mission. My husband
Ed and my son Jack are here with me, and my daughters and my
new grandson are watching from home. Ed and I visited Australia
on our honeymoon, and we were thrilled to return as a family in
2014.
I am humbled by this opportunity and the chance to be here
today. I will always be grateful to the Australian coast
watchers and Solomon Islanders who rescued my father during
World War 2, and I know he hoped to be the first sitting
president to visit Australia during his second term. If
confirmed, I hope to be able to carry that legacy forward in my
own small way. Whenever I come to the Senate, I feel the
presence of my Uncle Teddy whose devotion to this institution,
to his colleagues, and to our country was an inspiration to
generations of Americans, and whose love and support meant the
world to me.
I can think of no greater privilege than serving my country
abroad. From 2013 to 2017, as Ambassador to Japan, I was proud
to advocate for American ideals in a country that, like
Australia, shares our commitment to democracy, human rights,
and the rule of law. I gained broad exposure to the changing
dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region: the increasing security
tensions and evolving demands on the U.S. military; the rising
trade, economic, and climate challenges; the importance of
working with U.S. allies and partners; and of building support
for people-to-people ties among younger generations. These
challenges have only become more urgent during the past five
years.
I also appreciated the opportunity to work closely with our
talented diplomats and local staff, and I believe all these
experiences will help me to be successful if I am confirmed to
this position.
Before serving abroad, I worked to make history more
accessible and inspire new generations to public service. I
spent 10 years working with the New York City public schools to
build public-private partnerships, chaired the Harvard
Institute of Politics, and the John F. Kennedy Library
Foundation, which has honored political courage for the past 30
years, including on this committee. The lessons I learned from
these experiences and from writing books on the Constitution,
poetry, and civics will help me represent the United States in
a world where the liberal international order is being
undermined, yet American values are more essential than ever.
There is no country more committed to these values than our
close ally and Five Eyes partner, Australia. Australia has
fought with us for the past 100 years, and together we mark the
70th anniversary of the ANZUS treaty. Our Marines have rotated
through Darwin for the past 10 years. Our future security
cooperation will build on this strong foundation. Last year we
announced AUKUS, an ambitious 21st century partnership between
the United States, the UK, and Australia. If confirmed, I will
work hard to further this ground-breaking partnership.
Australia is an essential partner in the Quad, among our
most significant diplomatic initiatives in the Indo-Pacific.
Together with Japan and India, we are engaging in a range of
activities to promote a free and open, secure, and resilient
Indo-Pacific. These initiatives include health and climate
security and emerging technologies. We also partner closely
with Australia on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief,
as well as vaccine deliveries across the Pacific Islands and
throughout the region.
The United States is Australia's most important economic
partner. Our two-way trade has doubled since our Free Trade
Agreement went into effect in 2005. We are increasing vital
cooperation on critical technologies, rare earth minerals,
supply chain resilience, and energy transformation.
As we emerge from the restrictions of the past two years,
Americans and Australians are eager to resume their in-person
ties of friendship and business and study abroad, which are
among the closest in the world. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with the talented members of Mission Australia to
assist these efforts and ensure that the ties between our two
countries grow even stronger in the coming years.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you
today, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Kennedy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Caroline Kennedy
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Romney, members of the committee: It
is an honor to appear before you this morning as the President's
nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to Australia. I am
grateful for the consideration of this distinguished committee, and I
look forward to answering your questions and hearing first-hand your
thoughts and concerns about our vital relationship with Australia.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other members
of Congress to advance the interests of the United States, protect the
safety of our citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship for
the benefit of both our countries.
I would also like to thank my family for their support during this
process, and their enthusiasm for this mission. My husband, Ed and my
son Jack are here with me, and my daughters and my new grandson are
watching from home. Ed and I visited Australia on our honeymoon, and we
were thrilled to return with our children in 2014.
I am humbled by this opportunity and the chance to be here today. I
will always be grateful to the Australian coast watchers and Solomon
Islanders who rescued my father during WW2, and I know he hoped to be
the first sitting President to visit Australia during his second term.
If confirmed, I hope to be able to carry that legacy forward in my own
small way. Whenever I come to the Senate, I feel the presence of my
Uncle Teddy whose devotion to this institution, to his colleagues and
to our country was an inspiration to generations of Americans, and
whose love and support meant the world to me.
I can think of no greater privilege than serving my country abroad.
From 2013-2017, as Ambassador to Japan, I was proud to advocate for
American ideals in a country that, like Australia, shares our
commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. I gained
broad exposure to the changing dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region--the
increasing security tensions and evolving demands on the U.S. military;
the rising trade, economic, and climate challenges; the importance of
working with U.S. allies and partners; and of building support for
people-to-people ties among younger generations. These challenges have
only become more urgent in the past five years.
I appreciated the opportunity to work closely with our talented
diplomats and local staff and I believe these experiences will help me
to be successful if I am confirmed to this position.
Before serving abroad, I worked to make history more accessible and
inspire new generations to public service. I spent ten years working
with the NYC public schools to build public-private partnerships,
chaired the Harvard Institute of Politics, and the JFK Library
Foundation which has honored political courage for the past thirty
years. The lessons I learned from these experiences and from writing
books on the Constitution, poetry, and civics will help me represent
the United States in a world where the liberal international order is
being undermined, reminding us that American values are more essential
than ever.
There is no country more committed to those values than our close
ally and Five Eyes partner, Australia. Australia has fought with us for
the past 100 years, together we mark the 71st anniversary of the ANZUS
treaty, and our Marines have rotated through Darwin for the past ten
years. Our future security cooperation will build on this strong
foundation--last year we announced AUKUS, an ambitious, enhanced, 21st
century partnership between the United States, United Kingdom, and
Australia. If confirmed, I will work hard to further this ground-
breaking partnership.
Australia is an essential partner in the Quad, among our most
significant diplomatic initiatives in the Indo-Pacific. Together with
Japan and India, we are engaging in a range of activities to promote a
free and open, secure, and resilient Indo-Pacific. These initiatives
include health and climate security and emerging technologies. We also
partner closely with Australia on coordinating humanitarian assistance
and disaster relief, as well as vaccine deliveries across the Pacific
Islands and throughout the region.
The United States is Australia's most important economic partner--
our two-way trade has doubled since our Free Trade Agreement went into
effect in 2005. We are increasing vital cooperation on critical
technologies, rare earth minerals, supply chain resilience, and energy
transformation.
As we emerge from the restrictions of the past two years, Americans
and Australians are eager to resume their in-person ties of friendship,
business, tourism, and study abroad which are among the closest in the
world. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the talented
members of Mission Australia to assist these efforts and ensure that
the ties between our countries grow stronger in the coming years.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Goldberg?
STATEMENT OF HON. PHILIP S. GOLDBERG OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF CAREER AMBASSADOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY
AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Ambassador Goldberg. Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of
the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today as the
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to
the Republic of Korea. I am grateful for the confidence shown
by President Biden and Secretary Blinken in entrusting me with
this important responsibility and, if confirmed, I look forward
to working closely with this committee to advance U.S.
priorities in the ROK and further strengthen our nearly seven
decades-long alliance.
I am honored to be before this committee for the sixth time
as a Presidential appointee of both parties, asking for your
advice and consent to serve, and deeply appreciate the crucial
role Congress plays in the foreign policy process.
I want to thank my family watching and streaming from home,
my sister, brothers-in-law, and nieces and nephews for their
support and love. I want to thank my colleagues in Bogota, who
are no doubt watching, as well as the Korea Desk, friends and
colleagues around the world who I have worked with for a long
time and who protect our interests overseas and the people of
the United States every day. I am honored to be a member of the
U.S. Foreign Service.
Since 1953, our alliance with the Republic of Korea has
been a linchpin of peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-
Pacific and beyond. Forged during the Korean War and the 1953
Mutual Defense Treaty, the U.S.-ROK Alliance has evolved into a
partnership that is comprehensive and global in nature. If
confirmed, my top priority will be to strengthen our ironclad
alliance, even as we expand the relationship's regional and
global reach.
Over the past few years, we have seen Korea act as an
important partner in several crises, including in working with
the international community to condemn the military coup in
Burma, and Putin's unprovoked and unjustified war against
Ukraine. The ROK has also joined with the United States in
addressing other global challenges, such as COVID-19, global
democracy, and our shared climate agenda. The United States
needs and welcomes a global Korea, not only to tackle the most
pressing challenges of the 21st century, but also to seize this
century's greatest opportunities.
Even as the U.S.-ROK relationship has become a pivotal
global partnership, we remain focused on our commitment to
protect the ROK from external aggression. The U.S. military
personnel stationed in the ROK work closely with the Korean
military and United Nations Command member countries to deter
and defend against the threat from the DPRK, North Korea, and
maintain the Armistice Agreement. If confirmed, I will continue
to pursue the President's calibrated approach to achieve our
goal of the complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
To that end, I would also ensure we continue to consult closely
with our Korean, Japanese, and other allies and partners for
the full implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions
while exploring the potential for diplomacy.
Our deep economic ties makes the U.S.-ROK relationship
unique. The KORUS Free Trade Agreement, which just celebrated
its 10-year anniversary, remains the bedrock of our economic
relationship, and today Korea is our sixth-largest trading
partner. Korean investments in the United States create
thousands of high-paying jobs and, if confirmed, I will
continue to work attracting investment to the United States to
create jobs and prosperity for the American worker.
A keystone of our relationship is our longstanding people-
to-people ties. There are now more than 2 million Americans of
Korean descent, and they are members of Congress, senior
officials in our military, U.S. diplomats, and business and
civil society leaders. More than 1.7 million Koreans have
studied in the United States, and approximately 26,000 Koreans
have participated in U.S.-sponsored exchanges. The American
people benefit from and celebrate Korea's rich culture,
everything from traditional hallmarks like the hanbok and
kimchi, to recent cultural phenomena like BTS and Squid Games.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure the bonds of trust and
affection between our people remain strong and vibrant.
On March 9th, the ROK held its eighth presidential election
since its transition to democracy in 1987. I admire the Korean
people's commitment to democracy, and congratulate President-
elect Yoon on his election. The U.S.-ROK relationship has
blossomed thanks to President Biden and President Moon's
leadership, and if confirmed, I will work with President-elect
Yoon's administration and the Korean people to continue to push
forward our shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, and
a world committed to the international rules-based order,
democratic principles, and respect for universal human rights.
Ranking Member Romney, I would be honored to lead the
outstanding men and women of U.S. Mission in Korea and to work
with our military to strengthen our historic alliance. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to continue
shepherding our ever-increasing bonds with the ROK to rise to
meet the challenges of the 21st century.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Goldberg follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Philip S. Goldberg
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today as the
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Korea. I am grateful for the confidence shown by President
Biden and Secretary Blinken in entrusting me with this important
responsibility and, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely
with this committee to advance U.S. priorities in the ROK, and further
strengthen our nearly seven decades-long Alliance. I am honored to be
sitting before you for the fifth time as a presidential appointee of
both parties asking for your advice and consent to serve, and deeply
appreciate the crucial role Congress plays in the foreign policy
process.
Since 1953, our alliance with the Republic of Korea has been the
linchpin of peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region
and beyond. Forged during the Korean War and the 1953 Mutual Defense
Treaty, the U.S.-ROK Alliance has evolved into a partnership that is
comprehensive and global in nature. If confirmed, my top priority will
be to strengthen our ironclad alliance even as we expand the
relationship's regional and global reach.
Over the past few years, we have seen Korea act as an important
partner in several crises, including in working with the international
community to condemn the military coup in Burma, and Vladimir Putin's
unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. The ROK has also joined
with the United States in addressing other global challenges, such as
COVID-19, global democracy and our shared climate agenda. The United
States needs and welcomes a ``Global Korea,'' not only to tackle the
most pressing challenges of the 21st century, but also to seize this
century's greatest opportunities.
Even as the U.S.-ROK relationship has become a pivotal global
partnership, we remain focused on our commitment to protect the ROK
from external aggression. The U.S. military personnel stationed in the
ROK work closely with the Korean military and United Nations Command
member countries to deter and defend against the threat from the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and maintain the Armistice
Agreement. If confirmed, I will continue to pursue the President's
calibrated approach to achieve our goal of the complete
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. To that end, I would also
ensure we continue to consult closely with our Korean, Japanese and
other allies and partners for the full implementation of U.N. Security
Council resolutions while exploring the potential for diplomacy.
Our deep economic relationship makes the U.S.-ROK relationship
unique. The KORUS Free Trade Agreement, which just celebrated its 10-
year anniversary, remains the bedrock of our economic relationship, and
today Korea is our 6th-largest trading partner. Korean investments in
the United States create thousands of high-paying jobs and if confirmed
I will work to continue attracting investment to the United States to
create jobs and prosperity for the American worker.
A keystone of our relationship is our longstanding people-to-people
ties. There are now more than two million Americans of Korean descent,
and they are members of Congress, senior officials in our military,
U.S. diplomats, and business and civil society leaders. More than 1.7
million Koreans have studied in the United States and approximately
26,000 Koreans have participated in U.S.-sponsored exchanges. The
American people benefit from and celebrate Korea's rich culture--
everything from traditional hallmarks like the hanbok and kimchi, to
recent culture phenomena like BTS and Squid Games. If confirmed, I will
work to ensure the bonds of trust and affection between our people
remain strong and vibrant.
On March 9, the ROK held its eighth presidential election since its
transition to democracy in 1987. I admire the Korean people's
commitment to democracy, and congratulate President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol
[Yoon Sung-yuhl] on his election. The U.S.-ROK relationship has
blossomed thanks to President Biden and President Moon's leadership,
and if confirmed, I will work with President-elect Yoon's
administration and the Korean people to continue to push forward our
shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, and a world committed to
the international rules-based order, democratic principles and respect
for universal human rights.
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, I would be honored to lead
the outstanding men and women of U.S. Mission in Korea and to work with
our military to strengthen our historic alliance. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with Congress to continue shepherding our ever-
increasing bonds with the ROK to rise to meet the challenges of the
21st century.
I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Romney [presiding]. Thank you so much.
I see that Senator Padilla is here, and so we are going to
turn to him so that he will be able to introduce our nominee to
be Ambassador to Norway, Mr. Nathanson.
Welcome, Senator Padilla, to the committee, and please
proceed.
STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA
Senator Padilla. Thank you, Ranking Member Romney, Mr.
Chairman in absentia, and members of the committee. I am glad
this worked out. I raced over from EPW to be able to introduce
my friend, Marc Nathanson. I am proud to introduce him to this
committee. He is a fellow Californian, a fellow Angelino, and
President Biden's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador
to Norway.
As I hope you have become familiar, throughout his decades-
long career Mr. Nathanson has been one of the world's leading
communications entrepreneurs, as well as a staunch
environmentalist.
Mr. Nathanson earned his Bachelor's degree from the
University of Denver, and a Master's degree from the University
of California-Santa Barbara, where he was a National Science
Foundation Fellow.
In 1975, Mr. Nathanson founded Falcon Cable TV, and in 1999
became Vice Chairman of Charter Communications. Today he is
Chairman of Mapleton Investments and Chairman Emeritus of
Falcon Water Technologies. He has served on the boards of the
Annenberg School of Communications at the University of
Southern California, as well as UCLA's Anderson School of
Management and UCLA Center for Communications Policy.
Think about that. You want diplomacy, someone who is liked
both on the campuses of UCLA and USC? That speaks volumes.
His career has also included public service, working to
advance democracy at home and abroad. He was Chairman of the
United States Agency for Global Media, then called the
Broadcasting Board of Governors, under both Presidents Clinton
and Bush. This global media agency is vital to inform, engage,
and connect people around the world in support of freedom and
democracy, which is always important, but today even more
timely.
Through this role, Mr. Nathanson became intimately familiar
with the information operations and the importance of
countering information and disinformation, which is a key
destabilizing tool used by the Kremlin today.
Mr. Nathanson has also served as Co-Chairman of the Pacific
Council on International Policy and Vice Chairman of the
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs.
All told, Mr. Nathanson has more than 25 years of foreign
policy and public diplomacy experience. He has been recognized
by several environmental organizations for his work on water
conservation and other climate issues, and I am confident he
will aptly represent our values and our national interests in
Norway.
The United States and Norway share strong democratic values
and critical partnerships on a wide range of issues, from
combatting the climate crisis to strengthening the NATO
alliance. I know that in Mr. Nathanson, the United States has a
reliable and trusted representative, and I urge his swift
confirmation.
Thank you again.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Senator Padilla.
We will now turn to Mr. Nathanson for his testimony.
STATEMENT OF MARC B. NATHANSON OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY
Mr. Nathanson. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to be here
today as the President's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Norway.
Thank you, Senator Padilla, for your gracious introduction
and your long friendship.
I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for their trust and confidence. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with Congress to build upon the
strong partnership between the United States and Norway.
I would like to acknowledge my family, including my eight
grandchildren. My commitment to public service is driven by my
love of family, who have motivated me to make our world a
better place for future generations. My two sons, Adam and
David, are here representing their sister Nicole and our
family.
My eternal gratitude goes to the love of my life, Jane
Fallek Nathanson, whom I met on the first day of college. I
would not be here today without Jane's unwavering support for
the last 54 years.
I spent my professional career in communications and
founded my own company, Falcon Cable TV, in 1975, which served
communities both domestically and internationally. I later
entered government as a member of the Board of Governors of the
U.S. Agency for Global Media and became its first Chair. I
served seven years in the Senate-confirmed post under both
President Clinton and President Bush. In addition, the
Secretary of State appointed me to serve on the Board of
Governors of the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii.
After government service, I joined the board of the
National Democratic Institute and became Vice Chair under
Madeleine Albright's leadership. Secretary Albright was a very
close friend of mine. We all celebrate her legacy in foreign
policy, and we mourn her passing.
Throughout my career in government service, I believe I
have developed the leadership and diplomatic skills required to
represent the United States effectively.
Norway is a trusted ally and close friend of the United
States. If confirmed, I will work closely with our talented
team at Embassy Oslo to strengthen our great relationship with
Norway.
There are three priorities to our work.
First, enhancing shared security. If confirmed, my top
priority will be the safety and security of Americans in
Norway, including Mission personnel.
Furthermore, I will promote our shared security interests.
As a founding NATO ally, Norway has stood with the United
States to address a range of emerging threats, including
Russia's unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine and threats
to European security in general. Norway plays a critical role
patrolling and protecting NATO's northern flank. If confirmed,
I will support Norway's efforts to strengthen its defense
capabilities.
Second, upholding global norms and addressing global
challenges. The United States and Norway partner to strengthen
democracy, promote human rights, and confront many of the
world's most pressing issues. As Arctic states, the United
States and Norway can together ensure the region remains stable
and conflict free, governed by the rules-based international
order despite actions by China and other competitors. A key
tenet of Norway's foreign policy is humanitarian and
development assistance. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to
uphold these important norms in the Arctic and globally.
Third, increasing energy, environment, trade, and
investment opportunity, with a focus on the green transition.
Our two countries have longstanding economic ties. Norway is
the second largest natural gas exporter to Europe. Norwegian
investment in offshore wind near New York will power up to 2
million homes and is an example of cooperation in this energy
transition. If confirmed, I will work to promote shared
prosperity and combat the climate crisis.
I recognize the honor and responsibilities bestowed upon me
by this nomination. If confirmed, I will do my best to uphold
the trust that you and the American people are placing in me.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you
today. I look forward to any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Nathanson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marc B. Nathanson
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to be here today as the President's nominee to
be the U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway.
Thank you, Senator Padilla, for the gracious introduction and your
long friendship.
I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their trust and confidence. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with Congress to build upon the strong partnership between the
United States and Norway.
I would like to acknowledge my family, including my eight
grandchildren. My commitment to public service is driven by the love of
my family, who motivate me to make our country and the world a better
place for future generations. My two sons, Adam and David, are
representing my family today.
My eternal gratitude goes to the love of my life, Jane Fallek
Nathanson, whom I met on the first day of college. I would not be here
today without Jane's unwavering support for the last 54 years.
I spent my professional career in communications and founded my own
company, Falcon Cable TV in 1975, which served communities both
domestically and internationally. I later entered government service as
a member of the Board of Governors of the U.S. Agency for Global Media
and became its first Chair. I served seven years in this Senate-
confirmed post, under both President Clinton and President Bush. In
addition, the Secretary of State appointed me to serve on the Board of
Governors of the East-West Center.
After government service, I joined the board of the National
Democratic Institute and became Vice Chair under Madeleine Albright's
leadership. Secretary Albright was a close friend. We all celebrate her
legacy in foreign policy as we mourn her passing.
Throughout my career and in government service, I believe I have
developed the leadership and diplomatic skills required to represent
the United States effectively.
Norway is a trusted ally and close friend of the United States. If
confirmed, I will work closely with our talented team at Embassy Oslo
to strengthen our great relationship with Norway. Three priorities will
guide our work:
First, enhancing our shared security. If confirmed, my top priority
will be the safety and security of Americans in Norway, including
Mission personnel. Furthermore, I will promote our shared security
interests. As a founding NATO Ally, Norway has stood with the United
States to address a range of emerging threats, including Russia's
unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine and threats to European
security in general. Norway plays a critical role patrolling and
protecting NATO's northern flank. If confirmed, I will support Norway's
efforts to strengthen its defense capabilities.
Second, upholding global norms and addressing global challenges.
The United States and Norway partner to strengthen democracy, promote
human rights, and confront many of the world's most pressing issues. As
Arctic states, the U.S. and Norway can together ensure the region
remains stable and conflict free, governed by the rules-based
international order despite actions by China and other competitors. A
key tenet of Norway's foreign policy is humanitarian and development
assistance. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to uphold these
important norms in the Arctic and globally.
Third, increasing energy, environment, trade and investment
cooperation with a focus on the green transition. Our two countries
have longstanding economic ties. Norway is the second largest natural
gas exporter to Europe. Norwegian investment in offshore wind near New
York will power up to two million homes and is an example of
cooperation in energy transition. If confirmed, I will work to promote
shared prosperity and combat the climate crisis.
I recognize the honor and responsibilities bestowed upon me by this
nomination. If confirmed, I will do my best to uphold the trust that
you and the American people are placing in me.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you today. I
look forward to your questions.
STATEMENT OF MARYKAY LOSS CARLSON OF ARKANSAS, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES
Senator Murphy [presiding]. Thank you very much.
Ms. Carlson?
Ms. Carlson. Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
be here today and grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for placing their confidence in me to serve as the next
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. I
appreciate the opportunity to answer your questions and hear
your thoughts about our relationship with the Philippines, our
oldest treaty ally in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the committee and other members of
Congress to advance the interests of the United States, protect
our citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship.
I would like to take a minute to thank some people whose
support and guidance have shaped my life in important ways: my
parents, George and Kay Loss of Little Rock, Arkansas, who
serve as my inspiration and to whom I owe everything, including
my sense of public service; my husband Aubrey and our
daughters, Kathryn and Karen, who are the center of my life. I
want to also thank the many U.S. Embassy teams with whom I have
had the honor to serve over the course of my 37-year career,
including the dedicated local staff members who are the
backbone of our overseas operations. And to my three siblings
and other family watching from Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, New
York, Connecticut, and California, and mentors, friends, and
colleagues around the world, thank you.
If confirmed, I would be thrilled to represent our country
in the Philippines, a vibrant democratic ally with which we
share a long history. Our ties are enriched by the more than 4
million Filipinos and Filipino-Americans in the United States
and more than 350,000 U.S. citizens who live and work in the
Philippines.
We must work together to deepen the roots of the
longstanding friendship and people-to-people ties between our
two democracies. We must upgrade and modernize our alliance to
face new challenges, expand U.S. trade and investment, and
support the rule of law and good governance.
The U.S.-Philippines alliance is irreplaceable and
foundational to our strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
The Mutual Defense Treaty that our countries signed in 1951
serves as the bedrock of our unwavering commitment to the
security of the Philippines. If confirmed, I pledge to continue
to expand opportunities for bilateral training, exercises, and
capacity building, to support the long-term modernization of
the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and to advance peace and
security in the region. I will also work to ensure our security
cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and law
enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and
violent extremism.
Concurrently, I will continue U.S. efforts to urge the
Philippine Government to conduct all law enforcement operations
in accordance with the rule of law and consistent with
international human rights standards, and I will urge the
Government to conduct thorough, transparent investigations into
all suspected unlawful killings, and to hold accountable those
who are guilty.
We support the aspirations of millions of Filipinos who
want to live in a society characterized by good governance,
human rights protections, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I
will work to strengthen the Administration of justice and
support Philippine human rights defenders and civil society,
and encourage respect for freedom of expression, including for
members of the press.
Among the values our two democracies share is the respect
for international law, which underpins freedoms of navigation
and overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful
resolution of disputes in the South China Sea and around the
world. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to bolster
Philippine capabilities that enhance maritime domain awareness.
The United States seeks to remain a leading trading partner
and foreign investor as the Philippines progresses toward
economic recovery and upper middle-income status. If confirmed,
I will support reforms that enhance transparency, assure labor
rights protections, boost beneficial trade and investment, and
increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply chains. I will
promote an economic partnership that engages the U.S. and
Philippine private sectors and other stakeholders so that we
can invest in climate action and support low-carbon energy
security.
Finally, let me note that our U.S. embassies overseas are
more than places of work. They are communities of people.
If confirmed, I will prioritize the safety and well-being
of U.S. Embassy Manila's talented staff and families. I will
maintain their focus on our top goals, and ensure they
represent the diverse talents of our democratic societies.
Thank you for considering my nomination, and I look forward
to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Carlson follows:]
Prepared Statement of MaryKay Loss Carlson
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Romney, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am deeply honored to be here today and grateful to
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for placing their confidence in
me to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines.
I appreciate the opportunity to answer your questions and hear
firsthand your thoughts about our relationship with the Philippines,
our oldest treaty ally in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the committee and other members of Congress to
advance the interests of the United States, protect the safety of our
citizens, and strengthen the bilateral relationship for the benefit of
both of our countries.
I would like to take a few moments to thank some people whose
support and guidance have shaped my life in important ways: My parents,
George and Kay Loss of Little Rock, Arkansas, who serve as my
inspiration and to whom I owe everything, including my sense of public
service; and my husband Aubrey and our daughters, Kathryn and Karen,
who are the center of my life. I want to also thank the many U.S.
Embassy teams with whom I have had the honor to serve over the course
of my 37-year career--especially the dedicated local staff members who
are the backbone of our overseas operations. And to my three siblings
and other family watching from Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, New York,
Connecticut, and California, and mentors, friends, and colleagues
around the world--thank you.
If confirmed, I would be thrilled to represent our country in the
Philippines, a vibrant democratic ally with which we share a long
history, and one of our most important partners. Our ties are enriched
by the more than four million Filipinos and Filipino-Americans in the
United States and more than 350,000 U.S. citizens who live and work in
the Philippines. We must work to deepen the roots of the longstanding
friendship and people-to-people ties between our two democracies,
upgrade and modernize our alliance to face new challenges, expand U.S.
trade and investment, and support the rule of law and good governance.
The U.S.-Philippines alliance is irreplaceable and foundational to
our strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific. The Mutual Defense Treaty
that our countries signed in 1951 serves as the bedrock of our
unwavering commitment to the security of the Philippines. That treaty,
and the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation
Agreement, enable our strong security and defense cooperation with the
Philippines. If confirmed, I pledge to continue to expand opportunities
for bilateral training, exercises, and capacity building, to support
the long-term modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and
to advance peace and security in the region. I will also work to ensure
our security cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and
law enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and
violent extremism.
Concurrently, I will continue U.S. efforts to urge the Philippine
Government to conduct all law enforcement operations in accordance with
the rule of law and consistent with international human rights
standards, and I will urge the Government to conduct thorough,
transparent investigations into all suspected unlawful killings, and to
hold accountable those who are guilty.
We support the aspirations of millions of Filipinos who want to
live in a society characterized by good governance, human rights
protections, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will work to
strengthen the Administration of justice and support Philippine human
rights defenders and civil society, and encourage respect for freedom
of expression, including for members of the press.
Among the values our two democracies share is the respect for
international law, which underpins freedoms of navigation and
overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful resolution of
disputes in the South China Sea and around the world. If confirmed, I
will continue our efforts to bolster Philippine capabilities that
enhance maritime domain awareness and enable it to counter coercive
activity in its Exclusive Economic Zone and other areas.
The United States seeks to remain a leading trading partner and
foreign investor partner as the Philippines progresses toward economic
recovery and upper middle-income status. If confirmed, I will support
reforms that enhance transparency, assure labor rights protections,
boost beneficial trade and investment between our two countries, and
increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply chains. I will promote
an economic partnership that engages the U.S. and Philippine private
sectors to invest in climate action and support low-carbon energy
security.
Understanding that our consular operations at the U.S. Embassy
Manila play an important role in helping provide visas to qualified
skilled workers in crucial industries such as healthcare, if confirmed,
I will ensure that our Mission resources remain focused on this effort.
Finally, let me add that our U.S. Embassies overseas are more than
places of work. They are communities of people. If confirmed, I will
prioritize the safety and well-being of Embassy Manila's talented staff
and families, maintain their focus on top goals, and ensure they
represent the diverse talents of our democratic societies.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you to all of our witnesses.
We will begin our round of 5-minute questions. I will start
with a few.
Ambassador Goldberg, let me just start with you. I
sometimes worry that American foreign policy has become
dangerously sclerotic. We sanction our enemies and we sell
weapons to our friends, while other countries that are often
adversaries, like China or Russia, have a much more diverse
toolkit at their disposal with which to try to gain influence.
You spent some time as the North Korea sanctions
coordinator, and you are going to inherit an even more robust
set of sanctions on North Korea given the announcements from
the Biden administration in the wake of the latest ballistic
missile tests.
I am just interested to hear your assessment about the
efficacy of our sanctions regime given the fact that Americans
with just a passing interest in world affairs have not helped
but notice that these devastating multilateral sanctions have
not seemed to have had any practical impact on the conduct of
the North Korean regime. I am interested to hear your take on
this question.
Ambassador Goldberg. Senator, I think sanctions work, but
they are not a policy in and of themselves. They have to be
accompanied by other elements of U.S. and world influence and
power. They have to be multilateral without much leakage. In
some cases and in the case of North Korea, the lack of tie-in
to the international financial system and trade make it more
difficult in some respects, easier in others, to enforce
sanctions.
You have to have a population that has a say in what is
going on in their country. There are other examples of
sanctions elsewhere that have worked more quickly to influence
public opinion, but there is no public opinion in North Korea.
So it is a very difficult hard target for sanctions.
All of that said, North Korea wants those sanctions lifted,
which is a reason to keep pressing, because they want them
lifted for a reason. They want to have their cake and eat it
too in terms of not being forthcoming on negotiations, which we
have offered without preconditions. So they are an important
element, but they are not an element that will necessarily do
the trick by themselves.
Senator Murphy. Ambassador Kennedy, I wanted to draw for a
moment on your experience in Japan. Here is how the editor of
one of the most significant Chinese Communist Party-run
newspapers described Australia. He said, ``Australia is chewing
gum stuck on the sole of China's shoes. Sometimes you just have
to find a stone to rub it off.''
He said this in the context of a pretty significant row
between China and Australia driven by an increasingly hostile
and muscular diplomatic presence and set of activities from the
Chinese Government inside Australia. And this is, of course,
the story all throughout the region. The Chinese are willing to
do things and say things, employ more aggressive tactics in a
way that they were not 10 to 20 years ago.
I would just be interested to hear a little bit about what
you learned during your time in Japan about the increasingly
aggressive diplomatic tactics of the Chinese and how you will
take those learnings to this new job.
Ambassador Kennedy. I think what I have seen is that things
have really changed and increased in the region, the tensions,
since my time in Japan. All the countries out there have dealt
with each other for a very long time, but certainly Australia
most recently has been challenged by Chinese economic coercion,
and I think that the United States can learn a lot from their
response. They have stood firm, and I think they have managed
to come together with a bipartisan foreign policy, and I think
a greater and deeper partnership with us in the security and
diplomatic areas, as well as across the board, will serve their
country and ours well as we move forward into this increasingly
tense time in the Indo-Pacific. So I look forward to working
with the Australians and with the Japanese to secure a free and
open Indo-Pacific.
Senator Murphy. Did you see an increase in the virulence of
these tactics while you were in Japan, or do you think that
some of this happened more recently?
Ambassador Kennedy. I did see it, but I think it has become
much more widespread, much more public, much more open. The
South China Sea issues were certainly present, some of the
economic coercion was certainly happening. But I think all of
that has become more dramatic in the last five years.
Senator Murphy. Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Carlson, I think a number of us have been surprised and
a little disoriented by the comments made by the current
president of the Philippines, the current distance he has with
the cause of freedom and his closeness to China. Obviously, our
nation has worked with the people of the Philippines to provide
for the safety and security of that nation, and his redirection
has been hard to understand.
Can you give me a sense from your perspective as to what it
is that may have led him to make the departure from our
historic relationship that he has, and to what extent you
believe that is being welcomed by the people of the
Philippines?
Ms. Carlson. Thank you for that question. I think it is
important to look at the U.S.-Philippines relationship in its
entirety. We are friends, partners, allies, with a 75-year
history of diplomacy. We are celebrating ``Thriving at 75''
just this year.
So with regard to any particular individual, I think the
more important thing is to look ahead. We have a strong
foundation of shared values with the people of the Philippines.
We train with their military very closely, hundreds of training
exercises every year, including the Balikatan premiere
exercise, which means shoulder to shoulder, which is just
finishing up today in the Philippines, where our colleagues
across all sectors of society work together, including freedom
of expression and countering Chinese aggression.
So I think as we look forward to the next 75 years, there
is a lot of room for optimism based on the strong foundations
of democracy that exist in the Philippines.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Ambassador Kennedy, I think we have been very impressed by
the backbone that has been shown by the people of Australia.
They banned Huawei products. They have probed the origins of
COVID. They participated in a diplomatic boycott of the
Olympics as a result of what was being perpetrated against the
Uyghur people.
In this setting, they are obviously a very small, in terms
of population and economy, neighbor of China. We share
interests in getting China to behave in a more normal and
rules-based way.
What is your perception of how Australia might be able to
lead an effort to really develop a comprehensive strategy to
confront China?
Ambassador Kennedy. I think Australia and the United States
working together, especially in the Quad with our India friends
and with Japan, is a very powerful alliance and combination.
And I think that the Australian people have now come together
in understanding the challenges posed by China. So I think we
have an opportunity through our partnerships and alliances,
working multilaterally throughout the region, to really create
a comprehensive strategy that will strengthen deterrence and
increase our own security, as well as allowing for the
continued prosperity of the region.
I think the rules-based order that America has stood behind
working with Australia has really allowed millions to prosper
and provide a great opportunity for Americans. I think that
together with Australia we will continue to deliver on that.
Senator Romney. I would note that China has a very
comprehensive and, to date, pretty successful strategy to
expand their influence in the world, to develop the strongest
military in the world, to become the strongest economy in the
world, and I am concerned that we as a nation, and even members
of the Quad, have not settled on what our strategy is to deal
with China.
Do you agree that China is behaving in a malevolent and
predatory way that represents a real threat to our interests
here and around the world?
Ambassador Kennedy. I think the strongest thing that we
have is our values. I saw when I was in Japan how the whole
world really still looks to America as the place they want to
come to, the place that inspires them. So I feel confident that
we do have in our values, in our economic strength, in our
security partnerships, our alliances, our multilateral work,
that we do have a winning strategy, and I know that Australia
and the United States together work side by side to implement
that every day. So I am confident in the United States and in
our ability to maintain a free and open and secure and
prosperous Indo-Pacific.
Senator Murphy. Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member;
and to all of the nominees, thank you for your willingness to
serve.
I am so thrilled to be here. This really is the A-Team, and
this conveys a degree of seriousness from the Biden
administration and from Secretary Blinken to put its best team
on the field in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region, so thank you.
Mr. Nathanson, I was just thinking about Secretary
Albright. Whatever one's views of the afterlife may be, I know
she is watching C-SPAN right now and proud of all of you, so
thank you very much.
My first question is for Ambassador Goldberg, and I want to
follow up on what Senator Murphy was asking about, especially
as it relates to CVID. We have had this conversation, and we
had this conversation in the Banking Committee with Bob Corker
six years ago. We lack intermediate steps, it occurs to me. We
have a declaration of where we want to land: complete,
verifiable, irreversible denuclearization of the peninsula.
Everyone can get behind that. And what is our tool? Well,
sanctions. It is clearly not working.
So what is the in-between space? How do we do a serious
reevaluation of whether or not our bipartisan failure on this
issue can be tweaked? I understand our limitations, and it may
just be that this is a hard problem and we have to maintain
pressure until the opportunity presents itself, but then we
should articulate that.
I am just worried that everyone is too afraid to say CVID
is a nice goal but not anything we can achieve in the next 5
years, or even 10 years, and we should have some intermediate
steps in the intervening time, and I am wondering what your
thoughts are, and at least I would like to hear a willingness
to reevaluate our policy.
Ambassador Goldberg. Thank you, Senator. Comprehensive,
verifiable, irreversible denuclearization--those are difficult
goals, but they fit very well with our non-proliferation goals.
They fit with our policy of deterrence; building, broadening,
deepening our alliance with the Republic of Korea, and doing
all possible to defend against a rogue regime in North Korea
that is violating at every opportunity U.N. resolutions, their
own commitments, international agreements.
So it is a very difficult problem. If we do not admit it, I
am admitting it here. But it is one that we need to continue to
work on and be quite resolute about.
Senator Schatz. Well, you are not in the position yet, and
so I do not expect you to move U.S. foreign policy before
confirmation. That is unreasonable and possibly politically
dangerous for your confirmation, so I get that. But let us have
a real dialogue about what is working and not working.
Senator Murphy said it exactly right, and this goes for the
military space too. People are terrified of going toe to toe
with us; but in the gray zone, and also in the diplomatic gray
zone, people are running circles around us. And so we have got
to maintain a little bit of flexibility here and try to figure
out what we can do to change policy, and that does not mean
that we are not working towards CVID. It means that we
acknowledge that that is not the only thing that we say as it
relates to the peninsula.
The final question is for Ms. Carlson. I think everybody
knows I am for climate action, but I want to focus on a
different aspect of climate, which is climate adaptation and
specifically preparing for and responding to increasing
severity and frequency of natural disasters in the Philippines.
That seems to me to be a place where we are already doing very
well and bolsters the ties, including the people-to-people
ties, between the U.S. and the Philippines.
I am wondering what your thoughts are on what more we can
do in that space. I think that is at the humanitarian level an
incredibly important priority for the United States, but also
it has positive geo-political implications. I would like your
thoughts.
Ms. Carlson. Thank you very much. I totally agree with what
you have just said. If confirmed, I would work to lead our
talented Embassy team there to find ways that we could work
with our friends and partners in the Philippines to enhance
their ability to combat climate change. As you know, the
Philippines is particularly vulnerable given its long
shorelines to climate change. They are subject to typhoons and
disasters. Fortunately, our USAID teams and our military
INDOPACOM colleagues have been there to assist in partnership
with the Philippines.
So it is definitely in our interest to enhance their
ability to respond. I am sure there are very specific things
that we can do and, if confirmed, I would look forward to
working with you and other members of the committee and in
Congress to find ways that we could support climate adaptation
in the Philippines for the benefit of both of our countries.
Thank you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Senator Murphy. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Chair Murphy; and
congratulations to all of the nominees today.
I would like to start, if I might, with Ambassador Kennedy,
to say welcome to your husband Ed. It is so good to see you
again. And Jack, I know that your family's support has meant a
great deal to your success, and it is great to see you all here
today.
Ambassador Kennedy, several questions. I know you have
great experience dealing with the Quad partnership from your
previous role as Ambassador to Japan. I would love to hear your
perspective on how we can further strengthen our relationship
with the Quad.
Ambassador Kennedy. I think the Quad is one of the most
important diplomatic initiatives that we have and it affords a
great opportunity for the United States and for other like-
minded democracies to really work together on key issues like
COVID, like climate change, like supply chain resilience and
security, and new technologies to really strengthen our
partnership, preserve the rules-based order in the Indo-
Pacific, and advance the United States' interests.
Senator Hagerty. Something is happening in the region right
now that I am sure you are well aware of, in the Solomon
Islands. The Chinese Communist Party has been very engaged in
that region, working with the Government of the Solomon
Islands. They are stepping in now and talking about
constructing a bilateral security agreement. It is very
concerning to us as a nation here. I know it is very concerning
to the Australians, as well.
What do you think the prospects are for that bilateral
security agreement being entered between China and the Solomon
Islands, and what should the United States' posture be relative
to that?
Ambassador Kennedy. Well, obviously, I am not fully read in
on that, but if confirmed, I would work very hard. Australia
has a very active Embassy in every Pacific Island nation, and
it has been an historic area of United States engagement as
well, and I think that the fact that we are reopening our
Embassy in the Solomon Islands, that cannot come to enough. I
think that together with Australia, with the infrastructure
partnership that we have in the Pacific Islands, which I know
that you worked to initiate when you were ambassador to Japan,
we can do more and we should do more, and we must stay engaged.
This is a vital region, and I think that we need to be more
visible, but I think that our long record in the region of
supporting assistance over many years, if we are able to build
on that, that we can really make a difference.
Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that, and I think our allies
like Australia can be invaluable as we continue to be ever
diligent in the region, because we know that the Chinese
Communist Party is looking for every opportunity to change the
status quo there. So I applaud you and encourage you to find
every way possible to work with Australia. I know that people
on this committee will be supportive of finding ways, again, to
push back wherever possible.
If we could switch now to the AUKUS Trilateral Security
Agreement, I was encouraged to find out that we are going to be
working with our allies to facilitate Australia's nuclear
propulsion, submarine propulsion technologies and capabilities.
Just two days ago, it was announced that we are going to be
stepping up that partnership to work with hypersonics and with
counter-hypersonics.
My view is that deepening that relationship with Australia
from a security perspective is going to be invaluable to our
security in the region. I would love to hear your perspective
on how you will work to continue that process.
Ambassador Kennedy. Well, if confirmed, I look forward to
learning more about the details of that partnership. I know
that a lot of work is happening now. There are many working
groups on all aspects. As you said, it involves the submarines,
but it also involves the cooperation on AI and quantum and
cyber and undersea technologies. So I think that it is really
the kind of partnership that, as it grows and strengthens and
we are able to build on it, we will deliver great results for
both our technological sector and American innovation, working
together with Australia. And I think that there is a lot of
deterrence that it will deliver well before the submarines are
in operation.
Senator Hagerty. I think it has great potential, and I
appreciate your attention to that arena, as well. The
technology front will be an important line to follow the
confrontation in the region with our greatest strategic
adversary, China.
I would like to turn my questions now to nominee Carlson.
MaryKay, you and I have talked about this before, but I would
like to talk with you about nurse visas. As we all know,
through the coronavirus pandemic, we have had a severe shortage
of nursing talent here in America. It has almost reached a
crisis proportion.
We have talked about visa interviews by videoconference as
a means to try to facilitate speeding up what has become a very
big backlog at the Embassy there at the Philippines.
I would like to get your current assessment of where the
backlog is at Embassy Manila, and also what your plan might be
to set the metrics to work through that backlog and to get your
commitment to report back to me and my staff on how this is
progressing.
Ms. Carlson. Thank you, Senator. You have my commitment to
continue to work on this very important issue. No one likes a
backlog, least of which is our talented team working so hard in
the Consular Section at the U.S. Embassy in Manila. I have
spoken after our conversation with a number of folks here in
Washington and in the Philippines in our Consular Section
there, and there are ways that we can do everything possible to
speed up those interviews, and I pledge to work with you and
with the folks here at the National Visa Center and at the
Embassy to accelerate the processing within the bounds of the
U.S. law with regard to immigration.
Senator Hagerty. I look forward to that. As you know, my
home state of Tennessee is a hub of hospital management, and we
see the problem probably more clearly than any other state in
the nation. So this is a crisis. This is something that the
American public needs addressed, and I very much appreciate
your help in doing so.
With respect to the other nominees, I will submit my
questions for the record. Congratulations to all of you again.
Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. It is
good to see you are all going to countries that voted with the
United States to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. I am
sure all of you will be working very hard, if confirmed, to
make sure we sustain that pressure given the unprovoked attacks
on the people of Ukraine.
And I am pleased that right now at the United Nations, our
Ambassador is seeking a vote to expel Russia from the United
Nations Human Rights Council. They have no business being there
when they are clearly implicated in war crimes as we speak.
Ambassador Goldberg, if I could just follow up on some
questions I think Senator Murphy opened with, with respect to
North Korea and its recent launch of another long-range ICBM.
As you know, for years we have been working to try to
tighten the sanctions regime, economic sanctions regime on
North Korea, and we repeatedly find leaks in that. We have seen
a series of U.N. reports identifying Chinese entities as the
major source of circumventing those economic sanctions.
We also know that really China is the big player as North
Korea's neighbor and could exert more pressure on the North
Koreans with respect to their weapons programs, even though
they sometimes have a rocky relationship.
My question is this: As we have seen our relations with
China get more strained, have we seen China back off on the
pressure it is putting on North Korea with respect to
constraining their nuclear weapons program, specifically their
long-range missile program?
Ambassador Goldberg. What I can say from public
information, Senator, is that the Chinese did not vote to
impose further sanctions at the U.N., nor did the Russians, of
course. So they do have a slightly different approach to the
North Koreans and ask for our concessions, as opposed to having
discussions/negotiations without preconditions. So there is a
divergence there.
When I was doing the enforcement job of North Korean
sanctions, and it was some time ago, more than 10 years, there
was leakage, and there continues, no doubt, to be leakage. I am
not revealing anything here because I am not aware of
particular cases. But there were issues related to Chinese
banks and trade.
It is a difficult, as I mentioned earlier, a hard target
for sanctions, North Korea, but we do and we should continue to
seek Chinese cooperation not just on sanctions, which is very
important, but sanctions, as I mentioned before, is not a
policy in and of themselves, but also their cooperation in
moving forward with negotiations and getting back to some sort
of discussion about denuclearization and how we are going to
handle that issue.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, that was my next question. So,
what in your view is the best way forward there in terms of
both continuing to apply pressure but trying to reach the goal
of a denuclearized peninsula?
Ambassador Goldberg. Well, I do not know if it is my good
fortune, Senator, but my primary responsibility will be to
strengthen the alliance and deterrence and to take other steps
to try to convince the North Koreans to return to negotiations
and working very closely with the new President-elect's
government. So I would allow Ambassador Sung Kim or people at
the State Department to speak more about North Korea policy and
the way forward and not preempt their responsibilities.
Senator Van Hollen. All right.
Ambassador Kennedy, congratulations on this nomination.
With respect to China and Australia, as you well know, they
have strong commercial ties, but Australia has appropriately
pushed back hard on China's efforts to use coercion by applying
economic pressure on political and human rights issues.
How do you see the U.S. and Australia working now to push
back on China's aggression in the area?
Ambassador Kennedy. I think that pushing back on Chinese
economic coercion is something where the United States is going
to have to support our allies and those that are suffering from
it, like Lithuania, as well as Australia. Australia has been a
model, and they are fortunate in that they have a lot of
minerals and critical elements that a lot of their other
exports they have been able to find other markets for.
But this is a complicated issue, and the United States and
Australia, I think by working closely together across all
aspects of the relationship, whether they are diplomatic,
whether they are regional, upholding the centrality of ASEAN,
strengthening the Quad, we have a real opportunity here to
create and sustain a connected and secure Indo-Pacific, and I
think that our alliance is certainly a key element of that, as
well as just as our alliances with Korea, Japan, the
Philippines also will help create a region that is more secure
and abiding by the rules-based order that has served us all so
well.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Chairman Menendez?
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Murphy; and
congratulations to all of the nominees on their nominations.
This is a very important group of countries that you have been
nominated to.
Let me start with you, Ambassador Goldberg. I was with the
Special Envoy of the President-elect of South Korea yesterday
with Senator Risch. We had a very interesting conversation. It
seems like it will be a rather dramatic shift from the Moon
policies of the last four years. We have a large diaspora,
certainly in the United States but in New Jersey, of Korean
Americans who have done exceptionally great work, including the
Korean American Grassroots Conference. Mr. Kim, I think, is
here in the audience.
There is a lot of expectation for your confirmation and
presence in South Korea, both by the South Koreans and by the
community here.
So what is your assessment, then, of the recent North Korea
cruise and ballistic missile tests? Are you concerned that
North Korea may be seeking to up the ante with a bigger
provocation? And if so, how should we respond?
Ambassador Goldberg. Mr. Chairman, the outrageous and
continued provocations from the North are, of course, deeply
troubling, concerning, and I think our special representative
for North Korea, Sung Kim, said just yesterday that we expect
more, especially with some of the celebrations upcoming in
North Korea.
We have to react with enhanced deterrence, with a solid
alliance between the United States and South Korea, Japan, and
working together to thwart these threats from North Korea. When
sanctions are available and enforceable, to also continue with
very strong implementation. So we do need to be aware that this
could happen and that these provocations, which are illegal,
which violate U.N. resolutions, which violate their own
commitments, North Korea's own commitments.
The Chairman. Let me ask you, already the ballistic missile
tests are clearly a violation of the U.N. Security Council
resolutions. Should we pursue additional sanctions against
North Korea?
Ambassador Goldberg. I mentioned earlier to Senator Van
Hollen that my primary responsibility, if confirmed, would be
to help in solidifying the alliance and deterrence and working
with our military and other countries. I am not, strictly
speaking, going to be responsible for a North Korea----
The Chairman. No, but I am sure the Administration would
have you on the phone once you are confirmed as part of the
interagency process to opine; do you not think so?
Ambassador Goldberg. I hope so.
The Chairman. I hope so, too, or else I do not know why we
are sending you there. It seems to me that there has to be a
response. If North Korea can continue to create provocations,
can continue to violate Security Council resolutions with
impunity and there is no response, then it will continue to do
so, and it will only deepen it.
Ambassador Goldberg. Well, I think you are right, Mr.
Chairman, but I also know that we will take measures, as we
have, if it has to be through unilateral action or with our
allies after these kinds of provocations, that we cannot rely
on the United Nations when China and Russia have vetoes at the
Security Council.
The Chairman. Let me ask you this. You know, we have
historical issues between South Korea and Japan; I recognize
them. But we also have the importance of having a close
relationship with those two countries and ourselves, an ability
to meet the regional challenge of North Korea, as well as China
and others.
Do you see playing a role in helping the South Koreans find
a pathway forward with their Japanese counterparts?
Ambassador Goldberg. Absolutely. I think that is a role, if
confirmed, that an ambassador in Seoul would play, working with
our ambassador in Japan. You know they are each other's third
largest trading partners. Japan is the biggest investor in
South Korea, outstripping the United States. There are reasons
that two democratic, technologically advanced, scientifically
advanced countries should be working together more, not just on
the North Korea issue, which has been an issue where they have
come together, but also on other issues regionally and around
the world.
The Chairman. Ambassador Kennedy, congratulations on your
nomination. I appreciate your service in the past to our
country.
Australia is a microcosm of the global climate crisis. A
few weeks ago, Brisbane and East Australia received a record 26
inches of rain in 72 hours. The 2022 emergency in Queensland
and New South Wales is now $1.4 billion, and it is only the
first week of April. The dawn of the COVID-19 pandemic in March
of 2020 made it easy to forget when Australia's wildfires were
dominating global headlines until the pandemic took center
stage. Those fires cost Australia an estimated $103 billion,
and ocean acidification is killing thousands of acres of the
Great Barrier Reef.
Now, this is an incredibly important relationship, part of
the Quad. As a matter of fact, I will be traveling there this
recess. But there are great lessons for the United States to
learn for how to prepare for such extreme climate disasters and
how to get Australia to think about the climate
responsibilities they have, in their own interest as well as
the global interest.
Can I get you to commit to fostering information and
strategic exchanges for scientists and disaster responders to
learn and share experiences between our two countries?
Ambassador Kennedy. I think that we should do more of that.
I know that the United States has tried to help, where
possible. There were firefighters from Wyoming, for example,
that went to help during the terrible fires in Australia. But
certainly Australia has learned a lot about these kinds of
disasters, and we also have been impacted by fires and floods
and storms here in the United States. So the more that we can
learn about and learn how to combat and also move toward a
clean energy transition and reducing the impact of climate
change, the faster we can do that, if confirmed, I would be
eager to work on that.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have questions for
Ms. Carlson and Mr. Nathanson, but I will submit them for the
record. I am very concerned about Norway in the midst of the
challenges of Russia now. It has its own neighborhood problems.
And I look forward to understanding where we are headed with
the Philippines in the aftermath of the present administration,
hopefully a new dynamic that we can create. Thank you.
Senator Romney [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Romney.
Mr. Chair, good to be with you, and great to be with the
wonderful panel.
Ms. Kennedy, great to see you again. We have had good
interactions in our public service lives, and I am really
thrilled with your nomination.
And, Ambassador Goldberg, I have really enjoyed visits to
Colombia when you have been there.
This is a really strong panel.
Let me start with Ms. Carlson. Here is a worry of mine,
press freedom. Reporters Without Borders ranked the Philippines
138th out of 180 countries in the most recent World Press
Freedom Index, and attacks on the media have escalated under
President Duterte; but even prior, the Philippines has long
been one of the most dangerous countries in the world for
journalists. The country also has one of the highest impunity
rates in the world, with no one being held accountable in more
than 80 percent of journalist murders over the last 10 years.
Earlier this week, a number of us met with Maria Ressa, an
investigative journalist and Filipina who is the founder of the
online news site Rappler. She won the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize
for her courageous reporting about abuses of power, uses of
violence, and authoritarianism in the Philippines. Ahead of the
national elections in the Philippines in May, the Filipino
Government has stepped up its harassment of both Maria Ressa
and Rappler.
If confirmed, how will you work to strengthen freedom of
expression in the Philippines?
Ms. Carlson. U.S. policy toward the Philippines is based on
our shared values of rule of law, democracy, freedom of
expression. And as we are seeing around the world, there is a
rise in authoritarianism, which we need to work together with
our like-minded partners in civil society and in government in
the Philippines to counter, which is why I was really pleased
to see that the Philippines participated in the Summit of
Democracy and the year-long commitments that are being made,
resulting in another summit coming up at the end of this year.
So, if confirmed, I would continue the work that our
colleagues at the Embassy are doing to work with all levels of
civil society, including and especially journalists, including
Maria Ressa and other members of the press who are struggling
to tell the story so that we can combat disinformation and make
sure that the truth is told about what is happening not only in
the Philippines but in other democracies around the world.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. I have a piece of
bipartisan legislation with Senator Graham, the International
Press Freedom Act, previously introduced. We are working with
the State Department now to make it even better, and I would
hope to be able to get the support of my colleagues on this
committee for having a markup and improve that bill and get it
out. The bill would provide resources to the State Department
to amplify our efforts to protect journalists and include a
special visa category that would enable threatened journalists
to seek safe haven in the United States or other nations.
Mr. Nathanson, Norway, what a great ally, a nation that is
doing so many things right. They are trying to maintain strong
energy production so that Europeans can have an energy source
nearby that is not Russia, and I applaud them for that. If they
can do more, I hope you will encourage them to do more. I know
President Zelensky has been encouraging them.
But one of the interesting things about Norway is that they
had a tradition of not sending weapons into non-NATO countries,
and yet they are being such a strong supporter of the global
democracies' efforts in Ukraine. They have shipped about 2,000
M72 anti-tank weapons, and that is recently, the latest
shipment. The total number is now in excess of 4,000. And this
is a dramatic change in direction from a policy that was in
place since the 1950s of not sending arms to non-NATO countries
that are at war.
Talk a little bit about your understanding of how Norway is
reassessing the relationship with Russia and their role not
only with NATO but more broadly for European security as a
result of Vladimir Putin's illegal invasion of Ukraine.
Mr. Nathanson. As you said, Senator, and I appreciate the
question, Norway is reassessing its relationship with its
neighbor, Russia. They have a 121-mile border in the Arctic
with Russia. But the Arctic Council, which Russia is a member
of, seven other nations in the Arctic Council have condemned
Russia's unprovoked attack in Ukraine, and the Arctic Council
is now at a standstill because of this.
So Norway, as a leader in the Arctic area, is reassessing
its own position with Russia and looking very seriously at the
future with Russia. They recently expelled three Russian
diplomats. As you said, they have broken a long tradition of
Norway by sending arms to Ukraine, as well as financial aid.
And if confirmed, I will continue to work with Norway to
reassess their attitude and their position as it relates to
Russia.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Welcome to each of the nominees. Congratulations on your
nominations.
Ambassador Kennedy, thank you for your willingness to be
here. Thank you for your service.
A few weeks ago you and I had a very good conversation in
my office about the threat that China poses to American
national security and, indeed, global peace. Our efforts to
counter China have been institutionalized in a number of
frameworks, and in recent years in the Quad, with Australia,
India, Japan, and the United States.
I believe that the Quad is a critical and invaluable
strategic asset. I know that our regional partners believe so
as well. On Saturday, Australia and India signed an interim
trade deal to reduce dependence on Chinese supply lines. It was
rightly hailed on all sides as a major accomplishment of the
Quad framework.
I would like to get your views on that issue and the role
you envision the Quad playing, and Australia's role within the
Quad.
Ambassador Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. It is nice to see
you again. I agree that the Quad is an ambitious and extremely
important diplomatic initiative. I think it is important that
it includes initiatives that will benefit the health and
prosperity of millions of people in the region across the
board, whether it is delivering vaccines and planning for the
effects of climate change, as well as securing our supply
lines, investing in critical minerals. There are working groups
in many, many different areas.
So I think that with our four democracies working closely
together, we will be able to advance the Administration's goal
of a free and open, secure, prosperous Indo-Pacific. We also
have the AUKUS partnership, which is an incredibly important
security initiative which is being developed as well, and I
think that that will also help secure the region for years to
come.
Senator Cruz. Well, I am heartened to hear that. But
candidly, I worry that the views you articulated are not shared
across the Biden administration. I have been, in particular,
troubled by reports that the Administration is considering
imposing CAATSA sanctions on India. As recently as last month,
U.S. diplomats have reiterated that the Administration is
considering imposing those sanctions.
I find such talk inexplicable, let alone the possibility of
actually following through and sanctioning India. India is the
world's largest democracy. They are a key ally. They are in the
midst of an historic pivot towards the United States, and the
Biden administration seems to be actively working to alienate
them and push India towards Russia and China.
Ambassador Kennedy, you just said rightly that you consider
an important part of your job strengthening the Quad. What
effect do you think imposing sanctions on India would have on
your efforts to strengthen the Quad, and will they make them
more likely or less likely to accomplish your goals?
Ambassador Kennedy. Senator, I am hopefully going to be
confirmed as Ambassador to Australia, and honestly I would look
forward to learning more about that, but I do not have any
information on that today.
Senator Cruz. So you do not have any views on whether the
United States sanctioning India would make it harder for the
Quad to work together effectively?
Ambassador Kennedy. I would want to study up on that and
talk to you about it some more because I am not familiar with
the instances that you referenced.
Senator Cruz. Well, I will say we have all agreed the Quad
was a major strategic step forward, and an alliance between
Australia, India, Japan, and the United States is a critical
way to press back on China. And if the Biden administration
decides instead to treat India as a hostile country subject to
sanctions, it would be spectacularly foolish, and it is part
and parcel of what has been a consistent pattern of
demonstrating weakness and appeasement to our enemies and
alienating our friends. I speak with allies of America across
the globe who say over and over again they do not understand
why the Biden administration treats them so badly, and they
wonder sometimes, ironically, would they be treated better if
they behaved as enemies to America.
And if you are confirmed, I hope that you serve as a voice
of reason in this administration and counsel against the Biden
administration sanctioning important allies of America such as
India.
Senator Murphy [presiding]. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Murphy, Senator Romney.
Great to be with all of you.
Rather than relitigating relationships with allies across
the current and previous administrations with my colleague, I
am going to try to point us in a forward direction, as tempting
as that engagement might be.
For Caroline, Ms. Kennedy, for Mr. Goldberg, Ms. Carlson,
great to have all of you in front of us.
I am very interested in the next steps in the Indo-Pacific
Economic Framework. It has, I think, the potential to deepen
our economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific. The administration
has been clear that this framework as imagined will not include
new market access commitments. Some of our regional partners
have expressed disappointment in this, and I am hoping to work
with some of my colleagues on this committee to find other ways
to make this framework beneficial to U.S. workers and trading
partners.
As the nominees to serve as our nation's representatives to
Australia, South Korea, and the Philippines, how would each of
you work to make the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework a success
with those governments?
And then second, if I might, all three countries--South
Korea, Australia, the Philippines--have been subject to
punitive economic coercion at the hands of the PRC. I think we
have to find a way to help countries. I was recently in
Lithuania with Senator Durbin. Lithuania, because of a choice
they made, has ended up being on the receiving end of economic
coercion from China. South Korea, Australia, and the
Philippines have as well.
Would you be willing to work with me and others on this
committee as we try and develop other tools in addition to the
Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to help our allies and partners
stand up to economic bullying?
So, a two-part question. If we could, Ms. Kennedy first.
Ambassador Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. It is nice to see
you. With regard to the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, the
one thing that I know from my time in Japan and I have learned
during this process is that the United States' economic
engagement is something that the region is very much eager for.
So, if confirmed, I would work hard to increase our economic
engagement with Australia and the Pacific Islands, as well as
any place else that my assistance could be helpful. I think
that it is a great opportunity. I saw when I was in Japan how
much opportunity there is for Americans in the Indo-Pacific,
and I think it is something that, because it is far away,
people do not always realize, but we are active there and there
is a great deal of opportunity for the future.
I think the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework has a great
deal of potential in the digital area to meet high standards,
and high labor and environmental standards, as well. So I think
that there is a great deal of anticipation and enthusiasm for
this framework, and it will be a first step that we can build
on going forward.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador Kennedy. And I
appreciate also your recognition of the key role that some of
the island states in the Pacific can play. There was just a
hearing previously this week on the Tuna Treaty. There are some
ongoing challenges in terms of COVID and economic pressure on
Palau, Kiribati and others, and we would welcome your advice
and engagement on that work as well.
Ambassador Goldberg, great to see you again. I really
enjoyed our time together in Colombia, an absolutely critical
nation that is about to face a significant election, and I am
excited that you have been nominated for this very central role
in our Indo-Pacific strategy. I look forward to your answers to
my compound question.
Ambassador Goldberg. Thank you, Senator Coons. Good to see
you again. The Indo-Pacific is, as Ambassador Kennedy
mentioned, in search of American leadership on economic issues,
as much as on military and security issues. So it is a key area
that we need to develop.
South Korea has some outward-looking programs working with
us in the Indo-Pacific, a southern policy started by President
Moon that I have little doubt will be continued under
President-elect Yoon, and has a lot to offer in the areas of
the digitalized economy and infrastructure and the kinds of
outward-looking programs that we anticipate with the Indo-
Pacific Economic Framework.
On the PRC, clearly we are going to work with friends,
partners, allies on supply chains, making all of ourselves less
dependent on China. In the case of the Republic of Korea, there
are investments being made here in the United States for
electric batteries, for semi-conductors. There is a lot we can
do in artificial intelligence. There are all kinds of areas
where we can work with the ROK to help also limit dependence on
China, and those are things we need to work on together, and,
if confirmed, I would be very, very anxious to do so.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
Ms. Carlson?
Ms. Carlson. Thank you. I guess I would start with the
question of what are we doing right in this area, and I think
if we look at the Philippines, we are doing a lot right. We
have very vibrant trade and investment relationships going both
ways, and if confirmed, I would work to strengthen those
relationships.
Before the pandemic, the Philippines was one of the fastest
growing economies in the region. There is a great deal of
potential. My colleagues have already mentioned a number of the
areas in high tech, and also we have the importance of supply
chains that we want to work on with the Philippines. And I
think if we look at our values, we are focused on transparency
and predictability in the area of economic development, and I
think that is our real strength when we compare ourselves and
when others compare us to our competitors.
Senator Coons. Mr. Chairman, would you tolerate me asking
one more question? Thank you.
Mr. Nathanson, it is great to see you. I am excited that
you have been nominated for this important relationship with
the Kingdom of Norway. They are a key partner, a NATO ally, a
long and deep relationship in no small part because of the
significant diaspora community here.
I would just be interested in your thoughts on what that
relationship looks like now after the Russian invasion of
Ukraine and the renewed focus on European collective security.
How has our defense cooperation shifted, and how might it
further shift, including through the Supplementary Defense
Cooperation Agreement, and anything you care to share about the
Nordic nations and their relationships with us which might
shift? Norway has long enjoyed active participation in NATO,
but their neighbors to the east have so far declined to pursue
that. I wondered if you thought that was something that might
end up being in your bailiwick as our ambassador, if confirmed?
Mr. Nathanson. Nice to see you again, Senator Coons. I
believe our relationship with Norway, because of Russia's
actions in the Ukraine, has only strengthened. Norway has
announced increased spending for both NATO and its own military
defenses. We have encouraged that. If confirmed, I would work
with Norway and our military leaders to make sure that they are
strong and that the northern border which borders Russia in the
Arctic, which they call the High North, is even stronger than
it is today.
Norway is very concerned about this. They continue to be
very focused on it, and I think hopefully they will work with
their neighbors to be more aware. In recent exercises where
over 30,000 American and troops from 27 other countries
participated in the Arctic, both Finland and Sweden also
participated. I think this was an excellent sign, and I think
we can see Norway working with its neighbors in Finland and
Sweden, in Denmark and Iceland, to even work more together in
military defenses of the Nordic nations.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Coons.
I just have a few additional questions. I will be happy to
entertain a short second round before we let you all go. We
have one more vote pending.
Ms. Carlson, I wanted to drill down a little bit more on
this tension we have with the Philippines. You talked
appropriately about the scope of our defense and security
partnership. We see them as a key friend and ally as we seek to
address China's designs to expand their influence in the
region. But, listen, we cannot look the other way when
reportedly up to 20,000 or more people have died since
President Duterte came into office, many of them outside of any
formal legal process. This is a stunning turn of events in the
Philippines.
I tend to think that at this moment in time, when we see
this war being waged on democracy around the world, we should
err on the side of human rights and democracy when we have a
conflict between security and rule of law. What I have found in
my brief time on this committee is that oftentimes ambassadors,
who are charged with maintaining a good relationship with the
home country, are often not on the leading edge of recommending
policies that will get tougher, that may change the nature of
our relationship as a means to send a message about how much we
value human rights, the rule of law, and democracy.
You talked about your willingness to step up and assert our
interests when it comes to protecting the rights of human
beings in the Philippines, but what are the tools that are at
your disposal? Is it enough to just occasionally raise issues
in private meetings? What else can a good, thoughtful, capable
ambassador do? What tools do you have, what tools do you need
in order to do more than just raise objections?
Ms. Carlson. Thank you very much. I will commit here to say
it is more than just a willingness; you have my commitment.
But, if confirmed, I will raise those tough issues that you
just mentioned. Human rights, respect for human rights, is
fundamental to the U.S.-Philippine relationship. We have
ongoing conversations all the time about these hard questions.
Friends, partners, allies know how to have those tough
conversations. We do not always see the results that we want,
but we continue to have the conversations.
Some of the tools that we have in our foreign policy
toolkit are, for example, Leahy sanctions. We make sure that we
do not give any assistance to any police or military entities
that engage in gross violations of human rights. That is one
tool that we have. Anytime that we export arms, we make sure
that none of those firearms go to entities that have violated
human rights.
So we continue to actively monitor human rights abuses and
have those difficult conversations with all sectors of the
Government. At the same time, we work in close concert with
civil society organizations. Senator Coons just mentioned, I
believe, the conversation with--I am sorry, somebody did--with
the visiting journalist, Maria Ressa, from the Philippines. And
if confirmed, I would continue to have those conversations
across the civil society bodies and with the Government and use
every tool at our disposal to make sure that as friends and
partners, we continue together to promote our shared values.
Senator Murphy. I appreciate that answer. It is a strong
one, and I know these decisions are sort of above your level of
responsibility. But for the record, we do not have a very good
record of refraining from security sales and arms sales to
countries with pretty miserable records on human rights,
whether it be the UAE, the Saudis, the Egyptians. I think right
now we have that balance incorrect. I look forward to working
with you on this.
One last question for you, Mr. Goldberg. You have had a
really remarkable diplomatic career. This is going to be your
third posting as an ambassador. You served as a charge in a
number of places. We are having a really hard time confirming
ambassadors here. In fact, it is stunning how difficult it is
to get career public servants in ambassadorial posts. It seems
that many of my colleagues are pretty blase about the effects
of that, the impact of it. I can understand that to an extent
because our charges are remarkable, they do great work. But it
strikes me that there is a big difference between having an
ambassador and having a charge, and you have seen that
difference.
So I would just love to get your candid thoughts before the
committee as to why it is important to have ambassadors in key
countries and what the difference is between that and having a
charge.
Ambassador Goldberg. I very much appreciate the chance to
do so, Senator Murphy. Having a career or a non-career
ambassador confirmed by this body, nominated by the President,
brings a prestige and authority that a charge cannot really
fully have. I was a non-confirmed Chief of Mission in Kosovo
many years ago when it was being administered by the United
Nations, and because of the United States' image in Kosovo, it
brought a great deal of authority.
But still, when you are dealing with other parts of our
government, as much as the Government to which you are
accredited, you do not have the same voice and the same kind of
authority to speak about issues. We all have been nominated by
President Biden for these jobs. We are looking to you for
confirmation, and that in and of itself is an important
indicator to another government.
Access is another issue. There are a lot of foreign
governments that do not want to necessarily meet at a very high
level with charges, and so that is an important point as well.
So I do believe we need our Ambassadors in place. We need
them to do their work and to carry out the business of our
foreign policy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
Thank you all.
Senator Romney?
[No audible response.]
Senator Murphy. Good.
Well, thank you all for your testimony today. We look
forward to getting you on the job as quickly as possible.
We are going to keep the hearing record open until 5
o'clock tomorrow for additional questions for the record.
And with that, this hearing stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:51 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Beyond our security partnership there are significant
opportunities for the United States and Australia to better coordinate
our development and economic statecraft efforts. As you look around the
Indo-Pacific, where do you think we can best look for opportunities to
step-up coordination that allows each of our nations to play to our
comparative advantage?
Answer. The United States and Australia stand steadfast with allies
and partners in the region in support of a shared vision and shared
values, and the determination to call out and respond to countries that
attempt to undermine them. I know from my time as Ambassador to Japan
that the region is eager for U.S. economic engagement. As the largest
development assistance partner in the Pacific region and the only
country with an Embassy in every Pacific Island nation, Australia is a
leader in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
Congress, my State Department counterparts, Mission Australia
personnel, and the Australian Government to identify the best
opportunities to step up coordination in development assistance,
multilateral engagement, and infrastructure partnerships.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the
health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by reported anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Mission
Australia staff and their families will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff
and the RSO at Embassy Canberra to discuss any reported anomalous
health incidents. If confirmed, I will work to be prepared to protect
the safety of Mission Australia and ensure that all protocols regarding
anomalous health incidents are being followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring we sustain the
momentum behind the AUKUS partnership?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that we build upon the
significant momentum already achieved in the first six months of the
AUKUS partnership, as described in the April 5th statement of President
Biden and the Prime Ministers of Australia and the United Kingdom. If
confirmed, I look forward to learning more about AUKUS and working hard
to further this ground-breaking, ambitious, and enhanced trilateral
partnership. The AUKUS partnership will play a vital role in the U.S-
Australia relationship, and I will work to ensure that the entire
Mission Australia team supports all aspects of the AUKUS partnership.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to include ensuring the
partnership yields concrete near-term wins to show its effectiveness,
and that the Department of State is robust in engaging with the DoD,
NSC, and AUKUS partners to advance the partnership? How will you go
about doing that?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about
where the partnership can produce near-term wins and driving toward
those milestones. I would ensure that my Mission Australia team
continues to work closely with the Washington interagency, including
the Department of Defense, Department of Energy, and the National
Security Council, and closely with Congress and our AUKUS partners to
advance the partnership.
Question. What are your views on the current situation in the
Taiwan Strait?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with Australian leaders
to ensure we remain aligned across the full range of policy priorities,
including maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
Like the United States, Australia enjoys robust unofficial ties with
Taiwan in accordance with Australia's own one-China policy. We share
similar concerns over provocative PRC actions in the Taiwan Strait, and
if confirmed, I would work with Australia to urge Beijing to cease its
military, diplomatic, and economic pressure against Taiwan, and instead
engage in meaningful dialogue. I would also support U.S.-Australian
cooperation in support of Taiwan's international space under the Global
Cooperation and Training Framework, of which Australia is a valued
global partner.
Question. What opportunities do you see for the U.S. and Australia
to cooperate on supporting Taiwan, including defense, civilian
resilience to Chinese coercion and aggression, and economics and trade?
Answer. Consistent with our one China policy, the United States
makes available to Taiwan defense articles and services necessary to
enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability commensurate
with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) threat to Taiwan. Like the
United States, Australia enjoys robust unofficial ties with Taiwan in
accordance with Australia's own one-China policy. It is critical that
the PRC understand that peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait is not
merely a U.S. interest but an international interest, as it is
essential to regional and global stability and prosperity. If
confirmed, I commit to working closely with Australia to use all tools
to promote peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
Question. Taiwan needs support for civilian defense and resilience
efforts, especially now that it's set up the new All-Out Defense
mobilization. What are your views on U.S. efforts to work with
Australia in this area?
Answer. Like the United States, Australia enjoys robust unofficial
ties with Taiwan and opposes unilateral changes to the status quo
across the Taiwan Strait. If confirmed, I commit to working closely
with Australia to use all tools--including diplomacy and development--
to strengthen Taiwan's resiliency.
Question. Australia has taken many steps to increase scrutiny of
Chinese political influence and investment in Australia. What lessons
should the U.S. learn from Australia on this issue?
Answer. Australia has remained steadfast in its resistance to PRC
economic coercion, despite continued pressure, and serves as an example
to other countries facing similar pressure. Australian officials have
publicly condemned PRC disinformation campaigns and political
interference attempts, and have warned the public of sophisticated
malicious cyber activities carried out by actors with ties to the
state. In December 2020, Parliament passed legislation that
significantly increased the Government's authority to review foreign
investments in national security businesses. Additionally, Australia
has blocked PRC participation in its 5G network, prohibited several
deals involving PRC investment in Australia and the region, and
financed the purchase of the largest telecom company in the South
Pacific to safeguard the region's ICT infrastructure. If confirmed, I
am committed to learning more from Australian Government, business, and
civil society leaders about their experience so that we can build
resilience in the United States and abroad.
Question. Where can the U.S. work more closely with Australia on
malign political influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more from
Australia about how we can work more closely to counter disinformation
and malign political influence. Drawing on the lessons learned from
Australia's economic and political resilience in the face of PRC
coercion, I would seek to engage with Australia where our mutual
interests are being undermined by PRC actions, including in the Pacific
Islands. I would also work with Australia through multilateral
configurations, such as the Quad disinformation working group.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Japan under President Obama, you
strongly supported the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Is that still
the case today, and do you support the follow-on Comprehensive and
Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)?
Answer. Much has changed in the world since the original TPP was
signed in 2016. Despite the United States' withdrawal from TPP (now
CPTPP), the U.S.-Australia economic relationship, which is underpinned
by the U.S.-Australia Free Trade Agreement and our growing cooperation
on critical technologies and supply chains, is as strong as ever. I
understand that countries in the Indo-Pacific region are eager for
greater U.S. economic engagement and that the Administration is looking
at a range of options that promote shared goals of high standards,
cooperation, and inclusive prosperity. If confirmed, I would work with
the White House, other agencies, and Congress to negotiate and develop
trade policies that advance the interests of all Americans, support
American innovation, and enhance our competitiveness.
Question. China has applied to join CPTPP. Even before full
membership, it could join as an observer, which would give it huge
influence over the future of trade in the region. In your view, what
are the consequences of China being in CPTPP, while we are not in it?
Answer. I understand that the PRC has submitted a formal request to
join CPTPP. The United States is not a party to the CPTPP; therefore,
it defers to CPTPP parties regarding views on the PRC's potential
accession. That said, if confirmed, I would engage with Australia and
other partners who are members of the CPTPP to encourage them to take
the PRC's non-market trade practices and use of economic coercion
against other countries into account in their evaluation of the PRC as
a potential candidate for accession.
Question. Based on your assessment to the previous question, what
should the U.S. be doing on trade and economics in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. I understand the Administration is looking at a range of
options to forge stronger economic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific
that promote shared goals of cooperation and inclusive prosperity. We
must be committed to strengthening trade and investment in the region
in a manner that promotes good paying American jobs, high standards,
and supply chain resiliency and offer the same benefits for our Indo-
Pacific partners. The administration's approach to trade is focused on
supporting American working families, defending our values, and
protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States.
The United States is focused on making investments in U.S. workers and
U.S. competitiveness before signing new trade agreements, including in
the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I would support the Administration's
trade policy.
Question. I have heard consistent feedback from Indo-Pacific allies
and partners that the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) leaves a
lot to be desired--especially since there is no market access component
and the Administration has stated it will not conclude free trade
agreements. What is your understanding of what IPEF seeks to achieve?
Without market access, what incentive do our partners have to cooperate
through IPEF?
Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the
United States is developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF),
in consultation with allies and partners in the region, to position our
economies for the future. The framework will address trade
facilitation, the digital economy, supply chain resilience,
infrastructure, decarbonization and clean energy, and other areas of
shared interest. I understand this framework is in early stages of
development, and I am not read in on country-specific details. My
understanding, however, is that there is a strong desire from partners
in the region for increased U.S. trade, investment, and overall
economic engagement. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
allies and partners to make progress on our shared priorities and
advance sustainable and inclusive growth across the region with
guidance from the White House, Commerce, and USTR, who have the lead on
IPEF.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that the United
States advances a robust and actionable trade and economic agenda with
Australia and in the broader Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. The United States is Australia's most important economic
partner. Two-way trade has nearly doubled in the 15 years since we
signed our Free Trade Agreement. The United States remains Australia's
largest source of foreign investment, generating innovation--and high-
paying jobs--in the technology, defense, space, and health care sectors
in both our countries. U.S. and Australian public-private partnerships
are working toward ending the global pandemic, as well as helping
develop standards for critical and emerging technologies, including
quantum computing, artificial intelligence, 5G, biotechnology, the
digital economy, and space. Australia is also well placed to assist us
with critical mineral supply security. If confirmed, I would work
closely with my colleagues in USTR and other agencies to promote the
Administration trade policy.
Question. China is reportedly concluding a security and policing
agreement with the Solomon Islands. In your view, what are the
implications for the U.S. and Australia if this comes to pass, and what
should the U.S. be doing about it?
Answer. I know that the United States values its relationship with
Solomon Islands, remembering well the friendship that was forged by our
shared sacrifices in World War II, a friendship that aided in the
rescue of my father during the war. The United States and its allies
and partners have helped maintain peace and security in the Indo-
Pacific region in the post-World War II era, providing stability that
has facilitated economic prosperity. Australia has longstanding
economic, people-to-people, law enforcement and security ties with
Solomon Islands. U.S. allies and partners in the region, including
Australia, have expressed concerns about how this agreement may
threaten the current regional security paradigm. Such an agreement
could set a concerning precedent for the wider Pacific Islands region.
If confirmed, I will closely coordinate with the Australian Government,
other partners in the Pacific, other U.S. Government agencies, and
Congress to maintain peace and prosperity in the region.
Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken,
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests
or make concessions for the sake of an agreement with or promises from
China on climate change?
Answer. Support for democracy, economic development, transparency,
human rights, and human dignity are not mutually exclusive, and go
hand-in-hand with climate progress. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry
has noted, climate is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of
the U.S.-China relationship will not be traded for U.S. interests. We
can both compete with the PRC and work to prevent and reverse climate
change's effects. If confirmed, I will advocate for climate and U.S.
interests to remain at the forefront of American foreign policy.
Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I would endeavor to engage with numerous
stakeholders in the U.S.-Australian relationship here in the United
States before departing for Post. During that time, I would work
closely with colleagues at the State Department and in Mission
Australia to develop a plan for the first 100 days that addresses the
most important issues and engages the key constituencies in Australia
as soon as possible. Upon arriving in Canberra, I hope to have
substantive discussions about our bilateral security and diplomatic
relationship with my government counterparts, including on AUKUS and
the Quad. I would meet with the American business community in
Australia as well as Australian corporate leaders in an effort to
promote our two-way economic relationship, including in the areas of
critical minerals, supply chain security, and scientific and
technological collaboration. I will make a special effort to reach out
to those who have not been as engaged with Mission Australia recently,
with a focus on the entire continent, young people, and diverse
communities to ensure that the groundwork is solid for an even stronger
relationship in the coming years.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Canberra?
Answer. I know that Mission Australia has faced some of the most
stringent lockdown and quarantine requirements in the world. Australia
has only recently lifted all COVID-related restrictions. Despite that,
I understand Mission Australia is, unsurprisingly, a sought-after
posting. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about how COVID
has affected our Mission personnel over these last few years and doing
whatever I can to improve morale.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Canberra?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
teams at Mission Australia to understand and address any issues
affecting morale. I am aware that the past couple of years have been
difficult as embassies and consulates around the globe have grappled
with the pandemic and an increasingly fragmented world. I will listen
and learn from my colleagues, particularly the first and second tour
professionals and the local staff, about the challenges they face that
I might not otherwise be aware of, and I will seek their suggestions
for improvement. I will try to use my position as Ambassador to empower
my colleagues at Mission Australia as they work across the range of
issues in our bilateral relationship, and in the region more broadly.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Canberra?
Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in
Mission Australia. I will work to engage with the entire community in a
variety of settings--small groups, country team meetings, and town hall
gatherings. I will seek community input and articulate my priorities
and those of the Biden-Harris administration. I will travel to all the
U.S. consulates in Australia as well as other locations where U.S.
Government employees are working to make sure they feel included in our
mission. I will endeavor to be open and inclusive and set high
expectations for myself and for others. I will take the time necessary
to make sure that the entire community has a shared set of goals
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe strongly that the Ambassador must set high
ethical standards, and I was recognized for doing so during my time in
Japan. In my life, I have been fortunate to learn by example and I hope
that I can model good performance for my colleagues while welcoming
feedback as to how I can do better. I defer to the experts on issues
and processes within the State Department, and I work to be open and
inclusive to all members of the community about their concerns. I am
always looking for reasons to celebrate our successes as a community
and work to correct our shortcomings.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I don't believe it is acceptable to berate or belittle
subordinates in public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The relationship between an Ambassador and a Deputy Chief
of Mission (DCM) is critical to the success of a Mission. I experienced
this first-hand in Japan. If confirmed, I would rely heavily on my DCM
for his/her expertise in the processes and procedures of the State
Department and his/her knowledge of Australia. I would seek a strong
partnership and a relationship based in trust and confidence.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my DCM's career-knowledge of
Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth functioning of
Mission Australia. I welcome a close partnership and look forward to
discussing other areas of DCM leadership with him/her.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will be transparent with my colleagues
on their performance. This means rewarding those who are succeeding in
their roles and providing constructive feedback. I will seek out
dissenting views, listen to the experts, and welcome candid and open
feedback. I will hold myself and my team to the highest standards and
ensure we are accountable at all levels.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will be transparent with my colleagues
on their performance. This means rewarding those who are succeeding and
providing constructive feedback and opportunities for improvement when
necessary. I will also welcome candid and open feedback.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Australia. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. My experience as Ambassador to Japan has taught me that
State Department employees work hard to learn about the country in
which they are serving. I believe that the ability of U.S. diplomats to
engage with local populations in their host country is vital to the
national security, economic prosperity, and people-to-people ties of
the United States. They are America's eyes and ears around the world
and the best representatives of the values upon which our country is
built. Getting beyond the Embassy walls is also essential to their
professional development and success. If confirmed as Ambassador, my
first priority is the safety and well-being of Mission employees. As
long as it is safe, I will encourage Mission employees to make outreach
a priority.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Mission Australia employees
to visit new venues and interact with groups that have not been regular
participants in Mission events. I would place special emphasis on
students--both at the high school and college level--who I would
encourage to study in the United States. During my time in Japan, I
worked hard to increase student mobility and also traveled to a number
of campuses in the United States to encourage Americans to study
overseas. First and Second Tour Officers/Professionals may be best
suited to this sort of engagement because of their recent non-State
experience, and it gives them a chance to develop public diplomacy
skills. I would also encourage Embassy personnel to visit and learn
about new and diverse communities--bearing in mind that there are
sometimes complex dynamics in navigating domestic social issues in
other countries. Their insights can help prioritize these activities. I
will also encourage CODELS and other high-level visitors to accompany
our diplomats on these visits as Congressional interest is the best way
to drive results.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Australia?
Answer. There is a vibrant and active public diplomacy environment
in Australia. If confirmed, I will work to expand and strengthen the
already deep people-to-people ties, which form the basis of our close
partnership. These relationships have contributed to the strong mutual
trust between our governments and our close economic ties.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Australia is vibrant
and active. Our people-to-people ties are strong and deep and form the
basis of our close partnership. However, polling shows younger and
diverse audiences are more skeptical of the U.S.-Australia alliance.
Building relationships and overcoming skepticism with future Australian
leaders will take more concerted outreach and trust-building, but
ultimately pays dividends for the future of the alliance. If confirmed,
I will work with Mission Australia, and in particular the Public
Diplomacy team, to engage with younger and diverse groups.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission
Australia to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of
Americans and Australians at the Embassy in Canberra and the Consulate
Generals in Melbourne, Perth, and Sydney all provide expertise and
local insight. If confirmed, I will draw on their expertise to ensure
our public diplomacy messages are appropriate for the local audience,
while reflecting our key foreign policy priorities.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by the reported anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. Such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing of U.S.
personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, the
health, safety, and security of Mission Australia staff, their family
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. [Re: Anomalous health incidents] If confirmed, do you
commit to talking as openly as you can to Mission Canberra personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, the health and safety of Mission
personnel will be my highest priority.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Australia was on Tier 1 for meeting the minimums standards for
the elimination of human trafficking. However, its trafficking
convictions remain low in comparison to the number of trafficking
cases. Additionally, trafficking sentences have been lenient. If
confirmed, do you commit to work with the Government of Australia to
improve conviction rates as well as sentence terms for traffickers?
Answer. Trafficking in persons is a matter of deep concern to me.
If confirmed, I would actively encourage the Australian Government to
strengthen efforts to increase the investigation and prosecution of
trafficking crimes, and sentence convicted traffickers to significant
prison terms.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Australia has experienced acts of antisemitism and
targeting or religious minorities. If confirmed, do you commit to
working with the Government of Australia to combat antisemitism and
targeting of religious minorities?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to doing everything
possible to promote and protect universal respect for the right to
freedom of religion or belief for all, to include working with the
Australian Government to combat antisemitism and targeting of religious
minorities. Respect for the right to freedom of religion or belief is a
core value for both Americans and Australians.
Question. Additionally, the 2020 International Religious Freedom
report note that members of the Uyghur community in Australia have been
harassed by the Chinese Government in country. How would you work with
the Australian Government to address harassment of Uyghurs and other
minorities by the Chinese Government?
Answer. Australia has clearly and consistently called on the PRC
Government to respect the human rights of predominantly Muslim Uyghurs
and members of other religious and ethnic minority groups. I also
welcome Australia's public comments regarding human rights in the PRC,
including in Hong Kong, Tibet, and Xinjiang. If confirmed, I would work
with the Government of Australia to explore ways to protect members of
the Uyghur community and other diaspora groups experiencing harassment
by PRC officials in Australia, as well as identify opportunities to
jointly advocate for their human rights in the PRC.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Australia was identified as having significant human rights abuses
including credible allegations of deaths or injury related to prison
abuse, particularly of minority groups and persons with disabilities.
If confirmed, how will you work to improve prison conditions, in
particularly for minority groups and persons with disabilities?
Answer. There is a need to frankly address necessary improvements
of prison conditions with a partner like Australia, and that means
admitting our own imperfections openly. Although the 2021 Human Rights
Report identified no significant reports regarding prison conditions
that raised human rights concerns, there is always work to be done to
sustain appropriate conditions. If confirmed, I would ensure Mission
Australia shares the ways we are attempting to address the deficiencies
in our justice and corrections systems, promotes those actions to
benefit Australia, and explores ways our own civil society groups can
engage with Australian civil society as we pursue common aims.
Fostering people-to-people ties with Australia will be one of my key
priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed. I see opportunities to deepen
engagements between U.S. and Australian civil society groups. I would
work with my Mission team to prioritize engagement across the spectrum
of Australian society, including with groups looking to address these
issues.
Democracies are judged by their respect for human dignity and
individual rights, including the rights of members of minority groups,
those with disabilities, and those who are incarcerated. My family has
a deep and long-standing commitment to working to better the lives of
those with intellectual disabilities and to addressing discrimination
towards them. While writing a book on the Bill of Rights, and while
working with the NYC Department of Education, I spent time with death-
row prisoners in Virginia and Arizona and in high schools located in
detention facilities in New York City to look at these issues. In
Japan, I learned about the work of consular officers assisting U.S.
citizens detained in Japan and advocated with the Japanese Government
for their release on humanitarian grounds. If confirmed, I look forward
to working with Australian Government entities and civil society groups
on these issues, learning more about the Australian prison system and
what needs to be improved, and to sharing lessons from the American
experience while being honest about our shortcomings and goals for the
future. Although the 2021 Human Rights report identified no significant
reports regarding prison conditions that raised human rights concerns,
if confirmed, I see opportunities to deepen engagements between the
United States and Australia on these issues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. On April 5, the Biden administration provided an update
on the Australia, United Kingdom, and United States security
partnership, AUKUS. AUKUS will supply Australia technology for nuclear
powered submarines and allows for the United States and its partners to
preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific region.
If confirmed, will you work with your counterparts at the State
Department and with the Australian Government so that the
strongest nonproliferation standards are upheld in the AUKUS
deal?
Answer. Yes. Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States
are undertaking this effort in a way that reflects our longstanding
leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification
standards, in partnership and consultation with the International
Atomic Energy Agency. All three countries remain steadfast in their
support of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the global nuclear
nonproliferation regime. Australia remains committed to adhering to the
highest standards for safeguards, transparency, verification, and
accountancy measures to ensure the non-proliferation, safety, and
security of nuclear material and technology. Australia also remains
committed to fulfilling all of its obligations as a non-nuclear weapons
state, including with the International Atomic Energy Agency. If
confirmed, I will work with my State Department colleagues, Australia,
and the UK to ensure the strongest nonproliferation standards are
achieved in AUKUS cooperation.
Question. The United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021,
passed by the Senate and the America COMPETES Act passed by the House,
both include a provision to create a Quad Intra-Parliamentary Working
Group to facilitate progress on Quad Summit commitments.
How can the Quad Intra-Parliamentary Working Group build on and
complement other work being facilitated through the Quad?
Answer. Quad cooperation supports the United States' goal of
realizing a free and open Indo-Pacific, and our vision for this
multilateral mechanism is ambitious and far-reaching. If confirmed, I
look forward to engaging with members of Congress on how best to
support that goal and advance the work of the Quad, including with
respect to any proposed intra-parliamentary working group.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Caroline Kennedy by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, what would you see as your role as
Ambassador in furthering AUKUS?
Answer. The United States has an unrivaled network of allies and
partners around the world, and our commitment to them is unshakable. As
the United States advances a free and open Indo-Pacific, we will
continue to work with and through longstanding multilateral
organizations, like ASEAN, and informal multilateral mechanisms, like
the Quad, in addition to working with our allies in the region, and
around the world. The trilateral AUKUS partnership between the United
States, Australia, and the United Kingdom, will strengthen our combined
capacity to produce greater stability and security in the Indo-Pacific
region. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the
progress that has been made in the past six months and working to
enhance joint capabilities and interoperability between the United
States, Australia, and the United Kingdom. I will work to strengthen
cooperation on emerging areas of importance, such as cyber, artificial
intelligence, quantum technologies, hypersonics, and counter-
hypersonics, electronic warfare, and additional undersea capabilities.
Question. One of the elements of the AUKUS partnership is advanced
capabilities, such as AI, cyber, and quantum technologies. In your
view, how does this partnership with Australia further U.S. leadership
in emerging technology?
Answer. Through AUKUS, the United States seeks to significantly
deepen cooperation on a range of security and defense capabilities.
AUKUS partners have made strong progress in the four advanced
capabilities that the President and Prime Ministers identified in
September 2021. They have recently announced the intent to increase
trilateral cooperation on hypersonics, counter-hypersonics, and
electronic warfare capabilities. Our cooperation will also promote
deeper information and technology sharing, and foster further
integration of security and defense-related science, technology,
industrial bases, and supply chains. As part of the broader bilateral
relationship, U.S. and Australian researchers, universities, and
companies have collaborated on research and development of cutting-edge
technology in artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and space
exploration. The United States and Australia both benefit from a firm
foundation in these technologies which will help grow our economies
through high-skill, high-paying jobs. The United States benefits from
Australia's research centers through shared scientific breakthroughs
and testing of next-generation military capabilities. If confirmed, I
look forward to representing U.S. interests as a leader in emerging
technology.
Question. How would you hope to coordinate Quad actions and unity
around a strategy with all of the other players, including for example
U.S. representatives in Canberra, the NSC and State Bureaus?
Answer. The Quad now has successful and important lines of effort.
If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners, including the NSC
staff, and our Quad partners to ensure we are coordinating across the
various lines of effort.
Question. On March 25, the Solomon Islands confirmed the country
was finalizing a security pact with China, which would authorize
sending military personnel to the islands and conducting ship patrols.
What are the implications for the U.S. and Australia if this comes to
pass, and what should the U.S. be doing about it?
Answer. I know that the United States values its relationship with
Solomon Islands, remembering well the friendship that was forged by our
shared sacrifices in World War II, a friendship that aided in the
rescue of my father during the war. The United States and its allies
and partners have helped maintain peace and security in the Indo-
Pacific region in the post-World War II era, providing stability that
has facilitated economic prosperity. The Solomon Islands response to
Secretary Blinken's announcement of U.S. intent to open an Embassy in
Honiara was overwhelmingly positive. Australia has longstanding
economic, people-to-people, law enforcement and security ties with
Solomon Islands. U.S. allies and partners in the region, including
Australia, have expressed concerns about how this agreement may
threaten the current regional security paradigm. Such an agreement may
set a concerning precedent for the wider Pacific Islands region. If
confirmed, I will closely coordinate with Mission personnel, the
Australian Government, the U.S. Ambassador in Papua New Guinea
(accredited to Solomon Islands), and Congress to maintain peace and
prosperity in the region.
Question. In your view, what ambitions does China have in the
Pacific? If confirmed, what would be your message to the Government of
Australia regarding securing the Pacific from Chinese aggression?
Answer. The PRC has adopted an increasingly provocative foreign
policy. It is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to mount a
sustained challenge to a stable and open international system. As
Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the PRC will be
competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can be, and
adversarial when it must be. It is critical that we work alongside our
allies and partners to engage the PRC. Australia will be a key partner
in this challenge, and if confirmed, I will prioritize working with
Australia on our shared goals, including addressing together PRC human
rights abuses and violations and attempts to undermine the rules-based
international order.
Question. How do you believe the U.S. should engage with Australia
on China's application to join CPTPP? What is at stake if the U.S. does
not attempt to engage in robust trade discussions with Australia and
other nations in the region?
Answer. We would expect that the PRC's non-market trade practices,
extensive market-distorting direct and indirect subsidies, and use of
economic coercion against other countries would factor into CPTPP
parties' evaluation of the PRC as a potential candidate for accession.
If confirmed, I would work with allies and partners in the region to
uphold international rules, maintain high standards, and ensure that
the PRC is not permitted to undermine a free and fair Indo-Pacific.
Question. How do you believe the U.S. can leverage its
relationships with Australia to build legitimacy for issue-based
coalitions to address China's unfair trade practices?
Answer. The U.S.-Australia relationship has served as an anchor of
peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. Americans and
Australians share deeply rooted values of defending freedom,
championing economic and social opportunity and inclusion, and
respecting human rights and the rule of law. Australia has joined the
United States and our allies and partners to express our joint concerns
about the PRC's unfair trade practices including preferential treatment
for state owned enterprises, data restrictions, inadequate enforcement
of intellectual property rights, and forced technology transfer. The
PRC's campaign of economic coercion against Australia has failed. Our
success here can demonstrate to the world how high-standard, free, and
fair markets can still outcompete the PRC and its reliance on unfair
economic practices and low environmental standards. If confirmed, I
will continue to work with Australia to address the PRC's unfair trade
practices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Robert Menendez
IPEF
Question. The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) is a good
first step, but needs to be more ambitious for the United States to
send a clear message about our enduring presence in the region.
If confirmed, what is your sense of where the opportunities lie to
deepen the U.S.-Korea economic partnership and cooperation on
supply chain security?
Answer. The ROK is our sixth largest goods trading partner, the
world's 10th-largest economy, and an increasingly important partner on
global economic issues including climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic,
development assistance, and supply chain security. Korean firms are
investing tens of billions of dollars in the United States, creating
high-paying jobs in critical and advanced technology sectors, including
semiconductors, electric vehicles (EV) and EV batteries, clean energy,
and more. If confirmed, I would seek to further strengthen our economic
partnership with the ROK to enhance our mutual economic prosperity,
advance our shared strategic interests, and tackle the most pressing
21st Century global challenges.
Our recent experience with the pandemic and semiconductor shortages
has shown that strong and resilient supply chains are critical to our
economic security. Our two countries have held several rounds of supply
chain consultations, including through the U.S.-ROK Senior Economic
Dialogue and the Department of Commerce-led Semiconductor Partnership
Dialogue. We work closely with our Korean counterparts to ensure we
maintain our competitive edge in critical technologies. If confirmed, I
would push to continue deepening U.S.-ROK supply chain cooperation,
particularly on semiconductors and critical and emerging technologies.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents affecting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. In my current
position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and previously as Charge
d'affaires in Havana, I have made the health and safety of my staff my
top priority, including by contributing to the extensive, ongoing
interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and how we
can best protect our people. If confirmed, the health, safety, and
security of Embassy Seoul staff, their family members, and all those
supporting the Mission will continue to be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. In my current position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and
previously as Charge d'affaires in Havana, I have made the health and
safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I would also commit
to ensuring all reported incidents affecting Embassy Seoul and Mission
Korea personnel are treated seriously and handled expeditiously through
the appropriate medical and investigatory channels. I would ensure that
any affected individuals receive prompt access to treatment and medical
care. Moreover, that they receive our support and empathy.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. In my current position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and
previously as Charge d'affaires in Havana, I have made the health and
safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I would commit to
work closely with medical staff and the RSO at Embassy Seoul to discuss
any past reported incidents and ensure that all protocols are being
closely followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What opportunities do you see for the U.S.-ROK alliance
given the recent presidential election in the ROK?
Answer. The U.S.-ROK alliance is ironclad and for decades has
enjoyed broad support in both countries. The U.S.-ROK partnership
expanded over the past year to include a global partnership, as
evidenced by the successful May 2021 Summit between President Biden and
President Moon. The joint statement released following the summit
provided a vivid demonstration of the enormous breadth and depth of our
expanding relationship.
If confirmed I look forward to working with President-elect Yoon to
continue to deepen our security and economic cooperation, as well as
our joint efforts to address key global challenges, including climate
and clean energy, the COVID-19 pandemic, supply chain resilience,
support for Ukraine, and many other issues.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work to help improve Japan-
ROK ties, and thereby facilitate U.S.-Japan-ROK trilateral cooperation?
Answer. The Biden administration is committed to strengthening U.S.
alliance relationships, particularly with our key allies the ROK and
Japan. We have long encouraged the ROK and Japan to work together to
address their bilateral issues in a way that promotes healing and
reconciliation. Even while addressing sensitive historical issues,
cooperation on our common regional and international priorities must
proceed.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I would continue to focus, as one of my
highest priorities, on deepening our trilateral cooperation,
collaboration, and partnership to foster a forward-looking relationship
that seeks to address the most pressing challenges of the 21st Century.
In addition to work with both the S. Korean and Japanese Governments, I
would promote more emphasis on business and people-to-people ties.
Question. North Korea is in its most active testing period in
years. In your view, what are a few things the U.S. and ROK need to do
to further strengthen the alliance and increase our readiness in light
of these developments?
Answer. The Biden administration condemns the DPRK's ballistic
missile launches, each of which has violated multiple UNSCRs. In
particular, the DPRK's recent ICBM launches constituted a serious
escalation. The United States has made clear that these unlawful and
destabilizing activities will not be accepted by the international
community as ``normal,'' and stressed, that the only viable path
forward for the DPRK is through diplomacy. If confirmed, I would ensure
we continue to coordinate closely with the ROK to address the threats
posed by the DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs, on how to best
engage the DPRK, and to advance our shared objective of permanent peace
and the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. This would
include continued military exercises and readiness.
Question. How would you characterize China's approach to its
relationship with the ROK in recent years?
Answer. The PRC's military modernization, coupled with its
increasingly provocative actions, presents an urgent challenge to our
vital interests in the Indo-Pacific and around the world. The Biden-
Harris administration has shown we will address the PRC challenge from
a position of strength, in which we work closely with the ROK and other
allies and partners to defend and promote the rules-based international
order.
Not only are the United States and the ROK stalwart allies, but the
democratic governments of the United States and the ROK share a deeply
rooted commitment to defend freedom and foster respect for human
rights. If confirmed, I will work with the ROK to promote our shared
vision for a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific and strengthen our
partnership on addressing PRC-related challenges, including by
addressing supply chain issues and global cooperation on our shared
democratic agenda.
Question. What kind of an approach do you think the new Yoon
administration will take to China, and are there opportunities for
greater U.S.-ROK cooperation to challenges presented by China to the
Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is key to our efforts to promote a
free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. As a vibrant democracy, the
ROK will play an increasingly important role as a model for liberal
democratic values and a bulwark against the PRC's attempts to project
its autocratic template in the Indo-Pacific region. The ROK is an
important source of foreign direct investment in the Indo-Pacific, and
it is already a major donor and leader in development efforts,
including health security, climate change mitigation, and humanitarian
assistance. If confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to enjoy a
future-oriented partnership with the ROK, with a focus on positive
cooperation with the Pacific Island countries, ASEAN, and in the Mekong
sub-region. These measures will help counter coercive PRC activities in
the Indo-Pacific.
Question. The ROK has applied to join CPTPP, as has China. Do you
support ROK joining CPTPP?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains committed to
upholding a fair and open global trading system--one that follows
through on our trading partners' longstanding commitment to conduct
economic relations with a view to raising standards of living, ensuring
full employment, and promoting sustainable development. If confirmed, I
would work with USTR and other relevant interagency colleagues to
address specific trade issues that may arise with the ROK. Also, as
President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the United States is
developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to deepen economic
relations in the region and coordinate approaches to addressing global
economic challenges. As a U.S. ally and our sixth-largest trading
partner, I understand we are closely consulting with the ROK on this
effort, as well as its possible membership in CPTPP.
Question. In your view, what are the consequences of China being in
CPTPP, while we are not in it? Based on your assessment, what should
the U.S. be doing on trade and economics in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the
United States is developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to
deepen economic relations in the region and coordinate approaches to
addressing global economic challenges. If confirmed, I would support
working with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region, including
the ROK, to address a range of economic issues, including fair and
resilient trade, digital policy and emerging technology, infrastructure
and clean energy, and anti-corruption. All such efforts must protect
workers, transparency, and the environment and strengthen the rules-
based economic order in the region.
Question. The U.S. Trade Representative announced the Indo-Pacific
Economic Framework (IPEF) while in the ROK. What is your understanding
of what IPEF seeks to achieve? What is your understanding of how IPEF
will align with the U.S. free trade agreement with the ROK?
Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the
United States is developing an Indo-Pacific Economic Framework to
deepen economic relations in the region and coordinate approaches to
addressing global economic challenges. As a U.S. ally and our sixth-
largest trading partner, I understand we are closely consulting with
the ROK on this effort.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that the United
States advances a robust trade and economic agenda with Korea and in
the broader Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. The U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS), which just
celebrated its 10-year anniversary, is the foundation of our bilateral
trade and economic partnership. Since the signing of our FTA, U.S.
exports of goods to the ROK have grown by more than 60 percent. The ROK
is our 6th-largest goods trading partner, the world's 10th-largest
economy, and an increasingly important partner on global economic
issues including climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, and supply
chain security. When our two countries are aligned, we are a powerful
force for setting standards for the Indo-Pacific region and the globe.
If confirmed, I would work closely with my colleagues in USTR and other
relevant agencies to promote the Administration's trade policy, which
benefits American workers and U.S. competitiveness in our economic
relationship with the ROK, as well as throughout the Indo-Pacific. I
would also work to promote growing Korean investment in the U.S., which
creates American jobs and opportunities.
Question. South Korea and the U.S. both have a lot of investment in
Southeast Asia, and are seeking to spur more (in the U.S., that
includes efforts by the Development Finance Corporation). In your view,
are there opportunities for greater U.S.-ROK cooperation on economic
development, infrastructure investment, and other related areas? If
confirmed, what would you do to increase such cooperation?
Answer. The U.S.-ROK relationship is truly global in scope and, if
confirmed, I would prioritize promoting the ROK's role as a leader both
in the region and beyond. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is key to our efforts
to promote a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. ROK foreign
direct investment (FDI) in the United States has tripled since the
signing of our KORUS FTA. The ROK is one of our largest Asian sources
of foreign direct investment (FDI), with $62.4 billion total stock FDI
in 2020. Korean firms are increasingly investing in high- and emerging-
tech fields, creating 21st Century jobs for the American worker.
The ROK is also an important source of FDI and development
assistance in the Indo-Pacific and a major donor and leader in
development efforts, including health security, climate change
mitigation, and humanitarian assistance. If confirmed, I would work to
deepen our regional economic cooperation and ensure the U.S.-ROK
relationship continues to be a future-oriented partnership, with a
focus on positive cooperation with the Pacific Island countries, ASEAN,
and in the Mekong sub-region.
Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is the linchpin of peace, security,
and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. If confirmed, my top
priority would be to deepen our cooperation on key regional and global
challenges, while ensuring our alliance remains ready to respond to any
threat to our shared security. In particular, I look forward to working
with President-elect Yoon to deepen cooperation on enhancing supply
chain resilience and further our joint efforts to combat the climate
crisis and COVID-19 pandemic. I would also ensure we continue to
coordinate closely with the ROK to address the threats posed by the
DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs and to advance our shared
objective of permanent peace and the complete denuclearization of the
Korean Peninsula.
Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken,
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests
or make concessions for the sake of an agreement with or promises from
China on climate change?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the
PRC will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
be, and adversarial when it must be. The PRC has consistently sought to
link its action on climate with the United States making changes in the
bilateral relationship, and we reject that linkage. As Special
Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a critical standalone
issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China relationship will not be
traded for PRC cooperation. We can both compete with the PRC and work
to reverse climate change's effects. If confirmed, I would pursue
cooperation with the PRC where it is in our interest to do so, and in
consultation with the Congress, our partners and allies, and other
stakeholders. I would work to rally allies such as the ROK to press
Beijing to raise its climate ambition significantly during this
critical period. I would also work with the ROK and other allies and
partners in the region to address the PRC's state-centered, non-market
trading practices.
Question. South Korea is a critical node in the global high tech
supply chain, particularly on manufacturing parts for advanced
semiconductor chips. As the Administration focuses on supply chain
diversification and boosting U.S. semiconductor manufacturing, do you
commit to ensuring the Administration take a holistic view of these
issues, and not isolate our allies and partners such as South Korea?
Answer. The ROK is an increasingly important partner on global
economic issues, including supply chain security. The United States and
the ROK are working together to diversify and secure our supply chains
in critical sectors, including semiconductors, high-capacity batteries,
pharmaceuticals, and critical minerals. Our recent experience during
the pandemic with semiconductor shortages has shown that strong and
resilient supply chains are critical to our economic security. Our two
countries have held several rounds of supply chain consultations,
including through the U.S.-ROK Senior Economic Dialogue and the
Department of Commerce-led Semiconductor Partnership Dialogue. If
confirmed, I would push to continue deepening U.S.-ROK supply chain
cooperation, particularly on semiconductors and critical and emerging
technologies.
Question. South Korea is a major importer of U.S. liquefied natural
gas (LNG). Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Biden
administration demonstrated a lot of reluctance to work with Indo-
Pacific countries on natural gas issues--instead preferring renewables.
As U.S. Ambassador, will you commit to continue supporting U.S. LNG
exports to the ROK, and to support cooperation in natural gas issues in
general?
Answer. The ROK is our sixth-largest trading partner and an
important destination for U.S. auto, agriculture, and energy exports,
including LNG. Total U.S. goods exports increased 29 percent in 2021
(compared to 2020), a trend I would work to continue, if confirmed. I
would also support working with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific
region to continue to support U.S. exports, including as appropriate
LNG, while also working to promote a clean energy transition in line
with our shared climate goals.
Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is the linchpin of peace, security,
and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. If confirmed, my top
priority would be to deepen our cooperation on key regional and global
challenges, while ensuring our alliance remains ready to respond to any
threat to our shared security. In particular, I look forward to working
with President-elect Yoon to deepen cooperation on enhancing supply
chain resilience and further our joint efforts to combat the climate
crisis and COVID-19 pandemic. I would also ensure we continue to
coordinate closely with the ROK to address the threats posed by the
DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs and to advance our shared
objective of permanent peace and the complete denuclearization of the
Korean Peninsula.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Seoul?
Answer. My understanding is that Mission Korea is a very sought-
after posting, with many officers returning for multiple tours
throughout their careers due to the strong U.S.-ROK Alliance and the
important work of Mission Korea in advancing U.S. policy goals. As I
have not yet had the opportunity to work in Mission Korea, I do not yet
know specifics, but as throughout much of the world, our employees in
the ROK have faced COVID-19 mitigation protocols, quarantine
requirements, and travel disruptions due to COVID-19 restrictions. This
has led to lower morale at many posts. If confirmed, I would prioritize
the health, safety, security, and morale of all employees in the
Mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Seoul?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
Mission Korea's senior leadership team to ensure mission morale is
strong and to understand and address any issues affecting morale. I
will also prioritize efforts to build resilience. COVID-19 caught the
world by surprise, and there was no exception for the Department of
State and its people. We have made substantial progress in providing
greater work flexibilities for our Mission employees and rolled out
situational telework policies to remain more agile than ever,
especially during the recent peak of the omicron wave in Korea. These
workplace flexibilities are not only good for the Mission, but they're
also good for our people. We are committed to maintaining not only a
flexible but also an inclusive workplace environment that puts the
safety and well-being of our teams first. I have previously led four
posts overseas as Chief of Mission, and two others as Charge
d'Affaires. I am proud of the high morale at all of these posts.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Seoul?
Answer. If confirmed, I would start by listening to the experienced
staff and personnel already in Mission Korea to learn from their
experiences and perspectives, then work closely with my senior
leadership team to develop a shared vision of Mission priorities. I
would also clearly communicate the foreign policy priorities of the
Biden-Harris administration and facilitate structured, regularized
conversations across the Mission to ensure good communication and
coordination.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in being an inclusive manager and encouraging
everyone to perform to the best of their abilities. Open communication
and active listening are a central part of my management style, and, if
confirmed, I look forward to learning from the experiences and
perspectives of the Mission Korea team.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I am strongly opposed to berating mission employees, either
in public or private. If confirmed, I would commit to treat all members
of the Mission Korea community with respect and dignity. When State
Department performance reviews are required, I always conduct them with
the goal of recognizing strong performance and helping every member of
the team realize his or her potential. Our people are our most
important asset, and if confirmed, I would do everything in my power to
support and encourage our personnel to be the best they can be.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As an inclusive manager, if confirmed, I would strive to
build a close, consultative relationship based on mutual respect that
will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) to ensure the smooth
functioning of Mission Korea. I have served as a DCM myself and worked
closely with many DCMs as a Chief of Mission. I would anticipate a
smooth, collaborative effort based on trust and shared goals.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would rely on my DCM's knowledge of
Department policies and procedures to ensure that Mission Korea is
well-run and appropriately resourced to achieve our foreign policy
priorities. In addition, I would treat the DCM as an alter ego who
would be ready to take charge when I am away from post.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. We need to make sure we achieve the important work that the
American people have put us in Korea to do. If confirmed, I would be
forthright with my staff because honesty and transparency foster strong
relationships and help to establish clear performance expectations.
This means recognizing and rewarding those who are succeeding in their
roles, while providing constructive feedback and ensuring that all
employees have the opportunity to develop necessary skills and achieve
their potential. I would also seek out dissenting views and listen to
the experts, because that's how the best decisions are made. I always
welcome candid and open feedback from my staff. I hold myself and my
team to the highest standards and ensure we are accountable at all
levels.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. We need to make sure we achieve the important work that the
American people have put us in Korea to do. If confirmed, I would be
forthright with my staff because honesty and transparency foster strong
relationships and help to establish clear performance expectations.
This means recognizing and rewarding those who are succeeding in their
roles, while providing constructive feedback and ensuring that all
employees have the opportunity to develop necessary skills and achieve
their potential. I would also seek out dissenting views and listen to
the experts, because that's how the best decisions are made. I welcome
candid and open feedback from my staff. I always hold myself and my
team to the highest standards and ensure we are accountable at all
levels.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
the Republic of Korea. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside
of our Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Question. Throughout my foreign service career, I have been
impressed by the commitment exhibited by colleagues who have strived to
develop a deep knowledge and understanding of the countries in which we
served. The most successful of these made it a priority to engage
directly with the community, learn the cultures, speak the host country
languages, and get to know a wide range of people. Such relationships
are critical to our work advancing U.S. priorities overseas and
managing bilateral ties. I would, if confirmed, travel around Korea and
do so myself.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage members of the Mission
community to engage with host country nationals, particularly as COVID-
related restrictions recede. Whether through our seven American Spaces
in Seoul, Busan, Daegu, Gwangju, Pyeongtaek, Gangneung, and Jeju, or
our outreach through traditional and social media, or our educational
and cultural programming, we are committed to sustaining the strong
friendship of the Korean and American people that is our strongest
asset as we seek to advance shared interests within the ROK,
regionally, and globally.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Republic of Korea?
Answer. There is a vibrant and active public diplomacy environment
in the ROK. If confirmed, I would work to expand and strengthen the
already very strong people-to-people ties, which are deep and form the
basis of our alliance. These relationships have contributed to the
strong mutual trust between our governments and our close economic
ties. Both the Korean and American people strongly support the
alliance, allowing us to promote a broad range of interests based upon
or shared values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in the ROK is vibrant and
active. We are fortunate that U.S. diplomats do not face significant
challenges operating in the ROK. Our people-to-people ties are strong
and deep and form the basis of our alliance.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the team at Mission Korea
to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in formulating
public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of Americans and
Koreans based at the Embassy in Seoul and the Consulate in Busan bring
an incredible range of expertise and local insight to the Mission. If
confirmed, I would ensure that our public diplomacy professionals in
Washington and Seoul continue to work closely together, and that we
draw on local expertise to ensure our global public diplomacy messages
are relevant and effective for our Korean audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents affecting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. In my current
position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and previously as Charge
d'Affaires in Havana, I have made the health and safety of my staff my
top priority, including contributing to the extensive, ongoing
interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and how we
can best protect our people. If confirmed, the health, safety, and
security of Embassy Seoul staff, their family members, and all those
supporting the Mission will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Seoul personnel?
Answer. In my current position as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, and
previously as Charge d'Affaires in Havana, I have made the health and
safety of my staff my top priority. I believe strongly in direct and
open dialogue on all these issues. If confirmed, I would also commit to
ensuring all reported incidents at Embassy Seoul and Mission Korea are
treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate medical
and investigatory channels. I would ensure that any affected
individuals receive prompt access to treatment and medical care.
Moreover, that they receive our support and empathy. If confirmed, I
would also commit to work closely with medical staff and the RSO at
Embassy Seoul to discuss any past reported incidents, openly
communicate with Mission personnel, and ensure that all protocols are
being closely followed.
Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, South Korea was on Tier 1 for meeting the minimum stands for
the elimination of human trafficking. However, South Korea needs to
improve its tracking of victims as well as increase sentences for
traffickers. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government to
improve its tracking of victims as well as its lax sentencing for
traffickers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would actively engage with the ROK
Government, advocates, and the private sector to address the concrete
recommendations laid out in the Department's Trafficking in Persons
Report and to build a more effective anti-trafficking strategy rooted
in equity.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, South Korea was identified to have challenges in
regarding COVID-19 restrictions and religious freedom, in particular
with the Government's engagement with the Shincheonji Church Members.
If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that members of the
Shincheonji church have their freedom of worship protected?
Answer. The Governments of the United States and the Republic of
Korea share deeply rooted values including respect for human rights,
such as freedom of religion or belief; respect for the rule of law; and
a commitment to treat every person with dignity. We respect that the
ROK, as a vibrant democracy with an independent and strong judiciary,
has tools in place to pass laws and regulations that fairly protect its
people.
The Department of State monitors reports of discrimination against
members of religious groups worldwide. The United States continues to
support free religious expression, including during the COVID-19
pandemic. If confirmed, I would continue to encourage religious groups
and government authorities to work together to ensure respect both for
religious freedom as well as for public health guidelines.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, South
Korea was identified to have significant human rights issues including
restrictions of freedom of expression and in particular the
criminalizing of leaflets and other materials to North Korea. If
confirmed, how will you work to ensure that freedom of speech is
protected in particular to relation of activities related to sending
leaflets and other materials to North Korea?
Answer. As a global policy, we advocate for respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms. The United States remains deeply
concerned about the human rights situation in the DPRK and supports the
free flow of information into, out of, and within the DPRK. It is
critical for the North Korean people to have access to fact-based
information that is not controlled by the DPRK Government.
If confirmed, I would continue to promote and support freedom of
expression around the world, including together with valued allies like
the Republic of Korea. I would also continue to work with partners in
the NGO and North Korean escapee community to raise awareness,
highlight abuses and violations, and promote respect for human rights
in the DPRK and North Koreans' access to information. I would engage
South Korean officials on the best legal and political practices for
doing so.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. President-elect Yoon campaigned on a platform criticizing
the Moon Government for being insufficiently committed to North Korea's
denuclearization, and has proposed a conditioned approach based upon
North Korea's progress in denuclearizing. If confirmed, how would you
plan to work with the new South Korean Government to make progress on
diplomatic engagement with North Korea given this campaign platform?
Answer. The Biden administration has made clear that the DPRK's
recent unlawful and destabilizing ballistic missile launches have
consequences, that the international community will not accept these
actions as ``normal,'' and most importantly, that the only viable path
forward for the DPRK is through diplomacy. Our goal remains the
complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. As we have
emphasized in our public statements, we have no hostile intent toward
the DPRK and remain open to meeting with them without preconditions.
However, we also have a responsibility to address the DPRK's continued
efforts to advance its unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs,
including by implementing existing UNSC resolutions. If confirmed, I
would ensure we consult closely with President-elect Yoon's
administration and ROK leadership, as well as other allies and
partners, on how to best engage the DPRK. I would also work closely
with our Special Representative for the DPRK, Ambassador Sung Kim, and
our team in Washington.
Question. Despite this more hardline approach to North Korea,
President-elect Yoon has supported offering humanitarian assistance
without any linkages to talks over North Korea's nuclear or missile
programs. Under what conditions would the Biden administration support
a South Korean offer of large-scale humanitarian aid to North Korea?
Answer. Even while we condemn and take steps to address the DPRK's
unlawful nuclear and ballistic missile programs, we continue to support
international efforts to provide critical humanitarian aid to the DPRK
and encourage the DPRK to open its borders to both assistance and aid
workers. The DPRK Government bears responsibility for the humanitarian
crisis affecting the North Korean people, as it has continued to
exploit its own citizens and use its limited resources to finance
unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs rather than invest in
economic development. If confirmed, I would work closely with
President-elect Yoon and his administration to ensure we are closely
aligned in our efforts to bring the DPRK to the negotiating table and
provide much needed humanitarian assistance to vulnerable North Korean
people.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Todd Young
Question. South Korea is a critical node in the global high tech
supply chain, particularly for advanced semiconductor chips. As
Congress works on supply chain diversification and boosting U.S.
semiconductor manufacturing, how do you view the role of South Korea in
securing emerging tech supply chains?
Answer. The Republic of Korea (ROK) is an increasingly important
partner on global economic security issues, including supply chain
security. The United States and the ROK are working together to
diversify and secure our supply chains in a number of priority sectors,
including semiconductors, high-capacity batteries, pharmaceuticals, and
critical minerals. Our recent experience with the pandemic and
semiconductor shortages has shown that strong and resilient supply
chains are critical to our economic security. Our two countries have
held several rounds of supply chain consultations, including through
the U.S.-ROK Senior Economic Dialogue and the Department of Commerce-
led Semiconductor Partnership Dialogue. We work closely with our Korean
counterparts to ensure we maintain our competitive edge in critical
technologies. If confirmed, I would push to continue deepening U.S.-ROK
supply chain cooperation, particularly on semiconductors and critical
and emerging technologies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Marc B. Nathanson by Senator Robert Menendez
Defense Policy
Question. Norway's Arctic Policy has expressed concern over
Russia's military modernization and increased activity in the north,
including Russia's new generation of strategic submarines.
As NATO's eyes in the north, and as a country sharing a 120 mile
long border with Russia, is there more that the United States
should be doing to show support for Norway and keep northern
sea routes open?
Answer. The United States and Norway have decades of close security
partnership and a shared commitment as NATO Allies to Transatlantic
security. NATO must address growing security challenges in the European
Arctic, where Allies have committed to bolstering NATO's deterrence and
defense. Allies exercise regularly in the Arctic with predictability
and transparency and will continue to do so. The U.S.-Norway
Supplementary Defense Cooperation Agreement, signed in April 2021, once
ratified, will allow the United States and Norway to deepen bilateral
security cooperation.
Arctic Sea Routes
Question. How do you assess the impact that melting ice is having
on development of the Northeast Passage? How should the U.S. and Norway
be working to mitigate risks posed by possible increased transport
activity by the Russians and Chinese?
Answer. In the Arctic, climate change has increased the
geopolitical importance of the region and prompted increased activity,
including Russian efforts to significantly rebuild its military
presence in the Arctic. The United States has objected to Russia's
unlawful attempts to regulate the Northern Sea Route. Strategic rivals
have also raised their level of activity, research, and investment in
the region. The United States will continue to seek an Arctic region
that remains peaceful, stable, open, and cooperative. If confirmed, I
will work with Norwegian counterparts to ensure U.S. and Norwegian
policies toward the Arctic remain closely coordinated.
European Energy Security
Question. Norwegian oil and gas fields are currently pumping at 100
percent capacity. However, Norwegian companies have pledged to export
more gas to Europe this summer.
What role do you think Norway can play in helping to wean Europe
off of Russian fossil fuels?
Answer. Norway is a responsible and reliable energy producer,
supplying almost one quarter of Europe's total natural gas demand.
Norway increased natural gas production for the winter season in late
2021 and extended the elevated production levels through summer 2022.
The Norwegian Government also seeks to support Europe's energy
transition, including by providing carbon capture and storage, offshore
wind, and hydrogen solutions. If confirmed, I will work with Norwegian
officials and industry to strengthen European energy security further.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, the health and security of the people
working at Mission Norway will be my top priority. Secretary Blinken
prioritizes the Department's response to anomalous health incidents,
setting clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to
strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce and
providing care for affected employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
employees who report a possible anomalous health incident receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care and the incident is
reported through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who work with me. I commit to
working with health and security officials as well as other parties as
recommended.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Marc B. Nathanson by Senator James E. Risch
NATO
Question. Norway is a founding member of NATO and serves an
important role in the alliance as a hub for NATO equipment and
resources. As NATO looks to the future with the drafting of the new
Strategic Concept and possible expansion of the alliance, we need to
consider where Norway's specific assets and capabilities can be best
developed and utilized.
Norway has announced a temporary increase in its defense spending
for this year in response to increased aggression from Russia.
How will you work with Norway to ensure their defense spending
is used to maximum effect and remains compatible with NATO
objectives?
Answer. Norway is a staunch and actively-engaged NATO Ally.
Norwegian leaders have committed to spending two percent of GDP on
defense to fulfill Norway's Wales Pledge commitments by 2024 and will
continue spending at least 20 percent of defense spending on
modernizing major equipment, in line with their NATO Capability
Targets. Norway and the United States enjoy a close and effective
security relationship. I am pleased that Norway operates both P-8A
maritime patrol aircraft, which they received in February 2022, and the
F-35 platform. If confirmed, I will encourage Norway to continue
investing in the capabilities, readiness, and force generation needed
to maintain a credible defense and deterrence posture and fulfill NATO
missions and operations.
Nuclear
Question. Nuclear disarmament and observation of the Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons are policy priorities for Norway, making
them the first NATO nation to move toward denuclearization.
Do you believe that a policy of nuclear disarmament in a NATO
nation threatens the security of the alliance?
Answer. Norway has clearly stated that it will not sign the Treaty
on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, as it is inconsistent with
Norway's NATO obligations. As a member of the NATO Alliance, Norway is
committed to ensuring that NATO's nuclear deterrent aligns with the
realities of the current security environment and remains safe, secure,
and effective. Norway supports the global nonproliferation regime
through participation in a variety of multilateral organizations.
Question. How will you discuss the issue of nuclear weapons with
the Norwegian Government?
Answer. Norway has a longstanding policy prohibiting nuclear
weapons on Norwegian soil. Norwegian leaders have also continually
reaffirmed NATO's status as a nuclear Alliance. Norway and the United
States share a goal of promoting tangible, verifiable measures to
reduce strategic risk and create an environment for nuclear
disarmament, which I will continue to promote if confirmed.
Arctic
Question. As a member of the Arctic Council, Norway has specific
interests in the future of Arctic issues including security, the
environment, trade, and resource extraction.
Given the Department has an Arctic Coordinator, but not an Arctic
Ambassador, what role do you see yourself playing in U.S.-
Norway relations regarding the Arctic?
Answer. The Arctic is a strategic priority for Norway and the
United States. Norway will assume the chair of the Arctic Council in
May 2023. If confirmed, the Arctic will be one of my highest priorities
and I plan to visit the region early in my tenure. I will work with
Norwegian and State Department counterparts to ensure U.S. and
Norwegian policies toward the Arctic remain closely coordinated.
Energy
Question. Europe is facing energy shortages as countries attempt to
curtail imports from Russia. Norway is a major producer and supplier of
oil and natural gas to Europe.
How will you work with Norway to increase its energy capacity and
support a solution Europe's energy shortage, in both the short
term and the long term?
Answer. Norway is a responsible and reliable producer, supplying
almost one quarter of Europe's total natural gas demand. Companies
operating on the Norwegian Continental Shelf, with the Government's
approval, increased gas production for the winter season in late 2021
and extended the elevated production levels through summer 2022. In the
longer term, the Norwegian Government also seeks to support Europe's
energy transition, including by providing carbon capture and storage,
offshore wind, and hydrogen solutions. If confirmed, I will work with
Norwegian officials and industry to strengthen European energy security
and reduce dependence on Russian gas, as well as to facilitate the
green transition.
Revised Reponse (received April 26, 2022.) Norway is a responsible
and reliable energy producer, supplying almost one quarter of Europe's
total natural gas demand. Companies operating on the Norwegian
Continental Shelf, with the Government's approval, increased gas
production for the winter season in late 2021 and have extended the
elevated production levels through summer 2022. Norway's LNG terminal
will resume operations in May and a gas pipeline to Poland will be
operational later in 2022. For the medium term, Norway announced plans
in March to offer new licenses for oil and gas exploration. Over the
longer term, Norway is developing technology that could help Europe
diversify its energy portfolio and reduce reliance on Russian gas,
including through offshore wind and hydrogen. If confirmed, I will work
with Norwegian officials and industry to strengthen European energy
security and reduce dependence on Russian oil and gas.
China
Question. The expansion of malign Chinese influence is a challenge
we will have to confront in the short and long term, alongside other
global challenges that arise.
As Ambassador, how would you work with Norway's Government to
confront malign Chinese influence in its Government, economy,
and other institutions at the international, national and
subnational level?
Answer. Norway and the United States share democratic values. We
cooperate through numerous forums to uphold our shared interests and
values and hold governments accountable. Norwegian officials have
spoken publicly concerning human rights abuses in the People's Republic
of China (PRC), including in Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Tibet. Norway is
also a firm supporter of the rules-based international trading system.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Norwegian officials,
including those working in U.N. institutions, the business community,
and civil society on this important issue. I will also work to increase
U.S. trade with Norway to counterbalance the PRC's desire for greater
influence in the region. I will apprise Norwegian counterparts of risks
associated with investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive
sectors by untrusted vendors, including those associated with the PRC,
and on the importance of supply chain due diligence by companies. The
United States works with Norway and other allies and partners to
monitor PRC activities in the Arctic. If confirmed, I will seek
opportunities to strengthen our cooperation with Norway and engage with
the Norwegian Government and regional leaders to ensure they remain
clear-eyed with regards to PRC influence.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Oslo?
Answer. Mission Norway faced challenges posed by COVID-19 and
travel restrictions during much of the pandemic. I am grateful for the
employees' continued service during this challenging time. If
confirmed, I have no higher priority than the health and safety of the
personnel and family members of Mission Norway. I look forward to
working with the talented team of locally employed staff, U.S. Direct
Hires, and their families. I will ensure everyone in the mission
understands they have my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Oslo?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. I plan to
meet with as many individuals in the mission as possible in my first 90
days to listen and learn from them on how to improve morale at Embassy
Oslo. We are all one team working to further the U.S.-Norwegian
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Oslo?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open communication
across U.S. Embassy Oslo. We are all one team working to further the
U.S.-Norwegian relationship and the interests of the United States and
the American people. The Embassy is committed to a diverse and
inclusive workforce that fully represents and supports many different
cultures, backgrounds, and perspectives to provide a productive
workplace for all people from all walks of life. If confirmed, I will
work with the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Our employees are our most important asset. If confirmed, I
am committed to listening to all employees, including locally employed
staff, U.S. Direct Hires, and family members. I always seek to create
space for open dialogue and diversity of thought. I am committed to
professional development and believe in setting high standards. I will
foster an environment of respect as Mission Norway carries out
important work on behalf of the American people.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. It is never acceptable to berate or yell at employees
in public or in private. If confirmed, I will treat all members of
Mission Norway professionally and with respect.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to foster a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). Together, we will
advance U.S. priorities in Norway, including protecting the safety and
security of Americans, advancing shared security and global norms, and
increase energy, environment, and investment cooperation with a focus
on the green transition. We will also work together to help employees
grow and advance.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief
of Mission on the full range of issues at Mission Norway and I will
value her institutional knowledge and perspective. If confirmed, I will
entrust the DCM with responsibility for the day-to-day operations of
the Mission, and the DCM should keep abreast of policy issues to be
able to serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is important to provide employees with
timely, accurate, and constructive feedback on their performance not
only during annual evaluations but throughout the year.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback. I believe clear and open communication
fosters professional growth.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
the Kingdom of Norway.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. From what I have seen of Department and Embassy operations
overseas, U.S. diplomats have done a remarkable job getting outside our
Embassy walls to advance U.S. objectives by meeting local actors in
diverse settings and environments. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a
challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and engage face-to-face with
host country nationals, but as conditions improve and Norway has
relaxed pandemic restrictions, I understand that our diplomats in Oslo
have resumed in-person engagements and programs. I firmly believe it is
imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside the Embassy to meet with
local citizens, including host government officials and non-
governmental organizations. If confirmed, I plan to personally visit
all regions of Norway.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to engage audiences
throughout Norway to exchange ideas and hear their views and to promote
our shared goals. I will also support the strong academic, cultural,
and professional exchanges the United States has with the people of
Norway, especially youth. If confirmed, I will work with my Embassy
team to continue leveraging relationships with the media, cultural and
educational exchange organizations, and individuals to expand the
people-to-people bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral
relationship.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts
What is the public diplomacy environment like in the Kingdom of
Norway?
Answer. The deep cultural, familial, and economic connections
between the United States and Norway have enabled Embassy Oslo to
leverage public diplomacy tools to promote U.S. policy goals. The
public diplomacy environment in Norway is generally very welcoming, and
Norway benefits from strong interest in U.S. culture and direct news
exposure.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic made traveling and face-to-face
engagement with Norwegians difficult, but today our diplomats in Oslo
are again able to have in-person engagements. Public opinion of the
United States is largely tied to perceptions of the current U.S.
administration and can vacillate significantly depending on views of
the president in power. While older Norwegians feel close direct ties
to the United States, due to familial ties and gratitude for the role
the United States played in liberating Europe during WWII, polling has
shown Norwegian youth to be more skeptical of the United States. In
particular, young Norwegians question if the United States shares their
commitment to social justice issues and the environment. To keep our
alliance strong for the generations to come, we must ensure all
Norwegians see the United States as their partner in building the
better world they want to see. If confirmed, I will work with my
Embassy team to leverage relationships with the media, cultural and
exchange organizations, and individuals to expand the people-to-people
bonds that are the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy to enhance
security cooperation, strengthen collaboration on Arctic and climate
issues, expand economic and trade relations, and deepen people-to-
people ties. I will work to counter adverse influence and mis- and
disinformation with the variety of engagements at our disposal,
including speaking with traditional media, communication via social
media, through outreach and personal interactions, and through a
variety of public diplomacy programming. This is a field I have been
actively engaged in for over thirty years. If confirmed, I will work
with the public diplomacy team at Embassy Oslo to continue a robust
public diplomacy strategy and tailor messaging in a way that is most
appropriate for the Norwegian public.
``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as ``Havana
Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. diplomats around
the world for years. They have caused serious, negative consequences
for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the Department is not doing
enough to care for, protect, and communicate to its personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Oslo staff,
their family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my
highest priority
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Oslo personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining open
communication and ensuring that all reported potential anomalous health
incidents are given serious attention and reported swiftly through the
appropriate channels.
Human Rights, Democracy, and International Organizations
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Norway was identified as tier 2 for continued failure to
convict more traffickers, utilize appropriate national referral
mechanism, and continued lack of anti-trafficking efforts writ large
within the Government's demonstrated capacity. How will you work with
Norway to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these efforts in
conjunction with the Ambassador-at-Large?
Answer. Norway was downgraded to Tier 2 in the State Department's
2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. The report found that the
Government does not fully meet the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking but is making significant efforts to do so.
If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Norwegian authorities and
encourage the Norwegian Government to make progress in combating
trafficking in persons and address the recommendations in the
Trafficking in Persons Report.
Question. In your opinion, what do you believe is the biggest
obstacle to improving Norway's anti-trafficking response?
Answer. According to the State Department's Trafficking in Persons
Report, the biggest obstacles are prosecutions and convictions and
unreliable victim identification and assistance data. During the
reporting period in question, the Government did not report any
trafficking prosecutions, reported only one convicted trafficker, and
continued to charge traffickers with non-trafficking crimes. For the
fourth consecutive year, the Government did not report an official
number of identified and assisted victims. The U.S. Government
continues to work with the Norwegian Government to address these
concerns. If confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador-at-Large to
engage with Norwegian authorities and encourage the Government to make
progress in combating trafficking in persons and address the
recommendations in the Trafficking in Persons Report.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Norway experienced a small decline in religiously-
motivated hate crimes after a period of increase. The U.S. Embassy
noted its routine efforts to promote inter-faith dialogue and value in
interacting with different members of religious communities. What is
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you
work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. Norwegian law prohibits religious discrimination and
protects the right to choose, practice, or change one's faith or life
stance. If confirmed, I will support efforts to promote inter-faith
dialogue and I will meet with members of different religious
communities in Norway. I will also advocate for religious freedom for
members of all religious groups and work with the Ambassador-at-Large,
the Norwegian Government, and NGO partners to promote religious
freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Norway was described as having no significant human rights abuses.
However, there is always room for improvement.
How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil society
organizations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society to advanced
shared values, including respect for human rights. Norway is a strong
advocate for addressing global issues in multilateral fora, including
on the U.N. Security Council. I will work to leverage our strong
relationship and shared values and utilize public diplomacy tools to
promote the international rules-based order and bolster human rights.
Norway and the United States have worked together around the world to
foster respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will continue to
promote these joint relationships.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Marc B. Nathanson by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The United States and Norway have long shared a thriving
relationship based on common goals and values. One of those goals is
the dire need to combat climate change, a goal which the United States
and Norway partner on achieving through the expansion of the use of
clean energy technology and through the expansion of the use of
renewable technology. Most recently, Norwegian officials have expressed
increasing concern regarding the negative effects of climate change,
especially in the Arctic.
Where do opportunities exist for greater cooperation for the United
States and Norway to work together when it comes to combatting
climate change?
Answer. The United States and Norway can work together both
bilaterally, such as in increasing offshore wind production and
cooperating on carbon capture research, and globally through aligning
priorities to support other countries in the green transition. Norway
is a leader in combatting the climate crisis globally and devotes
significant resources to domestic green technology and assistance to
developing nations' climate mitigation and adaptation efforts. In
November, Norway committed to doubling its climate financing and joined
the Global Methane Pledge. Norway also co-chairs the High Level Panel
for a Sustainable Ocean Economy to ensure sustainable ocean management.
The United States joined the Panel in 2021. If confirmed, I will
prioritize combatting the climate crisis and will work closely with
Norwegian counterparts to advance shared goals.
Question. Norway has a small but growing wind energy profile. Is
there a way to work together to develop cutting edge off shore wind
turbines and technologies?
Answer. Yes. Norwegian companies have invested in offshore wind
projects in the eastern United States and are interested in west coast
opportunities as well. These partnerships can help bring Norwegian
technology and experience to support U.S. targets for renewable wind
power production. This collaboration will contribute to climate
objectives while creating jobs.
Question. Are there other opportunities for greater cooperation on
climate, particularly in the Arctic?
Answer. Yes. The United States and Norway work closely on climate
issues and have opportunities to deepen cooperation, including working
together to achieve zero-emission transportation at sea and aligning
climate financing objectives. Our scientists collaborate on research
relating to climate change and sustainability challenges in the Arctic,
including for decades through the Arctic Council's working groups.
Furthermore, Norway is investing in renewable energy and technologies
to lower emissions, including carbon capture and storage, hydrogen, and
offshore wind, which are all opportunities for collaboration. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Norwegian counterparts to combat
the climate crisis with particular attention to the Arctic.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Where do you think the biggest opportunities are to
deepen our alliance?
Answer. The ironclad partnership between the Philippines and the
United States has, throughout our long, shared history, contributed to
peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. As we mark
more than 75 years of diplomatic relations, I would, if confirmed,
continue to deepen the roots of our longstanding friendship and people-
to-people ties, position our alliance to face new challenges, expand
U.S. trade and investment, promote respect for human rights, and
support multiparty democracy, the rule of law, and good governance.
Question. With a change in presidential administrations in Manila
in the next several months, what opportunities exist for the United
States to engage with Manila more effectively to assure that these
issues are addressed and that our alliance can be said to be one
animated as much by shared values as shared interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the new
democratically elected Government in the Philippines. I would closely
engage with top Philippine leadership to ensure utmost coordination in
matters of mutual concern.
Our alliance is irreplaceable and foundational to our strategic
interests in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I would work to ensure our
security cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and law
enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and violent
extremism. I would continue U.S. efforts to urge the Philippine
Government to conduct all law enforcement operations in accordance with
the rule of law and consistent with its international human rights
obligations, and I would urge the Government to conduct thorough,
transparent investigations into all suspected unlawful killings, and to
hold accountable those who are responsible. I would also work to
strengthen the Administration of justice and support Philippine human
rights defenders and civil society, and encourage respect for freedom
of expression, including for members of the press.
Among the values our two democracies share is the respect for
international law, which underpins freedoms of navigation and
overflight, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful resolution of
disputes in the South China Sea and around the world. If confirmed, I
would continue our efforts to bolster Philippine capabilities that
enhance maritime domain awareness and enable it to counter coercive
activity in its Exclusive Economic Zone and other areas.
Finally, I would support reforms that enhance transparency, assure
labor rights protections, boost beneficial trade and investment between
our two countries, and increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply
chains. I would promote an economic partnership that engages the U.S.
and Philippine private sectors to invest in climate action and support
low-carbon energy security.
Question. How do you think the United States and the Philippines
can work together to press back on China's unlawful and destabilizing
actions, ranging from illegal and unlawful fishing and the destruction
of fragile marine ecosystems up to the potential that China might seek
to seizing Filipino territory?
Answer. The Philippines is one of the states most affected by the
PRC's expansive maritime claims in the South China Sea. PRC activities
in the South China Sea are inconsistent with international law,
threatening Philippine livelihoods, food security, biodiversity, and
energy security. Both the United States and the Philippines have a
clear national interest in preserving unimpeded lawful commerce,
respect for international law, including freedoms of navigation and
overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea, and the peaceful
resolution of disputes in the South China Sea.
If confirmed, I would continue to push whole-of-government U.S.
efforts to bolster Philippine capacity for maritime domain awareness in
the South China Sea, including through improving the capacity of the
Philippine Coast Guard. I would also encourage regular communication
and coordination with the Philippines to address PRC provocations in
the South China Sea. If confirmed, I would support joint maritime or
naval operations anywhere in the Pacific, the South China Sea included,
to fully demonstrate the range of our friendship and alliance with the
Government of the Philippines, including our commitments under the 1951
Mutual Defense Treaty, and to demonstrate the range of our mutual
defense capabilities.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the
health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I share your concern and am deeply troubled by potential
anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel
and their family members. Our embassies overseas are more than places
of work; they are communities of people. I would have no higher
priority, if confirmed as ambassador, than the health, safety, and
security of our people overseas. Serving one's country should not come
at the cost of one's health. I firmly agree that we must take these and
other threats to health and safety seriously. I would be honored to
take on this responsibility.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. I wholeheartedly commit to ensuring that that all reported
health-related incidents are given serious attention and reported
swiftly through the appropriate channels. If confirmed, I will also
ensure that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt
access to the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO at Embassy Manila to discuss any reported anomalous health
incidents. I would work closely with medical and other professionals to
protect the safety of U.S. Embassy Manila staff and ensure that all
protocols regarding anomalous health incidents are followed
appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is the strategic importance of the Philippines to
the United States?
Answer. The Philippines is one of our most strategically important
allies in the Indo-Pacific. Our alliance with the Philippines is
irreplaceable and foundational to our security and other interests in
the region, contributing to peace, stability, and prosperity in the
Asia-Pacific region for more than seven decades. The Mutual Defense
Treaty and other bilateral defense agreements we have with the
Philippines enable critical U.S. military support, presence, and
interoperability in the Philippines and in the region. Both the United
States and the Philippines have a clear national interest in preserving
unimpeded lawful commerce, respect for international law--including
freedoms of navigation and overflight--and other lawful uses of the
sea, and the peaceful resolution of disputes in the South China Sea.
Through the U.S.-Philippine alliance, our two countries work together
to safeguard a resilient, prosperous, and secure Indo-Pacific.
Question. How have the United States and the Philippines benefitted
from cooperation between the U.S. military and the Armed Forces of the
Philippines?
Answer. The long-standing, ironclad alliance between the
Philippines and the United States has contributed to peace, stability,
and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region for more than seven decades.
Cooperation between the U.S. military and the Armed Forces of the
Philippines plays a key role in our bilateral ties. U.S. reliability as
an ally has been established over decades under the Mutual Defense
Treaty, which was signed in 1951. That treaty and Visiting Forces
Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement provide the
foundation for the continuing strong defense relationship that enables
critical U.S. military support, presence, and interoperability.
Together, these agreements facilitate the rotational presence of U.S.
forces in the Philippines, expand opportunities for bilateral training,
support the long-term modernization of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines, and augment the United States' ability to provide rapid
assistance in the Philippines in cases of natural disasters. Our long-
standing defense and security cooperation with the Armed Forces of the
Philippines also supports our bilateral and multilateral efforts to
uphold the rules-based order in the South China Sea that protects the
rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea guaranteed to all nations.
Question. Do you think membership in the TPNW is compatible with
being a U.S. security ally, given the role of extended deterrence in
U.S. security policy in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. I understand concerns that the Treaty on the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) may reinforce divisions that hinder the
international community's ability to work together to address pressing
proliferation and security challenges. The Treaty is incompatible with
a reliance by allies and partners on U.S. extended deterrence in that
it risks negatively affecting nuclear deterrence, extended nuclear
deterrence, and our security relationships. It remains to be seen how
TPNW states parties will interpret and implement many of the treaty's
provisions and how this might impact their security relationships with
nuclear weapon states.
Question. What message will you deliver to the Philippine
Government on the TPNW?
Answer. The United States has stated that the Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) risks negatively affecting
nuclear deterrence, extended nuclear deterrence, and our security
relationships. We have noted our concerns to those allies and partners
who have expressed an interest in the TPNW, including its state
parties.
Question. When it comes to the Philippines, what are your greatest
concerns about China?
Answer. The Philippines shares our concerns about provocative and
unlawful behavior by the PRC in the region. Yet, like the United
States, the Philippines also has economic ties to China and a strong
interest in maintaining constructive engagement, where possible. It is
not U.S. policy to disrupt lawful international trade, nor are we
asking the Philippines, or any other country, to choose sides between
the United States and PRC. As friends, partners, and allies we can work
together to engage Beijing from a position of strength.
The PRC's increased maritime assertiveness in the South China Sea
presents a major challenge for the region and for U.S. policy in
Southeast Asia. PRC provocations in the South China Sea threaten
Philippine livelihoods, food security, biodiversity, and energy
security. The United States and the Philippines share a mutual interest
in maintaining peace and stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and
respect for international law, including freedoms of navigation and
overflight and other lawful uses of the sea in the South China Sea.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that the United
States advances a robust trade and economic agenda with the Philippines
and in the broader Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. economic agenda and build on those successes. The United
States is among the Philippines' top three trading partners, and the
Philippines is the United States' 31st largest goods trading partner--
with $23.3 billion in total (two-way) goods trade during 2021--up
nearly 25 percent from 2020. This strong bilateral economic
relationship coupled with the Philippines' indispensable role as one of
our most important allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific provides the
foundation for us to deepen our trade and investment ties. If
confirmed, I would work closely with my colleagues in USTR and other
relevant agencies to promote the Administration's trade policy agenda,
which benefits American workers and enhances U.S. competitiveness in
our economic relationship with the Philippines, as well as throughout
the Indo-Pacific.
Question. I have heard consistent feedback from Indo-Pacific allies
and partners that the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) leaves a
lot to be desired--especially since there is no market access
component. What is your understanding of what IPEF seeks to achieve?
Answer. As President Biden announced at the East Asia Summit, the
United States is developing the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF)
to deepen economic relations in the region and coordinate approaches to
addressing global economic challenges. If confirmed, I will work
closely with USTR, the Department of Commerce, and other agencies in
the context of the framework to promote trade; secure supply chains;
strengthen the digital economy; expand cooperation on infrastructure,
clean energy, and decarbonization; and seek tax and anticorruption
reforms.
Question. Without market access, what incentive do our partners
have to cooperate through IPEF?
Answer. I understand the Administration continues to engage with
Indo-Pacific partners as it develops the Indo-Pacific Economic
Framework; however, I do not have specific information to share
regarding the framework's components. If confirmed, I will work closely
with USTR, the Department of Commerce, and other agencies to advance
the framework and deepen our bilateral trade and investment ties with
the Philippines.
Question. The Philippines has a growing natural gas market and
demand for natural gas to satisfy its energy needs. The Philippines is
looking to engage with the U.S. on this issue, but so far the
Administration has not shown openness to such engagement. Do you commit
to advocating for engagement with the Philippines on natural gas
issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead our team to engage fully with the
Philippines to support their efforts to secure necessary resources to
meet today's energy needs, while helping them plan to reduce reliance
on fossil fuels into the future, to increase energy security, and
support efforts to combat the climate crisis. I understand the
Philippines faces a looming energy crisis as its major gas field--
Malampaya--could be depleted by 2027. The Philippines is considering a
wide range of options to address this issue and is working with the
United States to promote the market conditions and attract finance to
support the Philippines in its energy transition and decarbonizing key
industries. If confirmed, I would continue to deepen and strengthen our
engagements with the Government of the Philippines on energy security,
which is in the national interest of both our countries.
Question. Do you commit to ensuring the Biden administration's
focus on climate does not ignore the Philippines' legitimate energy
goals and needs, especially in the near-term?
Answer. If confirmed, I would commit to ensuring that our
engagements with the Philippines on energy issues supports near-term
energy needs given the current energy system, while investing in the
transformation necessary to achieve long-term energy security and
climate goals, which are consistent with one another.
Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to accomplish in your
first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to implement a 100-day plan that
focuses on the mutual benefits that accrue to our countries as friends,
partners, and allies. I would look to deepen the roots of the
longstanding friendship and people-to-people ties between the United
States and the Philippines through appropriate press engagements,
encounters with alumni of U.S. Government programs, meetings with civil
society groups, and outreach on social media. To foster stronger
alliance ties, I would look to focus initial engagements on ways to
upgrade and modernize our alliance to meet regional and global
challenges. To promote our partnership, I would engage with a wide
array of stakeholders to expand U.S. trade and investment and bolster
economic development. Underpinning all of these efforts would be strong
support for the values we share as democracies--the promotion of human
rights, freedoms of speech and press, and support the rule of law and
good governance.
If confirmed, I would rely on our talented Embassy team to guide
me. I would seek their views to help craft the specifics of an action
plan for my first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines that
supports my goals of deepening the alliance. With elections in May and
a change in administration closely thereafter, another of my goals
within my first 100 days would be to engage with the new administration
to better promote policies that enhance the U.S.-Philippines alliance
for the benefit of both our countries.
Question. If confirmed, what would you seek to engage with the new
Philippines administration on after their presidential elections in
June?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to engage with the new
Philippines administration after the elections to deliver our
commitment to the enduring U.S.-Philippines Alliance and to ensure
utmost coordination in matters of mutual concern. I would seek to
engage the new administration on the pillars of our expansive and
enduring bilateral partnership, including on our robust security and
defense cooperation, our strong economic ties, and our enduring people-
to-people connections. I would not shy away from difficult discussions
on areas where we may disagree and would continue to press the
Philippine Government to uphold human rights and democratic freedoms. I
would seek to work with the new administration to deepen our
partnership to allow us to cooperate even closer in support of the
rules-based economic and security order in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. The Philippines is at the front lines of Chinese military
aggression and coercion in the South China Sea. Besides freedom of
navigation operations, what else can the U.S. do to support our
partners such as the Philippines in the South China Sea?
Answer. Both the United States and the Philippines have a clear
national interest in preserving unimpeded lawful commerce, respect for
international law, including freedoms of navigation and overflight, and
other lawful uses of the sea, and the peaceful resolution of disputes
in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I would continue to push whole-
of-Government U.S. efforts to bolster Philippine capacity for maritime
domain awareness in the South China Sea, including through improving
the capacity of the Philippine Coast Guard. In addition to our law
enforcement capacity building with the Coast Guard, we work with our
Philippine alliance partners to counter illegal, unreported, and
unregulated fishing, and enhance national efforts to protect critical
marine resources that provide employment and food security for millions
of Filipinos. If confirmed, I would seek to expand these efforts and
encourage the Philippines to partner with its ASEAN neighbors to
collaboratively address shared challenges in the South China Sea.
Additionally, I would encourage our teams to work with Philippine
partners to broaden cooperation on marine scientific research and
energy exploration to take full advantage of our bilateral Science &
Technology agreement. I would also encourage regular communication and
coordination with the Philippines to address PRC provocations in the
South China Sea. If confirmed, I would support joint maritime or naval
operations anywhere in the Pacific, including the South China Sea, to
fully demonstrate the range of our friendship and alliance with the
Government of the Philippines, including our commitments under the 1951
Mutual Defense Treaty, and to demonstrate the range of our mutual
defense capabilities.
Question. Do you agree that Philippine-claimed features in the
South China Sea are covered by our mutual defense treaty with the
Philippines?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States affirms
the applicability of the 1951 U.S.-Philippine Mutual Defense Treaty to
the South China Sea. The ``Joint Vision for a 21st Century United
States-Philippines Partnership'' also reaffirms our shared treaty
commitments, including our Mutual Defense Treaty obligations to respond
to an armed attack in the Pacific Area on either the United States or
the Philippines.
Question. In your view, what are the benefits to both the United
States and to the Philippines of our security relationship and the fact
that we provide security assistance to the Philippine military?
Answer. The Philippines is a vital security partner. The long-
standing, ironclad alliance between the Philippines and the United
States has contributed to peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-
Pacific region for more than seven decades. U.S. dependability as an
ally has been established over decades under the 1951 Mutual Defense
Treaty which, together with the bilateral Visiting Forces Agreement and
the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), continues to provide
the foundation for the defense relationship and enables critical U.S.
military support, presence, and interoperability. These agreements
facilitate the rotational presence of U.S. forces in the Philippines,
expand opportunities for bilateral training, support the long-term
modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, augment the U.S.
ability to provide rapid assistance to the Philippines in cases of
natural disasters, and support our efforts to work closely with the
Philippines to uphold the rules-based order in the South China Sea that
protects the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea guaranteed to
all nations.
Question. Do you commit to ensuring that U.S. security assistance
remains robust to the Philippines?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our diplomatic and defense
engagement at all levels to ensure full coordination between our
governments on shared interests and to explore ways in which our
security assistance to the Philippines can continue to facilitate more
effective implementation of alliance priorities.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Manila?
Answer. One of the largest U.S. embassies in the Indo-Pacific,
Mission Philippines counts on the talent, dedication, and service of
our committed personnel. I understand that, like other missions in the
region and around the world, Mission Philippines has been adversely
affected by the global pandemic. I also understand that extended strict
lockdowns in the Philippines prevented in-person schooling for the
children of our Mission personnel and that other lockdown regulations
prevented regular daily activities and engagements. I understand that
the Philippines is beginning to lift those lockdowns and related
restrictions and that travel has opened back up again. If confirmed, I
would work in concert with the Embassy's leadership team to bolster
morale by focusing on the team's welfare and supporting them and their
families as they work to promote bilateral relations.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Manila?
Answer. Our Embassy in Manila is more than a place of work; it is a
community of people. If confirmed, I would prioritize the safety and
well-being of Embassy Manila's talented staff and families, which
includes ensuring that morale remains high. I would work with the
Deputy Chief of Mission to conduct listening sessions across the
mission. I would also work in concert with the Embassy's Community
Liaison Office to understand and address any issues affecting morale
and to determine what tools and resources can be made available to them
to maintain the mission's strong sense of community.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Manila?
Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in
Mission Philippines to understand their current priorities and
engagements. I would also clearly communicate my priorities and those
of the Biden-Harris administration.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. When it comes to leadership, management, and fostering
teamwork, I like to say, ``It's impossible to overcommunicate, but
please try.'' My management style is open and inclusive. I believe in
sharing information--even tough news--wherever possible so that our
teams are empowered by knowledge of our options and limitations and can
think creatively as a group, bringing our diverse talents to bear to
find smart solutions to problem sets.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe in berating mission employees in public or
private. If confirmed, I commit to providing a safe and professional
working environment for all Mission personnel.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. I have served as a Deputy Chief of Mission for nearly six
years in two posts for four different ambassadors. I know firsthand the
value of a trusted ambassador-DCM partnership in the front office and,
if confirmed, I will empower my Deputy Chief of Mission to serve as the
Embassy's chief operating officer. I would regularly seek her guidance
to ensure effective Embassy operations to enable the Embassy team to
meet our strategic objectives in pursuit of strong bilateral ties.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission to
serve as the Embassy's chief operating officer, relying on her
knowledge of Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth
functioning of Mission Philippines. I would also regularly seek her
guidance on the full range of leadership, management, and policy issues
the Mission faces.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. I like and have often referenced Kim Scott's concept of
``Radical Candor,'' which posits that the best bosses are those who
give direct, candid guidance to the people they supervise, thereby
improving performance while demonstrating care for them as individuals
and concern for their career development. I believe it is important to
provide employees with accurate, constructive feedback on their
performance in order to recognize their good work, encourage
professional development, and reward those who successfully advance the
priorities of the Department.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to recognize their
good work, encourage professional development, and reward those who
successfully advance the priorities of the Department.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Strict COVID pandemic lockdowns over the past two years
have curtailed Embassy operations in many countries, including, as I
understand, in the Philippines. In my experience, however, that is a
unique exception. As I have heard Secretary Blinken say, ``Diplomacy is
a contact sport.'' Actively reaching out, establishing contacts, and
getting out of the Embassy and into the communities in which we serve--
within the bounds of prudent security measures--are all essential
elements of diplomatic outreach, critical to the conduct of effective
diplomacy.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the public affairs team and
others across the microcosm of the interagency in Mission Philippines
to ensure we are reaching diverse Philippine audiences in an inclusive
and strategic way.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Philippines?
Answer. I understand there is a vibrant and active public diplomacy
environment in the Philippines. If confirmed, I would work to expand
and strengthen the relationship between our peoples and governments.
Our public diplomacy efforts in the Philippines are effective and far-
reaching, thanks to both the high favorability rating the United States
enjoys in the Philippines and the extended, well-organized, and active
network of U.S. exchange program alumni with whom the Embassy regularly
engages. I understand some of the Mission's most successful programs
include cultural and sports programming, academic grants, educational
exchanges, and international visitor programs. I would hope to continue
science and technology-related public diplomacy programs which focus on
encouraging youth, particularly women, to explore STEM fields. In all
of our outreach, I would promote principles of diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. I understand the COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for
public diplomacy programming in the Philippines, although many
initiatives have continued by shifting online or by changing logistics.
Another challenge, as I understand it, is that U.S. spending on public
diplomacy in the Philippines is dwarfed by that of the PRC. If
confirmed, I would work with our team in Manila to continue to retain
our edge by countering quantity with quality, but I would also seek to
ensure our public diplomacy resources are sufficient to successfully
combat PRC disinformation.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission
Philippines to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. Mission personnel
provide a broad range of expertise and local insights. If confirmed, I
would draw on that local expertise to ensure our public diplomacy
messages are appropriately calibrated for the local audience and that
they reflect key foreign policy priorities.
Question. ''Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected Embassy personnel and their family
members. I agree we must take these reported incidents seriously. If
confirmed, I would have no higher priority than the health, safety, and
security of Embassy Manila staff and their families.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Manila personnel?
Answer. I often say, ``It's impossible to overcommunicate, but
please try.'' Open, effective communication is central to my leadership
approach and, if confirmed, I wholeheartedly commit to talking as
openly as I can to mission personnel not only about anomalous health
incidents, but other issues as well. If confirmed, I commit to doing
everything in my power to protect the health and safety of our Embassy
team members and their families.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, the Philippines was identified as Tier 1 but the Government was
noted as convicting fewer traffickers in the reporting period. Knowing
there is room for improvement despite meeting the minimum standards,
how will you work with the host government to address these issues if
you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Trafficking in persons is a matter of deep concern for me,
and if confirmed I would actively engage the Government of the
Philippines to address this issue, including by sharing best practices
from the United States and other likeminded partners. If confirmed, I
would reinforce the need to vigorously investigate and prosecute sex
and labor trafficking cases, as well as other forms of human
trafficking, and hold convicted traffickers accountable.
Question. If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these
efforts in conjunction with the Ambassador-at-Large.
Answer. If confirmed, I would direct my team to encourage the
Philippines to adopt the prioritized recommendations in the Department
of State's annual Trafficking in Persons Report and I would work
closely with the Ambassador-at-Large, when one is appointed and
confirmed, to coordinate U.S. engagements with the Government of the
Philippines to combat and prevent trafficking in persons.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom Report, the Philippines was identified as not particularly
tolerant of religious freedom, especially among Muslims. What is your
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the United States
maintains its unwavering support to promote respect for and protect
freedom of religion or belief for all. The annual International
Religious Freedom Report notes that the Philippines' constitution
provides for the free exercise of religion and religious worship, and I
understand that Mission Philippines has conducted a broad range of
engagement with the Government of the Philippines and with civil
society to highlight the importance of international religious freedom.
If confirmed, I would ensure that we continue these important
engagements, and I would work with the Ambassador-at-Large to explore
ways that we can bolster religious freedom in the Philippines. I
appreciate the longstanding Congressional support on freedom of
religion or belief and look forward to working with you on how we can
continue to preserve and protect this human right.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Philippines was identified as having committed severe human rights
abuses including but not limited to unlawful or arbitrary killings,
including extrajudicial killings; reports of forced disappearance;
torture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary
detention by and on behalf of the Government and nonstate actors; and
more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law is
fundamental to U.S. relations with the Philippines. The alliance with
the Philippines is foundational to the U.S. role in the Indo-Pacific,
and the relationship is built on shared values and principles founded
upon mutual democratic aspirations. As a friend, partner, and ally of
the Philippines, the United States maintains a robust dialogue with the
Philippine Government about all aspects of our long-standing
relationship, including human rights concerns, such as those related to
freedom of expression, including for members of the press, and reports
of extrajudicial killings. Sustained constructive engagement with all
levels of the Philippine Government, military, and civil society is
essential for promoting respect for human rights.
If confirmed, I would ensure that we continue this engagement with
the Government, military, and civil society. In discussions with my
Filipino counterparts, I would reinforce the importance of human
rights, particularly adequate legal protections and the rule of law. If
confirmed, I would also work to improve access to and administration of
justice in the Philippines, through programs administered by USAID, the
Department of Justice, and the Department of State's Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure a whole-of-embassy effort to
diligently monitor the human rights situation in the Philippines.
Through numerous ongoing training and development programs, the team
and I would work to support and enhance the efforts of Philippine human
rights defenders, including civil society organizations that are
bravely working to promote respect for human rights. I would also
continue to work with USAID, the Department of Justice, the Department
of State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs, and other U.S. Government agencies as they administer and
manage their programs in the Philippines.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. On March 30, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Maria Ressa
testified before the East Asia, the Pacific, and International
Cybersecurity Policy Subcommittee about the assault on freedom of
expression in Asia and the upcoming elections in the Philippines which
Ms. Ressa characterized as ``an existential moment'' for democracy in
the Philippines. I'm concerned that successive U.S. administrations
have put human rights on the backburner. As we've seen time and time
again, authoritarian governments make unreliable partners. If
confirmed, will you pledge to publicly and privately elevate issues of
human rights, freedom of speech, and the rule of law with the new
Government of the Philippines?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to publicly and privately elevate
issues of human rights, freedom of speech, and the rule of law.
Promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law is fundamental
to U.S. relations with the Philippines. The alliance with the
Philippines is built on shared democratic values and principles, which
would anchor my engagement with the Philippines Government if I am
confirmed. I would also work to improve the Administration of justice,
which is crucial for achieving adequate legal protections and access to
justice, through programs administered by U.S. interagency partners,
including USAID, the Department of Justice, and the Department of
State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.
Through our numerous ongoing training and development programs, I would
work to support and enhance the efforts of Philippine human rights
defenders, including civil society organizations that are bravely and
continuously working to promote respect for human rights. I would
ensure the team at our Embassy continues to diligently monitor the
human rights situation in the Philippines, and, in discussions with my
Filipino counterparts, I would reinforce the importance of respect for
human rights and the rule of law.
If confirmed, I would also encourage the Government of the
Philippines to respect freedom of expression and freedom of the press.
I would continue to support local initiatives to counter
disinformation. I remain concerned about the cases against journalist
Maria Ressa and Senator Leila de Lima and by the politically motivated
refusal to renew the license of ABS-CBN, the country's largest
broadcast network. If confirmed, I would continue to call for
resolution of the cases in a way consistent with the Philippines'
constitution and international obligations, including protection of the
right to freedom of expression.
I appreciate Congress's close attention to the full range of human
rights issues and, if confirmed, look forward to continuing our close
consultations on these important matters.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Todd Young
Question. It is my understanding there are over 5,000 certified
foreign nurses approved for entry into the United States from the
Philippines. They are waiting for in-person interviews at the Embassy,
sometimes without any word as to when those interviews may happen. I
have heard from numerous hospitals across Indiana who desperately need
these nurses and are anxiously awaiting their arrival. If confirmed,
how will you work to reduce the backlog of foreign nurses?
Answer. According to State Department statistics, Consular
operations at the U.S. Embassy in the Philippines are among the largest
and most high-profile in the world. U.S. visa operations play an
important role in our people-to-people ties, and, especially now, help
to provide qualified skilled workers in crucial industries such as
healthcare. I understand the consular section at U.S Embassy Manila is
making significant progress toward adjudicating E3 immigrant visas for
nurses and other critical industry workers and their families. If
confirmed, I will ensure continued momentum in adjudicating these
critical industry visas in accordance with all relevant U.S. laws and
regulations and will make sure our resources are focused on this
effort, while also supporting other important priorities of the
Mission.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to improving the level of
communication between the Embassy and the nurses applying for a visa?
Answer. Yes, improving communication is a constant goal--in this
issue area and others of significance to bilateral ties. The consular
section of the U.S. Embassy in Manila is working hard to adjudicate E3
immigrant visas for nurses and other critical industry workers and
their families. If confirmed, I will ensure that our Consular
operations continue their momentum in adjudicating these critical
industry visas and ensure that our Mission devotes resources to this
effort, including to ensuring timely and proper communication with visa
applicants, while also supporting other important priorities of the
Mission
Question. What is your perspective on how we can strengthen our
diplomatic engagement with the Philippines, particularly after several
rocky years?
Answer. The long-standing, ironclad alliance between the
Philippines and the United States is irreplaceable and foundational to
our strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific. As friends, partners, and
allies, we must continue building on the well-established foundation
between our two countries to strengthen our bilateral engagement in the
face of new global challenges.
If confirmed, I would continue to closely engage with top
Philippine leadership to ensure utmost coordination in matters of
mutual concern. This includes working with the Philippines to enable
stronger security and defense cooperation and to expand opportunities
for bilateral training, exercises, and capacity building to advance
peace and security in the region. I would also work to ensure our
security cooperation continues to help the Philippine military and law
enforcement bodies combat terrorism, transnational crime, and violent
extremism.
If confirmed, I would continue U.S. efforts to urge the Philippine
Government to conduct all law enforcement operations in accordance with
the rule of law and consistent with its international human rights
obligations, and I would urge the Government to conduct thorough,
transparent investigations into all suspected unlawful killings, and to
hold accountable those who are responsible. I would also work to
strengthen the Administration of justice and support Philippine human
rights defenders and civil society, and encourage respect for freedom
of expression, including for members of the press. Finally, if
confirmed, I would support reforms that enhance transparency, assure
labor rights protections, boost beneficial trade and investment between
our two countries, and increase cooperation to ensure resilient supply
chains. I would promote an economic partnership that engages the U.S.
and Philippine private sectors to invest in climate action and support
low-carbon energy security.
Question. From your perspective, what advantages does the
Philippines bring to our U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, particularly in
terms of maritime security and supply chain resilience?
Answer. The Philippines is a vital, irreplaceable, and critically
important partner to the United States in the Indo-Pacific. The
alliance between our two countries has contributed to peace, stability,
and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region for more than seven decades.
If confirmed, I intend to work with the Philippines to deepen the
special partnership between our two countries. I would continue to
encourage diplomatic and defense engagement at all levels to ensure
full coordination between our governments on shared interests,
including upholding the rules-based order in the South China Sea that
protects the rights and freedoms guaranteed to all nations. I would
work to enhance bilateral coordination and communication processes to
facilitate more effective implementation of alliance priorities, and I
would work with colleagues across the interagency to expand cooperation
in our shared priority areas such as maritime security and supply chain
resilience.
Question. What is your view on how we can deepen our economic
relationship with the Philippines under the Indo-Pacific strategy? Are
there opportunities for engagement on digital trade in particular?
Answer. The United States and the Philippines enjoy strong economic
ties that benefit the peoples of both our countries. In 2021, the
United States was among the Philippines' top three trading partners and
the Philippines was the United States' 31st largest goods trading
partner. If confirmed, I would work hard to lower barriers to trade and
investment through our bilateral and multilateral engagements,
including through our regular Bilateral Strategic Dialogue with the
Government of the Philippines and through fora such as the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC). I would also work closely with the Office
of the U.S. Trade Representative to support engagement through our
bilateral U.S.-Philippines Trade and Investment Framework Agreement
(TIFA), as well as through our multilateral TIFA with the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). I would ensure the U.S. Mission in
Manila continues to advocate for stronger trade and investment ties and
for commercial and defense sales consistent with applicable law and
U.S. Government policy. If confirmed, I intend to explore more ways to
encourage mutually beneficial U.S. investment in the Philippines,
including by tackling some of the issues cited by the private sector,
such as corruption and customs issues. I would also work with the
Government of the Philippines to explore new opportunities to enhance
our bilateral economic relationship, including on cyber and digital
trade.
Question. Given that polls in the Philippines suggest that nearly
60 percent of Filipinos do not trust the Chinese, why do you think
President Duterte has sought to pivot towards some form of an alliance
with China?
Answer. Publicly available opinion polls show that the Philippine
public shares our concerns about aggressive and unlawful actions by the
PRC in the region. At the same time, the Philippines, like the United
States, has economic ties to China. If confirmed, I would encourage our
Philippine allies to continue to proactively raise concerns over PRC
actions that undermine the rules-based international order. I would
also encourage regular communication and coordination with the
Philippines to address common security concerns, in particular the
PRC's increasingly provocative and destabilizing activities in the
South China Sea.
Question. Ahead of the May elections, what is your sense of how the
various candidates are evaluating relations with China? Do you believe
the relationship with China will change substantively in a new
government?
Answer. The U.S.-Philippines relationship is one of friends,
partners, and allies who coordinate across the full range of human
endeavor to promote the interests of our peoples. We enjoy a vital
partnership and, if confirmed, I look forward to strengthening
bilateral ties in coordination with the new democratically elected
government that is slated to take office in early July. I understand
the various candidates are currently campaigning and determining their
platforms and policy positions, including on Philippine relations with
the PRC. As Secretary Blinken has repeatedly said, the United States is
not asking the Philippines, or any other country, to choose sides.
Instead, we seek to partner with the Philippines on issues of shared
concern, including with regard to the PRC's provocative behavior in the
region. If confirmed, I would encourage our Philippine allies to
continue to proactively raise concerns over PRC actions that undermine
regional stability and the rules-based international order.
Question. Given your extensive background in the region, how do you
view Chinese influence and interests in the Philippines?
Answer. Like the United States, the Philippines maintains a robust
relationship with the PRC that includes economic and people-to-people
ties. The Philippines, however, shares our concerns about the PRC's
provocative behavior in the region. For example, it was the
Philippines' initiative that led to the 2016 ruling by the arbitral
tribunal rejecting the PRC's expansive and unlawful claims in the South
China Sea. The Philippines is one of the states most affected by the
PRC's unlawful maritime claims. PRC activities in the South China Sea
threaten Philippine livelihoods, food security, biodiversity, and
energy security. As such, both the United States and the Philippines
have a clear national interest in preserving unimpeded lawful commerce,
respect for international law, including freedoms of navigation and
overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea, and the peaceful
resolution of disputes in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I would
continue to push whole-of-government U.S. efforts to bolster Philippine
capacity for maritime domain awareness in the South China Sea and I
would also encourage regular communication and coordination with the
Philippines on addressing the PRC's coercive activities in the South
China Sea.
Question. How would you approach engaging with the Government of
the Philippines on matters relating to China if confirmed as the
Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I would endeavor to strengthen the
irreplaceable U.S.-Philippines alliance, which serves as a source of
common security in the region. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken
have stated, the U.S. approach to the PRC will be competitive when it
should be, cooperative when it can be, and confrontational when it must
be. The common denominator in this approach is the need to engage
Beijing from a position of collective strength, which means working
with partners like the Philippines, because our combined weight, backed
by law, is much harder for the PRC to ignore.
If confirmed, I would encourage our Philippine allies to continue
to proactively raise concerns over PRC actions that threaten regional
stability and undermine the rules-based international order. I would
also encourage regular communication and coordination with the
Philippines to address common security concerns, in particular the
PRC's increasingly provocative activities in the South China Sea. This
includes continuing to push whole-of-government U.S. efforts to bolster
Philippine capacity for maritime domain awareness, including through
improving the capacity of the Philippine Coast Guard; encouraging
regular communication and coordination with the Philippines regarding
provocations in the South China Sea; and supporting joint maritime or
naval operations anywhere in the Pacific, the South China Sea included.
I would promote these joint efforts to fully demonstrate the range of
our friendship and alliance with the Government and people of the
Philippines, including our commitments under the 1951 Mutual Defense
Treaty, and to demonstrate the range of our mutual defense
capabilities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to MaryKay Loss Carlson by Senator Jeff Merkley
Question. If confirmed, how would you support efforts to
investigate human rights violations in the Philippines committed by the
Duterte regime, the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed
Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and the
Philippine National Police?
Answer. As friends, partners, and allies, the Philippines and the
United States maintain a robust dialogue about all aspects of our long-
standing relationship, including human rights concerns. Sustained
constructive engagement with all levels of the Philippine Government,
military, and society is essential for promoting respect for human
rights--values that underpin our relationship. If confirmed, I would
continue active engagement, to include a strong focus on bringing to
justice those responsible for extrajudicial killings. If confirmed, I
would continue to urge the Government to conduct all law enforcement
operations in accordance with the rule of law and consistent with the
Philippines' constitution and international human rights obligations.
In discussions with Filipino counterparts, I would reinforce the
importance of fair trial guarantees, all other applicable legal
protections, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I would ensure the team
at our embassy continues to diligently monitor the human rights
situation in the Philippines. I appreciate Congressional attention to
this issue and look forward to continuing close consultations.
Question. If confirmed, how would you ensure accountability that
U.S. military aid to the Philippines does not fund further human rights
violations?
Answer. The U.S.-Philippines alliance is strategically
irreplaceable and foundational to the U.S. role in the Indo-Pacific.
The Philippines is a linchpin connecting Northeast Asia with maritime
Southeast Asia and sits astride vital sea lines of communication; thus,
strong strategic relations with the Philippines are essential to our
national security. Time and again, the Philippines has proven crucial--
whether in facilitating our response to natural disasters in the region
or enabling our ability to respond to contingencies and shape security
in the Indo-Pacific.
The promotion of respect for human rights is also an indispensable
element of our foreign policy and advances our strategic interests. If
confirmed, I would appreciate the opportunity to discuss how we can
best simultaneously achieve our human rights objectives and our
security assistance objectives to protect the national security
interests of the United States.
If confirmed, I would work to ensure that no assistance is provided
to Philippine security units credibly implicated in a gross violation
of human rights, including by complying with all Leahy vetting
requirements. Our programs and assistance to the Armed Forces of the
Philippines and the Philippine National Police include human rights
training and associated institutional capacity building programs, and I
would ensure that training and those programs continue, as appropriate,
if confirmed.
I understand that our embassy closely tracks allegations of human
rights abuses and restricts assistance to security forces credibly
implicated in gross violations of human rights in accordance with the
Leahy Law. If confirmed, I would ensure we continue to devote adequate
resources into this effort.
Question. Given the strong military relationship between the U.S.
and Philippines, how has the U.S. used its leverage and close ties to
encourage the military to uphold human rights and democratic
principles?
Answer. The United States' and the Philippines' shared commitment
to democracy is an integral part of our longstanding partnership. The
United States is committed to partnering with the Philippines to
strengthen its democratic resilience, and we regularly raise the
importance of protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms in our
bilateral engagements, including with the armed forces. Sustained
constructive engagement with all levels of the Philippine military is
essential for promoting both respect for human rights and U.S. security
interests. If confirmed, I would continue the robust dialogue with the
Philippine armed forces about all aspects of our longstanding
relationship, including human rights concerns. I would ensure post is
complying with all Leahy vetting requirements to help ensure that no
assistance is provided to Philippine security units credibly implicated
in gross violations of human rights. I would communicate U.S.
requirements to our Philippine counterparts so they understand the
consequences of committing gross human rights violations. If confirmed,
I would work to ensure our U.S. programs and assistance to the
Philippines armed forces and select police units include human rights
training and associated institutional capacity building programs.
Question. What is the U.S. Government's position on the legacy of
the Marcos Dictatorship?
Answer. The Philippines is a vibrant democratic ally with which we
share a long and important history. The deep friendship and people-to-
people ties between our two democracies have stood the test of time,
bolstered by more than 75 years of robust diplomatic ties spanning
different administrations in both countries. If confirmed, I pledge to
work with the Government of the Philippines to ensure that our alliance
continues to reflect our shared values and highest ideals, and I would
work to ensure that our engagements with and assistance to the
Philippines support good governance, human rights protections, and the
rule of law.
Question. How will U.S. policy towards the Philippines change if
Marcos wins the upcoming presidential election?
Answer. The alliance with the Philippines is built on shared values
and principles founded upon mutual democratic aspirations. The upcoming
elections provide Filipinos the opportunity to democratically elect
their leaders. The Philippine people elect their leaders; we elect to
work with their leaders to further our mutual interests in the Indo-
Pacific and across the globe. If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our
partnership, strengthen people-to-people ties between our two
democracies, upgrade and modernize our alliance to face new challenges,
expand U.S. trade and investment, and support the rule of law and good
governance.
Question. What is the likelihood that the 2022 elections in the
Philippines can be considered ``free and fair'' and an accurate
representation of the will of the people?
Answer. The upcoming elections in the Philippines provide the
opportunity for Filipinos to exercise their will and their democratic
right to vote for their leaders. As documented in the State
Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, international and national
observers viewed the Philippines' most recent midterm elections in May
2019 as well organized and generally free and fair, even though vote
buying continued to be widespread and dynastic political families
continued to monopolize elective offices. If confirmed, I would look
for opportunities to offer U.S. election support, share good governance
strategies with the Philippine Government, and engage with the new
democratically elected administration.
Question. What steps is the U.S. taking to support the development
of democracy in the Philippines and prevent autocratic rule?
Answer. The United States works closely with interlocutors in the
Philippines to support the development of democracy. Programs
administered by USAID, the Department of Justice, and the Department of
State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs
support improving the Administration of justice, which is crucial for
achieving due process and access to justice. Through our numerous
ongoing training and development programs, we support and enhance the
efforts of Philippine human rights defenders including civil society
organizations who are bravely and continuously working to promote
respect for human rights. The United States supports the work of local
human rights advocates to enhance access to justice for the most
vulnerable communities, including victims of the drug war. If
confirmed, I would strive, in consultation with Congress, to enhance
our government's work with Philippine civil society organizations to
inspire the public to seek, affirm, and demand the observance of human
rights. I understand that our embassy closely tracks allegations of
human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will ensure we continue to put
adequate resources into these efforts.
Question. Has the State Department considered the imposition of
sanctions on those individuals that are actively trying to undermine
democracy in the Philippines?
Answer. The United States is committed to helping the Philippines
strengthen its democratic resilience and we regularly raise the
importance of protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms with all
levels of the Philippine Government, military, and civil society. If
confirmed, I will reinforce the importance of human rights,
particularly fair trial guarantees, all other applicable legal
protections, and the rule of law in my discussions with my Filipino
counterparts. I appreciate Congressional attention to human rights in
the Philippines and look forward to continuing close consultations with
you on this issue.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MAY 4, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Subcommittee on European Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:04 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeanne
Shaheen presiding.
Present: Senators Shaheen [presiding], Menendez, Kaine,
Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Young, and
Barrasso. Also Present: Senator Schumer.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. This hearing of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee's Subcommittee on European Affairs will
come to order, and I apologize for being a little late this
afternoon.
As you may have heard, there is a lot going on. We have
about 28 votes that are starting at 2:30. So I think we will
probably pass the gavel back and forth so that we can try and
continue the hearing while the votes are going on, and in the
interest of expediting my remarks to get to each of you, I am
going to submit my opening statement for the record and just
start by welcoming three important nominees to advance
America's foreign policy: Ambassador Jane Hartley, who has been
nominated to the Court of St. James in the United Kingdom;
Constance Milstein nominated to the Republic of Malta; and Alan
Leventhal nominated to the Kingdom of Denmark.
Welcome to each of you. This hearing will also review the
nomination of Dr. Bruce Turner to serve as U.S. representative
to the Conference on Disarmament.
Again, we are delighted to be able to hear from each of you
today and to have a chance to ask you some questions about what
we hope will be soon-to-be confirmed posts.
Let me, again, submit my remarks for the record along with
a statement from Senator Coons, who is not going to be able to
be here but also wanted a statement entered into the record,
and turn it over to the ranking member, Senator Johnson.
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jeanne Shaheen
I would like to call this hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee to order. This hearing will review the nominations of three
important nominees to advance America's foreign policy: Ambassador Jane
Hartley to the Court of St James in the United Kingdom, Constance
Milstein to the Republic of Malta and Alan Levanthal to the Kingdom of
Demark. This hearing will also review the nomination of Dr. Bruce
Turner to serve as U.S. Representative to the Conference on
Disarmament.
Today, more than ever, our diplomats are critical in advancing U.S
foreign policy and national security interests amid the most seismic
shifts of our global security landscape in 80 years.
Putin is trying to rewrite history by rebuilding the Soviet Union--
challenging the international values, laws and institutions that have
kept our world safe since World War II.
The bloodshed and senseless violence that Putin is waging upon the
Ukrainian people--as well as the Ukrainian people's unrelenting resolve
to protect their country--has captured the hearts of communities around
the entire world. Putin must be held accountable for his egregious
crimes.
But we can't do it alone. And that's why our relationships with our
partners and allies--especially through our alliances--are so important
to hold Putin to account.
But for Putin to feel the full weight of consequences of his
actions, we must have ambassadors in place to coordinate our response.
And we can maximize our bilateral cooperation by confirming ambassadors
to further strengthen that coordination.
Just two weeks ago, I was in the Western Balkans on a Congressional
delegation with Senator Murphy and Senator Tillis. We had the
opportunity to meet three very recently confirmed Ambassadors. It was
clear from our meetings that our diplomatic impact is sustained by the
dedicated public servants of the Foreign Service but can truly be
transformed with confirmed Ambassadors on the ground.
I am pleased to see that Leader Schumer is here to introduce
Ambassador Jane Hartley and Constance Milstein, but I'd like to mention
why the position of Ambassador to the United Kingdom is so important,
as it has a special connection to my home state of New Hampshire.
In March 1941, former Governor of New Hampshire John Winant was
appointed Ambassador to the United Kingdom at a critical moment for UK-
U.S. relations. Great Britain was suffering from relentless bombings
from Nazi Germany and sought support from the United States to push
back against Hitler--not just for the sake of Great Britain but for the
future of Europe.
Ambassador Winant played a critical role in implementing the Lend-
Lease program and, once the United States formally entered the war,
played an integral role in maintaining close coordination between
Churchill and Roosevelt in planning the Allied response. Ambassador
Winant is an overlooked figure in World War II history but his efforts
put the word `special' in this bilateral relationship. And this is
precisely why--and how--our Ambassadors are so essential in bolstering
our bilateral relationships.
I have no doubt that Ambassador Hartley's experience and background
has prepared her to also add value to the bilateral relationship to our
relations with the United Kingdom. Ambassador Hartley previously served
as Ambassador to France and Monaco during a critical tenure in U.S.-
France relations--coordinating responses to the terrorist attacks at
the Bataclan, the Charlie Hebdo attacks and the migrant crisis of 2015.
In recognition of her contributions to U.S.-France relations, she
received the Legion of Honor from the French Government.
Ms. Hartley's appointment comes at a transformative moment for the
UK, which is redefining its role in the world after voting to leave the
European Union in 2015.
I have been impressed by the UK's leading response to the Ukraine
crisis, providing critical lethal assistance to Ukraine and closely
aligning with the United States within NATO and the U.N. to condemn and
punish Putin for his belligerent actions.
Although there is strong interest in the Senate to advance a trade
agreement with the UK, it must be said that we are also closely
watching the situation in Northern Ireland.
We wish to see continued implementation of the Good Friday and
Stormont House Agreements to ensure lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
Significantly, next year the UK will honor the 25th anniversary of the
Good Friday Agreement, providing an opportunity to celebrate an
extraordinary achievement and recommit to peace, stability and
prosperity in Northern Ireland.
I am also pleased to see Constance Milstein nominated to the
position of Ambassador to Malta. Ms. Milstein has long supported
important philanthropic causes in support of young people around the
world, and I applaud her lifelong commitment to supporting our service
members and their families.
Her nomination comes at an important time for our continued
collaboration with Malta on resisting Russia's malign influence in
Europe. I welcomed Malta's announcement that it would end so-called
``golden passports'' for Russian and Belarusian nationals in response
to Russia's illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
The U.S. Senate remains committed, in a bipartisan fashion, to
supporting Ukraine against the Kremlin's bloody campaign and resisting
Russia's attempts to destabilize Europe and the free world.
Expeditiously confirming Ms. Milstein to Malta is an important part of
that support.
I am glad to see Alan Levanthal today, nominated to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Denmark. Mr. Levanthal has been the Chairman and CEO of
Beacon Capital Partners since its founding in 1998. He has a long
history working on international issues in the public and private
sector. And the timing of his nomination is also important for our
relations with Denmark.
I welcome Denmark's decision to significantly increase its defense
budget to meet its two percent defense spending commitment by 2033,
though I would note that a more expedited timeline might be required
given the significant threat that Russia poses. I also note that
Denmark seeks to become independent of Russian natural gas.
It is in America's interest to help advance and accelerate
America's energy diversification strategy and reduce its reliance on
Russian gas.
Last, I welcome Dr. Bruce Turner, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the Conference on Disarmament. Dr. Turner has a
distinguished record of service with the Department of State that will
enhance U.S. presence at the Conference on Disarmament, a crucial body
supporting arms control and disarmament.
These issues are all the more pressing given the new threats to
democratic security around the world, including from Russia, China and
North Korea.
All appointments come at an important moment for global security,
as the U.S. faces new threats from our adversaries, including Russia.
So without further ado, I'd like to hand it over to the ranking
member for his opening remarks. We will then turn to the nominees for
their opening statements.
__________
Prepared Statement of Hon. Christopher A. Coons
I am proud and honored to have the opportunity to introduce a dear
friend, Connie Milstein, who has been nominated by President Biden to
serve as our Ambassador to the Republic of Malta.
I would be remiss if I didn't also thank her family for their
unwavering support of Connie in helping her achieve her goals,
particularly her husband Said and her daughters, Abigail and Joanna.
I first met Connie when I was a New Castle County Executive, and
she was involved in the Democratic Leadership Council. She was one of
my earliest supporters.
As an attorney, business leader, philanthropist, and political
force, Connie has made important contributions to strengthening our
democracy.
She possesses the rare talent and passion for seeking out and
lifting up young elected officials working in state and local
government in an effort to drive principled American leadership. I am
one of many who have benefited from her work, which transcends party
lines.
In addition to her work in politics, Connie has served the
Secretary of the Army and has tirelessly worked to support our troops
throughout her career. She is a founding board member of Blue Star
Families, the nation's largest support organization for military
spouses and children. She also started Dog Tag Bakery, a company, whose
mission is to use its profits to transform the lives of veterans with
service-connected disabilities, their military spouses, and their
caregivers through investment in their higher learning.
Connie is a proud American, an internationalist, and an incredibly
capable individual to take this post.
I look forward to supporting her in this work and urge my
colleagues to support her nomination.
STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Madam Chair. I will follow your
fine example. I also ask my opening statement be entered into
the record.
I also want to welcome the nominees and thank them for
their past service but also for their willingness to serve in
these capacities as well. So I am looking forward to hearing
from your testimony.
And thank you, Madam Chair.
Prepared Statement of Hon. Ron Johnson
Thank you Senator Shaheen.
I would like to thank each of the nominees, as well as their
families, for their service. If confirmed, our nominees will be
preforming important diplomatic service at a critical time for Europe
and the world. You would be working to advance our national interests
in Denmark, Malta, and the United Kingdom, as well as at the Conference
on Disarmament. You would be responsible not only for representing
America there, but you will also need to ensure that you keep America
informed as to those countries views back here at home, especially by
keeping members of this committee and our staffs updated on the
situation on the ground. If the vision for a Europe `whole, free and at
peace' is ever to become a reality, we must work in close coordination
with our European allies and partners, leveraging our position in
international institutions, to reject and combat Russia's illegal and
unprovoked atrocities and war crimes in Ukraine, as well as other
malign activities by America's adversaries.
The United Kingdom and Denmark are both stalwart NATO allies, and
very close bilateral partners of the U.S. As we work together to
counter Russia's latest attack on Ukraine and to strengthen NATO, we
should also seize the moment to reach deeper levels of friendship,
including strengthening trade and defense cooperation. While Malta is
not a NATO member, it has been an active U.S. partner in a number of
ways, including combatting transnational crime in the Mediterranean.
Given Malta's strategic location, opportunities to develop a more
robust partnership should be pursued. All three countries have
committed to enforcing sanctions against Russia, with the United
Kingdom and Denmark also taking the important step of providing weapons
and other types of support to the Ukrainian people.
I look forward to hearing from all the witnesses and am grateful to
them for appearing today.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Johnson.
Let me also recognize the ranking member of the full
committee, Senator Risch. We are glad that you are here as
well, and I know we are waiting for Senator Schumer, who we
think is going to come to do introductions of Ambassador
Hartley and Ms. Milstein.
But in the meantime, I am going to ask, Senator Markey, if
you would like to introduce Mr. Leventhal.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair. It is my
honor to be here today to introduce Alan Leventhal, nominated
to be the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark.
Joining Alan today are his wife, Sherry, and his son,
Alexander, and it is a proud day for the Leventhal family,
which has had a long, rich history in the city of Boston,
transforming it.
He is a son of the Commonwealth. In his highly successful
business, academic, and nonprofit endeavors, he has left his
mark on Boston and beyond. First, in the literal sense, his
company has made downtown Boston's financial districts bustling
as a destination, and it was also behind the revitalization of
the Boston Harbor through the construction of Rowes Wharf and,
really, opening up Boston Harbor to the city of Boston for the
first time in 50 years.
And, more importantly, Alan has left his mark in improving
the lives of those in his community in the fight against
cancer. He funded the sharpest minds as chair of the Damon
Runyon Cancer Research Service. Their track record was
impressive. Twelve of the individuals they funded ended up
winning the Nobel Prize.
He has also left his mark in education, which he considers
his true passion. He served on the governing board at MIT,
which dedicates $2 billion every year on research funding to
tackle the top challenges our country faces.
Alan jokes that he may be the only one in his family that
does not have a degree from Boston University. But through his
transformational work as chair of the board of trustees at BU,
he created greater opportunities for tens of thousands of proud
BU graduates during his tenure.
He will assume his post in Copenhagen at a time of great
turmoil in the European continent. Denmark plays an outsized
role in supporting U.N. peacekeeping operations and the counter
ISIS campaign.
Unsurprisingly, Denmark has, again, risen to the challenge
in Europe's response to Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine,
including by weaning itself off of Russian fossil fuels. As
Ambassador, Alan will play a key role in building upon that
unified response to Russian aggression.
It is a country of just 6 million people but it has few
peers when it comes to the global fight against climate change,
Alan knows, because his buildings are the best buildings in
terms of energy efficiency that can be constructed.
He and Boston brought together business and civic leaders
through the Boston Green Ribbon Commission to show that clean
energy is good for our economies and for our planet.
We are very proud of him in Massachusetts, but it is his
lifetime of work in combating the scourge of cancer, the
climate crisis, and training the next generation of American
leaders that makes Massachusetts not just the Bay State but the
brain state, and we are proud to have him as someone who
represents our state.
The diversity of his experience also makes him a fantastic
choice to be our top diplomat to the Kingdom of Denmark at a
moment of great consequence for our country and the planet.
I urge his swift confirmation by the Foreign Relations
Committee and by the United States Senate.
I thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Markey.
I understand that Senator Schumer is only a few minutes
away. So with your indulgence, I would like to introduce Dr.
Bruce Turner, and then we will start testimony from Dr. Turner,
headed towards Ambassador Hartley, and hope that before we get
too far along Senator Schumer will be here.
And, Senator Markey, I know that you may have to leave and
feel free to do that whenever you are ready.
Senator Markey. I thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Dr. Bruce Turner has been nominated to be
U.S. Representative to the Conference on Disarmament. Dr.
Turner has a distinguished record of service with the
Department of State that will enhance U.S. presence at the
Conference on Disarmament, which is a crucial body supporting
arms control and disarmament, and, as we know, these issues are
even more pressing right now, given the new threats to
democratic security around the world, including from Russia,
China, and North Korea.
All of these appointments today come in a moment, an
important moment, for global security as the U.S. faces new
threats from our adversaries, including Russia.
So while we continue to await Senator Schumer, I will ask
Dr. Turner if you would like to begin your testimony.
Thank you.
STATEMENT OF DR. BRUCE I. TURNER OF COLORADO, NOMINATED TO BE
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT IN GENEVA,
WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Madam Chair, Ranking Member Johnson,
and distinguished members of the committee.
It is the honor of a lifetime to appear before you as the
President's nominee to be the U.S. Permanent Representative for
the Conference on Disarmament, or CD, in Geneva. I am also
grateful to Secretary Blinken and Under Secretary Jenkins for
their support of this new opportunity for me to serve the
American people.
My parents understood what it meant to serve our country
during World War II. Likewise, my wife, Veronique, has been at
my side every step of our State Department journey and our two
children grew up in the Foreign Service family. Diplomacy has
been my life's work and I cannot think of anything I would
rather have done.
In seeking confirmation for this position, I am acutely
aware of the CD's illustrious history in producing the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention,
the Chemical Weapons Convention, and the Comprehensive Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty.
I am also aware that we have failed to gain the support of
critical countries for negotiations on a fissile material cut-
off treaty, the next logical step. Moreover, some of the arms
control treaties negotiated in the CD are, effectively, under
assault.
Most recently, Russia, a state's party that has used
chemical weapons and that has an offensive program, is making
unfounded accusations that Ukraine plans to use chemical
weapons in Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine.
Russia's nuclear rhetoric and threats in connection with
its invasion of Ukraine are also recklessly escalatory and hard
to reconcile with President Putin's endorsement of the
statement in January by the leaders of the P5--the five nuclear
weapon states that are permanent members of the U.N. Security
Council--that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be
fought.
Growing strategic competition, encompassing Russia's
history of arms control violations, and China's repeated
unwillingness to engage meaningfully in arms control
discussions as it builds up its own nuclear forces has caused
some to question the value of such agreements. It is true that
achieving consensus on such matters has become increasingly
elusive and difficult.
Russia's most recent actions and the PRC's tacit and, in
some cases, overt support for them have rendered the challenge
even more daunting. These developments only underscore the
continuing need for American engagement and leadership.
Given the stakes, we can only redouble our efforts as we
continue to protect our security and that of our allies and
partners. Russia is still complying with the New START Treaty.
Through the P5, the PRC acknowledged the need for engagement
with the United States on risk reduction and a dialogue to
strengthen stability.
I believe the coming year does offer further opportunities
to exert U.S. leadership. If confirmed, I would hope to
contribute to a positive outcome of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty Review Conference later this year.
Non-proliferation remains a core national security
interest. It is the key to peaceful uses of nuclear energy and
the basis for pursuing the eventual goal of a world without
nuclear weapons, understanding that progress must take into
account today's challenging security conditions and that it can
only proceed through progressive steps subject to effective
verification.
If confirmed, I will also seek to contribute to our
successful efforts in the U.N. General Assembly's First
Committee to reinforce and strengthen international arms
control and non-proliferation cooperation, including increased
international support for development of norms of behavior in
space.
The United States is already leading the way through Vice
President Harris' announcement of a commitment not to conduct
destructive direct ascent anti-satellite missile tests.
I would also seek to build upon the Geneva diplomatic
platform offered by the Standing Delegation to the CD, which
has supported a variety of arms control and international
security efforts to include those of Deputy Secretary Sherman
and Under Secretary Jenkins in the U.S.-Russia Strategic
Stability Dialogue.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has a distinguished
and successful history of supporting arms control efforts on a
bipartisan basis. If confirmed, I commit to be available to
consult closely with this committee and other members of
Congress as well as their staffs.
In working to achieve our long-term nuclear disarmament and
other arms control objectives, I believe the CD remains an
essential multilateral institution. If confirmed, I will do all
that I can to make the CD an active contributor to
international peace and security while always protecting the
security interests of the United States and its allies and
partners.
Thank you, again, so much for the opportunity to come
before you today. I look forward to any questions you may have.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Turner follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Bruce I. Turner
Thank you, Madam Chair and members of the committee.
It is the honor of a lifetime to appear before you as the
President's nominee to be the U.S. Permanent Representative to the
Conference on Disarmament, or CD, in Geneva. I am also grateful to
Secretary Blinken and Under Secretary Jenkins for their support of this
new opportunity to serve the American people.
My parents understood what it meant to serve our country during
World War II.
Similarly, my wife Veronique has been at my side every step of our
State Department journey, and our children, Hadrien and Alixe, grew up
in the Foreign Service family.
In seeking confirmation for this position, I am acutely aware of
the CD's illustrious history in producing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention, the Chemical Weapons
Convention, and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. I am also
aware that we have failed to gain the support of critical countries for
negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty--the next logical
step. Unfortunately, some of the arms control treaties negotiated in
the CD are effectively under assault. Most recently, Russia--a States
Party that has used chemical weapons and has an offensive program--is
making unfounded accusations that Ukraine plans to use chemical weapons
in Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine. Russia's nuclear rhetoric
in connection with its invasion of Ukraine is recklessly escalatory and
hard to reconcile with President Putin's endorsement of the statement
by the leaders of the P5--the five nuclear-weapon states that are
permanent members of the U.N. Security Council--in January that ``a
nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.''
Growing strategic competition--encompassing Russia's history of
arms control violations and China's repeated unwillingness to engage
meaningfully in arms control discussions as it builds up its nuclear
forces--has caused some to question the value of such agreements.
Russia's most recent actions and the PRC's tacit, and, in some cases,
overt support for them, have rendered the challenge even more daunting.
These developments only underscore the continuing need for American
engagement and leadership.
Given the stakes, we can only redouble our efforts, as we continue
to protect our security and that of our allies and partners. Russia is
still complying with the New START Treaty. Through the P5, the PRC
acknowledged the need for engagement with the United States on risk
reduction and a dialogue to strengthen stability.
I believe the coming year does offer further opportunities to exert
U.S. leadership. If confirmed, I would hope to contribute to a positive
outcome of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference
later this year. Nonproliferation remains a core national security
interest. It is the key to pursuing the eventual goal of a world
without nuclear weapons, understanding that progress must take into
account today's challenging security conditions, and that it can only
proceed through progressive steps, subject to effective verification.
If confirmed, I will also seek to contribute to our successful
efforts in the U.N. General Assembly's First Committee to reinforce and
strengthen international arms control and nonproliferation cooperation,
including increased international support for development of norms of
behavior in space. The United States is already leading the way through
its ban on anti-satellite testing.
I would also seek to build upon the Geneva diplomatic platform
offered by the standing delegation to the CD, which has supported a
variety of arms control and international security efforts, to include
those of Deputy Secretary Sherman and Under Secretary Jenkins in the
U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogue.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has a distinguished and
successful history of supporting arms control efforts, on a bipartisan
basis. If confirmed, I commit to be available to consult closely with
this committee and other Members of Congress, as well as their staffs.
In working to achieve our long-term nuclear disarmament and other
arms control objectives, I believe the CD remains an essential
multilateral institution. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to
make the CD an active contributor to international peace and security,
while always protecting the security interests of the United States and
its allies and partners.
Thank you so much for the opportunity to come before you today. I
look forward to any questions you may have.
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Dr. Turner.
Senator Schumer, we have been waiting for you. We are
delighted you made it.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES E. SCHUMER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW YORK
Senator Schumer. Thank you very much, Madam Chair, and to
all the members of the committee, thank you for the honor of
introducing two exceptional nominees, both whip smart, both
accomplished, both experienced women who hail from New York--
Jane Hartley to be Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland, and Connie Milstein, our next
Ambassador to Malta. It is an honor to introduce both of you.
Jane is here today with her husband, Ralph, who I hear is
having his retirement party today. Congratulations, Ralph, on
all of your hard work. Jane's children, Kate and Jamie, who
actually went to school with my daughter, Allison, could not be
here today but I am sure they are cheering their mother on from
home.
I am really proud to have urged President Biden to nominate
Jane Hartley as our Ambassador to the UK. She would be only the
second woman to ever serve as UK Ambassador and the first in
nearly half a century.
Only the second woman ever to serve as the UK Ambassador
and the first in nearly half a century. It is amazing, and I
cannot think of a more qualified person to do it than my
friend, Jane Hartley.
This is not the first ambassadorship that Jane would hold.
In 2014, she was appointed U.S. Ambassador to France under
President Obama, where her time coincided with the horrible
Paris terrorist attacks of 2015. It was an extremely difficult
period for both of our countries, and Jane represented the U.S.
with great distinction.
In the aftermath of these attacks, she dedicated her time
as Ambassador to strengthening U.S.-French counterterrorism
cooperation and was awarded the Legion of Honor from the
president of France in the recognition of her efforts.
Jane has served our country in other ways for decades, in
the Carter administration as CEO of the G-7 Group, and most
recently, as CEO of the Observatory Group, a major global firm
based in New York.
The bottom line is this. She would bring to this
ambassadorship a depth of experience, a love of democracy and
democratic institutions, and a deep loyalty to the values both
the United States and the UK hold dear.
I cannot think of a better person--I have known Jane for
decades--to be Ambassador to our longtime ally, the United
Kingdom.
It is also my honor to introduce another proud New Yorker,
Connie Milstein, whom President Biden has nominated to be the
next U.S. Ambassador to Malta. Connie is joined here by her
husband, Said, and even though they are not in attendance, I
want to acknowledge Connie's daughters, Abby and Joanna, as
well as her wonderful granddaughter, Sara. I know they are all
proud today.
Connie comes from a longtime New York family. Her
grandfather was the founder of a successful business in New
York prior to World War II, and her father, a World War II vet,
started his first company in Newbury, New York. Their roots in
the Empire State run very deep.
Connie comes before this committee as a deeply experienced
attorney, businesswoman, and advocate for international
affairs. She will make an exceptional U.S. Ambassador because
her career has been completely focused on the skills and values
necessary to any diplomatic post.
Among her experiences, she has dedicated her career to
looking out for veterans, creating successful profits like the
Dog Tag Bakery to help veterans with disabilities, served on
the Global Progress Initiative at the Center for American
Progress meeting with world leaders to discuss today's pressing
geopolitical problems, and also served on the board of trustees
of one of the great universities of New York and America, NYU,
and she expanded the university's global reach.
She also served on Nobel Peace Laureate Kailash Satyarthi's
foundation and worked with him to end childhood slavery and
trafficking.
In short, Connie is both a proud New Yorker but also a true
citizen of the world. She brings a wide range of depth and
experience to the post and I know she will carry out her
responsibilities with distinction, and I am proud to introduce
her today.
Finally, I want to acknowledge two other individuals who
are coming before the committee. The first is Alan Leventhal,
who I have known for a very long time. I notice Senator Markey
was here.
He has been nominated to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Denmark and he is one of Boston's top business
people.
And, second, I also want to recognize Bruce Turner, who you
just heard from, a longtime member of the Foreign Service
Committee--Foreign Service, rather, who has been nominated as
representative to the Conference on Disarmament. They will both
represent the U.S. with distinction.
I thank the members of the committee, congratulate all of
today's outstanding public servants for their nominations, and
yield back the rest of my time.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Schumer, and
we know you have to get to the floor. So feel free to leave
whenever you are ready.
And I am going to continue down the dais if that is all
right with our nominees and ask Mr. Leventhal if he would like
to offer his testimony after he says hello to Senator Schumer,
although, Senator Schumer, you cannot claim Mr. Leventhal. I
know he is from Boston.
Senator Schumer. Right. I cannot claim him. You are right.
Senator Shaheen. He is closer to me.
Senator Schumer. He is probably even a Red Sox fan.
[Laughter.]
Senator Shaheen. Go ahead, Mr. Leventhal, and I should have
said this before you offered your testimony, Dr. Turner. Feel
free to introduce any family members or friends that you have
here with you today.
STATEMENT OF ALAN M. LEVENTHAL OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK
Mr. Leventhal. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson,
and distinguished members of the committee, it is a privilege
to appear before you.
I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Denmark, and I thank President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for their confidence in me.
I would like to acknowledge my wife, Sherry, who has been
such a source of strength and has supported me in all my
endeavors, and I would also like to acknowledge my son, Alex,
who is here representing his sisters and brothers.
I would like to remember my parents, who instilled in me
the importance of service to community and country. This has
led me to leadership roles in organizations that have had
meaningful impact on the world.
As Senator Markey mentioned in his introduction, I served
for 10 years as chair of Damon Runyon Cancer Research
Foundation, which is known as the venture capital of cancer
research. Thirteen of the individuals we funded later won the
Nobel Prize.
I am a member of the governing board of MIT, one of the
top-rated research institutions in the world. Its mission is to
help solve the great global challenges including climate,
health, cancer, water.
In my business, I have led transformational developments to
improve the urban environment. My companies have created
thousands of affordable housing units for working families.
In each of these endeavors, I have worked with smart people
who bring diverse views, backgrounds, and experiences. I
approach each challenge by listening and treating my colleagues
with dignity and respect.
If confirmed, I hope to use these skills to successfully
advance U.S. interests and values in the Kingdom of Denmark.
If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the
safety and security of U.S. citizens in the Kingdom of Denmark.
My second priority will be to advance our shared security
interests, especially in light of Russia's brutal and
unprovoked war against Ukraine.
As the only country that is a member of NATO, the EU, and
the Arctic Council, Denmark partners with the United States on
many issues. Denmark currently leads the NATO mission in Iraq
and is a close global partner on security issues.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure Denmark's commitment to
stability and security as well as meeting its NATO defense
spending commitments.
My third priority is to strengthen our economic
relationships, promoting bilateral exports and recovery from
COVID-19, as well as expanding Danish investment in the United
States in order to create good-paying jobs for working
families.
Denmark has some of the world's leading companies working
on global issues like climate change. My own company, Beacon
Capital Partners, has been a leader in sustainability,
receiving EPA's Energy Star Partner of the Year award for 11
consecutive years.
If confirmed, I would draw on my experiences to promote
mutual exchanges and investment between the United States and
the Kingdom of Denmark, including the Faroe Islands and
Greenland.
My final priority, if confirmed, will be to promote and
strengthen the ties of our best academic and research
institutions with their counterparts in the kingdom.
Denmark's renowned research institutions recently marked
the 100th anniversary of both the founding of the Niels Bohr
Institute and the awarding of the Nobel Prize in physics to
Niels Bohr.
To ensure our relations are as strong in the future as they
are today, I would engage with the people of Denmark, the Faroe
Islands, and Greenland to expand people-to-people ties through
exchange programs and robust public diplomacy efforts.
If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the safety and
morale of mission Kingdom of Denmark, both at the Embassy in
Copenhagen and our consulate in Nuuk. I also look forward to
working with Congress to further U.S. priorities in the Kingdom
of Denmark, one of our closest European allies.
I would like to highlight that today, at this very moment,
the people of Denmark are lighting candles in their windows at
home for today marks Denmark's liberation from Nazi occupation
on May 4th, 1945.
It underscores that Danes have experienced brutal,
unprovoked aggression. It underscores they have experienced
occupation and it speaks to how much they value their freedom.
It is fitting that President Zelensky chose today to address
Denmark.
It would be the greatest honor to represent my country to
the Kingdom of Denmark. Thank you for your time and
consideration.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Leventhal follows:]
Prepared Statement of Alan M. Leventhal
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to
be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark, and I
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
I would first like to acknowledge my wife, Sherry, who has been
such a source of strength and has supported me in all my endeavors. I
also want to acknowledge my son Alexander who is representing his
sisters and brothers today. I also would like to remember my parents
who instilled in me the importance of service to community and country.
This has led me to leadership roles in organizations that have
meaningful impact on the world. I served for 10 years as Chair of Damon
Runyon Cancer Research Foundation--which is known as the venture
capital of Cancer Research. Thirteen of the individuals we funded later
won the Nobel Prize. I am a member of the governing board of MIT--one
of the top-rated research institutions in the world. MIT's mission is
to help solve the great global challenges including climate and health.
In my business I have led transformational developments to improve the
urban environment. My companies have created thousands of affordable
housing units for working families.
In each of these endeavors I have worked with smart people who
bring diverse views, backgrounds, and experiences. I approach each
challenge by listening and treating my colleagues with dignity and
respect. If confirmed, I hope to use these skills to successfully
advance U.S. interests and values in the Kingdom of Denmark. If
confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the safety and security
of U.S. citizens in the Kingdom of Denmark.
My second priority will be to advance our shared security
interests, especially in light of Russia's brutal and unprovoked war
against Ukraine. As the only country that is a member of NATO, the EU,
and the Arctic Council, Denmark partners with the United States on many
issues. Denmark currently leads the NATO mission in Iraq and is a close
global partner on security issues. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
Denmark's commitment to stability and security, as well as meeting its
NATO defense spending commitments.
My third priority is to strengthen our economic relationships,
promoting bilateral exports and recovery from COVID-19 and expanding
Danish investment in the United States, in order to create good paying
jobs for working families. Denmark has some of the world's leading
companies working on global issues like climate change. My own
company--Beacon Capital Partners--has been a leader in sustainability,
receiving EPA's Energy Star Partner of the Year Award for 11
consecutive years. If confirmed, I would draw on my experiences to
promote mutual exchanges and investment between the United States and
the Kingdom of Denmark, including the Faroe Islands and Greenland.
My final priority, if confirmed, will be to promote and strengthen
the ties of our best academic and research institutions with their
counterparts in the Kingdom. Denmark's renowned research institutions
recently marked the 100th anniversary of both the founding of Niels
Bohr Institute and the awarding of the Nobel Prize in Physics to Niels
Bohr. To ensure our relations are as strong in the future as they are
today, I would engage with the people of Denmark, the Faroe Islands,
and Greenland to expand people-to-people ties through exchange programs
and robust public diplomacy efforts.
If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the safety and morale of
staff at the Embassy in Copenhagen and our Consulate in Nuuk. I also
look forward to working with Congress to further U.S. priorities in the
Kingdom of Denmark, one of our closest European partners.
We are stronger when working with our allies to advance our shared
security, prosperity, and values.
It would be the greatest honor to represent my country to the
Kingdom of Denmark. Thank you for your time and consideration. I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Mr. Leventhal.
I will now ask Ms. Milstein if she would like to give her
testimony.
STATEMENT OF CONSTANCE J. MILSTEIN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA
Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, distinguished senators of this
esteemed committee, I am humbled and honored to appear before
you today. I am deeply grateful to the president, Dr. Biden,
and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me
to serve as the United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Malta.
I would like to acknowledge my husband, Said Abu-Kaud, my
children, Abby and Joanna, their husbands, Rick and Bjorn, and
my granddaughter, Sara, who have all shown me unwavering love,
support, and patience in my endeavor to follow my lifelong
dream to serve our country and to continue my passionate
advocacy for fairness, justice, and democracy.
I would also like to remember my parents, Seymour and
Vivian, who taught me the values of respect, responsibility,
and giving. Their service to others was an inspiration to me to
lead a life of purpose.
My father was a proud veteran of World War II who returned
to the United States in 1945 on a hospital plane. Everyone on
that plane signed a dollar bill, which my dad carried in his
wallet until he died.
I, too, am proud to have had opportunities for service. For
decades, I have worked on programs and initiatives dedicated to
military service members, disabled veterans, their families,
and caregivers.
I have always maintained a strong interest in foreign
affairs and I have been active in public policy and global
education. My varied experiences as an attorney and
businesswoman will empower me to steward our important
relationship with the Republic of Malta.
Three priorities will guide my work. First, promoting peace
and security. If confirmed, my top priority will be to ensure
the safety and welfare of U.S. citizens living in or traveling
in Malta.
Furthermore, I will prioritize the promotion of peace,
security, and regional stability. Malta may be the smallest
country in the European Union but it has great strategic
importance based on its location adjacent to the Mediterranean
Sea's principal shipping routes and at the crossroads of
Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East.
I believe in growing the bilateral partnership between our
two nations as we come together to face regional security
challenges, transnational crime, and illicit financing.
Promoting peace and security in the region also means
encouraging inclusiveness, the protection of human rights, the
rule of law, and fundamental freedoms.
Second, promoting prosperity, trade, and people-to-people
ties. If confirmed, I will increase U.S. and Maltese economic
ties. Malta aspires to lead small island nations in sustainable
development.
Therefore, I will capitalize on our shared goals of
promoting prosperity, trade, and people-to-people ties through
U.S. innovation and commercial interests in Malta.
Third, tackling corruption and impunity. The assassination
of Daphne Caruana Galizia, an important Maltese investigative
journalist, in October of 2017 showed the danger of corruption
in Maltese politics and society.
If confirmed, I will champion rule of law efforts and an
open and free press. Rule of law reforms regarding anti-money
laundering and countering the financing of terrorism are also
critical to Malta's efforts to fully implement the Financial
Action Task Force action plan to remove Malta as a jurisdiction
for increased monitoring.
In order to fully implement these reforms, Malta will need
a stronger financial regulatory environment, which will serve
to strengthen and benefit Malta's economic institutions and
reputation for the future.
If confirmed, I would work with Malta to make these reforms
sustainable for the long term. It would be an honor to be a
member of the outstanding Embassy Valletta team and, if
confirmed, I am committed to working with the members of this
committee.
Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I am
happy to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Milstein follows:]
Prepared Statement of Constance J. Milstein.
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished Senators of this
esteemed committee, I am humbled and honored to appear before you
today. I am deeply grateful to the President, Dr. Biden, and Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me to serve as the
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Malta.
I would like to acknowledge my husband Said Abu-Kaud, my children
Abby and Joanna, their husbands Rick and Bjorn, and my granddaughter
Sara, who have all shown me unwavering love, support, and patience in
my endeavor to follow my lifelong dream to serve our country, and
continue my passionate advocacy for fairness, justice, and democracy. I
would also like to remember my parents Seymour and Vivian who taught me
the values of respect, responsibility, and giving. Their service to
others was an inspiration to me to lead a life of purpose.
My father was a proud veteran of WWII who returned to the United
States in 1945 on a hospital plane. Everyone on that plane signed a
dollar bill, which my dad carried in his wallet until he died. I too am
proud to have had opportunities for service. For decades, I have worked
on programs and initiatives dedicated to military service members,
disabled veterans, their families, and caregivers.
I have always maintained a strong interest in foreign affairs, and
I have been active in public policy and global education. My varied
experiences as an attorney and businesswoman will empower me to steward
our important relationship with the Republic of Malta. Three priorities
will guide my work:
First, promoting peace and security. If confirmed, my top priority
will be to ensure the safety and welfare of U.S. citizens living in or
traveling in Malta. Furthermore, I will prioritize the promotion of
peace, security, and regional stability. Malta may be the smallest
country in the European Union, but it has great strategic importance
based on its location adjacent to the Mediterranean Sea's principal
shipping routes and at the crossroads of Europe, North Africa, and the
Middle East. I believe in growing the bilateral partnership between our
two nations as we come together to face regional security challenges,
transnational crime, and illicit financing.
Promoting peace and security in this region also means encouraging
inclusiveness, protection of human rights, the rule of law, and
fundamental freedoms.
Second, promoting prosperity, trade, and people-to-people ties. If
confirmed, I will increase U.S. and Maltese economic ties. Malta
aspires to lead small island nations in sustainable development.
Therefore, I will capitalize on our shared goals of promoting
prosperity, trade, and people-to-people ties through U.S. innovation
and commercial interests in Malta.
Third, tackling corruption and impunity. The assassination of
Daphne Caruana Galizia (an important Maltese investigative journalist)
in October of 2017 showed the danger of corruption in Maltese politics
and society. If confirmed, I will champion rule of law efforts and an
open and free press.
Rule of law reforms regarding anti-money laundering and countering
the financing of terrorism are also critical to Malta's efforts to
fully implement the Financial Action Task Force Action Plan to remove
Malta as a jurisdiction for increased monitoring. In order to fully
implement these reforms, Malta will need a stronger financial
regulatory environment, which will serve to strengthen and benefit
Malta's economic institutions and reputation for the future.
If confirmed, I would work with Malta to make these reforms
sustainable for the long term.
It would be an honor to be a member of the outstanding Embassy
Valletta team, and if confirmed, I am committed to working with the
members of this committee.
Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I am happy to
answer your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thanks very much, Ms. Milstein. Ambassador
Hartley?
STATEMENT OF HON. JANE D, HARTLEY OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
NORTHERN IRELAND
Ambassador Hartley. Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee, it is a privilege to
appear before you.
I am honored to be the nominee for the U.S. Ambassador to
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and I
thank President Biden for his confidence in me.
The sense of history with our closest ally is, certainly,
not lost on me. I follow in the footsteps of many great
Americans, including John Adams, John Quincy Adams, and Martin
Van Buren.
I am also thrilled, as Senator Schumer has just said, to be
the second woman in history to be nominated to this role, and I
salute Anne Armstrong for leading the way.
First, though, I would like to thank my family--my
children, who are the light of my life--Chuck mentioned
earlier--Kate and Jamie. Whatever I do in life, my most
important title will always be mom. And, of course, my husband
who is with me today, and partner of 39 years without whose
support none of this would be possible.
My parents taught me that we were lucky to live in the
greatest country on Earth and that the highest honor was to
serve our nation. From my early life, I have believed this
strongly and public service has been very important to me.
My time as Ambassador to France coincided with the terrible
surge in terrorism that shook our two nations. The
extraordinary staff at Embassy Paris performed their duties
with grace and strength in the face of terror and loss.
It emphasized to me that dedicated American and local staff
of our overseas missions and everywhere in our Government
advance our interests and protect our security every single
day. It was another reminder how critical public service is to
our nation.
The UK and the United States are two great countries bound
by history, friendship, and especially now a shared commitment
to the universal values of freedom and liberty.
During the ongoing crisis in Ukraine we have seen the
strength of the UK response and the many ways also in which the
British public has volunteered in support of Ukrainians.
If confirmed, it will be my mission to strengthen America's
special relationship with the UK and I hope to focus on four
overarching goals.
First, protect Americans and deepen bilateral security
cooperation. My top priority will be the safety and security of
Americans. As the recent events in Europe have made very
clear--crystal clear, frankly--we have no more capable partner
in defending against threats to international security than the
UK.
If confirmed, I will build on these decades of close
bilateral security cooperation. I will also work tirelessly to
uphold the Belfast Good Friday Agreement, which has been the
bedrock of peace and stability and prosperity in Northern
Ireland for 25 years.
Second, I will broaden economic ties and expand technology
and innovation and collaboration. If confirmed, I will focus on
reinvigorating bilateral trade, broadening job opportunities
for American workers, and addressing the climate crisis.
Increasing collaboration supports prosperity for both the
United States and the United Kingdom.
Third, I will promote and defend our shared values of
democracy and freedom. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen
bilateral cooperation, to rebuild public faith in democracy,
combat authoritarianism wherever it may be, and ensure that our
liberty is never ever taken for granted.
Fourth, I will capitalize on the strong ties between our
people to guarantee the strength of our enduring alliance. To
deepen connections between our people, I will encourage
exchanges between our two peoples and ensure citizens from
across the United Kingdom, particularly young people, are
exposed to the full diversity of our country.
None of this is possible without the dedicated and
extraordinary talented teams and their family at Embassy London
and at our consulates in Hamilton, Edinburgh, and Belfast.
I intend to build on their successes, promote American
interest, and advance our shared goals together with our
closest ally, the United Kingdom.
It is my honor to be considered to represent the United
States as Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland. I look forward to partnering with Congress to
further priorities in the UK.
And now I would be happy to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Hartley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jane D. Hartley
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to be
the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland, and I thank President Biden for his confidence in
me.
The sense of history with our closest ally is certainly not lost on
me. I follow in the footsteps of many great Americans including John
Adams, John Quincy Adams, and Martin Van Buren. I am also thrilled to
be the second woman in history to be nominated to this role, and salute
Anne Armstrong for leading the way.
I would like to thank my family. First my children, who are the
light of my life. My most important title will always be ``Mom.'' And
of course, my husband and partner of 39 years, without whose support
none of this would be possible. My parents taught me that we were lucky
to live in the greatest country on earth, and that the highest honor
was to serve your nation.
From my early life, public service has always been important to me.
My time as Ambassador to France coincided with a terrible surge in
terrorism that shook our two nations, but the extraordinary staff at
Embassy Paris performed their duties with grace and strength in the
face of terror and loss. It emphasized to me the dedicated American and
local staff of our overseas missions--and in our Government--advance
our interests and protect our security every day. It was another
reminder of how critical public service is to our nation.
The UK and the United States are two great countries bound by
history, friendship, and especially now, a shared commitment to the
universal values of freedom and liberty. During the ongoing crisis in
Ukraine, we have seen the strength of the UK response and the many ways
in which the British public has volunteered in support of Ukrainians.
If confirmed, it will be my mission to strengthen America's special
relationship with the UK, and I hope to focus on four overarching
goals.
First, protect Americans and deepen bilateral security cooperation.
My top priority will be the safety and security of Americans. As recent
events in Europe have made clear, we have no more capable partner in
defending against threats to international security than the UK. If
confirmed, I will build on these decades of close bilateral security
cooperation. I will also work tirelessly to uphold the Belfast/Good
Friday Agreement, which has been the bedrock of peace, stability, and
prosperity in Northern Ireland for nearly 25 years.
Second, broaden economic ties and expand technology and innovation
collaboration. If confirmed, I will focus on reinvigorating bilateral
trade, broadening job opportunities for American workers, and
addressing the climate crisis. Increasing collaboration supports
prosperity for both the United States and the UK.
Third, promote and defend our shared values of democracy and
freedom. If confirmed, I will seek to strengthen bilateral cooperation
to rebuild public faith in democracy, combat authoritarianism, and
ensure our liberty is never taken for granted.
Fourth, capitalize on the strong ties between our people to
guarantee the strength of our enduring alliance. To deepen connections
between our people, I will encourage exchanges between our two peoples
and ensure citizens from across the United Kingdom, particularly young
people, are exposed to the full diversity of our country.
None of this is possible without the dedicated and extraordinarily
talented teams and their families at Embassy London, and at our
Consulates in Hamilton, Edinburgh, and Belfast. I intend to build on
their successes, promote American interests, and advance our shared
goals together with our ally, the United Kingdom.
It is my honor to be considered to represent the United States as
Ambassador to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
I look forward to partnering with Congress to further U.S. priorities
in the UK and would be happy to answer your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Ambassador Hartley,
and thank you to each of you for your testimony and for your
willingness to serve the country at this critical time.
We have lost Senator Johnson to another committee but
Senator Barrasso will be coming back shortly to--on the side of
the ranking member, and we will have five-minute questioning
rounds. I will begin and we will alternate between Republican
and Democrat on the committee.
I would like to ask each of the ambassadorial nominees
about an issue that I have been following closely and am very
concerned about.
I am sure you have all seen the reports of directed energy
attacks that have affected our Government employees around the
world, and I want to be clear that each of you are sufficiently
prepared to respond accordingly should anything happen in the
Embassy that you would be representing.
I understand that the State Department includes a briefing
on this as part of the ambassadorial seminar that you are
required to attend. But can I ask each of you, if confirmed,
will you commit to attending that seminar on AHIs and seek a
classified briefing with the State Department?
Ambassador Hartley?
Ambassador Hartley. Yes, I will, and I already did attend
that seminar and will be seeking a classified briefing, and
London is very important because there is a huge medical
facility at the Embassy.
So I want to make sure we are totally informed of
everything that has happened and I promise you I will have the
briefings and I take this issue very seriously.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Ms. Milstein?
Ms. Milstein. Yes, Senator. I also have taken the course
and have learned about the AHI situation. I know at the Embassy
in Valletta there have been no cases, at least not so far. But
I take this matter very seriously.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. And Mr. Leventhal?
Mr. Leventhal. Senator Shaheen, I understand the
seriousness of the issue. I am committed to taking the course
and, if I am confirmed, to work diligently and if I become
aware of an issue to notice people in the appropriate channels
and deal medically with the issue to the best extent possible.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
And, Dr. Turner, I assume as a career member of the Foreign
Service you are very aware of this issue?
Mr. Turner. Indeed, I am. I am very aware of it and it
occurred in a couple of the posts that I was dealing with very
closely while I was still in the State Department and including
the city to which I may be assigned. So very aware of this
issue. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Ambassador Hartley, I would like to begin my questions with
you--general questions--and you pointed out some of the notable
Americans who have preceded you as Ambassador to the United
Kingdom.
I would just point out that there is a very close tie with
the state of New Hampshire because former New Hampshire
Governor John Winant served as Ambassador to the United Kingdom
during most of World War II and is very decorated, somebody
most Americans do not know a lot about--Governor Winant.
But he was a Republican who was nominated by President
Roosevelt and served very honorably as Ambassador. So we know
you will follow in his footsteps.
You talked a little bit about the challenges of the war in
Ukraine and what a great ally the United Kingdom has been, of
course, not just in this war but throughout so much of American
history.
One of the challenges that I have heard from some
representatives of Great Britain are the overseas territories
that have in the past been havens for corruption and for
Russian money.
Can you talk about what priorities we might initiate and
how we can engage Great Britain to look at those overseas
territories and see how we can cooperate more closely on those
as we are looking at how do we hold oligarchs and those
responsible for the war in Ukraine accountable?
Ambassador Hartley. Senator Shaheen, I should tell you
Governor Winant was in my testimony. He is a role model for me.
And, unfortunately, the State Department thought it was too
long so he was eliminated. But----
Senator Shaheen. They should never eliminate Governor
Winant when I am chairing the hearing.
[Laughter.]
Ambassador Hartley. I know. I should tell them that.
Listen, I think your question is very important. I have
been very impressed with what the UK has been doing since the
Ukraine situation, invasion, war.
I think they have been leaning forward tremendously in
terms of sanctions on individuals and on institutions. I think
at this point they have sanctioned approximately 1,500.
They have also--there is a piece of legislation that I
think has just made its way through Parliament kind of talking
about one of the things you are mentioning, which is--it is
called dirty money. That is not the official title. But they
are looking to get at investment, especially in shell companies
in the United Kingdom and for the first time, really, to try to
both sanction and open up the books.
I think both in terms of territories and in terms of what
is happening in London right now, I think this is something
that is a huge priority for the Government and I salute them
for how aggressively they are pursuing this.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. My time is up.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Madam Chair, and how delightful
to see all of you here. I am very, very, very happy to be at
this hearing with you and I congratulate you on your
nominations.
Ambassador Hartley, let me begin with you. On May 5, voters
go to the polls in Northern Ireland to elect the Assembly. Sinn
Fein is the former political wing of the Irish Republican Army
and they are projected to become the biggest political bloc in
the Assembly, which would be the first time a party devoted to
unification of Ireland would be the dominant political party in
that fractious--often fractious region.
Uniting Ireland is not on the ballot but the potential
historic shift comes 24 years after the Good Friday Accord
ended three decades of sectarian bloodshed.
Even though Brexit has exacerbated some of the political
and economic challenges within Northern Ireland, the UK and
Ireland remain very, very committed to the continued
functioning and implementation of the Good Friday Accord.
Should you be confirmed, what might you do to make sure
that this accord, which the U.S. also invested such significant
diplomacy to achieve, would continue to move forward in a
harmonious way?
Ambassador Hartley. Senator, I totally agree with you. I
think the most important thing is to make sure the Good Friday
Belfast Agreement stands. It has created peace and prosperity
and stability in Northern Ireland for approximately 25 years.
I think the Congress and President Biden has made that
clear, and if confirmed as Ambassador, I would continue to not
only make it clear but make sure both the UK and Northern
Ireland knew--the Government in Northern Ireland knew this was
a priority for us.
I will say also there has been an executive where there has
been a power-sharing arrangement in Northern Ireland and,
frankly, that has worked quite well and that is part of what
has helped bring both economic prosperity and stability to the
Government there.
I would hope, depending on what happens in the elections
this week, both parties continue to talk to each other because
it really has worked quite well for the people of Northern
Ireland.
Senator Kaine. It is very important. I will admit some
bias. Seven of my eight great grandparents were born in Ireland
and the eighth was born in Scotland to an Irish mother and so I
am about as Irish as it gets.
The Good Friday Accord is not only important in bringing
peace to that region but we cite it all the time as reason not
to be pessimistic about other regions that have not yet found
the path to peace.
If it can be done in Ireland and Northern Ireland it can be
done, and so there is a lot of reason to make sure that we
continue to put our shoulder to forward progress.
Ms. Milstein, really good to see you and I wanted to ask
you a question about the topic of the day that is important all
around the world, including in Malta.
Golden passports, formerly known as citizenship by
investment, are programs that grant citizenship to foreign
investors who buy expensive real estate or other assets and
make sizable investments in countries.
Thousands of those passports have gone to Russia's elite in
recent years, including many well-known oligarchs, amid
concerns that the program enables money laundering and other
financial schemes.
Malta has been under some pressure from the EU and they
have put its golden passport scheme on hold for Russians and
Belarusians and they are considering ending it altogether.
Obviously, that is domestic politics for Malta. According
to Forbes, more than 40 percent of the 111 Russian-born
billionaires have at least one other passport and nearly half
of the 35 sanctioned billionaires have dual citizenship.
How can the U.S. work with Malta to place additional
pressure on Russian oligarchs and Putin's allies?
Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that question.
It is, indeed, a problem in Malta and the Maltese Government is
aware of this situation.
As you mentioned, they have upped their vetting process of
applicants, particularly since the situation with Russia has
increased in seriousness.
The Russians and the--I know of two instances where, as you
mentioned, the residency of a Russian national as well as a
Belarusian national they were both pulled, and if confirmed, I
will work with Malta on rigorously vetting applicants to
prevent any loopholes and eroding any kind of sanctions and
restrictions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that, Ms. Milstein.
One other thing I will just say to you is that Malta has
been a pretty valuable partner in dealing with refugees. Often
refugees coming through the Mediterranean have needed to come
to Malta for safe haven and Malta has been--Malta and many NGOs
in Malta have been really helpful in dealing with some of these
significant humanitarian challenges and I would hope, if you
are confirmed, you will do what you can from the U.S. Embassy
there to be a good ally in those efforts and, knowing you, I do
not have any doubt that you will be.
So with that, Madam Chair, I yield back.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, and I want to follow up on that
a little bit, Ms. Milstein, because, obviously, one of the
challenges is the Russian influence in Malta, and as we look at
what is happening in Ukraine do we have any sense that Russia's
invasion of Ukraine has changed how some of the residents of
Malta and the officials feel about Russia and potential for
Russia to gain influence in the country? And also, how might we
use this period to take better advantage of the opportunity to
counter that Russian influence in Malta?
Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
It has, indeed, been an issue in Malta and I know of media
reports that Malta has, as I said, taken steps to strip Maltese
citizenship and residencies from at least the sanctioned
Russian nationals.
They are further working toward doing what they can as far
as the citizen--the general citizenship by investment program
in terms of being much more particular in terms of their
vetting process, and I think this is extraordinarily important.
Senator Shaheen. I, certainly, agree with that and think
that this is a period where it is very clear who is on the side
of good and who is on the side of evil, and for those people
around the world who are watching what is happening in Ukraine
this is an opportunity to remind them that most people do not
want to be on the side of what Russia is doing in Ukraine.
Mr. Leventhal, again, the war in Ukraine has really
overshadowed so much of what is going on in the world right
now. Can you talk about what Denmark's view is of how the war
affects European security and do you know if Denmark supports
expanding participation to Finland and Sweden in NATO?
Mr. Leventhal. Senator Shaheen, thank you for the question.
Denmark has been a very close ally of the U.S. and a partner in
Afghanistan and Iraq, a very strong voice against Russian
aggression.
It has sent arms to the Baltic, to Estonia. It has sent
troops to Latvia, sending a battalion of F-16s to Lithuania. So
it partners with the U.S. and has been a very strong ally.
In fact, Denmark has talked about the U.S. being its
security partner of choice. Denmark is very supportive, number
one, of the open door policy of NATO, that any country has a
sovereign right to put in an application. The prime minister of
Denmark, Mette Fredriksen, has actually stated that she
supports the membership of Finland and Sweden to NATO.
I think Denmark is a very important partner in a time of
great upheaval and great change and great concern and, if I am
confirmed, I will work to further our security priorities with
the Kingdom of Denmark.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, and I was pleased to see
Denmark commit to meeting its 2 percent defense spending
requirement for NATO by 2033. That seems like a long time away,
especially given the urgency of what is happening right now.
Can you comment on whether there is any room to move that
deadline up earlier and what are the barriers that might be
prohibiting Denmark from trying to increase its defense
spending sooner?
Mr. Leventhal. Senator Shaheen, I think it was an important
step that Denmark now has committed to meeting its Wales pledge
of getting to 2 percent of GDP. It is true 2033 sounds a long
time from now. They have increased their current budget by a
billion dollars. Part of that is defense. Part of it is
humanitarian aid, part diplomacy.
If I am confirmed, I will work with the Danish Government
to see if that commitment can be accelerated earlier than the
2033 date.
Senator Shaheen. Great. Thank you. Senator Barrasso?
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Madam Chairman.
Ms. Milstein, it is critically important that people
serving our nation as Ambassadors demonstrate professionalism
and good judgment. With that in mind, I want to bring up your
campaign actions in Wisconsin in the year 2000.
You were an adult in your 50s campaigning for the
presidential campaign of Al Gore. During the campaign you were
involved in something called ``smokes for votes'' and it turned
out to be a scandal in Wisconsin.
The Milwaukee district attorney at the time explained that
it appeared between 15 and 20 homeless men were given tobacco
products in exchange for filling out absentee ballots for
candidate Al Gore.
Media reports noted that you, specifically you, were caught
on tape handing out cigarettes to homeless men from the
Milwaukee Rescue Mission in exchange for their votes--as a
doctor, I would point out that smoking causes cancer--while the
executive director of one of the three shelters, Patrick
Vandenburgh, was reported as saying that you and six other Gore
volunteers approached the homeless men and they initially did
not want to register. This executive director went on to say
that they went only after you and the volunteers held up packs
of cigarettes to entice them.
A Milwaukee Rescue Mission employee told reporters he had
to ask Democratic campaign volunteers, you, to leave the
property after he caught them trying to bribe potential voters
with cigarettes.
The campaign for Al Gore distanced themselves from you and
your actions. A representative of the Gore campaign in
Wisconsin issued this statement about your activities, quote,
``This kind of activity described by Channel 12''--it made the
news--``is not the kind of help we asked for and it is the kind
of help we flat out reject.''
In Wisconsin what you did was illegal and you, ultimately,
paid a fine of $5,000 for your illegal activities in the
campaign. To me, this action raises considerable concerns about
your nomination and the vetting process of this administration.
So I would like to give you the opportunity for the
committee and others so you can address your involvement with
this scandal.
Ms. Milstein. Thank you, Senator, for your question. As you
mentioned, this incident happened more than 20 years ago. I do
not recall the full details that you are reciting at the
present time. I am happy to take your question back for the
record and provide you with all the necessary information.
Senator Barrasso. The record is clear you did pay a $5,000
fine and I will be happy to get your written response to that
because I think this calls into question the nomination as well
as the vetting process.
[Ms. Milstein's response to Senator Barrasso's question
follows:]
Ms. Milstein's Additional Response
Answer. In November 2000, I participated as a volunteer in
get-out-the-vote efforts in Milwaukee in support of the Gore
campaign. I was a smoker at the time, and I gave cigarettes to
some of the individuals that I helped bring to the polls. It
was subsequently alleged that I had exchanged those cigarettes
for votes. To be very clear--I never exchanged cigarettes,
packs of cigarettes, or anything else for votes. The Milwaukee
County District Attorney thoroughly investigated those
allegations, and did not charge me or anyone else with trading
cigarettes or anything else for votes in connection with this
incident. His investigation did not find anything improper
about the votes cast by the voters that I helped turn out--they
were merely Milwaukee voters who lawfully exercised their right
to vote.
There was an ancillary question of whether I inadvertently
violated a since-repealed civil campaign finance law on
permissible election-related disbursements by providing
cigarettes to those voters. Although I was advised at the time
that there were strong arguments I had not violated that
campaign finance provision, I ultimately chose to avoid further
proceedings and litigation costs and settled the matter in
Milwaukee County Small Claims Court for a $5,000 civil penalty
in May 2001.
Thank you again and please let me know if you have any
additional questions about the foregoing or if you would like
to have a call to discuss.
Senator Barrasso. Ms. Hartley, if I could ask you now, the
United Kingdom is an important trade and economic partner to
the United States. In 2020, the United Kingdom was the world's
fifth largest economy. Bilateral investment between our two
countries is the largest in the world.
Given the potential for market access and to align
regulations, there is a lot of interest in a trade agreement
between the United States and the United Kingdom. That would
reaffirm our long-standing alliance, build upon our strong
economic relationship. The U.S. and UK conducted five rounds of
negotiations on a bilateral free trade agreement two years ago.
Could you please outline the potential benefits for the
United States in having a free trade agreement with the United
Kingdom?
Ambassador Hartley. Yes, Senator. Thank you for the
questions.
I agree with you. The UK is a critically important trade
partner for the UK--for the U.S. I think between our bilateral
trade it creates about a million jobs. We are their biggest
source of foreign direct investment and we are their biggest
trading partner.
So I could not agree more. They also have a market that is
particularly a positive for the U.S. Same language, well
trained educated workforce, the rule of law, strong financial
systems.
So I agree with you that it is a very important trade
partner and I am happy to see, as you probably know, there have
been quite a few conversations recently in terms of a trade
dialogue by--with Ambassador Tai and their Minister for Trade.
I think we have had two most recently and there will be
another one in Boston in a couple of weeks talking about small
and medium businesses.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you. One last question and that is
for Dr. Turner, because our time is limited.
There are concerns that Russia might deploy nuclear weapons
to neighboring countries. In February, Belarus approved a new
constitution renouncing its nonnuclear status. U.S. Acting
Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament
addressed the issue in March.
She stated, ``Any movement of Russian nuclear weapons into
Belarus would be dangerously provocative and further
destabilize the region. We call on Belarus''--this is her
speaking--``to reject Russia's policies of nuclear threat and
intimidation.''
So do you agree with the statement and is there any
indication that you have seen that Russia has moved nuclear
weapons into Belarus?
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I have not seen any indication that that is the case. I
mean, this is one of the many kinds of threats--reckless
threats, escalatory threats--that Russia is issuing at this
time, obviously, something that, if confirmed, we would want to
continue to follow very, very closely and work with our allies
and friends to decide how to deal with that kind of an issue.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you. Let me congratulate
all of you on your nominations. I am pleased that we are
considering nominations for critical posts, including some of
our key European allies and partners.
Over the past few months, we have been reminded of just how
critical the transatlantic alliance and relationship is and the
importance of strengthening partnerships with those who share
our commitment to fundamental democratic values.
That unity remains paramount as we work to provide Ukraine
everything that it needs to counter Russia's brutal and
unprovoked war. Every country has a part to play--I just met
with a whole slew of parliamentarians from Europe--and we need
ambassadors in place to support these efforts, strengthen ties,
and maintain that unity.
I, personally, look forward to advancing your nominations
as quickly as possible, assuming I get the right answers.
Let me start off with Ambassador Hartley. It is good to see
you again. I am a believer in our special relationship with the
United Kingdom and I am deeply grateful for the United
Kingdom's efforts to support Ukraine and stand up for democracy
across the globe.
However, the United States also has an important role to
play as a guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, protecting
peace on the island of Ireland.
I want to ask you, will you commit to using your voice to
protect and push for the full implementation of the Good Friday
Agreement, including through measures like a bill of rights for
Northern Ireland, the Irish Language Act, and the establishment
of a civic forum?
Ambassador Hartley. Yes, Senator, I will. Senator Kaine had
asked me that question previously------
The Chairman. Okay.
Ambassador Hartley [continuing]. And I think this
administration and this President has made it very clear that
the Good Friday Belfast Agreement has been critically important
to Northern Ireland in bringing peace, stability, and economic
stability as well, and that we have to make sure that nothing
ever happens to jeopardize that.
I did also say, because Senator Kaine brought up the
elections that are happening later this week, that I think the
executive and the power sharing agreement that has been
happening in Stormont is also very, very important to progress
in Northern Ireland. I would absolutely make sure both parties
are communicating with each other and I commit to you, yes,
that I will.
The Chairman. Thank you. I did not want to be redundant. I
was not able to view the hearing while I was with these
parliamentarians but I am glad to hear your answer. These are
the same points I pressed with Prime Minister Boris Johnson
when he was here visiting with us not too long ago.
One other question on Ireland. The British Government has
reportedly been considering proposals to include a statute of
limitations for all prosecutions during the troubles up to
April of 1998 as well as the creation of an information
recovery body.
I am a firm believer that there can be no peace in Ireland
without justice and I am concerned that new bodies floated in
the Government command paper would be less effective than those
that were agreed to in the Stormont House Agreement, which was
actually a British document that, ultimately, got agreed to.
Will you commit to standing up for the rights of those in
Northern Ireland to seek accountability for trouble, errors,
crimes and to advocate for the full implementation of the
Stormont House Agreement?
Ms. Hartley. Yes, I will.
The Chairman. Thank you. Let me turn to--now, Ms. Milstein,
I caught the tail end of Senator Barrasso's concerns, and my
understanding--and please correct me if I am wrong--you were a
volunteer in the Gore campaign in 2000. That is 22 years ago,
by the way, and the question was about in the process of giving
rides to voters whether you offered them some cigarettes, and
at the end of the day, the Milwaukee district attorney
investigated, found no wrongdoing or evidence that cigarettes
were provided in exchange for votes.
If that is the case, I can assure you that we have had
nominees here, especially from the previous administration,
nominees who were, clearly, under investigation by the IRS
presently who, ultimately, got indicted, and members of this
committee voted for that individual.
So 22 years ago for something that the Milwaukee district
attorney said was no violation of criminal law is something I
do not quite understand being an impediment to moving forward
in your nomination. But I look forward to your response to
Senator Barrasso in your written response.
I do have a concern about money laundering as it relates to
Malta. The Financial Action Task Force has assessed that Malta
needs to do more to support law enforcement efforts to address
money laundering.
As you--as we work to expose and rid our systems of malign
foreign and oligarchic influence, will you work with Malta to
promote greater transparency in its financial systems?
Ms. Milstein. Thank you for that question, Senator
Menendez.
It would be a great honor for me and I look forward to
working with Malta to try to get them removed from the
jurisdictions which are under scrutiny and by FATF.
This is an international body, as well you know, and the
United States is always given more credit than it really has in
terms of turning things around. But I am happy to report to you
that the prime minister is working to do what he can to get
Malta removed from that list as well.
The Chairman. All right.
And then, Mr. Leventhal, Denmark has announced plans to
boost gas output in an effort to become energy self-sufficient
and bolster European energy security. How large of a role do
you think Denmark can play in helping wean Europe off of
Russian fossil fuels and is there a role for the United States
in supporting Denmark's efforts?
Mr. Leventhal. As I am sure you are aware, Senator, Denmark
has played a leading role in climate change and leading in
moving from a fossil fuel economy. They lead in windmill
production across the world, about 25 percent of production. I
think Denmark has an important role to play.
The Chairman. I hope we will help them. I understand that
Senator Booker is actually joining us virtually so let us call
upon him. Senator Booker?
[No response.]
The Chairman. Now it is the problem for Madam Chair here to
figure it out. So------
[Laughter.]
The Chairman [continuing]. Senator Booker was supposedly
on. Thank you for your answers.
Senator Shaheen [presiding]. All right. He has got to be
here in person. Okay. No one is in line for questions. I do
have a couple more, if you will indulge me.
I do not know, Senator Barrasso, if you are finished. But,
Dr. Turner, I wanted to ask you a little bit about where we are
with our engagement on non-proliferation because I do think it
is very important for the United States to lead in the world,
and I wonder if you can talk about the ways in which the United
States can substantively reengage with the Conference on
Disarmament and what the implications are for our policy if we
are not able to improve international engagement.
Mr. Turner. Thank you for that question. It is a very
complicated one, I think, in a number of ways. The United
States is, obviously, engaged in these institutions, as in many
institutions.
Unfortunately, over the past several years, in terms we
have gone from an era of cooperation to lots of competition now
among great powers and contestation as well of policies that
are being put forward.
This is a very real challenge. There is very little
political will to reach agreement on some of these issues. It
is, nonetheless, important for us to fight the good fight.
We are a responsible nuclear power that is pushing to
reduce the role of nuclear weapons while maintaining our
deterrence relationships and progressing according to the NPT
treaty, progressing toward the eventual goal of a world without
nuclear weapons by pursuing negotiations in good faith on
effective means, and the question is on effective means.
And, unfortunately, as we all know, Russia is currently
violating any number of agreements. It has revealed itself to
be an irresponsible nuclear power weapons state, unlike the
United States, France, and the UK.
China has more or less tried to avoid responsibility in
this area, preferring to leave everything to the United States
and Russia. But we will continue to fulfill our goals. We want
to use the Review Conference to strengthen the NPT regime.
We are working hard to persuade China to engage with us
bilaterally on risk reduction measures, more transparency, to
start acting like the responsible global power that it claims
that it is.
The Russian problem is a separate issue for the moment. We
do have the New START Treaty, which we have extended now for
another five years. We had started the Strategic Stability
Dialogue to talk with Russia about things we might do in the
future.
Our goal, obviously, is to capture all of those theater
nonstrategic nuclear weapons that Russia is directly or
indirectly threatening to use at this very moment, and then
with China to get--again, to put in place some mechanisms that
will lead to strategic risk reduction.
So the NPT Review Conference in August is going to be very
important to that end. We have had some success in the U.N.
First Committee in pushing norms of behavior in space. There is
an open-ended working group that will go for a couple of years
and that is also something that we can build on.
And, finally, at the very end of the year, there will be a
review conference for the Biological Weapons Convention to
which we have appointed a special envoy and the idea there is
to break the deadlock, which is--has gone on now for about 20
years.
We do not want to have a full negotiation of a protocol but
we are looking at ways to strengthen the regime, perhaps
through the creation of an expert group that would meet for a
couple of years and try to come up with some practical
measures.
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I am particularly interested in
what is happening looking at space because this is a new
frontier, really, in terms of the potential to put weapons in
space.
And can you talk a little more about the progress that that
review committee is making?
Mr. Turner. When it comes to space, recently we had the
Vice President which--who stated that we ourselves would no
longer conduct anti-satellite--direct ascent anti-satellite
destructive tests in space. So there is that problem.
The Russians, as you know, conducted a test in mid
November, which put many thousands of pieces of debris into
space and which endangered the Space Station. So that is the
sort of thing that we do not want to do.
Over many, many years, Russia and China have put forward
different kinds of treaty proposals that called for no first
placement of weapons in outer space at the very same time that
they are now sending satellites into space, which are capable
of maneuvering behind other satellites, which have fired
projectiles into space, and then they have their direct ascent
test.
So the fact of the matter is is that countries are
developing weapons for use in space with the intent of denying
the United States use of space or denying us some use of space
over a long period of time.
We depend more on space than many of--they do for our
communications purposes. So this is a very serious issue. The
proposal to develop norms of behavior in space is to develop
something that would be parallel to what we have in the oceans
or commercially in the air, which would--again, it will not
solve the problem of what is happening in space but it will at
least make it manageable.
It will make it possible to distinguish commercial
satellites from military satellites and, perhaps, develop some
measures that you keep a certain distance from other satellites
in order to avoid putting yourself into a situation where that
is perceived as a threat.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I look forward to
hearing more about the progress there.
Ambassador Hartley, my last question is for you, and I
think you have a unique perspective on this, having served as
Ambassador to France and now looking at the position at the
United Kingdom.
As you know, we have a new security agreement with
Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It is
known as AUKUS, and it takes a look at the opportunities for us
to have an allied response to the growing threat from China and
North Korea in the Indo-Pacific.
Can you talk about how important that is and what further
opportunities we have to collaborate with AUKUS?
Ambassador Hartley. I agree, Senator. I think AUKUS is an
incredibly important agreement. It deepens our already strong
relationship in terms of Five Eyes, particularly with the UK.
But it also strengthens--gives us depth and ability to
understand more about what is happening in the Indo-Pacific. UK
recently, in their last integrated review, said that there was
going to be a tilt in their government toward the Indo-Pacific,
and we see them spending both more money and they have had
various warships there over the last months.
I think, for us, working with the UK and Australia will be
very important and especially the technology component and,
once again, I am not confirmed so I do not have a lot of
information on this. But the technology component of this deal
is going to be very, very important for us.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Senator Barrasso, you have no further questions, and I do
not think there is anyone else waiting to come. So with that, I
would like to thank all of our nominees today for your
testimony and, again, for your willingness to serve the
country.
I look forward to working with each of you, should you be
confirmed, and I know that we are all hoping that these
nominations will move forward as expeditiously as possible
because one of the lessons from the war in Ukraine is just how
important it is for us to have ambassadors on the ground who
can represent American interests. We do hope to be able to move
these as quickly as possible.
For the information of all senators, the record of this
hearing will remain open until close of business tomorrow,
Thursday, May 5th. To my colleagues on the committee, I hope
that they will submit any questions during that time.
And to the nominees, if you have any additional questions I
urge you to answer those as fully and expeditiously as possible
so that we can move forward with your nominations.
With that, the hearing is adjourned and congratulations to
all of you.
[Whereupon, at 3:22 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Bruce I. Turner by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Just this January, Russia publicly affirmed that, ``a
nuclear war can never be won and must never be fought.'' Since then,
Russian leaders have issued more than a dozen threats of nuclear use
against nations supporting Ukraine. Was Russia lying in January? Or are
its current threats hollow?
Answer. Russia's rhetoric on nuclear use is inconsistent with the
January P5 joint statement and totally unacceptable. At the same time,
the United States has not seen any evidence that Russia is preparing to
launch a nuclear attack. It is in all of our interests to maintain the
76-year plus record of non-use of nuclear weapons, and Russia should
put into practice the sentiments of the January statement.
Question. The administration believes China may be willing to
engage in arms control discussions with the United States in order to
protect its reputation. Do you agree, given China's tacit support of
Russia in its unprovoked, unjustified war in Ukraine?
Answer. While making the case that arms control that advances
stability and predictability is in Beijing's security interest, the
United States will simultaneously marshal support from U.S. partners to
impose diplomatic and reputational pressure on the People's Republic of
China (PRC) that counters its self-serving narrative about the ``benign
nature'' of its nuclear build-up. Alone, reputational costs are
unlikely to force Beijing to the table. But together with a commitment
to advance U.S. capabilities to defend against a range of PRC threats
and maintain a credible and strong deterrent, the United States will
help ensure Beijing understands that there is no benefit to be gained
from refusing to engage.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Bruce I. Turner by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. The Outer Space Treaty, which entered into force in 1967,
prohibits the placement of nuclear weapons or weapons of mass
destruction in space, and prohibits the use of the moon or other
celestial bodies for military purposes, but does not limit conventional
armaments from being placed in orbit. In recent years, militaries
around the world have been preparing for future conflicts in space with
the proliferation of space technologies such as anti-satellite weapons
being developed and tested, most notably by Russia and China. That's
why this year I introduced the DEBRIS Act, which would help the United
States enforce the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty through
sanctions.
Do you support my DEBRIS Act of 2022 (S. 3925)?
Answer. I share your concern regarding Russia's and China's
development of anti-satellite capabilities. One of my priorities, if
confirmed, will be to develop norms of responsible behavior to address
security threats in outer space. I would build upon Vice President
Harris's April 18, 2022, announcement that the United States will not
conduct destructive direct-ascent ASAT missile tests, such as the one
Russia conducted in November 2021, and seek to establish this as an
international norm.
I understand that the Administration is continuing to analyze your
legislation. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with
you and your staff to strengthen the international response to anti-
satellite tests and to develop tools to deter or hold to account those
who carry out such tests.
Question. How can the United States prevent space from becoming a
war-fighting domain?
Answer. The United States recognizes that states such as China and
Russia increasingly see space as a warfighting domain. The military
doctrines of competitor nations identify space as critical to modern
warfare and view the use of counterspace capabilities as a means both
to reduce U.S. military effectiveness and to win future wars.
Confrontation or conflict, however, is not inevitable. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with U.S. interagency, including the Department
of Defense and Intelligence Community, to engage diplomatically with
allies, partners and strategic competitors in order to enhance security
and stability in outer space, including through the development of
norms of responsible behavior.
Question. Last year, the U.S. Department of Defense estimated that
the People's Republic of China (PRC) is dramatically accelerating
expansion of its nuclear arsenal. It is now on track to amass 700
nuclear warheads by 2027 and 1,000 by 2030, which is double the
estimates from last year. Unlike the old Soviet Union, the PRC is not
restricted by arms control treaties with the United States. If we want
to compel the PRC to stop this dangerous pursuit of a large nuclear
arsenal, we need to negotiate from a position of strength. President
Biden's decision to stop modernizing of our nuclear arsenal and his
apparent intention to implement a ``no first use,'' ``sole use'' or
similar policy is the exact opposite of the approach we need.
Given the President's nuclear policy, what leverage does the United
States have to negotiate an arms control treaty with the PRC?
Answer. The President recently approved the 2022 Nuclear Posture
Review, which emphasizes maintaining a safe, secure, and effective
nuclear deterrent and strong and credible extended deterrence
commitments. Beijing should understand that there is no benefit or
leverage to be gained from refusing to engage with us on reducing
risks. If confirmed, I commit to consulting Congress at an appropriate
time on potential measures to be pursued with the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take through the
conference on disarmament to encourage international action to stop the
PRC's nuclear weapons build-up?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the member states of the
Conference on Disarmament understand the facts behind the PRC's
buildup, the threat it poses to international security, and how this
nuclear expansion stands in stark contrast with Beijing's
responsibility to work with all states to create a security environment
more conducive to progress on disarmament. I will also continue to
press for commencement of negotiations on a Fissile Materials Cut-off
Treaty (FMCT) and press for all states, including the PRC which has not
done so, to declare and maintain moratoria on production of fissile
material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Alan M. Leventhal by Senator James E. Risch
Human Rights, Trafficking in Persons, and Religious Freedom
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
report, Denmark remained on Tier 2 due to a continued lack of
prosecutions and convictions of suspected human traffickers for a
second year.
What is your assessment of this issue, and how can you encourage
the Danish Government to increase their efforts to prosecute
and convict suspected traffickers?
Answer. The State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report
placed Denmark on Tier 2, noting that the Government does not fully
meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but is
making significant efforts to do so. The Government did not meet
minimum standards in several areas. However, the Danish Government
works closely with the U.S. Government to address these issues. If
confirmed, I will engage with the Danish Government to combat
trafficking in persons and address the recommendations in the Report,
including as they relate to prosecutions and convictions and victim
protection, and the lack of a non-punishment provision, which has
resulted in some authorities prosecuting victims, including children,
for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them to commit.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, it was noted that there were 61 percent more
religiously motivated crimes in the last reporting period compared to
the year before in Denmark. The majority of these crimes were committed
against Muslims and Jews.
What is your assessment of religious freedom and societal/
governmental respect for religious freedom in Denmark?
Answer. The increase in religiously motivated crimes is of great
concern and unfortunately something observed throughout Europe. The
Government and people of Denmark generally have a high level of respect
for religious freedom, and the Danish constitution guarantees the right
of individuals to worship according to their beliefs. If confirmed, I
would engage the Danish Government, members of parliament, religious
leaders, and others to encourage an environment that respects the law
and the rights of individuals.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Danish
Government to address crimes against religious minorities?
Answer. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Danish
Government to discuss crimes against religious minorities, through
meetings and outreach with my counterparts in the Government and
throughout society. I would also ensure the Embassy regularly engages
on this issue.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious
freedom?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to personally meeting with
members of civil society on a regular basis to underscore the
importance of religious freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Denmark was named has having no reports of significant human rights
abuses. Despite the positive human rights environment, if confirmed,
how can you continue to engage with civil society to bolster human
rights and human rights defenders in country?
Answer. Denmark is a strong partner of the United States in
promoting human rights globally; the United States and Denmark
regularly meet and coordinate on human rights issues. The U.S. Embassy
in Denmark engages with civil society in Denmark as part of its daily
work. If confirmed, I would continue this engagement through regular
outreach, meetings, and discussions with human rights defenders to
advance shared values, including respect for human rights. Denmark has
recently adopted a policy which would return Syrian refugees to Syria
despite potential dangers posed to them.
Question. How will you engage the Government to ensure that
refugees who are still in fear of persecution are not returned to
Syria?
Answer. Denmark's decision to revoke the residency permits of
certain Syrian asylum seekers from Damascus is very concerning, though
I understand that Denmark has not forcibly returned anyone to Syria at
this time. If confirmed, I will work closely with Denmark on refugee
policy to promote protection for Syrian refugees, and to help ensure
they are treated fairly, and with dignity. I understand the U.N.'s
assessment is that conditions inside Syria are not conducive to refugee
returns at this time.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Danish Government and
any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. support of
Doreen?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to engaging the Danish
Government and relevant counterparts as necessary to communicate U.S.
support of Doreen Bogdan-Martin's candidacy to lead the International
Telecommunications Union and to vigorously delivering all official
demarches in support of her.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I would coordinate closely with and engage
the International Organizations Bureau at the Department of State to
ensure that the United States is readily able to identify, recruit, and
install qualified Americans at the U.N. and in other specialized
international bodies.
Defense
Question. Denmark announced it will gradually raise its defense
spending over the next 10 years with the goal of reaching the 2 percent
GDP threshold required for NATO members.
How will you work with the Danish Government to improve this
timeline?
Answer. The United States expects all Allies to fulfill their
commitments under the Pledge on Defense Investment, as decided at the
Wales NATO Summit in 2014 and reaffirmed by Allied leaders several
times since. Denmark announced a ``national compromise on Danish
security'' March 6. In this compromise, Denmark announced it would
spend two percent of GDP on defense by 2033. If confirmed, I will
engage regularly to encourage Denmark to more rapidly meet its goal to
reach the two percent GDP threshold for all NATO members.
Question. How will you advise the Danish Government so that it
spends its new defense funding on materiel and capabilities that
provide maximum benefit to NATO's collective defense.
Answer. Denmark is a stalwart NATO Ally whose security is dependent
on close transatlantic cooperation and the U.S. mutual security
guarantee. Denmark and the United States already enjoy a very close and
effective relationship in the military sphere. If confirmed, I would
continue this close cooperation and coordination with the Government of
Denmark through regular engagement with all appropriate counterparts to
encourage uses of Denmark's new defense funding that will provide
maximum benefit to NATO.
Ukraine
Question. Denmark has sent humanitarian and military assistance to
Ukraine, and has even begun accepting Ukrainian refugees.
How will you urge Denmark to continue its humanitarian and military
assistance to Ukraine?
Answer. Danish leaders have strongly condemned Russia's unprovoked
and unjustified war against Ukraine and voiced support for Ukraine's
sovereignty and territorial integrity. Denmark has announced over $71
million in humanitarian assistance and considerable military assistance
to Ukraine. Denmark has said that over 100,000 Ukrainian citizens could
seek refuge in Denmark; already, over 25,000 Ukrainian citizens have
applied for temporary residency. Denmark has provided legal frameworks
for Ukrainian citizens to be able to work and study while in Denmark.
If confirmed, I would work daily with the Government of Denmark to
ensure that Denmark continues its considerable assistance to Ukraine
and that its assistance is coordinated for maximum benefit.
Greenland
Question. Greenland, the traditionally neutral country that is
under Danish sovereignty, has faced more and more encroachment from
Russia and China as they impose their interests in its area.
How will you work to promote U.S. and allied interests in Greenland
in the North Atlantic with regard to Russian and Chinese
expansionism?
Answer. The reopening of the U.S. Consulate in Nuuk in 2020 after a
67-year hiatus is emblematic of the U.S. desire to broaden engagement
with Greenland and to promote and protect U.S. and allies' interests in
the North Atlantic. The Kingdom of Denmark is clear-eyed about the
People's Republic of China (PRC) and Russia. The Governments of Denmark
and Greenland have taken action to stave off problematic PRC investment
activities in Greenland. Both Denmark's and Greenland's approach to
Russia reached a turning point following Putin's premediated,
unprovoked, and unjustified war against Ukraine. At the same time, the
U.S. Consulate in Nuuk is actively engaged with the Government of
Greenland to promote U.S. interests in Greenland and the North
Atlantic, from promoting trade and investment to enhancing people-to-
people ties.
If confirmed, I would expand our engagement with Greenland through
regular contacts with the Government and people of Greenland to further
U.S. interests and combat problematic Russian and PRC activities in the
region.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to visiting Greenland and the
new U.S. consulate in Nuuk, and making regular trips there?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to making regular trips to
Greenland and to the U.S. Consulate in Nuuk to broaden and enhance the
relationship between the United States and Greenland.
China
Question. To what extent and in what respects do you believe Danish
industries are economically vulnerable in China?
Answer. Denmark has one of the most advanced economies in the world
and is highly dependent on foreign trade with exports comprising the
largest component of GDP. Denmark adopted investment screening
legislation in 2021 to prevent threats to national security or public
order in Denmark. Denmark is clear eyed about People's Republic of
China (PRC) economic practices; it has labeled the PRC a ''systemic
rival'' and welcomed increased U.S. engagement in Asia. If confirmed, I
would regularly work with the Government of Denmark to address joint
concerns about the PRC.
Question. How will you engage with your Danish counterparts in
areas such as addressing economic vulnerabilities, increasing economic
resilience, and risks posed by China to shared economic security
between the United States and Denmark?
Answer. If confirmed, I would engage regularly with the Government
of Denmark, business representatives from Denmark and other partner
nations, and civil society to address risks that the PRC poses to
shared economic security. Further, I would encourage increased
investment in the United States, not only to enhance our economic
security, but also to provide good paying jobs for American citizens.
Question. Researchers failing to disclose ties to the Chinese
military, as well as universities transferring sensitive technology to
China, are major problems in both the United States and European
countries, including Denmark. Last year, the University of Copenhagen
found that one of its professors failed to disclose ties to BGI Group
and worked with a People's Liberation Army laboratory.
If confirmed, will you commit to prioritizing China-Denmark
technology and defense partnerships that could undermine U.S.
interests?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing U.S. interests
with respect to People's Republic of China (PRC) and Denmark technology
and defense partnerships that could undermine U.S. interests.
Syrian Refugees
Question. Denmark, which has taken in over 30,000 Syrian refugees,
has determined in some cases that Syria is safe for them to return, are
revoking their refugee status and repatriating them.
Do you agree with the Danish Government's assessment that Syrian
refugees are safe to return home?
Answer. Denmark's decision to revoke the residency permits of some
Syrian asylum seekers from Damascus is very concerning, though I
understand Denmark has not forcibly returned anyone to Syria at this
time. I understand that the U.N.'s assessment is that conditions inside
Syria are not conducive to refugee returns at this time.
Question. How will you work with the Danish Government to ensure
the Syrian refugees' interests and safety are prioritized?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage closely with the Government of
Denmark and civil society organizations to promote protection for
Syrian refugees, and to help ensure they are treated fairly and with
dignity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Allan M. Leventhal by Senator Ron Johnson
Question. On Feb. 7, 1997, the Wall Street Journal published a
report ``How Clintonites Built Fund-Raising Machine,'' which suggested
a $200 million contract between your company Energy Capital Partners
and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) was connected
with significant donations you and others made to President Clinton's
reelection campaign. HUD cancelled the contract several days later and
Energy Capital Partners sued for breach of contract, eventually
recovering over $10 million in damages for lost profits.
A subsequent August 25, 2000, article in The Washington Post
reported the following regarding the Energy Capital Partners-HUD
dispute:
a. HUD officials said an ``internal review concluded that the deal
had been agreed to under improper circumstances in which
political pressure was placed on career staff to give their
assent. An inspector general report also said the structure of
the program was illegal.''
b. Former HUD deputy general counsel Howard Glaser, said that career
officials had in fact been pressured to agree to the Energy
Capital Partners deal.
c. A March 1998 internal HUD report said ``tremendous pressure was
brought to bear by political appointees on career employees.''
d. Glaser described the contract as ``an unprecedented giveaway done
with no competition and no bidding.''
Were you aware then or are you aware now of any political pressure
placed on HUD officials to approve Energy Capital Partners
(Energy Capital) Affordable Housing Energy Loan Program (AHELP)
contract with HUD? If yes, was any of this pressure carried out
at your behest or the behest of someone acting on your behalf?
Answer. There is critical factual context required for a full and
accurate understanding of this historical matter. Reference is made to
two articles, the first in the Wall Street Journal, the second in The
Washington Post. Significantly, the first referenced article was
substantially corrected by the WSJ three days after it was published.
Based upon the initial, incorrect WSJ article referenced above, HUD
terminated the contract/agreement you have asked about. HUD then
subsequently admitted its liability for breach of the contract/
agreement in a lawsuit Energy Capital Partners filed against HUD.
The second article referenced above (Washington Post) was published
after the U.S. Federal Court of Claims issued a 48-page decision
entering judgment against HUD for over $10 million because of its
admitted breach of the contract/agreement you have asked about. To my
knowledge The Washington Post did not do any independent investigating
in doing its reporting. It simply quoted a non-career, HUD appointee
and longtime associate of Secretary Cuomo who shared direct
responsibility for directing HUD's conduct, claiming that the Court's
decision would be overturned on appeal. The Federal Circuit Court of
Appeals affirmed HUD's liability. Copies of both federal court
decisions are attached.
Within this context, I confirm that I was not aware at the time, or
now, of any political pressure placed on HUD officials to approve
Energy Capital Partners' Affordable Housing Energy Loan Program
contract with HUD, nor, specifically, am I aware, now or then, of any
pressure carried out at my behest or the behest of someone acting on my
behalf.
Question. Did you discuss AHELP with President Clinton prior to
securing the contract with HUD? If so, please describe what was said.
Answer. No.
Question. If nothing unethical had taken place, why did HUD cancel
the contract with Energy Capital only days after the Feb. 1997 Wall
Street Journal article?
Answer. The reason stated by HUD for termination was the WSJ
article referenced in the question above. As noted above, that HUD
termination letter failed to acknowledge the WSJ correction published
three days after the article appeared, and as further noted above, HUD
admitted its liability for breach of contract. See attached federal
court decisions.
Question. The contract allowed Energy Capital to include in its
energy efficiency loans to HUD-managed properties what was referred to
as a ``springing subordinated lien'' and a ``cross-default provision,''
whereby Energy Capital would be allowed to recover before the Federal
Housing Administration in the event of a default. Please explain how
Energy Capital secured such a beneficial program structure? Was there
any precedent for such a mechanism in this type of government contract?
If so, please provide other instances.
Answer. Those provisions, and the reasons for them, are fully
explained in the attached decision of the Court of Federal Claims, at
pp 7-9. I note that before being made part of the contract/agreement
you have asked about, the provisions were the subject of fifteen months
of negotiation, required by Fannie Mae, and reviewed by numerous
federal lawyers and officials. As reflected in my understanding of the
decision of the Court of Claims the arrangement solicited and
negotiated by HUD was intended by HUD to address its then unique
requirements and HUD did not rely upon any precedents, one way or
another, as the arrangement was not one based upon a standard form.
Question. Please explain why you decided that detrimental reliance
damages were insufficient in this case and instead sought damages for
lost profits, which cost the American taxpayer over $10,000,000?
Answer. Energy Capital Partners pursued the remedies to which it
was entitled by law. The Court's decision, attached, fully explains all
the reasons for which all damages were awarded by the federal court.
The Court's decision states clearly how it arrived at a final judgment
against HUD for $8.8 million (see Court of Appeals decision below).
[The court cases referred to above are located at the end of this
hearing transcript.]
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Alan M. Leventhal by Senator John Barrasso
Question. On February 7, 1997, a Wall Street Journal article
claimed Energy Capital received a federal contract in return for your
significant fundraising efforts for President Clinton. Energy Capital
Partners reportedly would have administered up to $200 million in loans
to help the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)
assist housing developers create more energy efficient units. On
February 14, 1997, HUD canceled a contract with Energy Capital
Partners. In April 1997, Energy Capital Partners then sued HUD for
breach of contract.
A Washington Post article from August 25, 2000, titled, ``Court
Orders HUD to Pay $8.8 million,'' mentioned you and your company's deal
with HUD. It reported that an internal review concluded by HUD found
the deal ``had been agreed to under improper circumstances in which
political pressure was placed on career staff to give their assent.''
It went on to say, ``an inspector general report also said the
structure of the program was illegal.'' The article also quotes the
agency spokeswoman Ginger Cruz saying, ``HUD was sued only for acting
quickly to prevent the agency from being saddled with a bad deal.''
Please describe your involvement in designing the program and
obtaining the agreement with HUD.
Answer. There is critical factual context required for a full and
accurate understanding of this historical matter. Reference is made to
two articles, the first in the Wall Street Journal, the second in the
Washington Post. Significantly, the first referenced article was
substantially corrected by the WSJ three days after it was published.
Based upon the initial, incorrect WSJ article referenced above, HUD
terminated the contract/agreement you have asked about. HUD then
subsequently admitted its liability for breach of the contract/
agreement in a lawsuit Energy Capital Partners filed against HUD. The
second article referenced above was published after the U.S. Federal
Court of Claims issued a 48-page decision entering judgment against HUD
for over $10 million because of its admitted breach of the contract/
agreement you have asked about. To my knowledge The Washington Post did
not do any independent investigating in doing its reporting. It simply
quoted a non-career, HUD appointee and longtime associate of Secretary
Cuomo, Howard Glaser, who shared direct responsibility for directing
HUD's conduct, claiming that the Court's decision would be overturned
on appeal. The Federal Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed HUD's
liability. Copies of both federal court decisions are attached. I now
turn to the specific questions.
Answer. With this context, I confirm that I did not have any
involvement in designing the program or obtaining the agreement with
HUD.
[The court decisions referred above are located at the end of this
hearing transcript.]
Question. What discussion did you have with President Clinton
directly about the program?
Answer. I did not have any discussions with President Clinton about
this program.
Question. Did you receive a copy of the Inspector General's report
about the deal between HUD and Energy Capital Partners? If so, could
you share a copy of the report with the committee?
Answer. No. I have never been provided with nor seen such a report.
HUD did not seek to introduce any such report at trial or call the
Inspector General as a witness. As I noted above HUD, fully represented
by the U.S. Department of Justice, admitted liability for breaching its
contract with ECP.
Question. Did you receive a copy of the HUD internal review of the
deal with Energy Capital Partners? If so, could you share a copy of the
report with the committee?
Answer. No. I have never been provided with nor seen such a report.
The Washington Post article from August 25, 2000, reported that former
HUD deputy general counsel Howard Glaser ``criticized the structure of
the program, particularly a provision under which any default by a
developer on an Energy Capital loan would have automatically triggered
a default on the larger HUD-backed mortgage. When HUD would then
foreclose on the property in default, according to this provision,
Energy Capital Partners would be paid off before the government.''
Question. Is the description of the provisions of the deal with
Energy Capital Partners accurate?
Answer. The referenced provisions were described in full in the
attached Court of Claims decision. I confirmed above that I did not
have any involvement in designing the program or obtaining the
agreement with HUD. I note that before being made part of the contract/
agreement you have asked about, the provisions were the subject of
fifteen months of negotiation, required by Fannie Mae, and reviewed by
numerous federal lawyers and officials.
Question. On September 28, 2021, you wrote an opinion editorial
titled, ``All Hands on Deck to Address Climate Crisis.'' It called for
an all-hands-on-deck agenda for collaboration across the private and
public sectors to prioritize climate justice, equitable resilience
investments, accelerate carbon mitigation, and a more informed and
activated citizenry.
As Ambassador, do you plan to focus on and promote climate change?
If so, what would be your priorities?
Answer. Denmark is a leader in combatting climate change globally
and devotes significant resources to domestic green technology as well
as assistance to developing nations' climate mitigation and adaptation
efforts. In November 2021, Denmark joined the Global Methane Pledge. In
addition, the United States co-launched with Denmark and the Marshall
Islands the Declaration on Zero Emission Shipping by 2050 at COP26; we
subsequently announced at the Our Ocean Conference in April 2022 that
the number of participating countries in the Declaration has more than
doubled since Glasgow. If confirmed, I will work to combat climate
change and will work closely with Danish counterparts to advanced
shared goals.
Question. Please explain your views on prioritizing climate
justice.
Answer. The impact of climate change affects everyone. My hometown
of Boston is susceptible to storm surges and flooding during the winter
months, impacting residential areas throughout the city; some lower
income neighborhoods are particularly vulnerable. I believe that
diligent efforts must be made to combat climate change to provide
future generations with the same opportunities that I have had. Denmark
devotes considerable effort to increase renewable energy use and
sustainability in the developing world, and, if confirmed, this is an
area where I will work closely with Danish counterparts.
Question. You explained that, ``Now, just nine months later and
with the recent report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change declaring that climate change is a code red for humanity, it is
clear those goals and policy changes may not be aggressive enough.''
What do you believe are the appropriate goals and policy changes to
address climate change?
Answer. Shortly after taking office, President Biden called world
leaders together and urged them to commit to the steps needed to keep
the goal of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius within reach. Many
countries are raising their ambition, but stronger and more urgent
efforts are needed to reduce emissions and to help the most vulnerable
countries cope with devastating climate impacts. Denmark continues to
push for increased global ambition on climate change and is eager to
broaden cooperation with the United States on combatting climate
change. This is reflected in the close cooperation during COP26, which
saw Denmark join the Global Methane Pledge and the Agriculture
Innovation Mission for Climate (AIM4C) initiative. If confirmed, I
would work closely with my counterparts in the Kingdom of Denmark to
address climate change.
Question. In February 2021, you wrote a letter to the Boston Globe.
It stated, ``As leaders of the commercial real estate industry in
Boston, we have a long record of advancing sustainable development and
reducing greenhouse gas emissions from buildings. We support the recent
efforts to advance climate policy, including many of the concepts and
provisions of the climate bill under consideration.''
What efforts and legislation have you supported to advance climate
policy, including areas involving sustainable development and
reducing greenhouse gas emissions?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have consistently advanced
sustainable development. I supported many of the concepts of the
Massachusetts climate bill that was under consideration, as well as
city of Boston legislation in an effort to advance sustainable
development while reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
Question. Russia has demonstrated over and over again its
willingness to use energy resources as a geopolitical weapon. President
Putin uses Russia's energy resources to extort, to threaten, and to
coerce our allies and our partners. The United States has been working
closely with our partners in Europe to promote energy security through
energy diversification in the types of energy, sources of energy, and
routes to Europe.
Do you support the U.S. increasing exports of liquefied natural gas
to assist our allies and partners in escaping their dependence
on Russia?
Answer. Yes. I support the United States increasing exports of
liquefied natural gas to assist our allies and partners in escaping
their dependence on natural gas from Russia in the short to medium
term. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Government of Denmark
to work toward independence from Russian gas, balancing short term
needs with long term decarbonization goals.
Question. Denmark recently announced they will increase their
output of natural gas to help Europe eliminate its dependence on
Russian energy resources. Denmark is also constructing a gas pipeline
from Norway to Poland called the Baltic Pipe.
As Ambassador, what steps would you take to strengthen cooperation
between the US and Denmark on increasing natural gas production
to Europe?
Answer. In Denmark's March 6 ``national compromise on Danish
security,'' Denmark committed to become independent of Russian gas.
Denmark also committed to increasing gas recovery in the North Sea,
increasing the use of biogas, and advancing the Baltic Pipe. Denmark
was a net exporter of gas until 2018, but its Tyra field has been
offline since 2019 for extensive repairs.
Denmark aims to return to its position as net exporter of gas by
2023. If confirmed, I would regularly engage with the Danish Government
to strengthen cooperation between the United States and Denmark with an
aim to decrease Europe's dependence on Russian fossil fuels and to
support Denmark's efforts to be a net gas exporter by 2023.
Question. What is your view of the Baltic Pipe Project?
Answer. I support the Baltic Pipe Project. The Baltic Pipe aims to
create a new gas supply corridor in Europe. In Denmark's March 6
``national compromise on Danish security,'' Denmark announced that it
is ``committed'' to the Baltic Pipe. Denmark currently imports natural
gas via Germany and as of October 2022 expects to import gas from
Norway upon completion of the Baltic Pipe connection to Poland. Denmark
aims to become a net exporter of gas by 2023. If confirmed, I would
work with my Danish counterparts to ensure energy security, including
efforts on the Baltic Pipe, and I would support Denmark's efforts to be
a net exporter of gas by 2023.
Question. What is the status of Baltic Pipe gas pipeline? When is
it expected to be completed?
Answer. Work on the Baltic Pipe is ongoing. In late April, the
first ``hole through'' occurred, meaning that gas can flow through the
pipe. Current projections indicate that the Baltic Pipe will be
completed in October 2022. The Government of Denmark is committed to
independence from Russian gas, and if confirmed, I would work closely
with the Government of Denmark to help ensure the Baltic Pipe is
completed in a timely manner.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Alan M. Leventhal by Senator Todd Young
Question. As Finland and Sweden discuss closer cooperation with
NATO, how do you view the role of Denmark within the NATO alliance?
Answer. As a founding member of NATO, Denmark is a staunch and
actively engaged NATO Ally. Denmark was a valued contributor to NATO's
Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan and currently leads NATO
Mission Iraq. Closer to home, Denmark participates in the collective
defense of the Alliance, including through training and exercises with
Allies across NATO. Denmark also has long-standing cooperation through
the Nordic Defense Cooperation (NORDEFCO) framework that includes
Finland and Sweden. Prime Minister Frederiksen has publicly stated that
Denmark would support Finland and Sweden if they were to seek NATO
membership. If confirmed, I will work to further cooperation with
Denmark to enhance our engagement on security issues.
Question. What is your assessment of the strategic value of
cooperation with Denmark on security and regional stability?
Answer. Denmark is the only country that is a member of NATO, the
EU, and the Arctic Council. As such, Denmark plays a vital role on
security and regional stability, with influence from the Arctic to
Southern Europe. Denmark also contributes to security across the globe;
it currently leads NATO Mission Iraq and stood beside us in
Afghanistan. Denmark has said the United States is its security partner
of choice and in February, Denmark announced its readiness to begin
negotiating a Defense Cooperation Agreement with the United States that
would further deepen our security cooperation. If confirmed, I would
continue this close coordination as we cooperate on security and
regional stability.
Question. What do you view are China's interests in Greenland? How
should the United States respond?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has exhibited interest
in Greenland, particularly Greenland's critical minerals and strategic
transportation infrastructure such as airports and ports. The
Governments of Greenland and Denmark are clear eyed about PRC economic
practices and have taken action to stave off problematic PRC investment
activities in Greenland. If confirmed, I would continue to coordinate
closely with the Governments of Greenland and Denmark to ensure that we
remain aware of PRC activities and plans and to encourage investment in
Greenland by U.S. companies as an alternative to problematic PRC
investments.
Question. Are there opportunities to further expand our
relationship with Greenland through the new U.S. Consulate in Nuuk
opened under President Trump?
Answer. The reopening of the U.S. Consulate in Nuuk in 2020 after a
67-year hiatus is emblematic of the U.S. desire to deepen engagement
with Greenland. The United States also relaunched the Joint Committee
with Greenland in 2021 to structure cooperation. The Consulate in Nuuk
is fully operational and is moving the relationship forward through
engagement that encourages trade and investment, promotes sound mining
and energy sector governance, increases collaboration on global
challenges like climate change, and seeks to strengthen educational and
people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I would ensure that our engagement
with Greenland through the Consulate in Nuuk remains robust as we
deepen our relationship with Greenland.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Constance J. Milstein by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
report, Malta remained on Tier 2 due to a continued lack of
identification of victims, as well as a lack of prosecutions and
convictions of suspected human traffickers.
What is your assessment of this issue, and how can you encourage
the Maltese Government to increase their efforts to prosecute
and convict suspected traffickers?
Answer. Malta does not fully meet the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking, pursuant to the Trafficking Victims
Protection Act (TVPA). While Malta is making significant efforts to do
so, if it is to make real progress, a whole-of-government approach--
resulting in appreciable progress in protection, prosecution, and
prevention--will be required.
If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Malta to take
concrete steps to address the recommendations from the 2021 Trafficking
in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage the Government to
increase their efforts to hold traffickers accountable, including
complicit officials, implement effective and dissuasive penalties for
traffickers, and address gaps in victim identification and protection.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, societal and governmental respect for religious freedom
was lacking, including the Government prolonging a request to build a
new church for two years. In addition, religious minorities struggle to
find equitable space to practice their religion.What is your assessment
of religious freedom and societal/governmental respect for religious
freedom in Malta?
Answer. Freedom of religion and belief are important principles for
me. Malta's constitution establishes Roman Catholicism as the state
religion but provides for freedom of conscience and religious worship
and prohibits religious discrimination.
I understand that in response to calls for access to cremation from
religious minorities in Malta, including the Hindu community, Malta
passed a law legalizing cremation services in 2019. However, to date,
the Maltese Government has failed to license a crematoria for the Hindu
community's use. In July 2021, the Government announced plans to
include a crematorium in an upcoming cemetery extension project. I also
understand the Government has not acted on a Russian Orthodox
application, pending since 2017, to build a church, and that the
Maltese Government has not implemented past proposals to offer
voluntary Islamic religious education in state schools.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Maltese
Government on these issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the expertise and support of
Embassy Valletta to engage across the Maltese Government to promote
respect for freedom of religion and belief and ensure continued
progress on ensuring the rights of members of religious minority
groups. I will also continue Embassy Valletta's work to promote freedom
of religion or belief through broad-based engagement with religious and
civil society actors, opinion pieces in the media, and outreach on
social media.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to personally working with
civil society to advocate for freedom of religion and belief for
members of all religious groups and supporting efforts of all faith
communities to collectively advocate on religious freedom issues.
Embassy Valletta has an important role to play in ensuring robust
engagement with civil society on religious freedom. Embassy officials
regularly meet with representatives from a wide variety of religious
groups to broaden understanding of and messaging on freedom of religion
and belief.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, Malta
was noted for having significant human rights abuses including unlawful
detention and high-levels of corruption. If confirmed, how will you
engage with the Maltese Government on these issues?
Answer. The United States and Malta work closely together to
improve human rights and rule of law in the country. Specifically, this
includes judicial reform and transparency in the financial sector,
press freedom, and the treatment of migrants. We also work together to
counter transnational crime, gender-based violence, and trafficking in
persons.
An independent public inquiry on the 2017 murder of Daphne Caruana
Galizia, an important Maltese investigative journalist, revealed a
culture of impunity supported by individuals in positions of
significant power. Impunity fuels corruption. The newly elected
Government of Malta's acceptance of the findings of the inquiry and
commitment to implement the inquiry's recommendations to address the
culture of impunity through legal action and rule of law reforms are
good signs, but more work remains.
If confirmed, I will encourage Malta to continue to seek justice
for Daphne Caruana Galizia and rebuild trust in its legal system. I
will also continue U.S. support for Malta's rule of law reforms and
implement programs focused on press freedom.
Question. If confirmed, how can you continue to engage with civil
society to bolster human rights and human rights defenders in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Valletta's engagement
with civil society to support human rights and human rights defenders
across the country. I will also continue Embassy Valletta's work to
emphasize the importance of a free and independent press, to support
the work of independent journalists, and to strengthen their profile as
anti-corruption advocates.
Question. In this report, there were allegations that the Maltese
Government delayed safe disembarkation of refugees at sea and then
forcibly returned them to Libya. If confirmed, do you commit to
encouraging the Maltese Government to not commit refoulement of
refugees?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to encouraging the Maltese
Government to uphold its international non-refoulement obligations.
Although migrant arrivals by boat have dropped since 2019, Malta
continues to highlight this issue and its potential impact on the
country. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Maltese
Government, international organizations, and NGOs to humanely address
issues associated with irregular migration.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Maltese Government
and any other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S.
support of Doreen?
Answer. Doreen Bogdan-Martin is a forward-looking, inclusive, and
globally recognized leader, and would be the right leader at the right
time for the ITU. She is already leading efforts as Director of ITU's
Telecommunication Development Bureau to transform the global digital
landscape to improve connectivity, close gaps in infrastructure,
elevate youth voices, and make the digital future more inclusive and
sustainable for all. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bureau
of International Organizations (IO) to support Ms. Bogdan-Martin's
candidacy and encourage Malta to vote for her for ITU Secretary-
General.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with all
stakeholders to promote the employment of qualified U.S. citizens who
are able to advance American priorities such as innovation, ethical
standards, transparency, and accountability at international
organizations, while bringing important skills and specializations. I
believe the JPO program offers a unique opportunity for the United
States to invest in the career development of qualified young Americans
and will make needed progress in expanding the number and distribution
of Americans working in international organizations. If confirmed, I
will actively support efforts by the Department of State to identify
opportunities for JPOs.
Question. How do you plan on leading the fight against corruption
in Malta within the U.S. Embassy?
Answer. Corruption inflicts substantial costs upon the economy,
society, and security of a country and undermines rule of law and
citizens' faith in their Government. This directly impacts U.S.
national security, economic, and foreign policy interests. If
confirmed, I will work with Embassy Valletta, our partners throughout
the U.S. Government, and the Maltese Government to combat corruption
and promote the rule of law.
On December 22, 2021, the State Department publicly designated two
former senior Maltese officials, Keith Schembri, Chief of Staff to the
former Prime Minister, and Konrad Mizzi, former Minister for Energy and
the Conservation of Water, under Section 7031(c) of the Department of
State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act,
2021, prohibiting them and their immediate family members' travel to
the United States, due to their involvement in significant corruption.
These publicly announced designations reinforce the U.S. Government's
commitment to combatting corruption globally and send a strong signal
that the United States will continue to act against corruption.
I am pleased that the Government of Malta has outlined the specific
goals of fighting corruption, including increasing transparency of
ultimate beneficial owners, ensuring the integrity of public officials,
and implementing a national anti-fraud and corruption strategy as part
of its Summit for Democracy commitments. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Government to support these important efforts to
counter corruption.
Question. What can the United States do to support anti-corruption
efforts in Malta?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. support for Malta's rule
of law reforms and implement programs focused on tackling corruption in
all its forms. This includes supporting the work Embassy Valletta is
doing with our partners in the Maltese Government and civil society to
promote systemic rule of law reform focused on countering corruption.I
also understand that the Department of State is using all available
tools to promote accountability for corruption globally, including
Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and, in consultation with the
Department of Treasury, financial sanctions authorities such as Global
Magnitsky Act. If confirmed, I will fully support the U.S. Government's
use of all appropriate tools to combat global corruption.
Question. How will you encourage the Maltese Government to ensure
its economy is not used as a haven for ill-gotten gains and money
laundering?
Answer. In June 2021, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an
international standard-setting body focused on anti-money laundering
and combating the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT), placed Malta on its
list of Jurisdictions Under Increased Monitoring (also known as the
grey list), for reasons including its flawed approach to ultimate
beneficial ownership information and insufficient investigations into
and prosecutions of financial crimes including tax evasion.
I understand that Embassy Valletta has welcomed Treasury,
Department of Justice (DOJ), State Department Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL), and U.S. law enforcement experts'
assistance to address Malta's rule of law deficiencies. This assistance
aided in Malta's continued implementation of the FATF Action Plan, and
helped improve Malta's financial regulatory, investigative, policing,
and prosecutorial mechanisms to tackle evolving money laundering and
illicit finance related risk. I also understand that a U.S. Department
of Justice regional legal advisor embedded at Embassy Valletta worked
with the Maltese authorities to draw up a roadmap for improving
criminal justice procedures, streamlining critical evidentiary
procedures, building capacity, and implementing new measures to deter
money laundering.
If confirmed, I will lead Embassy Valletta's work harnessing the
U.S. Government interagency to work with our partners in the Maltese
Government and civil society to promote systemic rule of law reform to
strengthen Malta financial regulatory environment and improve Malta's
efforts to counter money laundering.
Question. Wealthy Chinese, Russian, and other nationals continue to
purchase citizenship in Malta, despite protestations from the EU. What
are your views on this issue, and how would you engage with the
Government with Malta on it?
Answer. The potential for abuse by bad actors is concerning. While
the EU has lodged objections, the Government of Malta insists its
citizenship by investment program is a matter of national sovereignty
and has thus far been unwilling to end the program.
It is my understanding that Malta has recently taken several
important steps to prevent bad actors from using this program.
Specifically, I understand Malta has reworked the program, increasing
the vetting of applicants and raising the financial bar for investment.
In response to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, Malta also
publicly announced suspension of applications for citizenship and
residency by applicants who are nationals of the Russian Federation or
Belarus. I also understand that Malta has taken steps to strip Maltese
citizenship from a Russian Federation dual national sanctioned by the
United States.
If confirmed, I would work with the Government of Malta to
highlight the evolving risks of its citizenship by investment program
and encourage the most rigorous vetting possible of citizenship
applicants. This includes preventing Russia's elites and their family
members with ties to the Putin regime or anyone involved in supporting
Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war against Ukraine from seeking
loopholes to evade sanctions or other restrictions.
Question. Malta has not been very forthcoming in offering
assistance to Ukraine, which was recently invaded by Russia.
Why do you believe that Malta has not undertaken to support Ukraine
more?
Answer. I understand that Malta has supported strong EU sanctions
and taken other independent measures to isolate Putin's regime in
response to Russia's unjustified and unconscionable war against
Ukraine. In addition, I understand Malta is providing humanitarian aid
to Ukraine, including medicines and medical equipment, and welcoming
refugees from Ukraine to Malta in accordance with EU commitments and in
line with the neutrality clause outlined in their constitution.
Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to persuade
Malta to contribute more to the international effort to support
Ukraine?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Maltese Government to
ensure that all diligence is taken to prevent anyone involved in
supporting Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war against Ukraine
from evading sanctions or other restrictions. I would also encourage
Malta to offer as much humanitarian assistance as possible to help the
people of Ukraine.
Question. Malta continues to be a safe haven for Russian oligarchs
who seek to evade the international sanctions regime against Russia,
Putin, and his crony oligarchs. How do you plan to engage with the
Maltese Government to increase its focus and resources on sanctions
implementation and enforcement?
Answer. I understand that Malta has supported strong EU sanctions
and taken other independent measures to isolate Putin's regime in
response to Russia's unjustified and unconscionable war against
Ukraine.
If confirmed, I will work with the Maltese Government to ensure
that all diligence is used to prevent anyone involved in supporting
Russia's brutal, unprovoked, and unjustifiable war from evading
sanctions or other restrictions. I would ensure that Embassy Valletta
engages with the U.S. interagency to ensure that we can provide Malta
with the support it needs to vigorously enforce sanctions against
Russia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Constance J. Milstein by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Malta is one of the few countries to maintain a ``golden
visa'' program, where Maltese citizenship is conferred to anyone who
invests at least 750,000 euros in the Maltese economy. For the
millionaires and billionaires that prop up the regimes in Moscow and
Beijing or the leaders of transnational criminal organizations, this is
very small sum to pay to enjoy all the benefits democracies confer.
Immigration into the United States is much easier for Maltese citizens
than it is for Russian and Chinese citizens. Without serious vetting
and oversight, golden visa programs mean that war criminals and corrupt
businessmen could be living here in the United States.
Do you have concerns with Malta's golden visa program and its abuse
by corrupt actors and organized crime? Why or why not?
Answer. The potential for abuse by corrupt actors and organized
crime is concerning. While the EU has lodged objections, the Government
of Malta insists its citizenship by investment program is a matter of
national sovereignty and has thus far been unwilling to end the
program.
It is my understanding that Malta has recently taken several
important steps to prevent bad actors from using this program.
Specifically, I understand Malta has reworked the program, increasing
the vetting of applicants and raising the financial bar for investment.
In response to Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine, Malta publicly
announced suspension of applications for citizenship and residency by
Russian and Belarusian applicants. I also understand that Malta has
taken steps to strip Maltese citizenship from a Russian dual national
sanctioned by the United States.
If confirmed, I would work diligently with our partners in the
Maltese Government and civil society to champion rule of law to fight
corruption.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to protect the
United States so that individuals who have taken advantage of the
golden visa system are unable to immigrate here?
Answer. If confirmed, my top priority would be to ensure the safety
and security of U.S. citizens and of the United States. I would
continue our strong coordination efforts with our partners in the
Maltese Government to ensure U.S. consular officers and U.S. law
enforcement officials have the right information to effectively vet all
individuals seeking to enter the United States from Malta. I understand
that the United States has a strong relationship with Maltese law
enforcement. If confirmed, I would seek to deepen these partnerships.
Any foreign citizen seeking to enter the United States, whether to
visit or to immigrate, must meet strict legal requirements and pass
extensive security vetting.
Question. If confirmed, how would you encourage Malta to reform its
golden visa system?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Government of Malta to
highlight the evolving risks of its citizenship by investment program
and ensure the most rigorous vetting possible of citizenship
applicants. This includes preventing Russia's elites and their family
members with ties to the Putin regime or anyone involved in supporting
Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war from seeking loopholes to
evade sanctions or other restrictions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Jane Hartley by Senator James E. Risch
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with our UK
partners to ensure sufficient burden sharing in response to historic
levels of food insecurity and for advancing the global health security
of our respective citizens and partners?
Answer. The United States has made clear global food security is a
top priority issue, including for the United States' May presidency of
the U.N. Security Council. This issue is even more urgent in light of
Russia's unconscionable war against Ukraine. I understand Secretary
Blinken will chair a Security Council open debate on May 19 to examine
the nexus between conflict and food security. While much more remains
to be done to end the COVID-19 pandemic and manage its impacts, the UK
spent over $2 billion in 2020 and 2021 on COVID-19 response, and in
2022 made new commitments and hosted the Global Pandemic Preparedness
Summit, raising over $1.5 billion for CEPI. If confirmed, I will work
with our UK partners to ensure burden sharing that enables a robust
response to food insecurity around the world, and to advance the global
security of our citizens and partners.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
report, the United Kingdom was again ranked as Tier 1 due to serious
and sustained efforts to meet the minimum standards to eliminate
trafficking. However, there were some instances in which the Government
penalized victims for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them to
commit.
If confirmed, how will you work with the UK Government to address
these issues?
Answer. The UK prioritizes the protection of human rights and
introduced The Modern Slavery Act in 2015 to strengthen laws to
prosecute and convict human traffickers, increase protections for
survivors, and impose reporting requirements to prevent forced labor in
organizations' operations and supply chains. The annual Trafficking in
Persons report makes clear, however, that countering human trafficking
around the world requires ongoing effort and progress. The 2021
recommendations to the UK include ensuring victims are not penalized
for unlawful acts their traffickers compelled them to commit, and if
confirmed I would work with UK legislators, law enforcement, and
immigration authorities to encourage continued improvement on this and
the other recommendations in the TIP report to combat human trafficking
and work to create a more fair, equitable world.
Question. In the prioritized recommendations for the UK, the
Department emphasized robust prosecutorial and conviction efforts of
suspected traffickers, especially in Scotland and Northern Ireland. If
confirmed, do you commit to raising the prioritized recommendations
with the local Governments in Scotland and Northern Ireland to increase
their prosecutorial efforts?
Answer. The Embassy in London and the Consulates General in
Edinburgh and Belfast have regular contact with both national and local
officials. If confirmed, I commit to raising the prioritized
recommendations with appropriate national and local officials across
the UK, including in Scotland and Northern Ireland, to urge them to
increase their prosecutorial efforts.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, the U.S. Embassy in the UK had robust engagement with
government officials, political parties, and religious groups to
advance religious freedom issues. The 2020 report also observed the
first decline in religiously motivated hate crimes in England and Wales
in roughly the last ten years.
What is your assessment of religious freedom and societal/
governmental respect for religious freedom in the UK?
Answer. It is encouraging to see a decline in religiously motivated
hate crimes in England and Wales in 2020. However, according to the
2020 International Religious Freedom Report, rates of religiously
motivated hate crimes remained higher than in recent previous years,
indicating a need for continued efforts to promote religious tolerance.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I would work with the UK Government to
ensure continued progress to advance both societal and governmental
respect for religious freedom in the UK.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the UK Government on
these issues?
Answer. The UK is a strong partner on advancing religious freedom
issues, and in July 2022 will host a ministerial to promote freedom of
religion and belief. If confirmed, I would work with the expertise and
support of the staff of Mission UK, to engage across the UK Government,
including with the Prime Minister's Special Envoy for Freedom of
Religion or Belief, the Independent Advisor on Antisemitism, and the
Equality and Human Rights Commission to advance religious freedom
issues and ensure continued progress on issues such as reducing
religiously motivated hate crimes.
Question. How can you build upon this work to ensure robust
engagement with civil society?
Answer. The U.S. Mission to the UK has an important role to play to
ensure robust engagement with civil society on religious freedom
matters. Embassy officials regularly meet with representatives from a
wide variety of religious groups to broaden understanding of and
messaging on freedom of religion and belief. If confirmed, I will work
with civil society to advocate for religious freedom for members of all
religious groups, and support efforts of all faith communities to
collectively advocate on religious freedom issues.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious
freedom?
Answer. In my previous post as Ambassador, I made it a priority to
personally meet with members of faith communities and civil society to
discuss the importance of religious freedom and gain a broad
understanding of views across the country, including through hosting
events for significant religious holidays. If confirmed, I commit to
personally meeting with members of civil society to discuss the
importance of religious freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, the
UK had no reports of significant human rights abuses and there were
mechanisms in place to identify and punish officials who may commit
them.
Despite the positive human rights environment, if confirmed, how
can you continue to engage with civil society to bolster human
rights and human rights defenders in country?
Answer. The UK is a committed leader on the protection and
promotion of human rights. For example, the UK is the current co-chair
of the Equal Rights Coalition, a grouping of 42 countries that work on
rights of LGBTQI+ persons and will host a global conference on rights
of LGBTQI+ persons in in June 2022. However, as current events around
the world make clear, we cannot take human rights for granted. If
confirmed, I will continue to engage with the UK Government and with
civil society across the UK to bolster human rights and human rights
defenders across the country including engaging with NGOs to counter
discrimination and hate crimes.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the UK Government and any
other counterparts necessary to communicate U.S. support of
Doreen?
Answer. Doreen Bogdan-Martin is a forward-looking, inclusive, and
globally recognized leader, and would be the right leader at the right
time for the ITU. She is already leading efforts as Director of ITU's
Telecommunication Development Bureau to transform the global digital
landscape to improve connectivity, close gaps in infrastructure,
elevate youth voices, and make the digital future more inclusive and
sustainable for all. If confirmed, I will commit to supporting her
candidacy wholeheartedly on behalf of the United States, including
demarching the UK Government and other counterparts as necessary to
communicate U.S. support for her candidacy.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. It is imperative the officers of the U.N. maintain strong
commitments to the U.N.'s founding principles, including respect for
the international order, resolution of disputes by peaceful means, and
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
would coordinate closely with the IO bureau and other stakeholders to
support efforts to identify, recruit, and install qualified Americans
at the U.N., including in positions like the Junior Program Officer
program.
Question. How will you coordinate U.S. and UK responses to the war
in Ukraine with regard to: security assistance, sanctions, humanitarian
aid, refugees, and diplomacy?
Answer. The United States has engaged in robust cooperation with
the UK and other close partners, including bilaterally and
multilaterally through NATO and the G7 to garner support for and
coordinate strong united responses to Putin's brutal war in Ukraine. On
security assistance, the UK has led two separate donor conferences for
defense colleagues to corral and coordinate assistance and combine the
U.S. and UK has provided billions of dollars in security assistance. On
sanctions, the United States and the UK share common views and
approaches on many sanctions, and the UK has made more than 1,400
designations since the beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. If
confirmed, I will work with the Department and Mission UK to continue
close coordination between U.S. and UK security assistance, sanctions,
humanitarian aid, refugees, and diplomacy in response to Moscow's war
against Ukraine.
Question. Russian oligarchs and officials hold large amounts of
wealth in the UK. How can the UK limit the Russian influences embedded
in its economy?
Answer. I have seen how the UK has been in lockstep with the United
States on exacting military, economic, and political costs for Putin's
war in Ukraine, including taking significant steps to root out Russian
illicit finance and sources of revenue for Putin in the UK. The UK
Government also has imposed severe financial sanctions on President
Putin, his inner circle, Russian oligarchs, and all who enable and fuel
this war of choice--more than 1400 designations. In March, the UK
enacted the Economic Crimes Act, making it easier to sanction groups of
corrupt individuals, and harder for them to hide their money in the UK,
particularly in real estate. Also in March, the UK announced it would
phase out all imports of Russian oil by the end of 2022. There remains
more work to be done, and if confirmed, I will advocate strongly for
further measures to limit Russian influence in the UK economy, such as
through robust use of the UK's new investment screening law.
Question. How can the U.S. urge or help the UK to identify and
appropriately freeze or seize Russian assets in their jurisdiction?
Answer. While I am not privy to the specifics, I understand the
United States and the UK maintain robust law enforcement cooperation
multilaterally, including through the Five Eyes partnership, and
bilaterally on a broad range of law enforcement matters. In March the
G7, including the UK, launched the Russian Elites, Proxies, and
Oligarchs (REPO) Task Force to identify and seize assets, including
boats, planes, helicopters, real estate, and potentially art or other
property. Each member jurisdiction uses its respective national
authorities to collect and share information to enable U.S. and partner
actions. If confirmed, I will work to maintain and develop cooperation,
including through the law enforcement agencies represented at Mission
UK, to provide the appropriate information to help the UK identify and
appropriately freeze or seize Russian assets in their jurisdiction.
Question. How can we message that although the UK has made great
contributions to counter Russia, it still needs to confront the
difficult problem of the vast Russian wealth in its economy?
Answer. The UK has made incredible contributions to the effort to
counter Putin's unjustified and brutal war in Ukraine. UK Prime
Minister Johnson recognized in his May 3 speech to the Ukrainian
parliament the West had been ``too slow'' to grasp the threat,
acknowledging more needed to be done. If confirmed, I will engage
directly with senior UK officials to advocate for continued and
amplified efforts to root out illicit Russian finance in the UK through
tools such as the Economic Crimes Act and to enforce strong protections
against undue foreign influence, such as through the UK's investment
screening law, the National Security and Investment Act.
Question. Brexit has necessitated changes in U.S.-UK relations as
the UK is longer part of the EU. What challenges do you anticipate in
maintaining consistency between U.S.-UK and U.S.-EU relations?
Answer. Transatlantic peace, security, and prosperity are best
served by a strong UK, a strong EU, and the closest possible
relationship between the two. The United States has a special
relationship with the UK and an indispensable partnership with the EU,
and if confirmed I will work to ensure these allies will continue to be
the United States' partners of first resort on a range of shared
priorities. If confirmed, I will work closely with UK officials and
with Washington to maintain consistency on U.S.-UK relations, which
continue to provide new opportunities for growth resulting from the
UK's internationally focused ``Global Britain'' policies. While the
U.S. Ambassador to the EU will lead on U.S.-EU relations, I will
consult closely with him to support his efforts to maintain consistency
in the transatlantic relationship. If confirmed, I look forward to
working to address the range of global challenges as the UK and the EU
continue to adjust to their new post-Brexit relationship.
Question. How will you coordinate diplomatic strategy with the U.S.
Ambassador to the EU?
Answer. Close cooperation and coordination between the U.S. Embassy
in London, U.S. Consulate General in Belfast, and U.S. Mission to the
European Union are vital to ensure the Department of State and the U.S.
Government are speaking with one voice and understand the complexities
of a changing UK-EU relationship and its implications for transatlantic
relations more broadly. If confirmed, I will consult closely and
regularly with U.S. Ambassador to the EU Mark Gitenstein on these
issues and encourage the Embassy team to maintain close contact at all
levels with their colleagues at the U.S. Mission to the EU.
Question. The fate of the Northern Ireland Protocol is still
uncertain, how will you work with the UK's foreign ministry to protect
U.S. interests in the Irish-UK trade relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Her Majesty's Government to
encourage all parties to prioritize political and economic stability
and to resolve their differences through continued dialogue. I would
emphasize the need to ensure any steps taken do not undermine the
progress made since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. The United
States has a special relationship with the UK and an indispensable
partnership with the EU, and if confirmed I will work to ensure both
continue to be the United States' partners of first resort on a range
of shared priorities.
Question. How will you coordinate diplomatic strategy with the U.S.
Ambassador to Ireland?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my counterpart at the U.S.
Embassy in Dublin on a range of issues, including supporting the
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. I will also coordinate with the U.S.
Ambassador to the EU on issues such as the Northern Ireland Protocol.
Question. Britain is facing a severe energy crisis, which has only
been compounded by the recent decision to phase out Russian imports.
What are the greatest problems the UK currently faces due to
energy?
Answer. Domestic issues in addition to the spike in energy demand
as the UK economy opened after the pandemic and disruptions to the
global energy market caused by Putin's invasion of Ukraine have
contributed to rising energy prices in the UK. The UK's energy policy
is driven by its commitment to reaching net zero greenhouse gas
emissions by 2050 and it has made significant investments in renewable
energy, including offshore wind. The UK is a net importer of crude oil
and natural gas and has announced it will stop most overseas oil and
gas project financial support and advocacy. In March, the UK announced
it would phase out all imports of Russian oil by the end of 2022. With
this established, the UK is better positioned than most in the region
as it only imports five percent of its natural gas supplies from
Russia. Further, approximately eight percent of UK oil imports came
from Russia in 2021. While better positioned to phase out Russian oil
and natural gas, this will not mean the UK is insulated from price
shocks or demand spikes across the region. Additionally, more than half
of the UK's operating nuclear reactors are reaching the end of their
operating life and are set to close by mid-2024, removing a large share
of zero emissions power generation.
Question. How can the U.S. help the UK solve this crisis?
Answer. The UK has been a leader in efforts to mobilize private
finance for renewable and net-zero energy, including through their
leadership of COP26. Further, on the UK's aging nuclear fleet, Her
Majesty's Government (HMG) plans to approve a new reactor each year
until 2030, with the aim of having all operational by 2050. They will
be looking for international partners. If confirmed, I will work with
Mission UK and Her Majesty's Government to continue to identify
opportunities to mobilize financing for energy generation and identify
and support alternate sources of energy.
Question. How will you balance your messaging to Britain on the
need to invest in clean energy while also maintaining energy stability
and security?
Answer. The UK's April 2022 Energy Security Strategy identifies the
need balance investment in clean energy and maintaining energy
stability and security. If confirmed, I will work with the UK to
identify avenues to support additional and expedited investment in
clean energy and to improve energy stability and security.
Northern Ireland
Question. There have been reports that the UK will seek to abandon
the Northern Ireland Protocol as there has so far been no success in
creating a sustainable solution to trade in the region.
As Ambassador, how will you protect U.S. trade interests as they
relate to Ireland and the UK?
Answer. The U.S. priority remains protecting the gains of the
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, and peace, stability, and prosperity for
the people of Northern Ireland. I understand the UK is concerned about
the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol and recognize this
is a bilateral issue between the UK and EU. If confirmed, I will
encourage all parties to prioritize political and economic stability
and to resolve their differences through continued dialogue. I would
emphasize the need to ensure any steps taken do not undermine the
progress made since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement.
Question. How will you work to uphold the Northern Ireland Peace
Process throughout any Brexit and NI Protocol related negotiations?
Answer. Northern Ireland has made tremendous progress since the
1998 Belfast/ Good Friday Agreement. I understand the United States has
encouraged the EU and UK to continue engaging in dialogue that will
enhance the prospect for longterm and provide positive solutions that
give Northern Ireland businesses and people the confidence to continue
to improve their economy. If confirmed, I will do the same.
Question. What is the status of the W93 warhead program, and its
relationship with British nuclear modernization?
Answer. Although I am aware of the W93 modernization program and
our cooperation with the UK on strategic nuclear deterrence, I am not a
government official and have not been briefed on the latest
information. If confirmed I will promote continued close defense
cooperation with the United Kingdom.
Question. Russia is increasing its nuclear threats against the UK,
to include a recent threat on state television to employ the Poseidon
nuclear drone to cause a radioactive flood across Ireland, the UK, and
coastal France. How is the U.S. supporting the UK in countering such
threats? Does U.S. policy guidance to ``reduce the role of nuclear
weapons in our strategy,'' and budget requests to divest capabilities
such as the submarine-launched cruise missile--nuclear (SLCM-N) in
effect reward such threats, and embolden Russia to deliver more?
Answer. The fundamental role of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter
nuclear attack on the United States, U.S. allies, and partners,
including the United Kingdom. Our alliances are a tremendous source of
strength and a unique advantage for the United States; the
Administration is reinvesting in them. Provocative nuclear rhetoric is
dangerous, adds to the risk of miscalculation, and should be avoided.
If confirmed I would work closely with UK officials to coordinate
against this threat in a manner that continues to demonstrate the
transatlantic unity.
Question. The UK has led the world in pushing to assertively
support Ukraine, and in doing so has implicitly downplayed the threat
of Russian escalation. Have they struck the right balance between
supporting Ukraine and mitigating the threat of escalation? What does
this imply for other allies and partners?
Answer. The United Kingdom's strong support has bolstered Ukraine's
ability to defend against Russia. UK support includes a May 3
announcement of =300 million to fund electronic warfare equipment,
heavy lift drones, a counter battery radar system, GPS jamming
equipment, night vision devices, Brimstone anti-ship missiles, and
Stormer anti-aircraft systems. At the same time the UK has been an
active participant at G7, NATO, and trans-Atlantic Quad meetings at
which it has publicly underscored the importance of trans-Atlantic
unity as a deterrent against an escalation by Russia. If confirmed I
will coordinate with UK officials to continue making clear to Russia
that it will face a swift and strong response to any escalatory actions
it may take.
Question. What does the U.S. need from the UK in the event of
Chinese aggression against Taiwan, the South China Sea, or the East
China Sea?
Answer. The United States and UK continue to deepen cooperation in
the Indo-Pacific region. The UK's renewed focus in the region, outlined
in the 2021 Integrated Review, provides ample opportunity to increase
our cooperation and presence in the region. For example, in 2021 the UK
sent a joint carrier strike group with U.S. and Dutch participation to
demonstrate freedom of navigation and interoperability. If confirmed I
will work with UK officials to strengthen our cooperation in the Indo-
Pacific region to deter any PRC aggression.
Question. What are the practical barriers to progress for increased
cooperation in the Advanced Capabilities portion of AUKUS? How can the
U.S. best address those barriers?
Answer. I understand that AUKUS partners have made strong progress
in the four advanced capabilities that the President and Prime
Ministers identified in September 2021, and have recently initiated
work in four additional areas. The expanded the list of projects now
includes hypersonics and counter-hypersonics, electronic warfare
capabilities, information haring, and innovation. These initiatives
will add to our existing efforts to deepen cooperation on cyber
capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and
additional undersea capabilities. The goal of these efforts is to
foster deeper integration of security and defense-related science,
technology, industrial bases, and supply chains. I have not been
briefed on the classified details of these programs or barriers to
further cooperation; if confirmed, I will work closely with UK
officials to ensure a smooth and prompt implementation of AUKUS
advanced capabilities projects.
Question. The UK joined Russia, China, France and the U.S. earlier
this year in declaring the ``a nuclear war can never be won and must
never be fought.'' Given Russia's nuclear threats since then, does the
UK believe Russia was lying when it signed on to that statement? Or
does the UK believe that Russia has changed its stance since January?
Answer. While I have not been part of bilateral discussions and
cannot know what the UK believes regarding Putin's trustworthiness, I
can commit to working closely with UK officials, if confirmed, in order
to sync our deterrence strategies to prevent nuclear war.
Question. What do you view as the overarching priority areas of the
United Kingdom's policy towards China, and what are the top areas
within which the United States and the United Kingdom should cooperate
with respect to China?
Answer. The U.S. and UK approaches are closely aligned on policy
toward the PRC. The UK--like the United States--seeks to counter,
compete, or cooperate as needed with the PRC. The UK's overarching
approach to the PRC, as characterized in its Integrated Review, is a
systemic challenge, and identified the need to do more to adapt to the
PRC's growing impact. The UK has undertaken measures to address
Xinjiang forced labor and human rights concerns and has played a
leadership role in condemning repeated PRC attempts to undermine Hong
Kong's autonomy as guaranteed in the Sino-British Joint Declaration.
During its presidency of the G7, the UK was a stalwart supporter of
``open societies'' and ``open economies'' through its promotion of
democratic values and free and fair trade. If confirmed, I will deepen
the already close U.S-UK coordination on the PRC and will seek to
strengthen our efforts to defend the rules-based international order
and our respective national security interests and our values.
Question. Last month, a Chinese investment group received
Whitehall's approval to purchase one of Britain's few remaining
semiconductor manufacturing plants.
What are the risks posed by this purchase, and how should the
United States respond?
Answer. The President has identified semiconductors and their
supply chains as critical to national security. To my knowledge, the
purchase occurred last year, and Whitehall has referred the case to
Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy Kwasi
Kwarteng for review under new investment screening authorities provided
by the National Security and Investment Act that took effect at the
beginning of this year. If confirmed, I will work closely with UK
officials to sync our efforts to protect critical supply chains for
foreign interference or economic coercive practices.
Question. Britain's commissioner for biometrics and surveillance
cameras has asked the British Government's to clarify its policy with
respect to purchasing equipment from China's Hangzhou Hikvision Digital
Technology. Hikvision was blacklisted by the U.S. Government in 2019
over Beijing's treatment of Uyghur Muslims and other ethnic minorities
in Xinjiang.
What are your views on this issue, and how would you engage with
United Kingdom on matters related to technology and human
rights?
Answer. The United States has made clear, and I concur entirely,
that it is essential to support respect for the human rights of members
of minority groups in the PRC and elsewhere, and to ensure that the
U.S. financial system and American investors are not facilitating PRC
Government efforts to persecute ethnic and religious minorities. If
confirmed, I would work with UK counterparts to develop and promote
democracy-affirming technologies and to mitigate the risks of
authoritarian governments using technology to track, intimidate, or
repress.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Jane Hartley by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Russia's current invasion of Ukraine has caused a severe
oil shortage in Europe and the world. In the United States, gas prices
have increased 44 percent since the start of the invasion, while they
have increased much more in other countries, including the United
Kingdom.
If confirmed, how would you work with the British Government to
address the inflation and supply chain crisis caused by Putin's
war?
Answer. Domestic issues in addition to the spike in energy demand
as the UK economy opened after the pandemic and disruptions to the
global energy market caused by Putin's invasion of Ukraine have
contributed to rising energy prices in the UK. President Biden has
issued an executive order to bolster resilient, diverse, and secure
supply chains. If confirmed, I will work with the UK, one of our
closest economic partners with approximately $240 billion in trades and
services, to align our supply chain strategies. Additionally, if
confirmed I will work closely with our UK partners to find economic
solutions bilaterally and multilaterally that continue to hold the
Kremlin to account while ensuring Putin's war of aggression against
Ukraine has minimal impact on the American people.
Question. If confirmed, would you recommend that the British
Government increase oil production in the North Sea?
Answer. The UK's energy policy is driven by its commitment to
reaching net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 and it has made
significant investments in renewable energy, including offshore wind.
The UK is a net importer of crude oil and natural gas and has announced
it will stop most overseas oil and gas project financial support and
advocacy. To that end, if confirmed I would work closely with our
British counterparts to address the energy security needs of both our
countries, particularly as we confront the impact of Putin's war of
aggression against Ukraine on shared energy priorities and security.
Question. Do you think that increase U.S. oil and gas exports to
Europe can more immediately counter rising prices than promoting long-
term investments in renewable energy?
Answer. The United States is working simultaneously on short-term
and long-term responses to counter Russian attempts to use energy as a
weapon. The U.S. Government has been engaging U.S. LNG companies and
working with partners around the world to diversify natural gas supply
to Europe to address the near-term need and replace volumes that would
otherwise come from Russia. The President launched a task force with
the EU in March that prioritizes efforts to increase LNG volumes for
Europe. This will help replace Russian gas to Europe--decreasing
Europe's dependence on Russia and Putin's ability to use energy as a
tool of coercion. The United States is working over both the short- and
long-term to also reduce the overall demand in Europe for natural gas
by ramping up energy efficiency measures and accelerating renewable and
other clean energy deployment.
Question. The enablers of Putin's regime in Russia--senior
government officials and oligarchs--all keep their money abroad in
banks in London and New York. If we really want to punish Putin and his
regime for the crimes they're committing in Ukraine, then we need to
target these accounts.
To date, what is your assessment of the UK's to target and seize
these assets?
Answer. While I am not privy to the specifics, I understand the
United States and the UK maintain robust law enforcement cooperation
multilaterally, including through the Five Eyes partnership, and
bilaterally on a broad range of law enforcement matters. In March, the
G7, including the UK, launched the Russian Elites, Proxies, and
Oligarchs (REPO) Task Force to identify and seize assets, including
boats, planes, helicopters, real estate, and potentially art or other
property. Each member jurisdiction uses its respective national
authorities to collect and share information to enable U.S. and partner
actions. If confirmed, I will work to maintain and develop cooperation,
including through the law enforcement agencies represented at Mission
UK, to provide the appropriate information to help the UK identify and
appropriately freeze or seize Russian assets in their jurisdiction.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the British
Government and the sanctions offices here to form a coordinated
sanctions strategy targeting these Russian oligarchs?
Answer. If confirmed, I would maintain our already robust
cooperation on sanctions. Since the start of Russia's war against
Ukraine, more than 30 Allies and partners have joined the United States
in rolling out sanctions on more than 2,100 Russian and Belarusian
targets. Our Allies and partners have shown an unprecedented, shared
commitment to work together to impose costs on Russia. The UK is a
leader in this group, having introduced the Economic Crime
(Transparency and Enforcement) Act, which allows the UK to immediately
designate individuals and entities that have been designated by the
UK's allies.
Question. Similarly, how would you combat dirty money coming from
the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. I am heartened by the continued coordination between the
United States and the UK to hold corrupt regimes accountable and ensure
our jurisdictions do not serve as havens for illicit finance. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with our partners in London to
ensure our two financial systems are not a safe haven for oligarchs,
government officials and political party members--from any country--who
empty the public coffers of their citizens for their own gains.
Question. The U.S.-UK transatlantic market is one of the most
important aviation markets in the world. This is a market dominated by
airline joint ventures that have immunity from the U.S. antitrust laws.
U.S. airlines, especially new entrants to the transatlantic market, are
having significant difficulty securing access at London-area airports
thus limiting competition in this important market.
What are your views on competition in the transatlantic aviation
market, and will you commit to help such airlines grow in the
UK and ensure that they are treated fairly by the UK
Government?
Answer. American consumers benefit from an open and transparent
transatlantic aviation market. If confirmed, a key priority of mine
would be to work with Department of Transportation and Department of
Commerce colleagues to promote opportunities for American companies,
including in the commercial aviation sector.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Jane Hartley by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how would you view your role in promoting
and strengthening trade ties between the United Kingdom and the United
States?
Answer. The UK is one of the United States' strongest trade and
investment partners. If confirmed, it will be one of my top priorities
to promote and strengthen trade ties between the United States and the
UK and to see that economic bonds continue to grow and create American
jobs. The United States and the UK have resolved numerous trade
disputes over the past year, including on a June 2021 ``cooperative
framework'' for large civil aircraft production and a March 2022
agreement to remove U.S. Section 232 tariffs for certain volumes of UK
steel and aluminum products. The Section 232 tariff agreement also
strengthens trade by countering unfair PRC practices that harm our
industries and workers. If confirmed, I intend to work with the UK,
across the interagency, and in consultation with Congress, to advance
free, fair, and balanced trade between the United Kingdom and the
United States.
Question. If confirmed, how would you operationalize the New
Atlantic Charter signed in 2021 that emphasizes ``open and fair
trade?''
Answer. The New Atlantic Charter, released by President Biden and
UK PM Johnson on the margins of the June 2021 G7 Leaders' Summit
pledges to deepen cooperation on democracy and human rights, defense
and collective security, science and innovation, and inclusive economic
prosperity, and renew joint efforts to tackle the challenges posed by
cybersecurity, climate change, biodiversity loss, and emerging threats.
If confirmed I would work with the interagency and with Congress to
strengthen trade with the UK that reflects the Biden-Harris
administration's commitment to prioritizing America's working families.
That includes supporting ongoing efforts to promote and strengthen
trade ties, such as the recent U.S.-UK Dialogue on the Future of
Atlantic Trade, which explored with a diverse group of stakeholders how
we can collaborate to advance our shared trade priorities and promote a
worker-centered, fair, and responsible global economy. I would also
work to further strengthen our already close cooperation with the UK on
addressing new and old challenges, as outlined in the Charter, and to
counter the efforts of those who seek to undermine our values,
alliances, and institutions.
Question. If confirmed, what would you see as your role as
Ambassador in furthering AUKUS, the trilateral security pact between
Australia, the UK, and the United States?
Answer. A free and open Indo-Pacific region is critical to the
security and prosperity of the American people, and the AUKUS
partnership will help defend and promote U.S. interests there for
generations. I see my role as Ambassador, if confirmed, as working to
fulfill our commitment to work with our closest ally to sustain peace
and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. As Ambassador, I would work
to promote efforts to strengthen trilateral security cooperation among
Australia, the UK, and the United States through AUKUS and leverage the
combined resources of these allies to direct more diplomatic, military,
economic, and other resources to the region, including by further
enhancing our cooperation on advanced capabilities.
Question. One of the elements of this AUKUS partnership is advanced
capabilities, such as AI, cyber, and quantum technologies. In your
view, how does this partnership with the UK further U.S. leadership in
emerging technology?
Answer. Partnership with the UK and Australia on advanced
capabilities, such as AI, cyber, and quantum technologies, will further
U.S. leadership on emerging technology by enhancing our joint
capabilities, interoperability, and fostering deeper information and
technology sharing with our closest allies. AUKUS partners have made
strong progress in the four advanced capabilities that the President
and Prime Ministers identified in September 2021 and have recently
initiated new trilateral cooperation on hypersonics and counter-
hypersonics, and electronic warfare capabilities, as well as taken
steps to expand information sharing and to deepen cooperation on
defense innovation. Our cooperation will promote deeper information and
technology sharing and foster further integration of security and
defense-related science, technology, industrial bases, and supply
chains. The United States and the United Kingdom both benefit from a
firm foundation to help grow our economies through high-skill, high-
paying jobs. Each nation also benefits from research centers through
shared scientific breakthroughs and testing of next-generation military
capabilities--combining our efforts to help the United States as well
as its partners stay at the leading edge of technology advances. If
confirmed, I look forward to representing U.S. interests as a leader in
emerging technology.
__________
=======================================================================
Court Records Submitted by Alan M. Leventhal to
Expand Upon His Response to Questions Posed by
Senator Ron Johnson and Senator John Barrasso
=======================================================================
Energy Capital Corp. v. The United States-- United States Court of
Federal Claims. No. 97-293C. Decided August 22, 2000
Energy Capital Corp. v. The United States-- United States Court of
Federal Claims. No. 01-5018. Decided August 14, 2002
----------
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, MAY 10, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:38 p.m., in
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch,
Johnson, Romney, Portman, Young, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senator Peters.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order. We are here today to consider
nominations for three important positions: Ambassador Bridget
Brink to be the Ambassador to Ukraine, Ambassador Elizabeth
Richard to be Coordinator for Counterterrorism, and Ambassador
Alexander Laskaris to be the Ambassador to Chad.
I understand that Senator Peters will be introducing
Ambassador Brink, and we have a vote going on the floor so we
want to accommodate Senator Peters.
We will recognize you at this point.
STATEMENT OF HON. GARY C. PETERS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MICHIGAN
Senator Peters. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking
Member Risch. It is, certainly--it is my honor to introduce
Ambassador Bridget Brink to the committee.
I also want to recognize Ambassador Brink's family, who are
with her here today--her husband Nick, who is also serving our
country as a diplomat, and her two sons, Jack and Cole.
Like our service members and their families, our diplomats
do not serve alone, as every member of this committee knows.
Their families often go unrecognized as our diplomats perform
their crucial work in foreign lands thousands of miles from
their country. We want to thank all of them for their service.
Ambassador Brink was born and raised in East Grand Rapids
and graduated from East Grand Rapids High School in Michigan.
Growing up, she remembers driving by a sign that proudly
recognized her hometown as the home of President Gerald Ford.
President Ford's decency, integrity, and humility served as a
marker for the Midwest values that Ambassador Brink lives by.
And Ambassador Brink still keeps Michigan very close to her
heart, visiting family in west Michigan every year. Although
she has lived all across the globe through her career, she will
tell you that her favorite place in the entire world to visit
is back along the shoreline of Lake Michigan, and that makes
sense. As I have always said, the Great Lakes are more than a
national treasure to Michiganders. They are actually--they are
ingrained in our DNA, and, clearly, the Great Lakes, are in
Ambassador Brink's DNA as well.
Now Ambassador Brink will have the opportunity to uphold
those Michigan values at a time of incredible upheaval in
Ukraine and I know Ambassador Brink is ready for the challenge.
She is a seasoned diplomat who first joined the State
Department in 1996 and has spent her career in places like
Georgia, Serbia, Slovakia, Uzbekistan--places where she learned
the intricate dynamics that underpin much of the post-Soviet
order in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, and where she learned
early on how Russia chooses to treat its neighbors.
Ambassador Brink will be in charge not just with supporting
our Ukrainian partners in the immediate fight against the
Russian invasion but also in the recovery and rebuilding phases
after.
As someone who was working in the U.S. embassies during the
conflict in the Balkans and in Tbilisi after the Rose
Revolution, Ambassador Brink knows what it takes. Her
leadership is more vital than ever and her service across five
administrations is fitting tribute to the apolitical service to
country that we expect from our civil servants.
I am proud to recognize Ambassador Brink for her
extraordinary professional achievements and to congratulate her
on this opportunity to serve her country. Her success will be
our country's success, and I cannot think of anyone more
equipped for this position, and that is why I would encourage
her swift confirmation.
And thank you for this opportunity to introduce an
absolutely extraordinary woman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Peters, for that glowing
introduction. We appreciate your insights, and I know that
there is a vote on the floor so feel free to leave when you
choose to do so.
More than two months into Russia's horrific war against
Ukraine it seems clear that the battle for the future of
Ukraine is far from over. While Ukraine has impressed the world
with its bravery, a bloody fight continues as we sit here
today.
Just yesterday missiles hit as a top European diplomat met
with the Ukrainian prime minister. Missiles have struck in Lviv
where U.S. diplomats commute from Poland. The Russian military
has destroyed towns and cities, and people are suffering. But
the Ukrainian people continue to fight and defend their
country.
At the same time, American and European diplomats are
working diligently to reopen diplomatic posts while ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel.
And so, Ambassador Brink, thank you for accepting this
critical posting. You will be more than a wartime ambassador.
Your appointment and, I hope, expedient confirmation, along
with the return of American diplomats, sends a powerful message
to the world--we stand with Ukraine and the free world will not
abandon those fighting to protect it.
Once confirmed, you will face multiple complex diplomatic
challenges: navigating relations with NATO and our partners in
Europe, helping refugees find food and shelter, maintaining
Russian sanctions while meeting Europe's energy needs,
documenting Russian war crimes, and supporting policies and
institutions to be ready for reconstruction efforts.
With all this in mind, I am pleased that the Administration
has identified the right person for such a difficult job, and I
am pleased that we are considering a diplomat with extensive
experience, who, as ambassador to Slovakia, has worked with a
large Ukrainian refugee community and ensured the transfer of
critical air defense systems to Ukraine, someone with
experience tackling the security challenges of eastern and
central Europe, who served in Belgrade during the Balkan Wars,
and was a student in Europe when the Berlin Wall fell.
Having said all of that, Ambassador Brink, we are going to
look forward to hearing your thoughts on how you plan to tackle
the challenges that await and about your priorities for the
first few months. It is a difficult challenge and I think you
will be up to it, and we wish you well and your mission.
We are also hearing today from the nominee for the
Coordinator for the State Department Counterterrorism Bureau,
Ambassador Elizabeth Richard. The Coordinator is responsible
for harmonizing the actions of U.S. Government counterterrorism
agencies to support partnering arrangements with state,
nonstate, and multilateral entities.
Ambassador Richard has a long and impressive record of
service as our Ambassador to Lebanon, Deputy Chief of Mission
in Yemen, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near East Asia
Affairs, just to name a few, in her 36 years of dedicated
service to United States foreign policy.
I look forward to hearing from you about what new
initiatives and directions you will take the Counterterrorism
Bureau upon your confirmation.
Finally, we are considering Ambassador Alex Laskaris for
Chad, a country which for decades was run by strongman Idriss
Deby. It is one of three countries in the Sahel that has
recently experienced a coup, further undermining stability in
an already fragile region. But there is now a chance, however
slight, for Chad to undergo a transformation.
Ambassador Laskaris, I will be interested in hearing now
from you what you will do to support efforts for Chad's
transition to democracy.
In addition, I look forward to hearing from you your plans
for improving U.S. policy balance between defense, diplomacy,
and development, something called for in legislation that I led
in the Senate with Ranking Member Risch, the Trans-Sahara
Counterterrorism Partnership Program Act of 2021.
And with that--and welcome to your respective families,
because as Senator Peters said in his introduction of
Ambassador Brink this is a commitment by families and sacrifice
by them as well, and we appreciate their willingness to
sacrifice as well on behalf of the nation.
Let me turn to Senator Risch for his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to
all three of you and your families for your willingness to
serve. It is a sacrifice--we know that--and the American people
appreciate it.
In this time of war and turmoil, the U.S. has not had a
confirmed ambassador on the ground in Ukraine for nearly three
years. I wish it could have been sooner and we would be further
along, but it is what it is and I am glad we were able to
quickly bring Ambassador Brink before us for a hearing today.
Ambassador Brink, if you are confirmed, this job will not
be an easy one. I think that comes as no surprise to you. You
will be responsible for moving the embassy back into our
facilities in Kyiv, helping to shepherd U.S. military,
financial, and humanitarian aid in the right places, and the
war--and when the war is over, and it will be, assisting
Ukraine in rebuilding its country.
There will be a lot of scrutiny from Washington on all of
this. Assuming you are confirmed, and I assume you will be, I
would urge you to take a proactive role in pressing Ukraine to
remain true to its reform path and not allow the fog of war
that has happened to derail that.
I expect you to be a strong advocate for whatever military
assistance Ukraine needs in order to win, and we all have an
expectation that you will remain in close contact with this
committee. We need it. The advice of people on the ground is
vital to shaping decisions in Washington and we need to hear
from you as we continue to support Ukraine in its fight against
the Russian invasion.
Turning to Ambassador Richard and your nomination for
Counterterrorism Coordinator, while we shattered the Islamic
State's grip on Iraq and Syria, problems remain.
Just this morning, the Chairman and I were briefed in depth
on the thousands of foreign terrorists that are languishing,
sometimes in makeshift prisons, in Syria. This is a really
serious problem. It is an unreported problem but it is an
enormous problem.
While a handful of our partners have repatriated their
foreign fighters to face justice, others have not. I welcome
your thoughts on the resolution of this very significant
problem, that ensuring that these fighters do not pose a threat
to U.S. interests.
Finally, I am happy to see--regarding Chad, I am happy to
see an ambassador with a range of experiences working in Africa
as the nominee for ambassador has.
Your record is outstanding, really. You have got a
difficult road ahead of you, of course. U.S. relations with
Chad are complicated by our security partnership, notably, to
counter the terrorist threats in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin,
and Chad's notoriously undemocratic domestic politics.
This is made more challenging by the coup that occurred
following the battlefield death of the authoritarian president,
Idriss Deby, in April of 2021.
The dissolution of parliament and other institutions and
the installation of his son as head of the Transitional
Military Council all cause serious issues.
It is a critical time for the U.S. relationship with Chad
and it is equally critical we have a confirmed U.S. Ambassador
on the ground. I look forward to hearing what you have to say
in regards to the challenges you face.
With that, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
We will start off with you, Ambassador Brink. We would ask
you each to summarize your statements in about five minutes or
so so we could have an opportunity to have a conversation with
you.
Your full statements will all be included in the record,
without objection.
And, Ambassador Brink, you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF HON. BRIDGET A. BRINK, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO UKRAINE
Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking
Member Risch, and distinguished members of the committee for
this opportunity to appear before you today.
I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the
position of Ambassador to Ukraine. I am grateful for the trust
and confidence the President and the Secretary have placed in
me. If confirmed, I commit to work with you to advance U.S.
interests in Ukraine.
I am a career Foreign Service Officer with 25 years of
experience. My career focus has been supporting the freedom and
independence of the countries of Europe and greater Europe. I
view this work to which I have dedicated my professional life
as fundamental to our own security.
Our collective effort has created more stable and capable
allies and partners, opened markets to U.S. goods, and advanced
strategic priorities which protect and defend the people of the
United States.
I am deeply proud to have advanced the long-standing
strategic goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace over five
U.S. administrations. I appreciate the leadership of this
committee and our work to resolve conflicts in the Balkans,
push back against Russian aggression in Eastern Europe and the
Caucasus, and support reforms in young democracies on the edge
of Europe.
I know America is its most powerful overseas when we have
bipartisan support at home with regard to our core national
interests. I appreciate this bipartisan support as we face the
biggest threat to peace and security in Europe in decades.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to continue our
commitment to a sovereign, democratic, and independent Ukraine,
free to choose its own future.
To paraphrase the President, in this battle between
democracy and autocracy, between freedom and repression,
between a rules-based order and one governed by brute force,
freedom must prevail. Ukraine must prevail.
If confirmed, my number-one priority would be to advance
the United States' strategic interests which includes a
democratic, sovereign, independent, and prosperous Ukraine. The
courage and heroism of President Zelensky and the people of
Ukraine has inspired us all.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with Congress to help
Ukraine succeed on the battlefield and at the negotiating
table. We will ensure that Russia's effort to dominate Ukraine
is a strategic failure.
I also commit to working with you to continue to provide
humanitarian assistance, economic assistance, and to pursue
accountability for war crimes in Ukraine. In supporting
Ukraine, we are defending the principles of sovereignty and
independence and the international rules-based order.
My second priority would be to help Ukraine rebuild. We
support the decision of the people of Ukraine to integrate more
closely with Europe and to undertake the serious and difficult
internal reforms needed to achieve that goal.
It will require Ukraine to seize this historic opportunity
with the eyes of the world upon it. A democratic, sovereign,
and independent Ukraine is also in the interests of the United
States.
Finally, I take as my most solemn responsibility the safety
and security of the people of our embassy. While we will not be
able to conduct diplomacy in a war zone without risk, I pledge
to work with my leadership and our team to balance risk against
our goals in a way that advances U.S. national interests in
Ukraine.
Coming from Grand Rapids, Michigan, I entered public
service with the values I learned from my family and community.
I want to relay how proud I am to be a part of our career
Foreign Service, underscore the vital role it plays in
promoting U.S. interests and values, and pay tribute to the
people and their families who sacrifice so much to serve our
great country.
I want to salute the current charge d'affaires, Kristina
Kvien, for her exceptional service, and the team of dedicated
Americans and Ukrainians who make up the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv.
If confirmed, it will be an honor of a lifetime to join this
team and lead our collective effort there.
I want to conclude by recognizing those who have made it
possible for me to be here today. First, I want to thank my
husband and fellow Foreign Service Officer, Nicholas Higgins,
who is here today, for his love and support for over 29 years.
We are so proud of our children, also here, Jack and Cole.
As part of a diplomatic family that has moved every few years
for their entire lives, I want to thank them for their own
service to our country.
I would also like to thank my mother, Gwen Brink, father
and stepmother John and Judy Brink; sister Joanna Brink;
nephews Andrew and Andre Brink; Aunt and Uncle Mary and Patrick
Sayne; my in-laws, Adrienne and Kingsley Foster, and all of my
brothers- and sisters-in-law for being bedrocks of support
every step of the way.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this
committee, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before
you today. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Brink follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Bridget A. Brink
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of this committee for the opportunity to appear
before you today. I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the
position of Ambassador to Ukraine. I am grateful for the trust and
confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. If
confirmed, I commit to work with you to advance U.S. interests in
Ukraine.
I am a career Foreign Service officer with 25 years of experience.
My career focus has been supporting the freedom and independence of the
countries of Europe and greater Europe. I view this work to which I
have dedicated my professional life as fundamental to our own security.
Our collective effort has created more stable and capable allies and
partners, opened markets for U.S. goods, and advanced strategic
priorities which protect and defend the people of the United States.
I am deeply proud to have advanced the longstanding strategic goal
of a Europe ``whole, free, and at peace'' over five U.S.
administrations. I appreciate the leadership of the members of this
committee and our work to resolve conflicts in the Balkans, push back
against Russian aggression in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus, and
support reforms in young democracies on the edge of Europe. I know
America is its most influential overseas when we have bipartisan
support at home with regard to our core national interests.
I appreciate this bipartisan support as we face the biggest threat
to peace and security to Europe in decades. If confirmed, I pledge to
work with you to continue our commitment to a sovereign, democratic,
and independent Ukraine, free to choose its own future. To paraphrase
the President: in this battle between democracy and autocracy, between
freedom and repression, between a rules-based order and one governed by
brute force, freedom must prevail. Ukraine must prevail.
If confirmed, my number one priority would be to advance the United
States' strategic interests, which includes a democratic, sovereign,
independent, and prosperous Ukraine. The courage and heroism of
President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine has inspired us all. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with Congress to help Ukraine succeed on
the battlefield and at the negotiating table. We will ensure that
Russia's effort to dominate Ukraine is a strategic failure. I also
commit to working with you to continue to provide humanitarian
assistance and to pursue accountability for war crimes. In supporting
Ukraine, we are defending the principles of sovereignty and
independence and the international rules-based order.
My second priority would be to help Ukraine rebuild. We support the
decision of the people of Ukraine to integrate more closely with Europe
and to undertake the serious and difficult internal reforms needed to
achieve that goal. It will require Ukraine to seize this historic
opportunity with the eyes of the world upon it. A democratic,
sovereign, and independent Ukraine is also in the interest of the
United States.
Finally, I take as my most solemn responsibility the safety and
security of the people of our Embassy. While we will not be able to
conduct diplomacy in a war zone without risk, I pledge to work with my
leadership and our team to balance risk against our goals in a way that
advances our national interests in Ukraine.
Coming from Grand Rapids, Michigan, I entered public service with
the values I learned from my family and community. I want to relay how
proud I am to be a part of our career Foreign Service, underscore the
vital role it plays in promoting U.S. interests and values, and pay
tribute to the people and their families who sacrifice so much to serve
our great country. I want to salute the current Charge d'Affaires,
Kristina Kvien, for her exceptional service and the team of dedicated
Americans and Ukrainians who make up the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv. If
confirmed, it will be an honor of a lifetime to join this team and lead
our collective effort there.
I want to conclude by recognizing those who have made it possible
for me to be here today. First, I want to thank my husband and fellow
Foreign Service officer, Nicholas Higgins, for his love and support for
over 29 years. We are so proud of our children, Jack and Cole. As part
of a diplomatic family that has moved every few years for their entire
lives, I want to thank them for their own service to our country. I
would also like to thank my mother, Gwen Brink; father and stepmother,
John and Judy Brink; sister, Joanna Brink; nephews, Andrew and Andre
Brink; aunt and uncle, Mary and Patrick Sayne; my in-laws; Adrienne and
Kingsley Foster and my brothers and sisters-in-law for being bedrocks
of support every step of the way.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome
your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Richard?
STATEMENT OF HON. ELIZABETH H. RICHARD OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE COORDINATOR FOR COUNTERTERRORISM, WITH THE RANK
AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR AT LARGE
Ambassador Richard. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and
Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of the
committee. It is an honor to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be Coordinator for
Counterterrorism at the State Department. I am deeply grateful
to the President and the Secretary for their support and
confidence.
Over the course of my 36 years as a Foreign Service
Officer, I have had the privilege of serving in some of our
most challenging posts, including Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan, and
Afghanistan.
During that time, I have taken part in robust efforts by
the U.S. and our partners and allies to confront the challenges
to our security from terrorist groups in these regions and
beyond.
We have prevented another terrorist attack on the homeland
and greatly weakened ISIS and al-Qaeda, though both groups
continue to try to expand their geographic reach, creating new
challenges.
Terrorist groups threatening the United States and our
partners today are more geographically diverse, more
ideologically diverse, and more technologically adept than ever
before. We must remain vigilant in addressing this complex and
dynamic terrorist landscape.
Iran, the world's largest state sponsor of terrorism, and
its proxies continue their destabilizing behavior in the Middle
East and beyond. I have seen firsthand the results of Iran's
malign influence and I fully understand the need to keep the
pressure on.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners to
do just that.
Terrorist groups in Africa, exploiting poor governance and
economic despair, are growing more destructive by the day.
Groups like Boko Haram, Al Shabaab, and, increasingly, ISIS
thrive in this environment and they threaten our interests in
the region. If confirmed, I will work to increase international
attention to these areas.
There is also a rising danger from racially or ethnically
motivated violent extremists, which FBI Director Wray elevated
in 2020 to a threat on par with ISIS and al-Qaeda.
In addition to the increasing organizational
decentralization of these groups, challenges to detecting and
disrupting terrorist attacks include the exploitation of social
media to radicalize and recruit, the use of commercially
available encrypted communications, the deployment of
commercially available drones, and the employment of
sophisticated financial schemes.
The State Department plays an integral role in the overall
U.S. Government counterterrorism effort by fostering
international consensus as well as by helping build the
capacity of partners and allies.
U.S. counterterrorism efforts are shifting from a U.S.-led
partner enabled approach that relies heavily on military power
to one in which our partners have to have the will and
capability to lead in addressing threats on their own soil.
If confirmed, I will prioritize efforts to reduce the
continuing threat that ISIS poses around the world. Under U.S.
leadership, the 84-member Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS has
made major strides against the group in Iraq and Syria. It is
now also focused on addressing ISIS threats in Africa and
emanating from Afghanistan.
As part of that effort, I would prioritize the following:
repatriating foreign terrorist fighters and their families from
Syria to their countries of origin; strengthening the detention
facilities in which they are now housed; and improving
conditions in displaced persons camps in Syria to prevent them
from becoming incubators for the next generation of ISIS
fighters.
While countering terrorism is vital to U.S. national
security, there are many other priorities and finite resources.
While it is critical that the United States maintains its
leadership role in international counterterrorism efforts, our
partners should also shoulder a greater share of the burden.
Finally, I commit to working with you to ensure that the
Congress is regularly informed and consulted on all our
counterterrorism efforts.
With that, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, I
really appreciate your consideration today and I thank you for
the opportunity to appear before you, and look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Richard follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of the committee. It is an honor to appear before
you today as President Biden's nominee to be Coordinator for
Counterterrorism at the Department of State. I am deeply grateful to
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their support and confidence
in me.
Over the course of my 36 years as a Foreign Service Officer, I have
had the privilege of serving in some of our most challenging posts,
including Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. During that time,
I have taken part in robust efforts by the U.S. and our partners and
allies to confront the challenges to our stability and security from
terrorist groups in these regions and beyond. We have prevented another
terrorist attack on the homeland and greatly weakened ISIS and al-
Qa'ida, though both groups continue to work to expand their geographic
footprint, creating new challenges.
Terrorist groups threatening the United States and our partners
today are more geographically dispersed, more ideologically diverse,
and more technologically adept than ever before. We must remain
vigilant in addressing this dynamic and complex terrorist landscape.
Iran--the world's largest state sponsor of terrorism--and its
proxies continue their destabilizing behavior in the Middle East and
beyond. I have seen, first-hand, the results of Iran's malign influence
and use of proxies and fully understand the need to keep the pressure
on and, if confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners, to do
the same.
Terrorist groups in Africa exploiting poor governance and economic
despair are growing more destructive by the day. Groups like Boko
Haram, al-Shabaab and Jama'at Nusratul Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), and
increasingly ISIS, thrive in this environment and threaten our
interests in the region. If confirmed, I will work to increase
international attention to this region. There is also a rising danger
from racially or ethnically motivated violent extremists, which FBI
Director Wray elevated in 2020 to a threat on par with ISIS and al-
Qa'ida.
In addition to the increasing organizational decentralization of
these groups, challenges to detecting and disrupting terrorist attacks
include the exploitation of social media to radicalize and recruit, use
of commercially available encrypted communications, deployment of
commercially available drones, and employment of sophisticated
financial schemes.
The State Department plays an integral role in the U.S.
Government's counterterrorism efforts by fostering international
agreement on the need to confront these terrorist groups as well as by
helping build the counterterrorism capacity of our partners.
U.S. counterterrorism efforts are shifting from a U.S.-led,
partner-enabled approach that relies heavily on military power to one
in which our partners have the will and capability to lead in
addressing terrorist threats on their soil. As U.S. efforts become more
focused on building partner capacity, the Counterterrorism Bureau's
work will be vital.
If confirmed, I will prioritize efforts to reduce the continuing
threat that ISIS poses around the world. Under U.S. leadership, the 84-
member Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS has made major strides against
the terrorist group in Iraq and Syria and is now also focused on
addressing ISIS threats in Africa and emanating from Afghanistan.
As part of that effort, I will prioritize repatriating foreign
terrorist fighters and their family members from Syria to their
countries of origin, strengthening the detention facilities in which
they are now housed and improving conditions in displaced persons camps
in Syria to prevent them from becoming incubators for the next
generation of ISIS fighters.
While countering terrorism is vital to U.S. national security
interests, there are many other priorities and finite resources. While
it is critical that the United States maintains its leadership role in
international counterterrorism efforts, our partners should shoulder a
greater share of the burden.
If confirmed, I will work both bilaterally and multilaterally to
spur all those threatened by terrorism to do more to address these
threats. I will also work to ensure that our foreign assistance
resources are spent wisely on programs that help partners develop the
capability to secure their borders, investigate and disrupt terrorist
plots, track terrorist financing, bring terrorists to justice, prevent
and counter violent extremism, and rehabilitate and reintegrate former
terrorists.
I will also promote a counterterrorism approach that upholds the
rule of law and respect for human rights. Finally, I commit to working
with you to ensure that Congress is regularly informed and consulted on
counterterrorism efforts.
With that, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, I appreciate
your consideration and thank you for the opportunity to appear before
you today. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you. A career foreign service officer
who does not use all five minutes, that is extraordinary.
Ambassador Laskaris?
STATEMENT OF HON. ALEXANDER MARK LASKARIS OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS
OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY
AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
REPUBLIC OF CHAD
Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
Member. It is a deep honor to appear before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee for the second time in my career.
I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for their support and, if confirmed, for the
opportunity to continue my 31-year career in the Foreign
Service in the Republic of Chad.
To an Africanist, the word Chad conjures up memories of
great kingdoms rooted in storied civilizations going back more
than a thousand years in recorded history. Today's Chad is a
rich mosaic of peoples, cultures, languages, and religions
encompassing the worlds of the desert, the savanna, and the
forest in an area three times the size of California.
A rich past notwithstanding, however, today's Chad is also
one of the poorest countries in the world, ranking 187th out of
189 countries in the U.N.'s Human Development Index.
It has some of the highest rates of maternal and infant
mortality in the world and some of the lowest incomes, life
expectancies, and literacy rates. It is within both our
interests as a nation and our values as a people that we work
to address these conditions.
There are security issues that require our attention, but
they should never divert us from the fundamental development
challenges that call for greater action and which, I believe,
define our work in Chad and will define my work in Chad, if
confirmed.
We have been partners with Chad since its earliest days as
an independent republic and we helped defend its national
sovereignty and territorial integrity against armed Libyan
irredentism in the 1980s.
Perhaps this memory of an attempt by Colonel Qaddafi to
forcibly seize the northern third of its territory contributed
to Chad's strong and welcome denunciation of the Russian
invasion of Ukraine.
Two battalions of Chadian peacekeepers have long served in
the U.N. Mission in Mali, and Chadian soldiers have joined the
regional and international coalitions against violent extremist
organizations in the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin.
U.S. military personnel have always been welcome in Chad,
and today some 75 American service members deploy to N'Djamena
where they support the Multinational Joint Task Force in the
Lake Chad Basin and support our French and African partners in
the Greater Sahel.
Chad and its people have also been superb hosts to refugees
from Sudan, the Central African Republic, and Cameroon. The
people have welcomed their brothers and sisters fleeing
violence, and the Government has ensured that humanitarian
assistance from the international community, led by the United
States, has reached its intended beneficiaries.
Mr. Chairman, Chad gained its independence in 1960 and has
had six presidents in the last 62 years. None of the incumbents
left power voluntarily and none of the successors assumed power
via constitutional processes.
In its modern history, Chad has been governed by and for
narrow regional and ethno linguistic interests. It has also
been governed more by the force of arms than by the force of
law.
Following the death of President Idriss Deby in April of
2021 and under Chad's constitution, the president of the
National Assembly should have assumed the powers of the
presidency on an interim basis and led the country quickly to
new elections.
But he refused and that did not happen. Instead of the
process laid out in the constitution, Chad has a Transitional
Military Council led by one of the late president's sons that
has pledged a national dialogue leading to new elections.
After the death of President Deby, the United States called
for a peaceful, timely, and civilian-led transition of power to
a democratically-elected government. The predialogue
negotiations underway in Qatar are a critical step.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with the African
Union and our international partners and Chadians of goodwill
to support an inclusive, peaceful, and timely transition to a
democratic and civilian-led government.
The goal and the hope that we share with the people of Chad
is the first democratic transfer of power in the country's
history, one that empowers a new government to tackle the
profound development challenges it will face on inauguration
day.
Unique in Chad's history, Transitional Military Council
President Mahamat Deby has said publicly that he has no
intention of running in the ensuing elections, the timing of
which depends on a successful national dialogue.
Effective elections alone will not guarantee the success of
the transition but is an important signal to the people of Chad
and to Chad's international partners that political power must
be contested at the ballot box and not on the battlefield.
As I begin to formulate my own thinking on how I will
advance U.S. interests in Chad, if confirmed, I go back to my
two wonderful years on the faculty of the National War College,
where we teach our students to formulate strategy by defining
their ends, ways, and means.
Our end state in Chad must be a stable country at peace
with itself and able to contribute to peace building in the
region. Our ways consist of our portfolio of assistance and
engagement programs and those of our interagency and
international partners.
Our means are the hard work under challenging conditions of
our small embassy and the generosity of the American people
acting through their elected, executive, and legislative
branches.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, and I am
happy to answer any questions either now or for the record.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Laskaris follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member. It is an honor to appear
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for a second time.
I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their support, and--if confirmed--for the opportunity to continue my 31
year-career as a foreign service officer.
To an Africanist, the word ``Chad'' conjures up memories of great
kingdoms rooted in storied civilizations dating back to some 1,000
years of recorded history. Today's Chad is a rich mosaic of peoples,
cultures, languages, and religions encompassing the worlds of the
desert, the savannah, and the forest in an area three times the size of
California.
A rich past notwithstanding, today's Chad is also one of the
poorest countries in the world, ranking 187th out of 189 countries in
the U.N.'s Human Development Index. It has some of the highest rates of
maternal and infant mortality in the world, and some of the lowest
incomes, life expectancies, and literacy rates.
It is within both our interests as a nation and our values as a
people that we work to address these conditions. There are security
issues that require our attention, but they should never divert us from
the fundamental development challenges that call for greater action and
must define our work in Chad.
We have been partners with Chad since its earliest days as an
independent republic, and we helped defend its national sovereignty and
territorial integrity against armed Libyan irredentism in the 1980s.
Perhaps this memory of an attempt by Colonel Qadhafi to forcibly seize
the northern third of its territory contributed to Chad's strong and
welcome denunciation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
Two battalions of Chadian peacekeepers have long served in the U.N.
Mission in Mali and Chadian soldiers have joined the regional and
international coalitions against violent extremist organizations in the
Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. U.S. military personnel have always been
welcomed in Chad, and today there some 75 American service members
deployed to N'Djamena, where they support the Multinational Joint Task
Force in the Lake Chad Basin, as well as our African and French
partners in the Sahel.
Chad and its people have also been superb hosts to refugees fleeing
violence in Sudan, the Central African Republic, and Cameroon. The
people have welcomed their brothers and sisters fleeing violence, and
the Government has ensured that humanitarian assistance from the
international community, led by the United States, has reached its
intended beneficiaries.
Mr. Chairman, Chad gained its independence in 1960 and has had six
presidents in the last 62 years. None of the incumbents left power
voluntarily, and none of their successors assumed power via
constitutional processes. In its modern history, Chad has been governed
by and for narrow regional and ethno-linguistic interests. It has also
been governed more by the force of arms than by the force of law.
Following the death of President Idriss Deby in April 2021 and
under Chad's 2020 constitution, the President of the National Assembly
ultimately should have assumed the powers of the presidency on an
interim basis and led the country quickly through to new elections.
But he refused and that did not happen.
Instead of the process laid out in the constitution, Chad has had a
Transitional Military Council led by one of the late President's sons.
It has pledged a national dialogue leading to new elections.
After President Deby's death, the United States called for a
peaceful, timely, and civilian-led transition of power to a
democratically elected government. The pre-dialogue negotiations
underway in Doha are a critical step.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with the African Union and
our international partners to support an inclusive, peaceful, and
timely transition to a democratic and civilian-led government. The
goal--and the hope--that we share with the people of Chad is the first
democratic transfer of power in the country's history, one that
empowers a new government to tackle the profound development challenges
it will face on inauguration day.
Unique in Chad's history, Transitional Military Council President
Mahamat Deby has said publicly that he has no intention of running in
the ensuing elections, the timing of which depends on a successful
national dialogue. Effective elections alone will not guarantee the
success of the transition, but it is an important signal to the people
of Chad and to Chad's international partners that political power must
be contested at the ballot box, and not on the battlefield.
As I begin to formulate my own thinking on how I will advance U.S.
interests in Chad--if confirmed--I go back to my two wonderful years on
the faculty of the National War College, where we teach our students to
formulate strategy by defining their ends, ways and means.
Our end state in Chad must be a stable country at peace with itself
and able to contribute to peacebuilding in the region. Our ways consist
of a small embassy; our portfolio of assistance and engagement
programs; and our interagency and international partners. Our means are
the hard work under challenging conditions of some 600 American and
Chadian staff, including just 36 U.S. direct hires, and the generosity
of the American people acting through their elected executive and
legislative branches.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, and I am happy to
answer any questions, either now or for the record.
The Chairman. All right. Thank you as well.
We will start a round of questions. Let me start with
questions on behalf of the committee as a whole, and these
really go to the nature of what we expect on responsiveness by
officials in the executive branch and that we expect and will
be seeking from you. A simple yes or no would be responsive to
the question.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to keeping the committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your
portfolio?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. And, lastly, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Okay. The record will know that all of the
nominees responded yes to all of the questions posed. The Chair
will recognize himself to start off with.
Over the weekend, Charge d'Affaires Kristina Kvien took a
small team to our embassy in Kyiv. Can you give us a sense,
Ambassador, of how you envision, upon confirmation, bringing
back our diplomatic presence in Ukraine?
Ambassador Brink. Yes, Senator. Thank you for the question.
I think it is a really important one. I was delighted myself to
see Charge Kvien in Kyiv on Sunday.
I think it is really important for us to be there in person
and present. She is there now, and I know she is laying the
groundwork to return our embassy operations in coordination
also with Congress and the steps that need to be taken.
We will have to look at the security situation. But I have
great confidence in our security experts, including those on
the ground, to give us advice that allows us to continue to
advance our strategic interests, which means being present to
work with the Ukrainians, work with other embassies, and also
coordinate back with Washington from Kyiv.
I do not know exactly how fast we will be able to do this
process. But I know we are trying to do it as fast as possible
and it is, certainly, my hope and plan, if confirmed, to be
able to start my mission in Kyiv.
The Chairman. Yeah. And would it be fair to say that
however physical form it might take that your goal is to have
robust engagement with the Ukrainian Government?
Ambassador Brink. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. Along with the overwhelming majority of my
colleagues who are working hard to support the Administration's
latest requests for more assistance to Ukraine, it is
absolutely critical that we work with our partners to provide
Ukraine the military assistance it needs to defend against
brazen Russian aggression while also ensuring delivery of
critical humanitarian relief for Ukrainians, their neighbors,
who have welcomed refugees with open arms, and address the
global implications for food security and energy security.
Let me ask you, will you commit to the committee that upon
your confirmation you will work with the Ukrainian Government
to, ultimately, ensure that we have the information and
accelerate the delivery of lethal assistance for Ukraine?
Ambassador Brink. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. And can you also work with us? We are very
much expeditiously doing everything we can to promote this
assistance to Ukraine but we are talking about billions of
dollars, how they are going--making sure they are truly needed
where they are going, how they are being used.
In this regard, can I get your commitment to frequently
consult with me and our committee staff on our oversight
efforts with respect to security assistance, with respect to
humanitarian assistance, as we move forward?
Ambassador Brink. Yes, Senator. Absolutely.
The Chairman. And then I know that we are in the midst of
the war but I also think--thinking about the future, hopefully,
the not too distant future about reconstruction in Ukraine
helps light the way so that there is light at the end of a very
long, harrowing period of time.
Do you see part of your role as thinking about working with
the Ukrainians about what reconstruction and rebuilding looks
like?
Ambassador Brink. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. Okay. We look forward to working with you on
all of those elements.
Let me turn to Ambassador Richard. Senator Risch alluded to
it. We heard from the king of Jordan today in a meeting we had
with him about these ISIS fighter camps in Syria 70,000, 75,000
strong.
Sounds like it is a great breeding ground for the next
generation of ISIS fighters. What is your thinking about how we
deal with that challenge?
Ambassador Richard. Yes, sir. I agree. It is a serious,
serious problem and it is fundamentally unsustainable, and we
saw this with the attack in Hasakah just a couple of months
ago.
We have worked up till now, as far as I understand, with
partners and allies, trying to get countries to take some of
these people back. I think it is, clearly, not enough and we
need to redouble our efforts and really insist because keeping
them here in this limbo is a total incubator for more
terrorism.
Also, on the issue of the humanitarian camps where families
are, the conditions are horrific and also potentially a
breeding ground for more terrorism.
The Chairman. Let me ask you, the 21st century challenges
of where the battles are, including in the context of
terrorism, are, in one dimension, cybersecurity. What do you
see as the current and prospective role of the bureau with
respect to addressing international cybersecurity terrorism?
Ambassador Richard. I think you are absolutely right that
one of the big challenges for us on--especially on terrorism in
the future is this information domain. It is cyber, it is
encrypted communications, and it is social media.
I am very, very happy to see that the State Department has
created, finally, a bureau to deal with cyber issues and
information, and I hope that CT, if I were to be confirmed,
would be part of a very robust interagency coordination on
these issues because every agency in the Government, really, is
focusing on this now.
The Chairman. All right.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Brink, have you spoken with the Charge since
they have been back in Kyiv?
Ambassador Brink. I have not spoken but I have communicated
with her.
Senator Risch. What did she tell you about the status of
our infrastructure there?
Ambassador Brink. I only saw one message that she had sent
back, which just said it was jarring how close the Russians
came to Kyiv.
Senator Risch. The suggestion was that our infrastructure
is sufficient to reopen. Is that what you are gathering over
this?
Ambassador Brink. I did not see details on that and I would
not necessarily at this point be involved in that. But I did
see a couple pictures which showed there was some damage to the
outside of our embassy building.
Senator Risch. Significant damage or superficial or what?
Ambassador Brink. I could not tell. It looked superficial.
But I do not have information on more than that.
Senator Risch. Do you--we tried to bring the Secretary of
State down the other day when he was here. Do you have any
expectation of a time frame when you think you might be able to
get back?
Ambassador Brink. Sir, I can say, if confirmed, as soon as
possible.
Senator Risch. That is what we got out of the Secretary of
State. Not very helpful. I get that, though. The security issue
has got to be resolved and at least deeply assessed before that
happens. I get that.
How would you compare the challenges that you are going to
face there to the other postings that you have had? You have
had considerable experience in this regard. How would you
compare this, if you are able to?
Ambassador Brink. Sir, if I just might say on your last
question, I know that the team that is there on the ground
right now is actively doing everything possible to return
embassy operations as soon as possible. I expect that they will
be able to do that very soon.
Senator Risch. And I am told--there is other countries that
are up and operating there already, I am told. Is that correct?
Is that your understanding?
Ambassador Brink. I understand that, too.
Senator Risch. We sure do not want to be last to the party
so we need to move along as best we can. But back to the
question that I asked, how would you assess the challenges you
are going to face here to some of the other postings that you
have had? You have, certainly, had a lot of experience in this
area.
Ambassador Brink. Sir, I would assess the challenge to be
enormous. But I would also assess that, from what I have seen,
one of the most remarkable things about this effort is the
President's, the Secretary's, and others bringing together this
remarkable coalition to push back against Russia's war of
choice in a way I do not think I have ever seen in my 25 years
in the service.
I feel that we have the commitment and the motivation and
the drive, and with your support and with your funding and
congressional support and the support of almost all of the
world, I think we can face this very enormous challenge.
But I do not underestimate how much challenge the
ambassador on the ground will have. But I also believe I have
an excellent team of people working across the entire
administration who are fully committed to succeeding in our
goal, which is to help Ukraine defend itself.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
Ambassador Richard, I share the same concerns that the
Chairman has regarding what we heard today about these
thousands of people that are in prison camps. I do not know how
you are going to address that.
One of the suggestions was, of course, getting them
repatriated. I am not sure that that resolves the problem. I
mean, simply being repatriated to where they came from does not
seem to me--it sounds like you are just letting them out of
prison. And what are your thoughts on that?
Ambassador Richard. Thank you, sir. Repatriation, for me,
is a shorthand for repatriation, reintegration, if possible, or
incarceration. What I think some of the countries of origin do
not want to deal with is that exact problem.
The best outcome, if we have evidence that people are
fighters, is for a legal process that keeps them in jail and
that is going to be difficult to do. But it is what we have to
press for because the current situation is unsustainable and
just sending them somewhere and letting them go is also not a
solution.
Senator Risch. There is no question about that and it is,
certainly, an unreported problem. There are not people talking
about this. I have no doubt you will resolve it once you get
confirmed.
Thank you.
Ambassador Richard. Yes, sir.
Senator Risch. Ambassador Laskaris, the Military Council
promised an 18-month election after they took power, and 12 of
those 18 months are already gone. What is your assessment as to
whether they make the 18-month deadline to hold an election?
Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you. Thank you, sir. As I
mentioned in my statement, there have been predialogue
negotiations going on in Qatar. It looks like that is going to
slip to the right.
I think one of the key determinations I will have to make,
if confirmed, when I arrive at post is the quality of process
such that a delay is understandable if not acceptable.
If it is not, then I think we have to work with our
partners to push the process back into the right direction. But
to answer your question, I think 18 months probably will slip.
Senator Risch. Yeah. I cannot see how--where the 12 months
have gone by with little progress it seems to me that there is
no question that it is going to slip.
I would hope, and I know you will, urge them to move this
along as rapidly as possible because, as we know, the people in
power are just going to drag their feet, hoping to be able to
stay in power.
Good luck at that, and I thank all of you again for your
service. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Let me
reiterate the Chairman's thanks to you and your families for
your willingness to serve some of the most important posts that
currently exist in the Foreign Service.
Ambassador Brink, I wanted to draw upon your experience
working in Slovakia. Slovakia is presently one of the countries
that is raising some of the most vocal objections to the EU's
plans to wean itself off of Russian oil and the reason is
pretty evident. This is a country that is almost wholly
dependent on Russian energy.
I want to make sure that as a committee we see the full
picture of how you defend Ukraine. Certainly at the top of the
list is sending the weapons they need to fight this fight and
win it.
But in order to keep Europe united, in order to press
against the revenue sources that Russia uses to perpetuate this
war, we have to be in the business of helping countries like
Slovakia become energy independent.
And so I wondered if you just might share with us a few of
your thoughts, given your broad experience in a country that
has remained dependent, as to the focus we should have not just
on the war in Ukraine but also in this project to try to dry up
Russia's revenue source in Europe.
Ambassador Brink. Thank you so much, Senator Murphy.
I am so proud to be the President's representative in
Slovakia at this time, a country of 5 million people on the
frontlines right now of Russia's war of choice in Ukraine, and
you are correct that there is debate--an active debate--within
the Government of Slovakia about how to become less dependent
on Russia.
But I would say and what I know is that the political
leadership has decided across the board in government that
Slovakia must become less dependent on Russia and it is a
question of how to do it in a way that causes the least pain to
the population.
Slovakia is nearly 100 percent dependent on Russia for all
of its energy--for nuclear, for oil, and for gas. It is a big
challenge. There are U.S. companies trying to help Slovakia
reduce this burden and we ourselves have been raising this for
quite a long time.
You, Senator Shaheen, and others, I know, have long
expressed interest in trying to do this, I, myself, as a policy
priority, and it is now that we have this opportunity.
Supporting countries like Slovakia, I think, is critical. I
would just say a couple other things. Slovakia has received
over 400,000 refugees from Ukraine, which is about 7 percent of
the population, and as the First Lady saw just on Sunday when
she was there, the Slovaks have opened their arms, their
hearts, and their homes to these refugees in a way that is
really remarkable.
Refugees can come to Slovakia for a year and they get full
benefits from the Government--educational benefits. They are
able to work. They are able to live in Slovakia.
And also I just want to highlight that Slovakia has been an
enormous outsized donor of security assistance and I am really
proud to have been part of this effort on the U.S. side with
the Secretary of Defense and others and, ultimately, our
President to provide Slovakia the backfill so that Slovakia
could provide S-300 anti-air systems.
In a nutshell, Senator, it is really important to keep
supporting the frontline states and they need help in various
ways. But states like Slovakia have really stepped up, in my
opinion.
Senator Murphy. Ambassador Richard, good to see you again.
Thank you for your tremendous service in Lebanon. Thanks for
welcoming me and a delegation there recently.
I wanted to ask you a question about a January directive
from Secretary Austin to strengthen efforts to prevent civilian
deaths and improve the way the DOD investigates claims of
civilian harm in U.S. combat operations, and this is
specifically relevant to drone strikes.
You have served in Yemen. You know the reports of pretty
significant civilian casualties of our drone operations. You
have also probably seen research suggesting that in areas where
we have had the highest level of drone activity often terrorist
groups have the highest level of recruitment success.
Just want your commitment that you are going to work with
the Department of Defense to ensure that we minimize civilian
harm and also in a very short amount of time get your takeaways
as to the upside and downside of our drone activities as a
mechanism to combat terrorism.
Ambassador Richard. Thank you for that question and it is,
as you know, an obviously very complex and fraught issue.
I have worked with my DOD colleagues very closely in every
assignment I have been in since--in the last 15 years and I
have seen firsthand how hard this is because there is the need
to deal with an imminent threat, often against our own troops
or our own American citizens, and the need to balance the
civilian casualties, and I really welcome DOD's ability to look
at this, accept that there is a problem, and really going after
trying to figure out how to do it better.
And so if I am confirmed I would really welcome working
with them from the civilian side of the house on how to do
that.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Portman is next.
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate
your having this hearing today on some really critical
nominations, particularly the nominee for Ukraine.
I have been pushing for us to get an ambassador nominated
for a long time now at the end of the last administration and
into this administration, and I think it is absolutely crucial
that we get someone there.
I am glad the Administration has nominated someone and I am
glad they chose a career ambassador who has experience in the
area both in Eastern Europe generally and specifically in
Ukraine.
This nomination of Ambassador Brink is really critical. We
have got to move her quickly. I know the Chairman and Ranking
Member agree with that. I appreciate your moving her so quickly
to a hearing.
Over the weekend, the President announced that we have
withdrawn another $150 million from the presidential drawdown
authority, which means there is probably less than $100 million
left, and here we are in Congress not yet acting on this
supplemental request.
Literally, munitions, in addition, of course, to new
weapons are potentially going to be stalled. It is critical
that we act and act quickly so we do not have a gap in these
munitions and deliveries right now, which is a crucial time,
obviously, in what is going on in the eastern and southern part
of Ukraine.
I just wonder, Ambassador Brink, if you could talk a little
about that. Why is it so important that we get this legislation
passed quickly? What would it mean if we did not?
Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator Portman.
I just wanted to start by thanking you and also Senator
Murphy for your support of the Global Engagement Center in
Disinformation. I know that has been a big effort of yours and
it is really important for Ukraine but also for Slovakia and
all these other countries that face this huge challenge.
Senator Portman. You answered my second question already.
[Laughter.]
Senator Portman. I am going to get back to that a little
bit. Thank you.
Ambassador Brink. Okay. It is incredibly important that the
supplemental move fast. I do not know the latest, perhaps, but
I understand it is moving.
But what we are trying to do as an administration is move
security items as fast as possible to Ukraine. While we have
already provided some $3.8 billion worth of security
assistance, the needs are large. We are working closely with
allies and partners on those needs and with the Ukrainians,
obviously, and also with you and your staffs.
But it is really important that we are able to continue
that. I think most people assess that these next few weeks and
maybe longer are critical to the ultimate result of this war of
choice.
Senator Portman. Yeah. Let me ask a little about how you
intend to conduct yourself as ambassador. I have gotten the
pleasure of working with a few ambassadors when we had a
nominated and confirmed ambassador, and different styles a
little bit--Geoffrey Pyatt and Marie Yovanovitch.
Do you know Lieutenant General Terry Wolff, who is the
Ukraine security coordinator?
Ambassador Brink. I do not, but I will look forward to
meeting him.
Senator Portman. Would you intend to work closely with him?
Ambassador Brink. Of course. Yes.
Senator Portman. I think that is important that you view
this role not just as a diplomatic role but, really, as a way
to deal with the pressing issue of their defense of their
country and with things being on the line currently. I think
General Wolff is going to need your help, and vice versa.
Do you know General Dayton?
Ambassador Brink. No, I do not know General Dayton.
Senator Portman. He was the coordinator previously for the
training efforts and also someone who I hope you will get to
know and work with because I think that is an important part of
your function, should you be confirmed, which I believe you
will be, hopefully quickly.
What do you think they currently need militarily that they
are not getting?
Ambassador Brink. I think the needs are evolving. I would
need to come back to on what the precise needs are at this
moment. But I know they are changing.
What they needed to defend Kyiv is different than what they
need now to try to defend the east and the south. I think it is
an evolving situation and we need to work closely with the
Ukrainians on this.
I can say, having served in the Balkans in many of the
places where these protracted conflicts are around the region,
that it is my great pleasure to work with our military and I
feel I have long worked well and closely with them and would
see us as absolute partners in this effort.
Senator Portman. Excellent. There is also, obviously, a
humanitarian crisis and an economic crisis for the country
right now so all these issues are important. But I do think
that you will be the voice of our country over there and
critically you have engaged in all those issues.
On the Global Engagement Center we did talk about that last
week. I appreciate your saying that you have seen the GEC work
in Slovakia. We are outgunned here, just as Ukrainians are
outgunned by a much larger Russian force and more weapons. With
regard to disinformation, Russia, China, other countries are
engaged deeply in this and spend billions of dollars on it.
Can you tell us what the Global Engagement Center can do
better to counter Russia's efforts to justify its invasion and
trying to delegitimize the Ukrainian Government?
Ambassador Brink. Sir, thank you. Again, I think we can
just do more--more, more, more is what I would want because you
are absolutely right. I agree with you. We are outgunned. We
are outresourced. We are outmaneuvered. We have to do as much
as we can.
It is a challenge. Disinformation is something that is
pervasive in Europe and elsewhere and so we have to do as much
as we can. We have to be creative and innovative and
something--sometimes bureaucracies are not. But that is what we
need to do to deal with this. It is a very big threat to us and
our way of life.
Senator Portman. Thank you, Madam Ambassador. Thank you,
Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen, I had told Senator Coons--I did not see
you sitting there--that he could go next because he has an
engagement. Would you yield to him?
Senator Van Hollen. Absolutely.
Thank you. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. And I will let Senator Murphy preside as I go
vote.
Senator Coons. And thank you to my colleague from Maryland.
Ambassadors, wonderful to see you. Thank you for your
service to our nation. I am looking forward to seeing you
confirmed in the various places where you will serve that are
all important areas of engagement.
If I might, Ambassador Brink, we are finalizing what I hope
will be a $40 billion emergency supplemental package for
Ukraine that will include military, economic, and humanitarian
assistance.
I am particularly focused on the humanitarian assistance
because I am the chair of the State and Foreign Operations
Subcommittee. Ukraine is, was, and should be, again, the
breadbasket of Eastern Europe rather than a country now known
to have thousands in bread lines.
What do you think will be the biggest challenges, moving
forward, in terms of providing humanitarian assistance to the
people of Ukraine?
And I am particularly concerned about the ongoing blockade
of the port of Odessa. My sense of the future for Ukraine is
that we will genuinely struggle to have a vibrant Ukraine
without a vibrant economy, and a vibrant economy will not
happen until the 98 percent of Ukrainian grain exports that
went out of the port of Odessa before the conflict are able to,
once again, transit freely and then be that great source of
revenue that they have been in the past.
I would be interested in your thoughts about how we get
assistance into Ukraine during this war and how we get
Ukrainian food and oil and other critical products out of the
port of Odessa.
Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator. This is an excellent
question. In addition to the some 5 million refugees in
surrounding states of Ukraine, there are approximately 7.7
million IDPs within Ukraine. A huge humanitarian crisis is
happening right now.
We have had some luck, as I understand, in--and some
success and a lot of success, I think, in working with our
international organizations that we fund, and they are
implementing partners that are also working in Ukraine to move
humanitarian assistance into Ukraine.
I think the last tranche is something like $565 million in
humanitarian assistance. It is not easy. This is wartime
environment. I would guess it can happen in the same as it
would in any other environment. But these are also
professionals and experts in such situations and we are relying
very heavily on them to get humanitarian assistance where it is
intended to go.
On the question of moving things out of the ports, this is
a big challenge right now because Russia is blocking the ports
that--in the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov.
We are trying to work with international partners and
others to help find alternative routes for grain and corn out
of Ukraine as well as to work with the other relief
organizations to supplement those countries that had depended
upon these exports.
It is an enormous challenge. I think the benefit we have,
as I mentioned before, is President Biden's and this
administration's success in galvanizing a coalition of like-
minded people who together condemned this war of choice and are
ready to work together and that is exactly what I will, if
confirmed, be glad to jump in and help do.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I look forward to your swift
confirmation as well as your colleagues'.
If I might, Ambassador Richard, briefly, I am very
concerned about the Sahel, about the instability in Mali and in
other countries in the region and the ongoing actions of the
Wagner Group and the ways in which they have really
destabilized several nations--a recent coup d'etat in both Mali
and Burkina.
Senator Graham and I worked on getting the Global Fragility
Act signed into law and it had overwhelming bipartisan support.
Mozambique and coastal West Africa have been targeted as areas
for this strategy to try and strengthen them as bulwarks
against terrorism and instability.
If confirmed, would you work with me and others in this
committee on the Global Fragility Act and ensure that it is
actually used as a tool?
Ambassador Richard. Yes, Senator, I absolutely would and I
really think the Global Fragility Act is a very creative and
interesting new approach to some of the problems we have been
struggling with, especially in Africa.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
And if I might, Ambassador Laskaris, I have visited Chad
once and am watching some of the developments there with grave
concern.
How has this unconstitutional transfer of power following
Idriss Deby's death affected our security cooperation and how
do you think we might be able to more successfully influence
movement towards genuinely free and fair elections in October
of this year?
Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you, Senator, and you were in
the chair 10 years ago when I appeared before this committee as
the nominee for Guinea so I deeply appreciate your presence and
your enduring interest in Africa.
I think we need to work with our African Union partners,
our international partners, to continue to apply pressure on
all the Chadian parties to advance this transitional process
towards the free and fair elections, and I think one of the
critical tasks will be to break the monopoly of the armed
groups on seats at the table.
The more seats we have at the table for unarmed political
parties, for civil society, for women's groups, the better the
outcome will be. I think it is time, after 62 years of having
Chad ruled by the gun, to have it ruled by unarmed
democratically-elected political actors.
Our security assistance right now is, largely, suspended
because of the aftermath of the death of President Deby. Our
assistance--our security assistance focuses on a couple things.
One is the Chadian deployments to the multinational
stabilization mission in Mali where the two battalions have
performed reasonably well. It also helps the Multinational
Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin in the foreign nation
fight against Boko Haram in the Islamic State of West Africa.
I think our challenge is to get the political transition
back on track to improve governance, and the Global Fragility
Act, as well as the Trans-Sahelian Partnership Act, focus on
governance and the lack thereof as the driver of conflict in
the region.
Once we--if and when we can take care of the governance
challenges, I think the security assistance should follow.
Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you all very much, and I
would like to thank my colleague, again, from Maryland for his
graciousness.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you to the senator
from Delaware. I am not sure I would have had you jump the line
if I knew you are going to take my last question.
But anyway, with all seriousness, Ambassador Laskaris, I
thank you for that answer with respect to the situation in
Chad. Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
And with respect to the situation in Ukraine, Ambassador
Brink, first of all, thank you for your service in Slovakia and
let me just say I look forward to working with you, when
confirmed, and I expect that will happen, on all the issues
that unite us in our fight to defeat Putin and make sure that
we stand with the people of Ukraine.
Ambassador Richard, I thought I would continue the
conversation with respect to ISIS and I wanted to start with
the situation in northeast Syria because while we have, of
course, made great progress over the years in the fight against
ISIS, we continue to see active cells and my question is what
do we need to be doing right now in working with our Syrian
Kurdish allies, in particular, to prevent the resurgence of
ISIS in the region?
Ambassador Richard. I think--and I am going to caveat this
that I have been out of the active duty part of the State
Department for two years now, but as I look at it, certainly,
reading open source, it is clear that they are holding that
area pretty well.
They are preventing ISIS from starting a new caliphate and
then going out from there. But, again, it is not a stable
situation and so I, honestly, do not know what the answer is
and I look forward to consulting, if I am confirmed, with our
Middle East colleagues to say what manner of Syria issues,
counterterrorism issues, military issues, Iraq, and that whole
area, can we better work on to break out of the kind of stasis
that we are in now.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I know in your
opening statement you mentioned the issue of these camps--some
camps with ISIS fighters, some camps with family members--and
this is a problem we have all identified.
But as you probably know, nobody has come up with a good
solution. A number of us were just meeting with King Abdullah
from Jordan and, again, thanking Jordan for taking in many
Syrian refugees. He raised this issue, as many of us did.
But and I do not expect you to come in right now with a
clear answer. But this is something that we have been talking
about for a long time. I do not know if you have any thoughts
to share now as to the best way to tackle it. But I would be
interested if you have some preliminary ideas.
Ambassador Richard. I join you in saying this is a huge
problem, and I have a little bit of experience from Lebanon
where we had Palestinian refugee camps that had been there for
30 years. The longer it goes unresolved, the harder it is to
resolve.
And so I would really--I think one thing I might bring, if
I were to be confirmed, is maybe a little fresh energy to the
problem because the counterterrorism bureau at State, as other
offices, has been without a permanent leadership for a while
now, and that might be the first thing I would be able to bring
to the party.
Senator Van Hollen. I think, and I am hoping--and I
understand there is some consideration of providing some
additional U.S. resources within our umbrella of Syrian
assistance, assistance to the Syrian people in the northeastern
part of Syria. I hope that is the case and look forward to
working with you on that.
Turning to Afghanistan, as you indicated, you also have an
ISIS presence. We now have the situation where the Taliban has
control--in control--but they are fighting ISIS. What is your
assessment of where ISIS stands and its strength in Afghanistan
today?
Ambassador Richard. Again, I do not have visibility on much
of the hard intelligence and information, but it is very
distressing to see them--this Khorasan group having been able
to establish a presence and then execute attacks recently both
in Afghanistan and in Pakistan.
Clearly, the Taliban assurances that they were going to
take care of this problem of safe havens in Afghanistan have
not been met.
That is one part of it, and I know our special
representative is working on that issue. But, clearly, I think
we have an opportunity to pay a little more attention to that
now before it metastasizes any further and gets out of hand.
Senator Van Hollen. And what is your assessment--just to
pick up a little on Senator Coons' questions in the Sahel, what
is your assessment right now of ISIS' growth in Africa?
Ambassador Richard. I think and I--again, I defer to my
Africa colleagues and I am looking forward to learning a little
more about that region--what I see is ISIS affiliates, people
inspired by ISIS, associating themselves with ISIS rather than
a hard command and control--you go here and you go there--and
that is a lot harder to fight and it is a lot harder to see
sometimes, and poor governance and economic despair in the
region is a big cause of this.
I would look forward, if I am confirmed, to working with
Africa Bureau to understand the underlying dynamics so, again,
we might get ahead of this.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate it. As you well know, the
conversation in the foreign policy community has swung from
counterterrorism to so-called great power competition, and I
understand that, appreciate it, and agree that we did not focus
enough on that.
But I do not want to swing back entirely in the other
direction and see ISIS and other terrorist organizations use
this opportunity while everybody is focused on other parts of
the world to regain their strength.
I look forward to working with you and all of you when
confirmed.
Ambassador Richard. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. I guess I am--oh, Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy [presiding]. I am going to fill the gap
before Senator Menendez gets back and maybe ask one additional
question awaiting Senator Menendez's return from the floor and
that is to you, Ambassador Richard, again, drawing back on your
experience in Lebanon.
No two terrorist organizations are the same, right. Al-
Qaeda is a very different animal than Hezbollah. Al-Qaeda,
generally, operates in the shadows whereas in Lebanon Hezbollah
operates out in the open. They are a political force.
They run human services operations and it means that,
whether we like it or not, when it comes to a more socially
embedded group like Hezbollah, you have to meet them where they
are, right. You have to have an answer for the services that
they are providing.
I think since you have left there has been a debate about
energy security in Lebanon. Hezbollah is showing up with
shipments of oil from Iran and we are busy at work trying to
find an alternative.
But this is sort of the corollary to the question about the
drone strikes, right. There is an element of combating
terrorist organizations that involves killing terrorists.
There is also an element of fighting terrorist
organizations that acknowledges that they often provide human
services that you have to create, that you have to be able to
supply as a government--as an ally of a government--in order to
make people less reliant on those terrorist organizations.
Just asking you to draw upon your experience dealing with
Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Ambassador Richard. Thank you for the question. Thank you
for your interest, by the way, in Lebanon and all your support
for the time I was there until now.
I think the hardest--what you just put your finger on is
the hardest thing, and what happens with terrorist groups, in
my experience, is they fill vacuums, and if--the quickest and
easiest vacuum to fill is security. People turn up and they
have weapons and they calm the people down and say, do not
worry--we will take care of security.
When these groups move into that next level of services and
jobs and benefits, it is much, much harder to combat them and
what needs to happen in Lebanon is a functioning government
that can execute those same services in a noncorrupt and fair
way is the solution to Hezbollah having filled that gap
already.
Senator Murphy. I was just--I was asking an extra question
just to fill the gap before you got back. But I think Senator
Hagerty is next.
The Chairman [presiding]. Okay. Very good. Well, I did not
know where the flow was going at this point. But I am glad that
you did that.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. All right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to turn my remarks to Ambassador Brink.
Ambassador, I am pleased to see you before the committee
today. I am looking forward to meeting with you tomorrow and I
am pleased that you have finally been nominated.
You are going into a very critical zone. You are going into
a position I wish you had been nominated for some time ago,
well before Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
I want to let you know that I am very supportive of seeing
our diplomatic presence back in Ukraine. My colleague, Senator
Cardin, and I both signed a letter to Secretary Blinken
underscoring our support for that just in the past several days
and I am pleased to see things moving as they are at this
point.
But I would just like to take this opportunity to say the
following. Having a Senate-confirmed chief of mission in place
is absolutely critical to our ability to execute our foreign
policy.
This is a matter of priorities. I, myself, have gone
through the same process that you are going through. I was
actually put through 30 hours of cloture to get through this
process. Yet, I was able to get confirmed and into my position
within a couple of months of getting through the OGE process. I
was at my post the summer of 2017.
It is taking far too long to get our diplomats at post, and
I just want to underscore the priority that I see here and
underscore for the department and for this administration that
I hope that they will begin to accelerate the process very soon
of getting our nominees in front of us.
Thank you very much again. I look forward to seeing you
tomorrow.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I understand that Senator Booker is with us
virtually. Senator Booker?
Senator Booker. Senator Menendez, thank you very much. I
just want to ask two quick questions, if I may. The first is to
Ms. Brink.
I am really grateful that you are before us, and I know
that the port of Odessa was already brought up and some of the
issues going on there. I am very, very concerned about global
food insecurity and the crisis that we see globally with one of
the points in the U.S., excuse me, world history where we have
the most food insecure people, and this has been aggravated by
COVID-19 and been aggravated by other global shocks to our
supply chain, and I know that from Yemen to Afghanistan to the
Horn of Africa we have a lot of challenges.
I am hopeful, with the current negotiations, it looks like
we might be able to get about $5 billion from the United States
into the World Food Programme or other efforts to meet some of
this crisis.
But I just want to ask you, from your own opinion, given
what is going on in Ukraine and the shocks to their ability to
provide food as they do for many places around the world,
especially those that are facing food insecurity, I just think
that it is really important more than ever for the United
States to be stepping up to this crisis.
And I am wondering if you are concerned that this global
food crisis, similar to food crises in the past, could--if we
do not address it could lead to social unrest, lots of
conflict, potentially stressing governments, creating more mass
migration, only to make the overall security crisis in Europe
even greater.
Ambassador Brink. Senator, first of all, thank you so much
for your question. It is an excellent question.
I have to say I am married to a Foreign Service officer
with USAID so I am by interest but by marriage and long
discussion very interested in all of the humanitarian aspects
of this particular conflict.
I think what you say is exactly right. I think it shows why
this is a global conflict, why this is one that is in the
interests of the United States to do everything we can to help
Ukraine defend itself and then to rebuild, and I can tell you
with regard to the food insecurity issue it is one of the big
issues that I will be looking at and doing everything I can to
assist with.
I know we have a new envoy in the State Department who is
also seized with this and we will be working and are working
together with the U.N., with USAID, with other organizations to
do everything we can to alleviate some of the second order
consequences of Russia's war of choice.
Senator Booker. Thank you very much. And then my last
question to Laskaris, going back to Africa and some of the
challenges there, one of which has just been the remarkable
level of coups that we are seeing in Africa.
Since 2020 in Mali, there have been six attempted military
coups, as I am sure you are aware of, five of which have been
successful with the latest in--we have seen a coup in Burkina
Faso this past January, and it is frustrating.
I was in Burkina Faso myself with--a few years back. But
seeing these military coups spreading around the region is
really challenging, and so the--we know that the folks are
calling this an epidemic of coups. But on top of this, we have
a lot of military--excuse me, democratic backsliding in general
in Africa beyond the even coups itself. We have seen this
backsliding in Uganda and in Ethiopia.
And so I appreciate the important security role that Chad
plays in the region and the moves by the TMC to open the
political space. But at the same time, it is important to
ensure the full transition to a civilian-led democratic system.
This is not just essential in terms of sending a message to
any other regimes about our continued support for democracy and
our concerns about democratic backsliding but it is also
critical, I think, for sustainable long-term stability in that
region.
What is the State Department doing and could be doing more
so to encourage and assist Chad with such a transition?
Ambassador Laskaris. Thank you, Senator. I agree with you
wholeheartedly. I would also point out that military rule has,
generally, been catastrophic for Africa.
When people support coups, the body of evidence suggest
that these are governance catastrophes that impoverish
countries further and also bring human rights and humanitarian
catastrophes on them. For that reason alone, we should be
pushing back as hard as possible.
In the case of Chad, there is a democratic backsliding
because, frankly, there really has not been any democratic
front sliding since Chad's independence. Chad has been ruled by
the gun since independence. It has been ruled by people who
took power generally by force so I think it is time to break
that paradigm.
I think it is time to put seats around the table for the
unarmed political actors and to prioritize them. I do not think
we can do this from the outside. I do not think we can impose
this on Chad but we can listen to the overwhelming majority of
Chadians of goodwill, particularly, the young people who do not
have the memories of the older generations, who are calling for
it.
I think we need to empower to the best extent possible the
unarmed political class including civil society in modern Chad,
which I think is a bright spot in the political prospects of
this country.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Booker. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Markey?
Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very
much. Thank you, Ms. Brink, for your long career, and I think
you are much needed and are going to do a great job in Ukraine.
Could I just talk a little bit, if I could, about the ban
on oil imports for the EU from Russia and the role that Hungary
is playing? You are an expert on Slovakia, other countries.
Could you talk a little bit in general about the consensus
that exists right now except for Hungary and what, from your
perspective, the incentives could be to have Hungary join into
this?
They have already been offered a two-year extension in
terms of their ability to comply with the oil ban. Do you have
any insights in terms of what could be done in order to ensure
that Hungary join so that this new regime goes into place as
quickly as possible?
Ambassador Brink. Thank you very much, Senator, and thank
you for our conversation earlier.
As I am not the accredited diplomat to Hungary, I do not
have direct knowledge. What I understand with regard to the EU
and all of the EU member states is that there is a strong
willingness or an interest to move this issue very quickly, and
what I have seen from my position in Slovakia and, I believe,
probably also applies to Hungary is that if there are ways to
provide substitution with regard to any of the energy sources
for European countries, ways where the U.S. can be helpful,
that is extremely--an extremely helpful situation for them to
be in.
Obviously, they have a challenge of their publics and
rising prices on the energy side, and so any ways where we can
help such as we have been--we are doing, which is increasing
our LNG, and with regard to oil I would assume it is a similar
situation, and we are also helping on nuclear fuel as well in
Ukraine and also in other places.
Senator Markey. Yeah, and I appreciate that. But just, in
general, I appreciate your expertise in this region, in
general.
Prior to Russia's assault on Ukraine, at the top of the
list of things that were holding Ukraine back was its endemic
corruption from top to bottom. Ukraine was 122nd out of 180
countries on Transparency International's rankings in 2021.
Russia was 136th.
And so what do you think the United States can do in this
situation where we are going to be the principal assistance
that is provided to Ukraine for the duration of this conflict
in terms of encouraging transparency, encouraging a change in
the culture in their country?
Ambassador Brink. Yeah. Thank you, Senator, for this
question. It is crucial.
For Ukraine to actually prevail in this situation, it is
not only necessary for Ukraine to prevail in defending itself
against the Russian attack but also to prevail in creating the
kind of Ukraine that Ukrainians have been fighting for for
years after the Orange Revolution, after the Revolution of
Dignity, and that is for Ukraine that is free of corruption,
that follows the rule of law, that allows for democratic
rights.
That is one that is a--something that will be the biggest
challenge, I think, next-step challenge for the Ukrainian
Government, and I think what I really am grateful for--the
congressional support and the appropriations to help us support
Ukraine--I think we must be mindful of that being such a
challenge and we must offer assistance in ways that is going to
help the Ukrainians meet that challenge.
Senator Markey. Yeah. My fear is that Ukraine is going to
win the war and lose the peace.
Ambassador Brink. Exactly.
Senator Markey. Their principal obstacle to accession to
the EU has been their corruption top to bottom in their
government, in their society. We want them to be admitted to
the EU. We want them to be able to meet the transparency
standards which the rest of the EU, in fact, does comply with.
I just think it is imperative for us to figure out how to
square that circle, that there is two discussions going on at
the same time, because as soon as this war is concluded we want
them to be able to join the EU.
But we will not if they then revert to the very same
pattern of behavior which they have had throughout modern times
including, by the way, their total addiction to natural gas
from Russia, which had them be one of the bottom five in terms
of energy efficiency. They just got addicted to this old way,
this--I will ultimately say, this corrupt way of operating.
Again, we are glad to have you there and I think that
message--that is, we are going to assist them during the war,
but they have to be prepared for the peace as well and their
culture, their political system, has to change. And so we are
just so glad to have you there. Thank you.
Ambassador Brink. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to
our witnesses. Congratulation for your nominations. Good to be
with you today.
Ambassador Brink, I know you have been asked a number of
questions about, should you be confirmed, assuming the role--a
very important role--in a nation at war. I want to ask you--
kind of drill down into that and ask you about a pretty
specific one and that is morale issues.
You have been an ambassador. You know how important morale
of both our own FSOs but also local staff is to the strong
functioning of an embassy.
Should you be confirmed, how will you address sort of
morale and stress issues for the U.S. and local staff in Lviv
and Kyiv?
Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator.
I think it is very important that we reestablish our
embassy mission and that will be a very important first step,
not only because it sends the right signal to Ukrainians and to
our own staff, because it is necessary for us to be there on
the ground, and I think that will help.
I can tell you that paying attention and understanding that
our mission is made up of Americans and local staff and local
staff being the backbone of every single embassy around the
world--we cannot function without them--is really important for
any chief of mission.
And I think also rallying people around our goal and our
goal is going to be to--and is to help Ukraine defend itself
and to use every bit of experience and effort and support we
can garner to do that on the ground in Ukraine.
And then, of course, we need to take care of our staff and
do everything we can to do so. I think it is an unprecedented
situation that our embassy found itself. I have been a part of
an embassy that had to close very early in my career and it is
heartbreaking, and also to be a part of a wartime situation
where people are--stay behind or are unable to accompany is
also an unimaginably hard thing for those of us who do this
work to go through.
I do not underestimate the challenge that our mission has
faced. I salute our leadership there, Kristina Kvien, and also
all of the embassy staff, and I can just say I will look
forward very much to joining this team and helping every way I
can in leading our effort there in the best way possible so
that we can affirm and use all of the great resource we have to
achieve our goals.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Ambassador Richard, the Department of State's Office of the
Inspector General documented several key findings in its 2020
inspection of the CT Bureau, including nearly 20 of its 92
authorized civil service positions. About 22 percent were
vacant at the time of the inspection.
The report also indicated the CT Bureau allowed nearly $52
million dollars in appropriated funds to expire and then cancel
from fiscal year 2016 to 2019 an average of about $13 million a
year, meaning that these funds went unused and they were
returned to the Treasury Department due to bureau, quote,
``weakness in funds control.''
OIG also found that the CT Bureau regularly submitted
congressionally mandated country reports on terrorism well
beyond the required deadline of April 30 for the previous eight
years. The most recent report, 2020, was submitted on December
2021.
What would you do, should you be confirmed, to fill
positions, control use of funds and invest them wisely, and get
the bureau in a place where they are submitting the required
terrorism reports on a timely basis?
Ambassador Richard. Thank you for that question because it
is oftentimes we do not pay enough attention to those very
issues, which, as my colleague just said, sometimes are the
backbone of your operation.
If I were to be confirmed--look, I spent three years in the
Middle East Bureau creating and then directing the Office of
Assistance to the Middle East and I really learned some
valuable skills there in program management, in money
management, in personnel management, especially in a bureau
with a large civil service population.
And so I think I can bring some lessons learned from that
experience to the CT Bureau and, hopefully, get them
functioning at the high rate that I know that they can do.
I keep in mind that they have been without leadership for
quite some time now and so many people are acting and filling
two and three jobs at the same time, and I really hope to have
the opportunity to get after that problem, too, because it is a
great staff.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Richards. You are
right to draw a line between vacancies and actings and then
internal disorganization.
I mean, you just cannot operate at the efficiency and the--
not just efficiency but the quality that you need to if there
is too many vacancies or people are in positions and they are
not sure that they are going to be able to continue in those
positions.
Thank you for making the connection between some of the
IG's assessments and the importance of getting people confirmed
and in the positions.
Mr. Chair, I yield back.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you and
congratulations to each of our nominees this afternoon.
I want to begin with you, Ambassador Brink, because as
everyone has said, Ukraine is, of course, uppermost in our
minds, and very much appreciate your willingness to be
considered for this critical post at this time.
I also want to echo your opening thanks to Charge
d'Affaires Kristina Kvien for her continued service there. I
know it has been a difficult time for everyone who has been
part of our embassy.
As we look at the hundreds of thousands of refugees from
Ukraine, obviously, the majority of them have been women and
children, and I am particularly concerned about how we support
the women and address potential trafficking issues.
And can you speak to that and to how we can ensure that the
women and girls and the children who have fled the war in
Ukraine do not become victims again because of sex trafficking?
Ambassador Brink. Thanks a lot, Senator Shaheen.
At the beginning of the war I had the chance to go to the
border between Ukraine and Slovakia and it struck me--the thing
that struck me the very most was that everyone coming across
the border was a woman or a child or even children on their
own.
I can say that throughout my career the issue of
trafficking in persons has been one of my personal priorities
and I am very happy it is your priority and also one of the
Congress', and every time I have served in a country I have
focused in on helping to--helping each country become better
able to stop trafficking and recognize trafficking.
And so I have worked very closely with our office of anti-
trafficking coordinator--we call them J/TIP--and I will look
forward to working with them in particular because Ukraine has
long been a source country.
I know that the problem there--it is a big country and I
know the problem there is also, potentially, quite large. It
would be an area that I have a personal interest in and would
want to work very closely with our authorities but then, of
course, with the Ukrainians because the challenge with
trafficking it is a whole-of-government effort. No one agency
is able to do it on its own, and I completely agree it is an
incredibly important issue and especially right now for people
who are refugees already and other compounded things that they
have to face.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you for that.
I had the opportunity to meet with some of the women
parliamentarians from Ukraine who were here a month or so ago,
and one of the things we talked about was women, peace, and
security legislation that we have passed here in the United
States, and they were very interested in that from Ukraine's
perspective and then possibly doing something to partner around
that legislation.
I would just ask you to put that on your list as we are
thinking about what we might do together to address what is
happening in the country.
Ambassador Richard, it is nice to see you again in a
different capacity and I should thank you publicly for your
help with us when we had a New Hampshire resident who was
detained illegally in Lebanon, and very much appreciated your
efforts.
And while, sadly, he is no longer with us, it was very
important to get him out of the country and get him home. Thank
you for that.
I wanted to ask you about the ISIS detainee coordinator
because that is a role that was signed into law as part of the
Robert Levinson Hostage Recovery and Hostage Taking
Accountability Act.
The creation of this role was originally recommended by the
Syria Study Group in response to what is happening in Syria,
and I am sad to say that the situation in Syria has not gotten
better with respect to ISIS detainees. It has gotten worse, and
as I understand in your new role you would have that
coordinator as part of your responsibility.
Can you talk a little bit about what you think the priority
is there and what we can do to address what is becoming--has
the potential to be a huge nightmare in the region as we look
at what is happening in the detainee camps?
Ambassador Richard. Thank you very much for the kind words
about Lebanon and it is a pleasure to see you, too, and may I
also say here on the record that I have so valued the
collaboration between yourself and us and the country team for
many, many months and I have used that so many times with
younger officers to say this is how it can work and how
beautiful it is when we work together. Thank you for that.
On the foreign fighters issue, the foreign terrorist
fighters issue is in my office and I have mentioned earlier in
this hearing that it is really one of the top one or two issues
on the plate because it is an inherently unstable situation
that does get worse by the day, and it is a problem with
fighters and it is also problem with the families who are--tens
of thousands of them, many, many children as well, who are
detained in situations that just cries out for recruitment by
radicals. It is very unsustainable.
I think we have to bring new energy to that problem. If I
understood you correctly, you are also talking about Syria and
the issue of hostages. Am I right? Or you were talking about
the foreign fighters?
Senator Shaheen. No, I was really talking about foreign
fighters, the----
Ambassador Richard. Yeah. This is a key issue and I think
we--all of us, including our partners in the international
community, have gotten a little bit complacent because if it is
not on fire we are not paying attention to it. But we cannot be
complacent anymore.
And so if I am confirmed this definitely will be one of my
top agenda items.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I look forward to working with
you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
Senator Cardin. And let me thank all three of our nominees
for their continued service to our country. I appreciate it
very much.
Ambassador Brink, we had a chance to talk and I just really
want to underscore a couple points. First, thank you for taking
on this assignment. Obviously, it is so critically important at
this moment for our presence in Ukraine, and has been
mentioned, we look forward to you personally being in Kyiv and
the reestablishment of our mission in embassy in Kyiv.
I want to go over two things that we talked about sort of
to underscore the point. First, we need to have the capacity in
country to help in regards to the information necessary to
pursue war crimes or crimes against humanity or genocide
against those responsible, and Mr. Putin and Russia, for what
has happened in Ukraine.
Your work in the Balkans gives me great confidence that you
understand the magnitude of the task in order to get evidence
that can be used for accountability and you recognize also that
the world is looking at what happens in regards to
accountability for the atrocities in Ukraine.
Can you just talk a moment about how you see the U.S. role
in assisting those that will be responsible for preserving the
evidence and moving forward with accountability?
Ambassador Brink. Thank you, Senator.
Justice and accountability for war crimes and atrocities is
incredibly important to Ukraine and to us and to me personally,
and as you mentioned, I had the chance when I served very early
on in the Balkans to witness atrocities first hand and also was
able to contribute to, ultimately, the justice to Radovan
Karadzic and Ratko Mladic. It took 17 years and 26 years, but
they are facing justice and I think that is really important.
The world has to know and those who commit these atrocities
has to know that we will not stop. We will be relentless in our
pursuit. We are using every tool at our disposal to support the
documentation of atrocities and to enable their use in
prosecutions.
So we are doing this in many different ways but including
through support of the Prosecutor General's office, through
support of the U.N. Council for Human Rights, and also through
the OSCE Moscow mechanism.
We are also supporting the ICC in its efforts. We are going
to use every tool at our disposal. I can tell you it will be a
personal priority of mine as well.
Senator Cardin. And I will be underscoring that tomorrow.
There is a meeting of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly dealing
with----
[Technical issue.]
The Chairman. Senator Cardin, I do not know if you are
still with us. We had a freeze for a moment. Modern marvels of
technology have their limitations.
All right. We will try to contact his office and see if he
still had some time and he may have one or two final questions.
In the interim, let me just go over a couple of final
things.
Ambassador Richard----
Senator Cardin [continuing]. The role of the country.
The Chairman. Are you back with us, Ben?
Senator Cardin. I am sorry.
The Chairman. Okay.
Senator Cardin. I was just urging the Ambassador to have
capacity to deal with the democratic institutions within
Ukraine as they rebuild, particularly in fighting the
corruption that has been so prevalent in their country over
such a period of time, just so we have the capacity to deal
with that as we move forward.
Ambassador Brink. Yes, Senator. I completely agree.
Ensuring that Ukraine is able to seize this opportunity to
rebuild and reform and take an opportunity that has been passed
by previously is incredibly important if we are going to devote
these resources and energy and U.S. taxpayer money, and thank
you to the Congress for providing it.
We need to make sure that it is done in a way that helps to
realize the aspirations of the Ukrainian people and also the
values we share of an independent, democratic, prosperous,
sovereign Ukraine.
Senator Cardin. And let me just point out to Mr. Laskaris,
we know that Chad has significant challenges in regards to
institutions that protect the rights of its citizens. Yet, it
has mineral wealth.
I will be asking you for the record your commitment as to
how you are going to deal with those types of challenges in
Chad.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Let me close up
here.
Ambassador Richard, at the end of the last year we passed
legislation that I and Senator Risch sponsored, the Trans-
Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Program Act, which calls
for the Administration to develop a counterterrorism strategy
for the region.
Can we get your commitment to submit this strategy in a
timely fashion if you are confirmed--upon your confirmation?
Ambassador Richard. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. Thank you. I have a series of letters in
support of Ambassador Richard from colleagues and I ask
unanimous consent to include them in the record. Without
objection, so ordered.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this transcript.]]
The Chairman. And then, finally, Ambassador Laskaris, over
the last 10 years U.S. security assistance to Chad
significantly outpaced U.S. support for democracy and good
governance and contributed, in my view, to the militarization
of the former Deby regime.
Even after the 2021 coup the Administration continued to
pursue a security assistance relationship with Chad. As I noted
in a March 18th letter to Assistant Secretary of State for
Africa, Molly Phee, I have serious concerns about this
approach.
I believe there needs to be a comprehensive plan that
includes robust support for good governance and strengthening
institutions. Military juntas responsible for seizing power
through unconstitutional means should not, in my view, benefit
from U.S. security assistance.
This committee has jurisdiction over security assistance. I
want to ask you do you believe that we should be advocating for
a pause on security assistance until a new civilian-led elected
government is in place?
Ambassador Laskaris. Senator, I think that when it comes to
the deployments of Chadian troops into Mali and to the
peacekeeping operation there, which we fund through our
peacekeeping support activities, I think that is a high enough
priority that we should continue that, obviously, with great
oversight to their conduct in the field.
I do think, however, that the security assistance that
could be used to repress internal political dissent, I think,
it is prudent to pause that pending the outcome of the dialogue
and, hopefully, the transition to a democratically-elected
government.
The Chairman. Let me ask you, do not we need to, going
forward, ensure that our relationship with Chad better balances
defense, diplomacy, and development? I think it is heavy on the
security side and incredibly light on the other.
Are we willing to look away from the core? I mean, these
are about continental messages and global messages as well,
right? At what point are we willing to pursue such a road
without thinking about the consequences of a government that is
there by force and by coup, not by the electorate of--the will
of the electorate?
Ambassador Laskaris. Senator, thank you for the question.
By far, our largest line item assistance to Chad is
humanitarian assistance, mainly, food assistance. That is
running about $90 million a year. Our second largest form of
assistance in the last year has been COVID, about $17 million
dollars a year including half a million vaccine doses.
Our military assistance is actually a distant third in
terms of the dollar value. But I agree with you that the
narrative is out there that we have securitized the
relationship and, if confirmed, one of things I have to do is
make sure that the actual data of our assistance is out there.
At the same time, I do--with all respect, do think that our
democracy and governance activities have been underfunded in
Chad, particularly as this committee has made it clear that it
values very much the movement towards democratic elections and
the building of an unarmed political system.
If I think there is progress in the national dialogue, I
expect my colleagues and I will come back and ask for an
increase in our democracy and governance assistance programs in
Chad.
The Chairman. Yeah. Security assistance may be third in
those categories but one of the reasons we have as much
humanitarian assistance is because of the instability that
exists in the country and its governance in the country.
If the junta led by Deby fails to adhere to core
transitional benchmarks articulated last year by the African
Union, it will be my hope that you, as a sitting ambassador
speaking to the department, will be looking at visa bans and
Global Magnitsky sanctions where applicable because, at some
point, we just cannot live on the aspiration that this is going
to get better and we are going to continue to fuel these
entities.
Ambassador Laskaris. Yes, sir. I agree with you.
The Chairman. All right. This record will remain open to
the close of business tomorrow for members' questions. I would
urge the nominees to answer the questions as expeditiously as
possible so we can consider your nomination at the next
business meeting.
With the thanks of the committee for your willingness to
serve, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that any individual who
reports a suspected Anomalous Health Incident will be responded to
promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported incident
is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive
prompt access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals will receive
prompt access to medical care.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the Regional
Security Officer (RSO) at post to discuss any past reported
incidents and ensure that all protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes, I commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO at
post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What are U.S. policy goals in Ukraine right now?
Answer. The United States aims to help Ukraine defend itself and
then help Ukraine rebuild. If confirmed, I would uphold our commitment
to a sovereign, independent, democratic, and prosperous Ukraine. I
would continue the United States' goal of rallying the world to stand
with Ukraine and ensuring that our NATO Alliance and global partners
emerge stronger and more unified than before. The United States aims to
end this war as swiftly as possible by imposing severe costs on Russia,
strengthening Eastern Flank Allies, and providing security and other
assistance to Ukraine.
Question. The majority of internally displaced people (IDPs) within
Ukraine and refugees fleeing Ukraine are women and children. What steps
will the U.S. Government take to ensure the protection of these
vulnerable populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will aim to accelerate the already strong
support the United States is providing for internally displaced people
and vulnerable groups. This includes over $1 billion in humanitarian
assistance to refugees, the displaced, vulnerable populations, and
communities in the region since Russia first invaded Ukraine eight
years ago, including more than $688 million this year. Our assistance
covers critical needs, such as safe drinking water, shelter, emergency
health supplies, human trafficking prevention, support for victims of
gender-based violence, and protection services to meet the needs of
millions of people including vulnerable groups, as well as emergency
food assistance. The United States plans to welcome up to 100,000
Ukrainian citizens and others fleeing Russia's aggression as part of
these efforts, and if confirmed I pledge to support this program and
others like it.
Question. As almost 6 million Ukrainians have become refugees, the
U.N. and international community has had to set-up a response quickly
to address the growing needs. How will you work with the U.N. and other
donors on coordination for the humanitarian crisis?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue work to coordinate our
humanitarian response to Ukraine's refugee crisis. This could include
but would not be limited to increasing our operational footprint in
neighboring countries to better coordinate aid delivery and
dissemination; working in partnership with host governments on cash
programs providing refugees with temporary assistance for food,
accommodations, and medical care, including support services for
victims for gender-based violence; and deploying refugee coordinators
to the region to work with governments, the U.N., and other
humanitarian organizations.
Question. How will you work to ensure that the U.N. and host
countries are properly counting and tracking refugees to ensure the
proper delivery of humanitarian assistance?
Answer. The State Department regularly meets with UNHCR to discuss
refugee operations, including data gathering. Given the ease of travel
for Ukrainians in Europe, some figures represent an estimate. If
confirmed, I will work with our Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration (PRM) teams, who rigorously monitor and evaluate humanitarian
partners' delivery of assistance to refugees from Ukraine and engage
host government counterparts to track their delivery of assistance and
benefits. I understand host countries have a responsibility to
accurately register refugees who have fled from Ukraine to prepare for
their provision of services, as allowed under the European Union's
Temporary Protection Directive, and that UNHCR makes every effort to
ensure statistical information is verified and triangulated.
Question. What mechanisms have been established to limit fraud and
diversion of assistance?
Answer. I believe maintaining the uninterrupted flow of security,
economic, and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is essential to make
this war a strategic failure for Moscow and reduce the suffering of
Ukrainian citizens. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring this
assistance meets these goals by working with our trusted network of
partners and by utilizing existing procedures for both humanitarian and
security sector assistance, to include vetting mechanisms. For economic
support, I would continue working with partners and allies to ensure
that assistance is deployed in a rapid, targeted, and secure manner. I
would also support leveraging reputable international financial
institutions to ensure oversight through their established audit
procedures and mechanisms.
Question. Prior to the latest Russian invasion, in the State
Department's Trafficking in Persons Report, the Government of Ukraine
had been placed on Tier 2 for not fully meeting the minimum standards
for the elimination of trafficking, but was attempting to make
significant efforts to do so. How will you encourage the Government of
Ukraine to continue its efforts to promote awareness of the potential
for human trafficking?
Answer. Ukraine was ranked Tier 2 in the 2021 TIP Report. The
Government of Ukraine is aware of the necessity of progress on
trafficking, especially in a wartime context, and if confirmed I will
continue to work with them to raise awareness, vigorously prosecute and
sentence traffickers to significant prison terms, and increase
protection efforts for trafficking victims. I would also work to ensure
that anti-trafficking mechanisms are embedded in our humanitarian
assistance programs.
Question. How will you assist in increasing the identification of
trafficking victims?
Answer. I understand the refugees leaving Ukraine more recently
have been doing so in much more difficult circumstances with greater
needs. Human trafficking is an increasing threat and has been noted by
many international organizations. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that the United States continues to urge host governments to integrate
anti-trafficking measures into their emergency and humanitarian
response mechanisms to prevent trafficking and protect any victims.
Over 90 percent of the refugees are women and children, and our U.N.
partners are pressing host governments to work together to address
their protection needs. The U.S. Government also is funding
international organizations and NGOs to identify trafficking victims.
Question. Anti-Trafficking work was integrated into the first batch
of Ukrainian humanitarian assistance. Will you continue this effort to
ensure that those fleeing to safety do not become victims of
trafficking?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to ensure that anti-
trafficking mechanisms are integrated into our humanitarian assistance.
I would also encourage the Government of Ukraine and other donor
countries and U.N. partners to implement similar safeguards to prevent
human trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance
priorities over the next 6 months?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our robust support for
Ukraine's defense, economy, government, and people. Over the next six
months, I would continue prioritizing the continuity and functionality
of the Ukrainian Government; food security and health services;
essential needs of civilian security forces, including clearing
landmines and ordnance; and support for human rights, including holding
Russia accountable for its actions, including reports of conflict-
related sexual violence. We will work with international partners to
ensure Ukraine can meet essential budgetary expenses. Assistance
related to the European Democratic Resilience Initiative (EDRI) will
support pro-democracy activists, journalists, human rights defenders,
and anti-corruption crusaders.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance
priorities over the next twelve months?
Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be helping Ukraine defend
itself and then helping Ukraine rebuild. Assistance to Ukraine must
continue to flow across all sectors--including security, economic,
governance, and humanitarian assistance--even as needs may shift once
Ukraine prevails. I would support independent media and counter-
disinformation efforts, civil society, accountability, and peace and
reconciliation efforts as well as continue help reestablish reliable
essential services, including in the field of healthcare, education,
and agricultural production. I would also help advance the initiatives
of the European Democratic Resilience Initiative. Together, with the
help of our Allies and partners, we will work with Ukraine to rebuild
in a way that supports its aspirations for greater Euro-Atlantic and
European integration.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance
priorities over the next two years?
Answer. U.S. assistance for Ukraine will continue to develop its
economy, strengthen democratic governance and rule of law, counter
corruption, promote stability and transparency, and fortify resilience
to counter Russia's aggression. Funding will support energy and cyber
security investments and technical assistance; efforts to counter
disinformation; initiatives to hold perpetrators accountable for human
rights abuses and potential war crimes and build a basis for peace and
reconciliation efforts; and contributions to reconstruction. Assistance
will ensure the food security of Ukraine by rebuilding the agricultural
sector following the conflict. The administration will work to ensure
assistance is creating an inclusive economy built on a level playing
field.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your top foreign assistance
priorities over the next two years?
Where does combatting corruption fit into those priorities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to make sure combatting
corruption remains a critical component of our foreign assistance to
Ukraine, which is also in line with the Administration's prioritization
in countering corruption globally. Anti-democratic forces have
weaponized corruption, misinformation, and disinformation to exploit
perceived weaknesses and sow division within and among free nations,
erode existing international rules, and promote alternative models of
authoritarian governance. I believe we cannot afford to watch Ukraine
prevail in this war, only to see it fail in its fight against
corruption.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to fostering an environment
conducive to expeditionary diplomacy and development, whereby members
of the U.S. country team are able to get out from behind Embassy walls
and engage directly with interlocutors in the government, private
sector, and civil society?
Answer. Yes. Getting beyond the Embassy walls and engaging directly
with the government, private sector, and civil society is one of the
principal reasons we need our country team diplomats in Kyiv.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Ukraine has strong support for religious freedom.
However, there are concerns about targeting of specific minority
religions including Jews and Jehovah's witnesses. What is your
assessment of religious freedom and societal/governmental respect for
religious freedom in Ukraine?
Answer. I believe Ukraine has made great progress on religious
freedom issues. A 2019 survey found Ukrainians had the lowest negative
attitudes toward Jews of all the Eastern European countries polled,
with 83 percent having favorable view toward Jews--an increase of 15
percentage points since 2009. Nevertheless, antisemitism exists in
Ukraine, as it does is many countries, and if confirmed I pledge to
continue Embassy engagement with Jewish leaders and other stakeholders
on ways we can combat this scourge. I would also continue U.S. efforts
to address ongoing abuses by Russia's proxies in the Donbas and by
occupation authorities in Crimea, including the persecution of Crimean
Tatars and Jehovah's Witnesses.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Ukraine has strong support for religious freedom.
However, there are concerns about targeting of specific minority
religions including Jews and Jehovah's witnesses.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Ukrainian Government on
these issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to reinforce the Government's
work protecting religious freedom and religious minorities.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally meeting with
members of civil society to discuss the importance of religious
freedom?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would be pleased to meet regularly
with members of Ukraine's robust civil society to discuss the
importance of religious freedom.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, the
Ukrainian Government was identified as not taking adequate steps to
prosecute or punish most officials who committed abuses resulting in a
climate of impunity. As the war in Ukraine continues, how will you work
to ensure that those in the Ukrainian Government who commit human
rights abuses will be identified, punished, and prosecuted?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to promoting accountability for
those responsible for human rights abuses, through all mechanisms made
available and in partnership with Ukraine's criminal justice
institutions. The Government of Ukraine has focused closely on law
enforcement reform since the 2014 Revolution of Dignity, and despite
incidents of abuses, has made considerable progress, including holding
accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses.
Question. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, international
adoption from Ukraine has been paused. Numerous American families were
in process or beginning the process of adoption of Ukrainian orphans.
What steps will you take to work with the Ukrainian Government to re-
start international adoption processing in a safe manor?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Ukrainian Government to
safely re-start the intercountry adoption process, in a manner
consistent with Ukrainian and U.S. law. The Ukrainian Government is
justifiably concerned about the trafficking of children, and concerned
that children who are not eligible for intercountry adoption could be
separated from their families. The Ukrainian Government recently
confirmed that courts in some parts of Ukraine have resumed judicial
adoption hearings. As adoption decrees are issued, I will ensure we
continue to complete visa processing as quickly as possible, so that
children can go home with their parents.
Question. How will you work with Ukrainian officials to address the
Ukrainian orphans who been have evacuated to Poland to continue their
delayed adoptions?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Ukrainian and Polish
Governments to find solutions to any impediments for processing the
adoptions for these children. There are multiple steps in the
intercountry adoption process, and each provides critical safeguards
for the children and families involved. While these steps must be
completed in every case, I look forward to working with the Ukrainian
and Polish Governments to identify ways to complete these pending
adoption cases.
Question. Before the war, China was extremely interested in
cultivating Ukraine as a partner. It was looking to bring Ukraine into
the new Silk Road by investing in Ukraine's Black Sea ports, buying up
key pieces of Ukraine's military industry like MotorSich, and
installing Chinese-made technology and surveillance equipment in
Ukraine's cities. If confirmed, how do you propose to work to keep
China from making potentially harmful inroads into a country that will
be desperate for any and all investors to help it rebuild?
Answer. The courage of the people of Ukraine and the stalwart
support of the United States and our allies and partners has inspired
people around the world striving for peace, democracy, human rights,
and freedom. Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China has been absent
in time of Ukraine's greatest need, providing diplomatic cover for
Russia's brutal, unprovoked war and amplifying Russian disinformation
related to Ukraine, the United States, and NATO. We will work with
Ukraine to encourage a sustainable and transparent approach to
reconstruction, built upon mutually beneficial relationships, trusted
vendors, and national security.
Question. During the course of the Russia-Ukraine war, many
Ukrainian officials have taken on a heroic air. And indeed, they have
undertaken actions that are heroic. But before the war, many of these
same officials were engaged in activities that were sometimes corrupt,
sometimes unethical.
If confirmed, what steps do you believe should be taken to prevent
these officials from capitalizing on their newly-laundered
reputations and returning quietly to their old ways?
Answer. We cannot afford to watch Ukraine prevail in this war only
to see its democratic aspirations fall victim to corruption. If
confirmed, I would work to strengthen independent anti-corruption
authorities and institutions, and strongly push for needed judicial
reforms to ensure that Ukraine continues the democratic and European
trajectory its people are fighting to preserve.
Question. Much of the U.S. and allied assistance packages to
Ukraine include financial assistance to fund governments and
infrastructure operations. As Ambassador, how will you conduct
oversight to ensure that both U.S. and allied assistance is used
appropriately and not lost to corruption or misuse?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that delivery of
assistance meets strict oversight and accountability and anti-
corruption measures by working with our trusted network of partners. In
providing financial support, we are leveraging reputable international
financial institutions to ensure oversight through established audit
procedures, due diligence, and other mechanisms. I would continue work
with our partners to ensure similar oversight mechanisms are in place
to implement transparent infrastructure projects.
Question. What anti-corruption mechanisms remain intact and could
be used to conduct oversight?
Answer. The anti-corruption mechanisms Ukraine formed with support
from the United States and other partners, such as the National Anti-
Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the National Agency for the Prevention of
Corruption, and the High Anti-Corruption Court, continue to function,
as does Ukraine's vibrant civil society, which has played an
instrumental role in publicizing corrupt acts. If confirmed, I will
work with Ukrainian institutions and civil society, and international
partners (e.g., IMF, EU), to support the continuation and strengthening
of anti-corruption reforms. As it has in the past, the United States
can continue to use tools like Global Magnitsky sanctions and 7031(c)
visa restrictions to help Ukraine hold corruption actors accountable.
Question. How can the U.S. help create new anti-corruption
mechanisms to handle this challenge if needed?
Answer. Since Ukraine's 2014 Revolution of Dignity, the United
States has worked closely with the Ukrainian Government and
international partners to develop and strengthen anti-corruption laws
and institutions, such as the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU).
If confirmed, I pledge to continue this work and identify new
opportunities for reform, as needed, as part of our overall commitment
to combatting corruption, preventing fragility, and promoting democracy
and the rule of law in Ukraine.
Question. Many of the anti-corruption tools that the U.S. has
worked with Ukraine to build have been taken offline because of the
war. For example, the system through which Ukrainian public servants
are required to annually report their holdings has been taken offline
so Russia cannot use it to target certain people in occupied areas. How
will you work with Ukraine to ensure that these tools are returned to
service, while also safeguarding the personal information of Ukraine's
Government employees from potential Russian actions?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to work with Ukraine to continue
progress on anti-corruption reforms, including corporate governance and
supervisory board autonomy, which have been critical goals of U.S.
policy and assistance since 2014. These reforms are key to helping
Ukraine achieve the Euro-Atlantic aspirations expressed during the
Revolution of Dignity with regard to asset disclosure by public
servants. I will endeavor to support anti-corruption actions which also
safeguard personal information from misuse by Russia.
Question. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, political parties and
media outlets supporting Russia and pro-Russian narratives have been
banned in Ukraine. The transatlantic communities' tolerance of these
actions contrasts the international disapproval of Ukraine's ban on
ZIK, NewsOne, and 112 Ukraine in February 2021. Once Russia's war on
Ukraine comes to an end, how should the U.S. approach these matters of
free speech and expression as Ukraine transitions back into peacetime?
Answer. The United States remains a steadfast champion of media
freedom. Ensuring freedom of expression will be critical for Ukraine as
it pursues its democratic and Euro-Atlantic trajectory. It is important
for the people of Ukraine to continue to have access to reliable
information from multiple independent sources. As Ukraine continues to
combat Russia's aggression, if confirmed I also pledge to continue our
work in differentiating between defending media freedom and allowing
revenues to flow to Russia-controlled disinformation outlets.
Question. Do you believe that the United States should resume
training Ukrainian servicemen on equipment, tactics, and techniques
inside of the borders of Ukraine? Why or why not?
Answer. The United States currently provides training outside
Ukraine, as needed, depending on security conditions on the ground.
Provided we can adequately train Ukrainians outside of Ukraine, I think
it is preferable to inside, as the security situation in the country
makes such training difficult.
Question. As Ambassador, what role would you play in in the
transferal of military assistance to Ukraine?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure U.S. security assistance to
Ukraine continues to support the President's policy of assisting
Ukraine in its defense of its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and
independence against Russia's ongoing aggression. I would ensure my
team works expeditiously to help fulfill Ukraine's priority security
assistance requests and continues to assist in the coordination of
military aid deliveries, which are continuing daily and at an
unprecedented speed. I would also ensure my team continues to mitigate
the risk of misuse of U.S. security assistance, for example, through
the adherence to laws governing vetting security forces receiving U.S.
assistance and end-use monitoring.
Question. Due to logistical issues, much of the humanitarian
assistance being sent to Ukraine has not reached the eastern and
southern parts of the country where it is most needed. As Ambassador,
what role would you play to improve the delivery of humanitarian
assistance to Ukraine?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our calls to allow
immediate, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access for humanitarian
agencies and actors to continue their vital work across Ukraine. Since
February 24, the United States has already provided more than $565
million in humanitarian assistance to support people inside Ukraine. I
would continue our work with the Government of Ukraine and coordination
with neighboring states, the United Nations, and other international
organizations and NGOs assessing the evolving humanitarian needs of the
people of Ukraine and liaising with partners to ensure that
humanitarian assistance reaches the most vulnerable individuals.
Question. Mission Kyiv has been under enormous stress leading up to
and following the Russian invasion. What is your understanding of
morale throughout Mission Kyiv?
Answer. I want to salute the team of dedicated Americans and
Ukrainians who make up the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv for their exceptional
service in the buildup to and throughout Russia's brutal war. In my
experience as a diplomat, closing an Embassy under the stress of war is
heartbreaking--and has a negative impact on morale. If confirmed, I
would try to build on the work of my predecessors to ensure that our
people have all possible resources and focus on looking forward to our
goals of helping Ukraine defend itself and helping Ukraine rebuild.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kyiv?
Answer. If confirmed, my first step would be to get on the ground
to listen to the advice of the team in place and assess where I can be
helpful. Early on, I would try to bring us all together in the vision
and the goals we need to pursue to get there. I would then focus on
rewarding effort and results and helping those who may need more
resources or information. I have found that with clear consistent and
fair leadership, morale rises. If confirmed, I would approach our goals
with an understanding and empathy for the context of working in a war
environment, both for our American and for our Ukrainian staff.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Kyiv?
Answer. If confirmed, I will bring together our sections and
agencies on our overall mission--to help Ukraine defend itself--and
agree on the goals we need to pursue to achieve the mission. I will
work with my Deputy and Washington to ensure we have the resources and
personnel necessary to advance our goal. Periodically, I will ask the
DCM to assess progress and adjust our goals as needed. My approach is
to tie these goals to awards and ensure they are embedded in
performance appraisals to keep us unified in achieving them as a
country team.
Question. On April 28, 2022, U.S. Embassy Kyiv announced the
passing of one of its locally-employed staff, Volodymyr, who took leave
from his role as a bodyguard to join the army. Are you aware of
staffing issues that may hinder reopening Embassy Kyiv?
Answer. If confirmed, my top priority will be the safety and
security of everyone in my Embassy. Safety concerns and the overall
security environment in Ukraine continue to impact Mission Ukraine and
will be our primary consideration for staffing the Embassy for the
foreseeable future. I look forward to working with the exceptional
American and Ukrainian staff members of Embassy Kyiv. I am humbled by
the patriotism and sacrifice of Volodymyr Kapelka and join the
Secretary in extending the United States' condolences to his family.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take to address
staffing issues while remaining conscious of the desire for Ukrainians
to defend their country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will offer maximum flexibility, as allowed
by Department policy and local regulations, including for the many
Ukrainian citizens who have taken up arms to defend their country. If
we have gaps to fill, I will request additional support from the
Department and fill those gaps.
Question. If confirmed, how would you support staff following the
death of a staff member?
Answer. Sadly, Embassy Kyiv is already mourning the death of a
local staff member killed defending his country from Russia's brutal
war. I appreciate the outpouring of support for his family from the
mission community and from the entire State Department, including
Secretary Blinken. Offering compassion, support, and resources during
such difficult times is a key function of the chief of mission and one
I take extremely seriously.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. We work under the direction of the President and on behalf
of the American people to advance the Administration's foreign policy
goals. My leadership style is to bring the country team together on a
vision--a Ukraine that is democratic, independent, sovereign, and
prosperous--and come up with the goals we need to achieve to realize
that vision. My management style is to delegate the strategy to achieve
each goal to sections and agencies as overseen by the DCM and then come
in with top level support and advocacy to help us advance them. This
approach has helped us achieve a number of top foreign policy goals in
Slovakia during my tenure and if confirmed, I would adapt it as needed
to the context of Ukraine.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. There is no more important relationship in the Embassy than
that between the Ambassador and Deputy Chief of Mission. If confirmed,
I will work to ensure that there is a strong and close leadership team
that speaks with one voice to the country team and to DC while also
encouraging the Deputy Chief of Mission to be frank and open with me,
especially if he disagrees or thinks we are going in the wrong
direction. I believe this relationship, especially in a conflict
environment, must be one of trust and total confidence to ensure the
effective operation of the Embassy.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would lead my Embassy as the policy vision
and execution and ask my Deputy Chief of Mission to be my alter ego. I
expect the Deputy Chief of Mission will be more focused on the internal
management of the mission but, because of the magnitude of the job in
Ukraine, I believe he will also need to be someone who can do the
external work. I would see the Deputy Chief of Mission as my top
advisor on all issues and ask him to take on some of the most sensitive
and important tasks that cut across the mission such as ensuring
appropriate oversight over the funds allocated by Congress to Ukraine.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for foreign service officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
improvement and reward success.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I commit to supporting and encouraging clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. You mentioned during your hearing that you have seen
photos of damage to the U.S. embassy in Kyiv that seems superficial.
Have you received more detailed information regarding the state of the
infrastructure in Kyiv since the hearing?
Answer. No, I have not received more detailed information regarding
the state of the infrastructure in Kyiv since the hearing.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take to address
infrastructure issues at Mission Kyiv?
Answer. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
infrastructure issues receive immediate and appropriate attention and
are addressed in a timely manner through appropriate channels.
Question. Several other countries already re-opened their embassies
in Kyiv. What qualifications have prohibited the U.S. from re-opening
our embassy?
Answer. The Department and the Administration are undertaking
security assessments and working through the required congressional
notifications process to safely reopen our Embassy in Kyiv as soon as
possible.
Question. Does reopening our Embassy in Kyiv send a signal to the
Ukrainian people? If so, what signal?
Answer. Yes, our physical presence in Kyiv sends a strong signal of
solidarity with the Ukrainian Government and people and underscores the
enduring U.S. commitment to Ukraine's success.
Question. Do you believe the Embassy should be reopened full-time,
with a permanent presence?
Answer. Yes. I believe that if the security situation permits, we
should continue to increase and make permanent our presence so we can
effectively carry out the wide array of work needed to protect U.S.
interests and help Ukraine prevail in this war.
Question. How would reopening the Embassy in Kyiv assist the State
Department's activities in Ukraine?
Answer. Resuming Embassy Kyiv operations would help us work
directly with the Government on requests, improve security, economic,
and humanitarian assistance oversight, and provide a platform to
conduct a number of services that advance our strategic goals.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and safety of the people who work with me. I commit to
making sure our staff is aware of the potential danger and the signs to
recognize it, and to working with health and security officials as well
as other parties as recommended.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Kyiv personnel?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If you have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit
to receiving a briefing on the incidents before you depart for your
post?
Answer. I have received the briefing although will ask for an
update as it relates to Ukraine, if confirmed.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to maintain detailed records an
incident, and share the information with the State Department and other
embassies to contribute to the investigation of how these reported
incidents are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the world.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
employees who report a possible anomalous health incident receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care and the incident is
reported through appropriate channels.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. We all want to see Ukraine win this war against Vladimir
Putin's Russia. Ukrainians do not need funding for international COVID-
19 relief or radical immigration provisions to win the war and funding
for these issues should not be tied to assistance to Ukraine.
Included in the Administration's request for supplemental
appropriations for Ukraine is legislation to provide a path to
citizenship for the Afghans evacuated out of Kabul last year--
can you explain how that will help Ukraine win the war?
Answer. It is an administration priority in both Afghanistan and
Ukraine to provide individuals who are more at risk because of the
interests and values they share with us with paths to safety. In both
these countries, locally employed staff of our embassies and other U.S.
affiliated groups are at risk of becoming targets of violence because
of their relationships with us. A path to citizenship for Afghans, and
access to refugee programming for Ukrainians, send critical signals of
support to those still fighting for security, stability, prosperity,
and democracy in both countries.
Question. Given your deep experience working in the former Soviet
states, including in Tbilisi immediately before Putin's 2008 invasion
of Georgia, what in the Administration's request is critical to support
Ukraine's defense and what is not?
Answer. The administration's request to Congress for additional
assistance to Ukraine includes additional resources for security and
military assistance, economic assistance, humanitarian assistance; and
assistance to uphold human rights and support efforts to hold Russian
officials accountable for atrocities. Based on my experience and
knowledge of the situation on the ground, I regard all of this
assistance as critical. Continuing the flow of security, economic, and
humanitarian assistance is essential to ensuring that a sovereign,
independent, and secure Ukraine prevails, and that Russia's invasion
results in strategic failure.
Question. During his visit to Kyiv last month, Secretary of State
Blinken announced the United States' intention to follow other
countries' lead and return the U.S. Embassy to Kyiv. This is an
important show of support for the Ukrainian people's fight against
Putin's forces, but we must prioritize the security of American
diplomats and service members in what is likely to remain a warzone for
the foreseeable future. In your assessment, is it currently safe enough
to reopen the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv?
Answer. I have no higher priority than the safety and security of
everyone under Chief of Mission authority. The Department continues to
assess the security situation in Ukraine on a daily basis, with the
goal of resuming operations at Embassy Kyiv as soon as possible
following completion of congressional notification procedures and as
security conditions permit.
Question. What is the status of the return of diplomatic operations
in the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv?
Answer. During the Secretary's April trip to Kyiv, he announced
that we will soon resume embassy operations. The Department and
interagency have been coordinating on risk assessments and our Charge
d'Affaires has visited Kyiv with a security detail. Our goal is to
resume limited Embassy Kyiv operations as soon as possible following
completion of congressional notification procedures and as security
conditions permit.
Question. If confirmed, what security measures will you put in
place to ensure that Americans assigned to the Embassy are not put in
harm's way?
Answer. I have no higher priority than the safety and security of
everyone under Chief of Mission authority. Diplomatic Security, the
Defense Department, and the intelligence community have been
coordinating risk assessments to ensure we have the security measures
needed to return our diplomats to Kyiv. While conducting diplomacy in a
war zone entails risks, if confirmed, I pledge to work with my
leadership and our team to balance these risks against our goals in a
way that advances our national interests in Ukraine.
Question. If confirmed, what factors would lead you to decide to
evacuate the Embassy again?
Answer. Any suspension of operations would be done in close
consultation with Department leaders and the White House, and would
depend on a number of factors. If confirmed, my highest responsibility
will be the safety and security of everyone serving under Chief of
Mission authority. I believe we need to be in Kyiv to effectively
advance U.S. interests.
Question. Vladimir Putin's airstrikes and artillery attacks on
Ukrainian cities have landed dangerously close to Poland and other NATO
states, while in recent weeks, Russian state-owned media have started
to talk about how this conflict is becoming a full-fledged war between
Russia and NATO. If confirmed, what would your recommendation to the
President be in order to deter a Russian attack on NATO personnel
delivery assistance to Ukraine?
Answer. The United States remains concerned about Russia's threats
and have planned for contingencies, but as the Pentagon has said, we
have no indications that any weapons or equipment shipments have been
hit or blocked by Russia. U.S. forces are not in Ukraine, but remain in
neighboring, NATO countries, and President Biden has been clear that we
will defend every inch of NATO territory. If confirmed, my
recommendation would be to continue this policy.
Question. If confirmed, and if Putin does try to push a NATO member
country to invoke Article 5, what would your response be?
Answer. The President has been clear: we will defend every inch of
NATO territory with the full force of U.S. and Allied power. NATO is
united and determined to defend our collective security. Together,
allies have reinforced NATO's Eastern Flank to reassure frontline
allies and deter Russia's aggression. If confirmed, I will work with
Congress to continue this ironclad commitment to Article 5.
Question. Since February, we have seen an unprecedented show of
support for Ukraine among our European allies. Countries that
previously were reluctant to meet NATO's 2 percent of GDP military
spending requirement have now pledged to do so. Finland, Sweden,
Germany, and others have broken longstanding policy against providing
lethal assistance by providing rifles, rocket launchers, and other
equipment to the Ukrainian people. However, fractures are already
appearing in this pro-Ukraine coalition. German Chancellor Scholz has
spent weeks delaying delivery of anti-aircraft weapons and other heavy
weapons to Ukraine, despite announcing a reversal of Germany's old pro-
Russia policies. Do you believe the pro-Ukrainian coalition that has
emerged in Europe can remain united through the end of the war in
Ukraine?
Answer. Yes. U.S. leadership and a commitment to working with our
allies and partners has led to an unprecedented level of international
cooperation in response to Russia's unprovoked and unjustifiable war in
Ukraine. If confirmed, I pledge to continue close consultation with all
allies and partners to maintain this momentum.
Question. Can this coalition last beyond the war and assist the
United States in confronting the long-term security threats in the
region?
Answer. We have never been more united with allies and partners, as
demonstrated by the unified and immediate response to Putin's war.
Collectively, we are committed to Ukraine's long-term success as a
sovereign, independent, and secure state. NATO Allies are taking
lessons learned from this experience into the Madrid Summit in June,
where we will shape a common understanding of Transatlantic security
that will further unify us for the next decade. If confirmed, I am
ready to work with allies, partners, and Congress to rebuild Ukraine
and continue to strengthen our alliances and partnerships.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to work with your
counterparts in the other Embassies in Kyiv to ensure the European
countries continue to take the threat of Russia seriously?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regular, close consultation with
all our allies and partners based in Ukraine on this and other areas of
mutual interest. As long as Russia threatens global stability and
security through its violations of the sovereignty, territorial
integrity, and independence of other states, I commit to working with
other countries who share our goals to repel this aggression.
Question. For the last few weeks, the Chinese Communist Party has
duplicitously tried to present itself as a supporter of Ukraine's
sovereignty, while also providing material aid to Putin's invasion--
through financial assistance and even cyber-attacks on Ukraine's
Government. We should not be mistaken--the CCP under Xi Jinping is
fully complicit in Putin's war against Ukraine and we should hold it
accountable. If confirmed, how will you direct U.S. efforts to counter
CCP narratives that China is a friend of Ukraine?
Answer. The courage of the people of Ukraine and the stalwart
support of the United States and our allies and partners have inspired
people around the world striving for peace, democracy, human rights,
and freedom. Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China has been absent
in the time of Ukraine's greatest need, providing diplomatic cover for
Russia's brutal, unprovoked war and amplifying Russian disinformation
about Ukraine, the United States, and NATO. The people of Ukraine will
not forget which countries stood up for them.
Question. Before the war, Ukraine's Government had once looked to
China as a source of much needed funding for port and infrastructure
development. Do you support China having a role in Ukraine's
reconstruction? Why or why not? If you do not support China having a
role, what can you do to ensure they are not a part of this effort?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Ukraine to encourage a
sustainable and transparent approach to reconstruction, built around
mutually beneficial relationships, trusted vendors, and national
security. This will help develop a level playing field capable of
accelerating inclusive economic growth throughout the reconstruction
process. The United States is always ready to share best practices with
our closest partners, but the democratically elected government of
Ukraine will choose its own path.
Question. As you well know, Russia's invasion of Ukraine has
created an urgent humanitarian crisis, particularly for vulnerable
orphaned children. There are roughly 300 Ukrainian orphans with unique
ties to the United States that makes travel to the United States an
immediately viable tool for their protection. These children deserve to
be cared for in the safest environment available while the situation in
Ukraine remains dangerous and unstable.
If confirmed, would you work to provide these children with
authorization for temporary travel to the United States so they
may stay with their prospective host families away from harm?
Answer. The Government of Ukraine is deeply concerned about the
risk of separation of children from their families and of child
trafficking in wartime, especially for vulnerable groups like orphans.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Ukraine to
make sure vulnerable groups are afforded the best legal and diplomatic
options for getting to a safe environment. I believe these options
should include safe pathways to the United States for those with
legitimate ties, including Humanitarian Parole or the Uniting for
Ukraine program as applicable, and be consistent with Ukraine's
protections of these children.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Bridget A. Brink by Senator Todd Young
Question. What can be done to assist Ukraine in exporting its
grains and agricultural goods so critical to addressing global food
needs? Are there alternative routes to help transport the food?
Answer. Ukraine's ports, which were used to export 95 percent of
its grains and agricultural goods prior to Russia's full-scale
invasion, are not operational due to Moscow's effective naval blockade.
Ukraine is attempting to export grains via its EU neighbors but is
limited by numerous factors--including different rail gauges between
the countries, lack of railcars and port capacity on the EU side, and
bottlenecks at borders. If confirmed, I will work closely with our
partners to improve the situation, and with the Government of Ukraine
to ensure they are putting into place the necessary processes to
quickly comply with EU customs and regulations.
Question. How can we and the international community support
Ukraine's agricultural sector now to ensure that crops can be planted,
grown, and harvested even in the midst of this war?
Answer. Ensuring Ukraine's agricultural sector has access to export
markets and to inputs such as fuel and fertilizer will be crucial.
Ongoing assistance programs as well as funds from the Ukraine
Supplemental Appropriations Act are addressing the acute needs of the
agricultural sector. This goes beyond merely providing foreign
assistance, however. If confirmed, I pledge to continue to work with
our partners and allies to overcome the challenges presented by
Russia's hostile naval presence in the Black Sea. I will continue to
work to ensure that fuel and fertilizer arrive where they are needed,
when they are needed.
Question. I understand the Ukrainian Government has understandably
put in place export restrictions to prioritize its war efforts. If
confirmed, how would you coordinate with the Government of Ukraine to
ensure that restrictions are tailored to support the Ukrainian people
while ensuring surplus foods are able to be exported?
Answer. Ukraine's economy depends on exporting food around the
world. While Ukraine has introduced strict new export quotas on some of
its most critical domestic agricultural and food needs (meat, oats,
buckwheat, and sugar), it did not do so for most globally--significant
exports--these include wheat, corn, poultry, and sunflower oil.
Instead, it introduced a new system that will allow its Ministry of
Economy to manage more directly Ukraine's agricultural commodities and
food supplies. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of
Ukraine as it seeks to balance domestic consumption and agricultural
sector exports.
Question. As we support Ukraine's Government in the war, we also
need to think carefully about long-term sustainability. What tools do
we have to ensure accountability and continued democratic reforms in
Ukraine?
Answer. The people of Ukraine have twice taken to the streets to
get rid of corrupt leaders--in the 2004 Orange Revolution and the 2013-
2014 Revolution of Dignity--and are now bravely defending against
Russia's full-scale invasion in order to have a democratic, European
future. If confirmed, I will support the Ukrainian aspiration for this
future through the re-establishment and strengthening of institutions
with integrity and procedures that help eliminate corruption, build
resilience, and meet international best practices. I will also continue
support efforts that aim to hold Russian officials accountable for war
crimes and atrocities.
Question. How concerned should we be about the relationship between
President Zelensky and the sanctioned Ukrainian oligarch Ihor
Kolomoyskyy? Does the war change the risks to Ukrainian democracy and
rule of law from its own oligarchs?
Answer. Given the tremendous sacrifices made by the people of
Ukraine as they defend their country and the commitment by the
international community to help Ukraine defend itself, I believe there
is an historic opportunity to be seized to break a legacy of endemic
corruption in Ukraine. If confirmed, I intend to ensure that our
policies are fully geared toward helping Ukraine achieve this goal.
More specifically on Ihor Kolomoyskyy, I would note that last year
the Department of State announced a visa restriction on him, along with
his immediate family members, for involvement in significant
corruption. This was a clear message from the United States that no one
is above the law as Ukraine works to counter corruption and hold
corrupt actors accountable. If confirmed, I will reaffirm this
position.
Question. Prior to the war, Ukraine had started to backslide on
reforms in its judiciary, energy sector, and central banking. If
confirmed, how would you approach having tough conversations with the
Government of Ukraine about continued progress on democratic reforms?
Answer. If confirmed, combating corruption, and advancing much-
needed institutional reforms will remain one of my top priorities.
Anti-democratic forces have weaponized corruption, misinformation, and
disinformation to exploit perceived weaknesses and sow division within
and among free nations, erode existing international rules, and promote
alternative models of authoritarian governance. We cannot afford to
help Ukraine win this war, only to lose its democratic future by
failing to reform. I will regularly communicate this to the Ukrainian
Government and underscore the importance of reform to Ukraine's
European future.
Question. There were over 300 Ukrainian children in process of
being adopted by American families when the invasion began in February.
Now these children face a deeply uncertain future. If confirmed, how
would you work with the Government of Ukraine to identify and support
Ukrainian children in limbo in the adoption process?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Ukrainian
Government to ensure these children are united with their adoptive
families as soon as it is safe and legally feasible. The United States
also recognizes and respects Ukraine's jurisdiction over decisions
about the safety and welfare of children in its care. This includes
their jurisdiction over requests to move the children to a different
country. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our close cooperation with
the Ukrainian Government in order to complete these adoptions, in
accordance with U.S. and Ukrainian law.
Question. As the Embassy reopens operations, how would you
prioritize consular services in the country, if confirmed?
Answer. Initially, we will prioritize emergency services for U.S.
citizens. The Department of State continues to advise U.S. citizens not
to travel to Ukraine. Routine passport and visa services will continue
to be provided at U.S. Embassies in neighboring countries.
Question. What would be your message to our European allies on the
importance of coordinated actions to counter Russia's aggression in
Ukraine?
Answer. If confirmed, my message would be that Putin's war is a
threat to all countries that believe in the sovereign right of states
to choose their own futures. The United States and our European allies
and partners have never been more united in imposing severe costs on
Russia for its aggression in Ukraine.
Question. What could the United States do to help allies reduce
their dependence on Russian energy supplies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Kyiv supports this
administration's commitments to help our allies and partners diversify
away from Russian energy. The joint U.S.-EU Task Force on Energy
Security seeks to address this challenge by helping Europe reduce its
dependence on Russian fossil fuels by diversifying liquified natural
gas supplies for the EU market and reducing overall demand for natural
gas. It also commits to working with our European allies to accelerate
the deployment of clean energy, support energy efficiency measures, and
increase our cooperation on renewable energy projects and technologies.
If confirmed, I will make sure Embassy Kyiv supports these efforts to
break our allies' dependence on Russian energy.
Question. How would you characterize the current solidarity and
cooperation among Eastern European countries in the face of Russia's
war?
Answer. The United States, our allies, and our partners have never
been more united in our support of Ukraine, and in our determination to
impose severe costs on Russia for its aggression. We continue to
fortify the NATO Alliance by enhancing our force posture on the Eastern
Flank and working to build resiliency against Russia's aggression.
There is broad support among our allies and partners in eastern and
central Europe for cutting off Putin's economy and countering the
weaponization of Russian energy exports. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure the United States and partners remain united in our effort to
help Ukraine defend itself against Russia's war of choice.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How will the Counterterrorism Bureau deal with a more
decentralized and localized terrorist threats against our friends and
allies in a post-Al Qaeda, post-ISIS environment?
Answer. Terrorist groups threatening the United States and our
partners today are more geographically dispersed, more ideologically
diverse, and more technologically adept than ever before.
If confirmed, I commit to sustaining our efforts to disrupt
terrorist plots, eliminate terrorist safe havens, sever terrorist
groups' access to financing, materiel, and recruits, and prevent and
counter violent extremism in communities so that these groups cannot
further mobilize or inspire others to commit acts of violence. This
includes encouraging allies and partners to assume a greater share of
the burden, which is particularly critical in a decentralized threat
environment. If confirmed, I will work closely with Congress on
engaging allies and partners to use their resources and comparative
advantages in terms of relationships and geographic proximity to help
us combat global and regional terrorist organizations.
Question. Do you believe that the resources and funding dedicated
to U.S. counterterrorism programs at the State Department are adequate?
If not, how much more is needed and for what programs?
Answer. Counterterrorism remains a priority for the State
Department and the Administration. If confirmed, one of my first jobs
will be to assess resources planned in previous years and ensure they
are meeting the needs of the counterterrorism mission.
I will fully engage in the budget planning process with Department
leadership, OMB, and Congress to ensure the resources are aligned with
our priorities and able to address the growing threats of ISIS and
other terrorist actors that seek to destabilize security.
Question. What should be done to win the ``hearts and minds'' of
individuals and groups that may be susceptible to the influences and
teachings of violent Islamist extremism fundamentalists?
Answer. Outreach to individuals and groups that may be susceptible
to terrorist and violent extremist influences and teachings is a
priority for the Biden-Harris administration and the State Department.
The comprehensive ``whole-of-society'' U.S. approach focuses on
building long-term resilience to these messages in order to prevent--as
well as counter--terrorism and violent extremism online and offline,
while respecting human rights and fundamental freedoms such as freedom
of expression.
I understand that the CT Bureau partners with community leaders,
religious leaders, and NGOs to increase their capacity to intervene
effectively in the lifecycle of a potential terrorist, and supports
community-level, social-service-based intervention initiatives and law
enforcement programs to create ``off-ramps'' for those individuals on
their way to becoming radicalized to violence and/or recruited by
terrorist organizations.
If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with these partners
on this issue.
Question. What is your view of current U.S. approaches to threats
posed by transnationally active violent right-wing extremists?
What changes, if any, to existing efforts do you believe are
appropriate?
Answer. Countering racially or ethnically motivated violent
extremism (REMVE), including violent white supremacist ideologies and
actors, has been a top priority for the Biden-Harris administration and
the State Department.
I understand that the Biden-Harris administration released the
first-ever National Strategy for Countering Domestic Terrorism in June
2021.
I also understand that the State Department uses a broad range of
tools to counter the transnational dimensions of the REMVE threat,
including diplomatic engagement, information sharing, and capacity
building.
If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with interagency
partners, foreign partners, and multilateral organizations on this
issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Ambassador Richard, our Chiefs of Mission provide
concurrence for Department of Defense counterterrorism activities in
their respective areas of responsibility--what we call 127 echo
programs. However, I'm concerned that once our Chiefs of Mission
provide concurrence, we have no opportunity to revisit based on
changing conditions. Worse, the Foreign Relations Committee has little
visibility on where our Chiefs of Mission are providing concurrence. Do
I have your commitment to work with this committee to ensure we have
adequate visibility?
Answer. I commit to work with the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee on this matter, if confirmed. I will coordinate closely with
the Secretary of State and critical State Department stakeholders to
review the current State Department practices and procedures related to
Section 10 USC 127e. I will also work closely with the Department of
Defense to address the changing global threat environment.
Question. While we shattered the Islamic State's grip on Iraq and
Syria, problems remain. Thousands of foreign terrorist fighters
languish in sometimes makeshift prisons in Syria. While a handful of
our partners have repatriated their foreign fighters to face justice,
others have refused. How do we accelerate repatriations and ensure
these fighters don't pose a threat to United States' interests?
Answer. The United States encourages countries of origin to
repatriate, rehabilitate, reintegrate, and, where appropriate, also
prosecute foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and associated family
members. If confirmed, I will intensify diplomatic engagement in
bilateral and multilateral channels, including through the Global
Coalition to Defeat ISIS, to press governments around the world to
return their nationals and fulfill their responsibilities.
Question. Recent press reporting argues that you refused a EUCOM
QRF and subsequently left the Embassy ``exposed.'' Please respond to
those criticisms.
Answer. The Embassy did not refuse the EUCOM QRF. It did deploy to
Beirut. In addition, the Embassy maintained an extremely robust
security presence of U.S. and host nation security elements at all
times. All of the Embassy's security-related decisions were made in
close consultation with security professionals and other relevant
officials in the Embassies and in Washington.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Biden administration has assigned the role of ISIS
Detainee Coordinator to the Counterterrorism Coordinator for the
purposes of fulfilling the Robert Levinson Hostage Recovery and
Hostage-Taking Accountability Act. If confirmed, how will you work
across the interagency to ensure that the complex challenges of both
ISIS detention and the displacement of families with perceived and
possible ISIS affiliation will be adequately addressed?
Answer. The U.S. Government encourages countries of origin to
repatriate, rehabilitate, reintegrate, and, where appropriate,
prosecute foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and associated family
members. The United States also provides, on a case-by-case basis,
logistical support for countries of origin willing to repatriate their
nationals. These efforts involve not just the CT Bureau but other State
Department bureaus and offices, U.S. embassies abroad, and elements of
the Department of Defense, among others. If confirmed, I will expand
our existing repatriation efforts, reinvigorate our dialogue with other
countries, and redouble our efforts to ensure the welfare of FTF-
associated family members.
Question. The Government of Iraq has indicated a greater
willingness to take back its 30,000 residents in the Al Hol camp. How
should the U.S. Government utilize this important window of opportunity
to assist with the repatriation of the Al Hol camps Iraqi citizens who
comprise a large number of the camp's residents?
Answer. If confirmed, the repatriation of displaced persons out of
northeast Syria would be one of my top priories. In addition to
diplomatic efforts, I understand that the United States is currently
working with international humanitarian organizations to enable Iraqi
returns and reintegration into areas of origin. If confirmed, I will
inject new energy to these efforts to ensure that we are adequately
engaging with partners to repatriate all citizens out of northeast
Syria.
Question. ISIS sleeper cells in northeast Syria appear to have
increased the tempo of attacks--possibly exploiting a pivot in global
attention towards Europe. ISIS elements have also stated publicly their
intention to continue attacks on prisons (such as in Al Hasakeh this
past January) and camps as part of their overall strategy to replenish
their ranks. How will you work with others in the U.S. Government to
ensure that ISIS detention sites and displacement camps are secure and
not vulnerable to external attack?
Answer. This is a complex issue. As I understand it, overcrowding
in predominantly makeshift detention facilities and displaced persons
camps in northeast Syria exacerbates the security challenges and
diverts resources from the counter-ISIS mission. I believe we must work
quickly to reduce the number of people in detention and ensure ISIS
detainees are held humanely and securely.
We must also work quickly to reduce the number of displaced persons
in IDP camps in al-Hol and elsewhere in northeast Syria. I also
understand that getting countries to repatriate their foreign fighter
citizens and families is only one part of the solution. If confirmed, I
will work within the Department of State and with interagency partners,
including DOD, to identify and fill gaps in local partner capacity to
support improved security at these locations.
Question. How should the United States address the repatriation of
foreign women and children living in the displacement camps,
particularly with our European allies who remain opposed to
repatriating their citizens?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the current situation with
regard to detained ISIS fighters and their family members in Syria is
not sustainable. The best way to counter this challenge is to increase
support for and availability of education and psychosocial services,
and for countries to repatriate their nationals, which the CT Bureau
helps facilitate.
If confirmed, I will press governments around the world to
repatriate their nationals through intensive diplomatic engagement in
bilateral and multilateral channels, including through the Global
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. I will continue to make the case to countries
around the world that repatriation, rehabilitation, reintegration, and,
where appropriate, also prosecution provide the only durable solution
to the humanitarian and security challenges posed by FTFs and
associated family members in displaces persons camps in northeast
Syria.
Question. Many liken the displacement camps to a ``ticking time
bomb'' that potentially holds the next generation of ISIS fighters if
the situation in the camps is not addressed. If confirmed as the CT
Coordinator also serving as the ISIS Detainee Coordinator, how will you
utilize both roles to address the need to prevent the radicalization of
the camp's children?
Answer. As I understand it, there are thousands of family members
in displaced persons camps in northeast Syria, many of whom are under
the age of 18. I understand the United States, through its partnerships
with U.N. humanitarian agencies and NGOs, provides life-saving
humanitarian assistance to displaced persons camps such as al-Hol and
Roj, including funding for camp management, food assistance, health
care, education, psychosocial support services, and clean water and
sanitation.
Ultimately, the best solution for residents and the only durable
solution is the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of Syrians to
their areas of origin or another location of their choosing, and the
repatriation of non-Syrians to their countries of origin. If confirmed,
I will prioritize international cooperation on repatriation to ensure
that ISIS does not exploit these vulnerable populations or reconstitute
itself in the region.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with other stakeholders
at State and USAID to address the need to prepare communities in Iraq
and northeast Syria for the return of their residents in the camp? What
type of programming, resources and coordination do you envision to
address this piece of the challenge?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with other stakeholders
at State and USAID to identify and, where practical, develop capacity-
building programs for the Government of Iraq to support the return,
rehabilitation, and reintegration of Iraqis from Syria. In the case of
CT Bureau, assistance may focus on training Iraqi officials to
independently complete risk and needs assessments to effectively
connect returnees with the psychosocial and economic support they need
to rehabilitate and reintegrate successfully into society. If
confirmed, I will also leverage my role as the Special Envoy to
encourage Coalition members to fund and implement programming toward
such efforts in a coordinated manner.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. At a time when Shi'ite militias are stepping up attacks
on U.S. facilities and personnel in Iraq, when the Houthis are
massacring innocent civilians in Yemen, and where Hamas and Hezbollah
are launching attacks on Israel, the Biden administration is
contemplating lifting sanctions on these terrorists' prime sponsor: the
Islamic Republic of Iran. This is certainly the biggest obstacle to
negotiating a flawed deal on Iran's nuclear program and will certainly
impact the national security of our partners across the Middle East.
Do you agree that Iran is the region's largest supporter of
terrorist movements in Lebanon, Israel, Iraq and Yemen? Why or
why not?
Answer. Iran continues to be the foremost state sponsor of
terrorism and facilitates a wide range of terrorist activity, both in
the region and around the world. It continues to support Hezbollah,
Palestinian terrorist groups, and various groups in Iraq, Bahrain,
Syria, and Yemen with funding, training, weapons, and equipment. It
also harbors senior, veteran al-Qa'ida leaders in Iran. Iran's support
for terrorism destabilizes the region and threatens U.S. forces,
diplomatic personnel, and our partners in the region and elsewhere. If
confirmed, I would strengthen cooperation with our allies and partners
to address the threats posed by Iran.
Question. If Iran is provided $100 billion in sanctions relief,
this would be a boon to terrorists who seek to destabilize these
countries and threaten American national security. If confirmed, and if
the Biden administration secures a nuclear deal with Iran, how would
you ensure the U.S. counters the inevitable increase in terrorist
operations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to hold the Iranian
Government accountable for its actions, including its longstanding
support for terrorism. I commit to using the appropriate CT tools at
our disposal, including sanctions, and working in close coordination
with our allies and partners, to counter the terrorist threat posed by
Iran.
Question. Last year, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, both
groups designated as terrorist organizations by the United States,
launched more than 4,000 rockets into Israel and this year instigated
anti-Israeli attacks in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. To protect our ally
Israel and reduce the threat to Americans traveling to the Holy Land,
it makes sense that we should sanction any organization or entity that
provide money to these terrorists.
Do you agree that the United States should impose sanctions on all
entities that provide financial and material support to Hamas
and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, including Iran?
Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to
Israel's security. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with
Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of financial
and material support to Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups
like Palestinian Islamic Jihad. We will continue to use all tools at
our disposal to counter these groups, including imposing financial
sanctions, bolstering law enforcement cooperation with allies, and
engaging in diplomatic engagement with partners to encourage action
against the groups and those who support them.
Question. Do you support my Palestinian International Terrorism
Support Prevention Act, which would impose these sanctions?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with partners across the
Administration, including the Department of the Treasury, to use all
tools at our disposal, including targeted financial sanctions, to
counter Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the individuals,
entities, and groups who provide them with financial and material
support.
Question. On May 9, reports indicated that your former colleagues
in the Trump administration accused you of insubordination. They claim
you went against State Department orders and sent back a U.S. military
quick response force sent to Beirut in 2020 to defend against a
potential terrorist attack the month after the death of Iranian leader
Qassem Soleimani. Given Embassy Beirut's tragic history of terrorist
attacks, this decision potentially endangered American diplomatic
personnel in Lebanon. Do you believe your decision in 2020 to not
extend deployment of the quick response force could have endangered the
lives of American diplomats in the Embassy?
Answer. While serving as Ambassador to Lebanon, ensuring the safety
and security of the Embassy team was my first concern, which is why my
team and I coordinated with the relevant stakeholders, including all
involved security personnel, and reached this decision. We reached this
decision based on the best interests and security of all U.S. personnel
at Embassy Beirut.
Question. When making this decision, did you consult with your
superiors in Foggy Bottom, as required by normal State Department
protocol?
Answer. I believe the safety and security of my personnel is
paramount, and my team and I coordinated with all the relevant
officials, including in Washington.
Question. At a time when Shi'ite militias are stepping up attacks
on U.S. facilities and personnel in Iraq, when the Houthis are
massacring innocent civilians in Yemen, and where Hamas and Hezbollah
are launching attacks on Israel, the Biden administration is
contemplating lifting sanctions on these terrorists' prime sponsor: the
Islamic Republic of Iran. This is certainly the biggest obstacle to
negotiating a flawed deal on Iran's nuclear program and will certainly
impact the national security of our partners across the Middle East.
Do you agree that Iran is the region's largest supporter of
terrorist movements in Lebanon, Israel, Iraq and Yemen? Why or
why not?
Answer. Iran continues to be the foremost state sponsor of
terrorism and facilitates a wide range of terrorist activity, both in
the region and around the world. It continues to support Hezbollah,
Palestinian terrorist groups, and various groups in Iraq, Bahrain,
Syria, and Yemen with funding, training, weapons, and equipment. It
also harbors senior, veteran al-Qa'ida leaders in Iran. Iran's support
for terrorism destabilizes the region and threatens U.S. forces,
diplomatic personnel, and our partners in the region and elsewhere. If
confirmed, I would strengthen cooperation with our allies and partners
to address the threats posed by Iran.
Question. If Iran is provided $100 billion in sanctions relief,
this would be a boon to terrorists who seek to destabilize these
countries and threaten American national security.
If confirmed, and if the Biden administration secures a nuclear
deal with Iran, how would you ensure the U.S. counters the
inevitable increase in terrorist operations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to holdt he Iranian
Government accountable for its actions, including its longstanding
support for terrorism. I commit to using the appropriate CT tools at
our disposal, including sanctions, and working in close coordination
with our allies and partners, to counter the terrorist threat posed by
Iran.
Question. Last year, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, both
groups designated as terrorist organizations by the United States,
launched more than 4,000 rockets into Israel and this year instigated
anti-Israeli attacks in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. To protect our ally
Israel and reduce the threat to Americans traveling to the Holy Land,
it makes sense that we should sanction any organization or entity that
provide money to these terrorists.
Do you agree that the United States should impose sanctions on all
entities that provide financial and material support to Hamas
and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, including Iran?
Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to
Israel's security. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with
Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of financial
and material support to Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups
like Palestinian Islamic Jihad. We will continue to use all tools at
our disposal to counter these groups, including imposing financial
sanctions, bolstering law enforcement cooperation with allies, and
engaging in diplomatic engagement with partners to encourage action
against the groups and those who support them.
Question. Do you support my Palestinian International Terrorism
Support Prevention Act, which would impose these sanctions?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with partners across the
Administration, including the Department of the Treasury, to use all
tools at our disposal, including targeted financial sanctions, to
counter Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the individuals,
entities, and groups who provide them with financial and material
support.
Question. On May 9, reports indicated that your former colleagues
in the Trump administration accused you of insubordination. They claim
you went against State Department orders and sent back a U.S. military
quick response force sent to Beirut in 2020 to defend against a
potential terrorist attack the month after the death of Iranian leader
Qassem Soleimani. Given Embassy Beirut's tragic history of terrorist
attacks, this decision potentially endangered American diplomatic
personnel in Lebanon. Do you believe your decision in 2020 to not
extend deployment of the quick response force could have endangered the
lives of American diplomats in the Embassy?
Answer. While serving as Ambassador to Lebanon, ensuring the safety
and security of the Embassy team was my first concern, which is why my
team and I coordinated with the relevant stakeholders, including all
involved security personnel, and reached this decision. We reached this
decision based on the best interests and security of all U.S. personnel
at Embassy Beirut.
Question. When making this decision, did you consult with your
superiors in Foggy Bottom, as required by normal State Department
protocol?
Answer. I believe the safety and security of my personnel is
paramount, and my team and I coordinated with all the relevant
officials, including in Washington.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Todd Young
Question. What is the Administration's current counter-terrorism
strategy in Yemen?
Answer. I understand the Administration's counterterrorism strategy
in Yemen aims to degrade the presence and capabilities of Yemen-based
terrorist groups that pose a threat to the interests of the United
States and our partners in the Gulf region. Al-Qa'ida in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP) and ISIS-Yemen continue to exploit the political and
security vacuum in much of Yemen's territory. Counterterrorism
operations, battlefield losses to the Houthis, and internal divisions
have degraded AQAP capabilities in Yemen. The group, however, remains a
significant threat to the region and to the United States. A small ISIS
group also operates in Yemen but poses a lesser threat than AQAP at
this time. Destabilizing actions by the Houthis have undermined the
security of Yemen and our regional partners; terror groups have taken
advantage of this instability. If confirmed, I will work across the
U.S. Government and with foreign partners to utilize all appropriate
tools to counter the activities of terrorist actors in Yemen, including
efforts to build the counterterrorism capabilities of our Yemeni
partners.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach to combatting
terrorism in and from Yemen?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to actively monitor the full
range of threats emanating from Yemen and work with colleagues across
the U.S. interagency to ensure that the U.S. Government has the
resources and capabilities in the region to address them. If confirmed,
I will utilize all the appropriate counterterrorism tools at our
disposal to degrade the capabilities of terrorist actors operating in
Yemen. This includes using appropriate sanctions tools to apply
pressure on the networks that support the financing of terrorist
activities in Yemen, supporting coordinated action at the United
Nations to demonstrate international resolve against threats to Yemen's
stability, and providing training and assistance to strengthen the
capabilities of civilian counterterrorism partners in Yemen.
Question. How do you view the role of Iran in funding and
facilitating terrorism in Yemen? More broadly, what is your view of the
role of Iran in funding terrorism throughout the Middle East?
Answer. Iran was designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism in 1984
and continues to support a range of designated terrorist groups with
funding, training, weapons, and equipment. These include Hezbollah;
Hamas; Palestinian Islamic Jihad; Kata'ib Hezbollah and Asa'ib Ahl al-
Haq in Iraq; and Al-Ashtar Brigades and Saraya al-Mukhtar in Bahrain.
In Yemen, Iran continues to exploit the conflict to expand its
influence; Iran has provided weapons and advanced equipment such as
unmanned aircraft systems, training, and other support to the Houthis,
who have engaged in attacks against regional targets. The U.S.
Government has taken a broad range of steps to counter Iran-backed
terrorist activity, including sanctions, and if confirmed, I will
strengthen cooperation with our allies and partners to address the
threats posed by Iran.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth H. Richard by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah during your
tenure as ambassador? A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. Our assistance to Lebanon is intended to build a sovereign
Lebanese state that can govern justly and fairly, and that is the sole
defender of the country. As long as Hezbollah maintains its arms and
embraces the use of terrorism, Lebanon cannot succeed. U.S. assistance
to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF)
is focused on developing these organizations' capabilities and
professionalism. This assistance--including the support provided during
my tenure as Ambassador to Lebanon--increases LAF capacity as the sole
legitimate defender of Lebanon's sovereignty, enables the LAF to
counter violent extremist organizations, bolsters the LAF as an
institutional counterweight to Hezbollah's narrative and desired
influence, and protects U.S. regional security interests. For example,
during the May 2021 conflict between Israel and Gaza-based militants,
when rockets were launched from Lebanon toward Israel, and pro-Hamas
and pro-Hezbollah demonstrators protested along the Blue Line dividing
Lebanon from Israel, the LAF responded rapidly to the rocket launches
and deployed along the boundary to support UNIFIL peacekeepers and
mitigate Lebanon-based threats against Israel and regional stability.
In August 2021, when Hezbollah claimed credit for launching several
rockets from Lebanon toward Israel, the LAF arrested several Hezbollah
suspects and took into its possession a rocket launcher. The suspects
were later released by state authorities.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah military
activities other than through disarming them during your tenure
ambassador, e.g. through roadblocks? A rough estimate or a range will
be sufficient.
Answer. A government that reflects the will of the Lebanese people,
is able to meet their needs, and controls the security institutions
that will defend Lebanon's sovereignty and enforce the law will curtail
Hezbollah's ability to pursue its malign agenda both in Lebanon and in
the region. U.S. assistance to Lebanon is one of the many tools the
Department uses to support the Lebanese people, civil society, and
institutions critical to building a sovereign state responsive to its
people's legitimate needs. U.S. security assistance also supports
partners, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security
Forces (ISF), that are critical to stability and security.
This assistance--including the support provided during my tenure as
Ambassador to Lebanon--has helped build up LAF and ISF capabilities. In
recent years, the LAF and ISF have imposed increasing costs on criminal
syndicates, including groups potentially linked to Hezbollah, by
arresting smugglers engaged in the illicit movement of drugs, weapons,
and goods in areas of eastern Lebanon where Hezbollah wields influence.
In October 2021, Hezbollah and Amal party protests devolved into armed
clashes with supporters of the Lebanese Forces party in Beirut. The LAF
deployed to calm sectarian tensions, evacuate civilians, restore order,
and arrest perpetrators.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control over the Beirut-Rafic
Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the airport.
Answer. The U.S. Government has been and remains concerned about
Hezbollah's influence at ports of entry into Lebanon, including the
airport. During my tenure as Ambassador to Lebanon, Hezbollah was known
to engage in a wide range of illicit business activities in Lebanon,
including abuse of the airport. Under Prime Minister Mikati's current
cabinet, a Hezbollah minister leads the Ministry of Public Works and
Transport.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hezbollah continues to influence or exert control over the Port of
Beirut or facilities located within the port?
Answer. I do not have access to information on the current
situation at the Port. However, I know that the influence Hezbollah
exerts over ports of entry remains of considerable concern and denies
the Lebanese people the benefit of customs revenue, which is
significant given the large budget deficits Lebanon continues to face.
The current Minister of Public Works and Transport was appointed by
Hezbollah to the Cabinet. I understand that to combat Hezbollah's
influence, the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign
Assets Control (OFAC) designated under Executive Order 13224 Hezbollah
security official Wafiq Safa for acting for or on behalf of Hezbollah.
As head of Hezbollah's security apparatus, Safa exploited Lebanon's
ports and border crossings to smuggle contraband, enable Hezbollah
travel, and facilitate the passage of illegal drugs and weapons into
the seaport of Beirut, routing certain shipments to avoid scrutiny.
Question. Did you or any other officials from U.S. Embassy Beirut
convey concerns to the Lebanese Armed Forces or the Lebanese Government
that their level of coordination or cooperation with Hezbollah during
their 2017 Arsal operations risked compromising American support,
including but not limited to security assistance?
Answer. During my time as Ambassador to Lebanon, I regularly met
with the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) Commander to emphasize U.S.
expectations for LAF conduct and operations. In 2017, the LAF
demonstrated its counterterrorism capability in Operation ``Dawn of the
Hills,'' when it expelled hundreds of ISIS fighters from northeastern
Lebanon. The LAF is independent of Hezbollah and retains operational
autonomy.
Question. Is the Politico report accurate that your move not to
extend the QRF's deployment was not coordinated with then-Secretary of
State Pompeo?
Answer. The State Department has a process for making decisions on
security. That process was followed. This decision, as with every
security-related decision I have been a part of, was made in close
consultation with security professionals and other relevant officials
in the Embassy and between Embassy officials and relevant offices in
Washington. I cannot speak to the internal coordination in Washington.
Question. Is the Politico report accurate that your move not to
extend the QRF's deployment was not coordinated with then-Under
Secretary of State David Hale?
Answer. The State Department has a process for making decisions on
security. That process was followed. This decision, as with every
security-related decision I have been a part of, was made in close
consultation with security professionals and other relevant officials
in the Embassy and between Embassy officials and relevant offices in
Washington. I cannot speak to the internal coordination in Washington.
Question. Did you, in official or unofficial capacities, argue that
keeping the force in country might increase the threat posed by
Hezbollah? If so, please elaborate on why you believed the extending
the QRF on Lebanese soil would increase the threat posed by Hezbollah.
Answer. This decision was informed by input from knowledgeable
officials. We reached this decision based on the best interests and
security of all U.S. personnel at Embassy Beirut.
The Amer Fakhoury Case
Question. The Lebanese Government's unjust detention of American
citizen Amer Fakhoury marked a particularly troubling recent incident
in U.S.-Lebanese relations. According to the Amer Fakhoury Foundation,
he ``was a U.S Citizen who was kidnapped by the Hezbollah-backed
Lebanese Government on September 12th, 2019, while on a family vacation
in Beirut, Lebanon. He was abused, tortured, and forced to sign false
documents which were then used to illegally detain him for 7 months.
After tremendous pressure from the U.S Government, the Lebanese
Government admitted to the illegal arrest of Amer Fakhoury.''
Several dynamics related to this incident are entangled with
counterterrorism challenges faced globally, including the complicity of
state institutions in terrorist activities and the use of hostage-
taking as a tool of coercion.
To what extent did you assess at the time that the Lebanese
Government was acting under the influence of Hezbollah?
Answer. Although designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization and
Specially Designated Global Terrorist by the United States, Hezbollah
has acted as a political party in Lebanon since 1992. Since then, it
has exercised both its formal political influence as well as informal
influence, through its well-known maintenance of an active militia and
terrorist apparatus. At the time when Mr. Fakhoury was detained in
September 2019, Hezbollah controlled 12 out of 128 seats in Parliament
and three ministerial positions. The structure of the Lebanese state
essentially ensures that no party is able to gain a majority, which
means that every party will be able to exert some influence, though no
party can exert complete control. Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan
Nasrallah said publicly the group did not believe Mr. Fakhoury should
have been released. The fact that he was released speaks to the
Government's ability to make decisions that Hezbollah does not support.
Question. To what extent did U.S. Embassy Beirut assess at the time
that the Lebanese Government was acting under the influence of
Hezbollah?
Answer. The structure of the Lebanese state essentially ensures
that no party is able to gain a majority, which means that every party
will be able to exert some influence, though no party can exert
complete control. Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah said
publicly the group did not believe Mr. Fakhoury should have been
released. The fact that he was released speaks to the Government's
ability to make decisions that Hezbollah does not support.
Question. At what point, if any, did you conclude that the Lebanese
Government's detention of Fakhoury constituted an unjust detention?
Answer. During my tenure as Ambassador to Lebanon, the Levinson
Act--which includes a requirement that the Secretary of State review
U.S. national detentions for wrongfulness--was not yet in effect.
However, as Ambassador, any detained American was always a top concern
for me and the entire embassy team, and in this case, I worked closely
with Mr. Fakhoury's legal team, my colleagues in Washington, and
advocates in Congress to press for his expeditious release. In fact, in
my last meeting with President Aoun, I raised only one substantive
issue: Mr. Fakhoury's continuing imprisonment. I was pleased to see him
released and reunited with his family just weeks later.
Question. At what point, if any, did U.S. Embassy Beirut conclude
that the Lebanese Government's detention of Fakhoury constituted an
unjust detention?
Answer. My assessment of the situation was developed in conjunction
with and informed by the full country team at Embassy Beirut. I would
refer you to my previous answer.
Question. To what extent do you assess that the Lebanese Government
was holding Fakhoury with the expectation of releasing him in exchange
for a Lebanese person or persons held by the United States, i.e., a
ransom?
Answer. During my tenure, the Lebanese Government, of which
Hezbollah was a part, never formally sought to exchange Mr. Fakhoury
for any person held by the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How much democracy and governance funding have we
provided to Chad over the past five fiscal years, and what types of
programs and activities has that funding supported? Are there security
assistance programs still underway in Chad? What are they?
Answer. I understand that since Fiscal Year 2017, the State
Department has allocated a total of $8.5 million in Democracy, Human
Rights, and Governance assistance for Chad. Specifically, I understand
that the State Department has typically provided approximately $500,000
annually to support democracy and governance programming in Chad since
FY 2016 through the Africa Regional Democracy Fund (ARDF). Some
examples of current and previous programming include national and local
civic education, training traditional leaders to promote good
governance and increase engagement in public policy development and
strengthening the National Assembly's institutional and operational
capacity. Additionally, USAID supports civil society strengthening
through activities that increase engagement of women and youth during
the current transition period. This four-year project was approved for
$8.5 million and recently received complementary funding of $3,025,000
specifically for transition activities.
If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with you and your
appropriations colleagues on expanding this support and agree with you
that our democracy and governance activities have been underfunded in
Chad. This democracy and governance funding is in addition to the tens
of millions of dollars the United States provides in humanitarian
assistance, especially food aid, and providing COVID-19-related
assistance.
U.S. military assistance to Chad is intended to increase
counterterrorism capabilities, improve the general professionalization
of the military, and increase Chad's peacekeeping capabilities. I
understand that you have placed a hold on various security assistance
funds and that only military assistance that was notified and obligated
prior to your holds has continued. Of those programs that remain
ongoing Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) funded support provides
sustainment for existing PKO-funded equipment, embedded advisors within
various branches of the Chadian armed forces, construction of a medical
facility, and counter-IED training. The PKO-funded Security
Professionalization Program is also ongoing. In addition, there are
previously obligated Foreign Military Financing funded programs that
support C-208 and C-130 related training and sustainment, vehicle
sustainment, and small boat training and sustainment. There are also
several International Military Education Training (IMET) students
currently in the United States finishing courses that were funded prior
to these holds. Our assistance enables us to support the Chadian
military to conduct much needed security and counterterrorism efforts
across the Sahel and Lake Chad regions, while also supporting greater
professionalization of the Chadian military in areas such as human
resources management, logistics and sustainment, and increased respect
for human rights. I understand the State Department has routinely
engaged your office about the importance of this assistance and, if
confirmed, I look forward to discussing further.
Question. Has the United States publicly supported the African
Union's call for Chad's transitional leaders to (1) abide by the
transitional timeline and (2) refrain from running as candidates in the
elections they are responsible for organizing? If confirmed, will you
commit to calling for these things publicly? What other concrete steps
will you take to support a democratic transition in Chad, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, the United States publicly supported the African
Union's call for Chad's transitional leaders to (1) abide by the
transitional timeline and (2) refrain from running as candidates in the
elections they are responsible for organizing. The Assistant Secretary
for African Affairs issued a public statement on March 22, 2022, during
her visit to N'Djamena expressing support for an 18-month transition as
well as for the African Union's May 2021 call for CMT members to
abstain from taking part in national elections. If confirmed, I would
publicly and privately urge the Chadian transitional government to
signal genuine commitment to the political transition by reaching a
thorough and swift resolution to politico-military negotiations in
Doha, leading to an inclusive national dialogue in Chad, followed by a
constitutional referendum and free and fair elections. ansitional
Military Council President Mahamat Deby has previously publicly stated
his intentions not to stand for election. confirmed, I would continue
to encourage the Transitional Military Council to amend the
transitional charter to commit that none of its members will be
eligible to stand for election, as called for in the May 2021 African
Union communique.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes, I do.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Do you consider the transition of power that occurred
following the death of President Idriss Deby constitutes a coup d'etat?
If not, why? If yes, why hasn't the United States Government called the
2021 transition in Chad a coup?
Answer. My understanding is that the Department carefully reviewed
the events in Chad and concluded that the military coup restriction in
section 7008 of the annual appropriations act had not been triggered
with respect to Chad. I understand that the Department assessed that
then-President Idriss Deby was not duly elected as the head of
government of Chad as per section 7008, nor were his designated
constitutional successors in the National Assembly. Separately, the
African Union carefully examined the events in Chad and determined that
the actions that lead to the formation of a Transitional Military
Council taking power in the aftermath of the battlefield death of the
former president was not a coup d'etat. The African Union continues to
monitor the situation and support Chad's transition.
Question. What are the realistic and essential benchmarks for the
Chadian military junta as the country works toward achieving the
``inclusive, peaceful, and timely transition to a democratic and
civilian-led government'' you cite in your testimony?
Answer. If confirmed, I would urge the Chadian transitional
government to signal genuine commitment to the political transition by
reaching a thorough and swift resolution to politico-military
negotiations in Doha, leading to an inclusive national dialogue in
Chad, followed by a constitutional referendum and free and fair
elections. Transitional Military Council President Mahamat Deby has
previously publicly stated his intentions not to stand for election. If
confirmed, I would continue to encourage the Transitional Military
Council to amend the transitional charter to commit that none of its
members will be eligible to stand for election, as called for in the
May 2021 African Union communique. While it is critical to maintain
momentum in the transition, there needs to be a balance between rigidly
adhering to the original timeline and ensuring a credible process with
quality results that meet the needs of the Chadian people and will help
guarantee a genuinely inclusive transition to a democratically elected
civilian-led government.
Question. How can the U.S. integrate our security interests
regarding Chad, to include our security assistance opportunities and
needs, with our interest in Chadians seeing a citizen-led government
and developing democracy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will endeavor to support Chad across
defense, development, and diplomacy activities. I understand that the
State Department, including during the Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs visit to N'Djamena, has communicated to the Chadian
transitional government that our security assistance and cooperation
rests on seeing a firm commitment to a transparent process for free and
fair elections and a transition to a democratically elected government.
If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with you and your
appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and governance
support to Chad. The United States remains a credible and attractive
peace and security cooperation partner to Chad, engaging a wide variety
of Chadian political, military, and civil society actors to promote
peace, democracy, and governance reforms. American military expertise
and collaboration constitute a positive incentive to secure democratic
and governance reforms. My understanding is the training provided
through our security assistance emphasizes the Geneva convention and
human rights. This will help the military adjust to civilian rule after
a successful transition.
Chadian units serve in the U.N. Multidimensional Integrated
Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), and U.S. support has been
critical to their deployment. If confirmed, I will give weight to the
views of my counterparts in Mali and the U.S. Mission to the U.N., if
they believe that the presence of the two Chadian battalions is
critical to the mission, I will urge support for continued capacity-
building programs. Chad's military is a major player in the fight
against violent extremism in the Sahel. In 2021, Chad deployed
approximately 1,050 soldiers to the Liptako-Gourma region of Burkina
Faso, Mali, and Niger as part of the G5 Sahel Joint Force and continues
to support G5 Sahel Joint Force operations across the Sahel. Chadians
also participate in the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF)
operations against Boko Haram and ISIS-West Africa in the Lake Chad
Basin.
Question. France remains an important and dominant factor in U.S.
interests in Chad. In your view, where do U.S. interests in Chad
converge with France?
Answer. In my view, the United States and France share interest in
seeing concrete and consistent progress toward long-term stability in
Chad and in the region, and civilian-led and democratically elected
government and increased economic opportunity is the best path to long-
term stability. The United States also shares France's interest in
seeing Chad remain an exporter of regional security, as the situation
in the Sahel would undoubtedly worsen if Chadian forces withdrew. I
understand that U.S. Embassy N'Djamena has coordinated with France and
other likeminded partners on joint public messaging to emphasize the
importance of a peaceful, inclusive, democratic transition. If
confirmed, I hope to continue this coordination.
Question. Where do U.S. interests in Chad diverge from France?
Answer. Chad is a critical security partner for France, and a
longtime center of gravity for the French military in West/Central
Africa. France has in the past intervened in Chad's leadership contests
and believes that security in the Sahel has a direct impact on the
French homeland. If confirmed, I will coordinate with France and other
likeminded partners to align messaging and diplomatic engagement in
urging the Chadian transitional government to pursue a peaceful
transition to civilian rule in Chad, for a stable country that benefits
the Chadian people and wider Sahel region.
Question. The U.S. mission in Chad is relatively small, and its
remoteness at times commands significantly less attention from
Washington than many of its close neighbors, including Sudan and
Ethiopia.
As Chief of Mission, if confirmed, how will you operate in such a
post to manage the staff and lead U.S. policy on the ground?
Answer. Embassy N'Djamena is a strong team in a tough environment.
Having led this team and other small missions in the past, I am
cognizant of the particular challenges such missions face regarding
resources and workload. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions
with all agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies
and tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I will engage
all employees and stakeholders to conceive and articulate clearly what
we will do, how we will do it despite our size and resource
limitations, and why it matters--to Chadians, Americans, and global
citizens alike. As appropriate and necessary, if confirmed, I will work
with the Department to identify resource gaps and seek ways to address
those when possible. If confirmed, I will also create a culture of
inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.
Question. How will you work with your colleagues at Main State to
increase the attractiveness of Chad as a post for recruitment?
Answer. For an Africanist like me, Chad is a fascinating and
enticing assignment; the country has a rich history of 1,000 years of
recorded history, a mosaic of peoples, cultures, languages, and
religions, and a geography encompassing the worlds of the desert, the
savannah, and the forest in an area three times the size of California.
This is also, in my view, an exciting time to be working on African
affairs. The trend lines are clear that the African continent will play
a major role in the direction of our highest priorities, and we have a
chance now to work with African partners to influence the direction of
that role. We are launching important initiatives to benefit the people
of Africa and continuing to work toward democracy, transparency, and
good governance. If confirmed, I would work with my colleagues at Main
State to highlight the significance of a posting to N'Djamena for our
relationship with Chad during a pivotal time in its history, the
increasing importance of Africa in U.S. foreign policy, and our global
strategic goals.
One challenge to staffing our embassy in N'Djamena is the lack of
an American-standard, English-medium school. A post without at least a
viable elementary school has a hard time attracting bidders. If
confirmed, I hope to begin a long-term process of getting a new school
up and running; that will take the work of more than one chief of
mission, but it is critically important.
Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
independent international election observation missions?
Answer. I think there is significant value in the United States
supporting independent international election observations, especially
in nascent democracies or regions experiencing democratic backsliding,
like in the Sahel. If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with
you and your appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and
governance support to Chad.
Question. Would you be supportive of a U.S.-funded independent
international election observation mission for Chad's next elections,
whenever that may be?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with the Chadian transitional
government, international partners, nongovernmental organizations, and
civil society to understand conditions on the ground in Chad in the
lead up to presidential and legislative elections to determine options
for the holding of elections that are genuinely free and fair. Domestic
and international observation on election day is an important tool, but
the critical decisions that impact the quality of the process happen
well before voters head to the polls. Indigenous civil society has a
critical role to play throughout the process and if confirmed, I hope
to be able to support a robust civil society involvement in all aspects
of the electoral process.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach to using the
U.S.'s tools to hold Chadian officials accountable for corrupt
behavior?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support U.S. Government programs and
consider leveraging visa restrictions and sanctions to promote
accountability and strengthen democratic institutions, promote good
governance and transparency, and combat corruption in Chad. If
confirmed, I will advocate for increased development assistance to help
Chad develop a stronger economy and meet the health and education needs
of the population, provided that we have partners who share our vision
of good governance and service delivery. I understand that we are also
working to mitigate civilian harm by Chadian military forces to
encourage a greater focus on accountability and protecting civilians
during operations.
Question. What is your view on political dynasties and long-serving
rulers who, like in the case of Chad, manipulate constitutional and
electoral processes to give the facade of democratic legitimacy?
Answer. Chadians have never experienced a democratic transfer of
power. As I outlined in my opening statement, Chad has had six
presidents in the last 62 years, none of the incumbents left power
voluntarily, and none of their successors assumed power via
constitutional processes. In its modern history, Chad has been governed
by and for narrow regional and ethno-linguistic interests. It has also
been governed more by the force of arms than by the force of law. Chad
is also one of the poorest countries in the world, ranking 187th out of
189 countries in the U.N.'s Human Development Index. It has some of the
highest rates of maternal and infant mortality in the world, and some
of the lowest incomes, life expectancies, and literacy rates. Questions
of legitimacy of state authority can lead to fragility, insecurity, and
development challenges. The current transition period offers a unique
opportunity for Chad to reform itself, for the Chadian people to
reconcile their differences and move to a more democratic system that
will open the way for the social, economic, and political development
so desperately needed.
Question. U.S. diplomats must get outside of posts abroad to meet
with local actors, including host government officials, non-government
organizations, and everyday citizens. While conditions in Chad may be
challenging, equally challenging is conducting diplomacy exclusively
from within the Embassy compound or the capital city.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish their missions fully?
Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the
country to which they are assigned. I understand U.S. diplomats
throughout the mission safely completed multiple trips out of N'Djamena
in the last six months, including to the far north and Lake Chad--
places U.S. diplomats had not visited in years. These visits have
enriched our public diplomacy narratives, bolstered our reporting, and
enlightened our efforts to craft a more effective strategy to support
Chad's democratic transition. If confirmed, I will continue to promote
such important travel. In my previous assignments, I have similarly
sought opportunities for the U.S. Embassy team to experience life and
outreach outside embassy walls and outside of capital cities.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed and as health and safety conditions permit, I
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person
with local populations in and outside N'Djamena. If confirmed, I will
encourage active engagement through social and virtual media to
supplement this outreach. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit
people throughout Chad and use those visits to facilitate contacts for
the rest of my team.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation,
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in Chad and counter
the influence of China and other malign actors?
Answer. I am concerned about the PRC's influence across the African
continent. If confirmed, I would continue to work with European and
other likeminded nations and the Chadian transitional government to
strengthen Chad's resilience to external influence and highlight the
advantages of cooperation with U.S., European, and likeminded countries
on areas of common strategic interest including in the economic and
security realms. This may at times include speaking up against the
PRC's malign actions and attempts to undermine the international rules-
based system and/or advocating for Chadian support of U.S. positions in
the U.N. system.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission N'Djamena?
Answer. U.S. Embassy N'Djamena is a strong team in a tough
environment. Periods of transition in Embassy leadership can be
particularly challenging, and this mission has not seen a confirmed
ambassador since 2018. N'Djamena is a challenging and historically
difficult post to staff. Staff members face security threats, physical
and mental health hazards, isolation, and loneliness. Embassy staff,
including locally employed staff, have shown great resilience and
dedication to duty despite COVID-19's toll. Infrastructural challenges
like telecommunications are very real, for both U.S. and local
personnel. Travel times to/from the United States also have the
potential to affect our staff's well-being. I understand Embassy
N'Djamena prioritizes Embassy morale through tools such as a community
liaison office, town halls, and social events for staff to connect with
leadership. I understand the new Community Liaison Officer is
implementing a robust menu of social activities to appeal to our entire
staff--both American and local.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission N'Djamena?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the Embassy
community will be of primary importance. I will seek to support
American employees and their families to create an inclusive and
welcoming culture where individuals are safe and can achieve
professional and personal goals. The welfare of our local Chadian and
third-country staff members is also of great importance to me, and I
commit to meeting regularly with the local staff committee in a spirit
of open and constructive dialogue. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that employees and families have safe and acceptable housing, and that
embassy services for employees are efficiently delivered to maintain
quality of life. In a high-threat environment such as N'Djamena, if
confirmed, I will devote extra attention to assuring the physical
safety of employees and family members. In addition, if confirmed, I
will clearly communicate the nature of the embassy's mission and
strategic direction so that employees and family members understand how
their work and presence in such an isolated and difficult place serves
the national security interests of the United States.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission N'Djamena?
Answer. Having led small missions in the past, I am cognizant of
the particular challenges such missions face regarding resources and
workload. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all
Mission agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies
and tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I will engage
all employees and stakeholders to conceive and articulate clearly what
we will do, and how we will do it despite our size and resource
limitations. As appropriate and necessary, I will work with the
Department to identify resource gaps and seek ways to address those
when possible. If confirmed, I will also create a culture of inclusion
in which all employees' contributions are valued.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I aspire to create a leadership culture in which all are
encouraged to contribute, create, and grow. If confirmed, I would like
to create the ideal workplace in which people achieve shared objectives
while respecting and valuing everyone's contributions. This requires
from leadership and employees a recognition of individuals' strengths
and areas of development, and a respect for shared values, inclusion,
and our institutions.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe there is an acceptable place for
`berating' subordinates, either in public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect to collaborate closely with the
Deputy Chief of Mission to conceive goals, then implement and oversee
tactics and activities to achieve those goals. If confirmed, I will
work with the Deputy Chief of Mission to articulate and maintain high
ethical standards and create a culture of inclusion and respect. I
believe Deputy Chiefs of Mission are most effective, productive, and
valued when they are permitted to work with independence, while
understanding that the chief of mission is ultimately responsible in
all ways for the work of the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the Deputy Chief of Mission to
lead our mission-wide efforts to train, develop, and empower our small
but dedicated staff to serve effectively in a challenging environment
while promoting U.S. interests. I will also ask the Deputy Chief of
Mission to lead recruitment efforts for our Foreign Service positions
and work with other agencies to ensure that their personnel feel fully
integrated into Embassy N'Djamena's policy formulation and
implementation.
If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with the Deputy Chief of
Mission on policy implementation, engagement with the Chadian
transitional government, and outreach to key groups, like civil society
and youth, through traditional and social media. The Deputy Chief of
Mission at any mission must be able to stand in for the ambassador as
needed and potentially on short notice; if confirmed, I will ensure
that my Deputy Chief of Mission has the knowledge, skills, and
awareness to stand in for me with confidence.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for foreign service officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Chad.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the
country to which they are assigned. Embassy N'Djamena has actively left
the capital to engage civil society, local government, media, and
members of the international community throughout the country. In my
previous assignments, I have similarly sought opportunities for the
U.S. Embassy team to experience life and outreach outside embassy
walls. Travel within Chad is difficult and time-consuming, but it is
also critical to our work as diplomats. Chad is three times the size of
California and has very few paved roads; if confirmed, we are going to
put hard miles on our vehicles and our bodies, but we will be a
presence outside of N'Djamena.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed and as health and safety conditions permit, I
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person
with local populations in and outside N'Djamena. If confirmed, I will
encourage active engagement through social and virtual media to
supplement this outreach. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit
people throughout Chad and use those visits to facilitate contacts for
the rest of my team.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Chad?
Answer. The Chadian public is receptive to both U.S. Government
programs and messaging on our policy priorities. Chad's demographics
pose a range of challenges and opportunities for U.S. public diplomacy
engagement: 65 percent of the population is under 25 years of age; the
median age is 16.8 years; but reaching this dynamic population can
prove difficult for our small mission. For example, as the transition
in Chad gains momentum, we have at times found our ability to fully
engage constrained by the lack of consistent staffing in our public
diplomacy section. We currently have a temporary duty Public Affairs
Officer and do not have a full-time, U.S. direct hire employee arriving
until Summer 2023 to help fill this gap. As is the case in many public
diplomacy sections across Africa, inadequate and inconsistent staffing
inhibits broader public diplomacy efforts. Nonetheless, I am fully
committed to proactive recruitment for this and other important
positions at Mission N'Djamena.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Chad's population is overwhelmingly young, which means most
people are in their primary or secondary school years. Many young
people either do not have access to quality education or must leave
school because of economic hardship. This difficult educational
landscape also impacts the acquisition of English. While these are
public diplomacy challenges--bolstering education and English
acquisition--they are also opportunities for us to gear our efforts to
these necessary endeavors, that will attract a new, large generation to
our standard.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with Main State and
respect the interagency process on policy formation. Our public
diplomacy messaging will reflect this in amplifying messaging on the
political transition.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission N'Djamena personnel?
Answer. Yes, I commit to transparent communication with Mission
N'Djamena personnel as it relates to anomalous health incidents and any
other matters that would have an impact on the health and safety of
Mission N'Djamena personnel and their families.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pay close and continued attention to
the welfare and morale of embassy staff and identify opportunities to
prioritize Embassy morale through tools such as regular town halls or
social events for community members and their families.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Alexander Mark Laskaris by Senator Todd Young
Question. How do you view recent developments in Chad in regard to
democracy and a restoration of constitutional order?
Answer. In the aftermath of then-President Idriss Deby's death in
April 2021, the United States called for a peaceful, timely transition
of power to a democratically elected and civilian-led government. If
confirmed, I will continue to stand with the people of Chad in
advocating for a democratic and representative government as the best
path to long-term peace and prosperity in the country, as well as the
region. If confirmed, I will encourage the Transitional Military
Council to hold an inclusive national dialogue as soon as feasible,
followed by a constitutional referendum and free and fair elections.
If confirmed, I will continue our coordination with like-minded
embassies in Chad to stand with the Chadian people and support the
transition. Since April 2021 when then-President Idriss Deby was killed
by rebel forces, both the Government of Chad and the rebel groups have
respected the cease fire. As it has now been over a year, the longest
time Chad has known without internal armed conflict, this should be
seen as a demonstration of the will of all--the Chadian people, the
military leaders, the transitional government leaders, and the rebel
leaders--to bring peace and reconciliation to the country through an
inclusive National Dialogue and elections. If successful, these
elections would mark the first time there has been a peaceful
transition of power since independence.
If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with you and your
appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and governance
support, as I believe these activities have been underfunded in Chad.
Question. Is it time to call the ``military transition government''
what it was, namely a coup? If not, how is the situation in Chad not a
coup?
Answer. My understanding is that the Department carefully reviewed
the events in Chad and concluded that the military coup restriction in
section 7008 of the annual appropriations act had not been triggered
with respect to Chad. I understand that the Department assessed that
then-President Idriss Deby was not duly elected as the head of
government of Chad, nor were his designated constitutional successors
in the National Assembly. Separately, the African Union carefully
examined the events in Chad and determined that the actions that lead
to the formation of a Transitional Military Council taking power in the
aftermath of the battlefield death of the former president was not a
coup d'etat. The African Union continues to monitor the situation and
support Chad's transition.
Question. What should be the consequences if Chad fails to hold
elections by October 2022 as the Administration has publicly called
for?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Administration's pressure
on the Transitional Military Council to adhere to a peaceful, timely
transition process leading to free and fair elections, resulting in a
democratically elected and civilian-led government. If this happens, it
would mark the first time since independence that Chad will experience
a peaceful transition of power. It is important that we continue to see
progress in the steps that will lead to elections, but it is equally
important that these are done well and not rushed to ensure that there
is a genuinely inclusive transition and movement toward democracy in
Chad. Absent consistent and concrete progress on this transition
timeline over the next few months, if confirmed, my Embassy N'Djamena
team and I would explore options within the interagency to strengthen
democratic institutions and promote good governance in Chad while
holding accountable those responsible for delays or efforts to
undermine democracy. If confirmed, I would welcome a conversation with
you and your appropriations colleagues on expanding our democracy and
governance support to Chad.
__________
Correspondence Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Elizabeth Richard to
be Coordinator for Counterterrorism
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Correspondence Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Elizabeth Richard to
be Coordinator for Counterterrorism--continuing
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Correspondence Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Elizabeth Richard to
be Coordinator for Counterterrorism--(continuing)
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Correspondence Supporting the Nomination of Hon. Elizabeth Richard to
be Coordinator for Counterterrorism--(continuing)
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MAY 18, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Menendez, Cardin,
Shaheen, Murphy, Markey, Schatz, Portman, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Good morning. This hearing of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
We are here to consider four important nominees for
critical positions: Elizabeth Bagley to be Ambassador to
Brazil, Mari Aponte to be Ambassador to Panama, Dr. Frank Mora
to be Permanent Representative to the Organization of American
States, and Michelle Kwan to be Ambassador to Belize.
I want to congratulate each of the four of you on these
nominations. Thanks for your willingness to serve. Thanks to
family and friends who will also bear the burdens of service.
My distinguished colleague, Senator Markey, will introduce
Ambassador Bagley. He is a member of this committee and is not
here yet, and so I think what I will do is I will introduce the
other three members of the panel and cross my fingers that just
as I finish Senator Markey will walk in the door.
Senator--so we will begin with Mari Carmen Aponte. She is a
former ambassador to El Salvador and the Acting Assistant
Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. She served
on the board of directors of Oriental Financial Group in San
Juan, Puerto Rico, and as executive director of the Puerto Rico
Federal Affairs Administration at the Commonwealth Federal
Agency in Washington D.C. Welcome, Ambassador Aponte.
She currently works as a consultant in Washington, D.C.,
has previously worked as a consultant and also a law
practitioner in both New York and Washington. She earned a BA
at Rosemont College in Pennsylvania, a master's degree at
Villanova University, and a JD at Temple University Law School.
Welcome.
Dr. Francisco Mora is the professor of politics and
international relations, and a senior researcher at the Jack D.
Gordon Institute for Public Policy at Florida International
University.
Earlier in his career, he was the director of the Kimberly
Green Latin American and Caribbean Center and FIU's U.S. Green
School of International and Public Affairs.
Dr. Mora served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Defense
for the Western Hemisphere. He has held several teaching
positions, including professor of national security strategy
and Latin American studies at the National War College.
At the National Defense University he earned his BA in
international affairs, at George Washington an MA in inter-
American studies, and Ph.D. in international affairs from the
University of Miami. Welcome.
Michelle Kwan has had a distinguished career in public
service, diplomacy, and sports. She is the most decorated
figure skater in U.S. history, having won 43 championships,
including five world championships, nine national titles, and
two Olympic medals.
In addition to that successful career, Ms. Kwan has
excelled in foreign affairs. She became the first public
diplomacy envoy in 2006, and for a decade travelled extensively
on behalf of the Department of State to engage youth around the
world on social and educational issues.
She earned a BA from the University of Denver with a focus
on international relations, an MA from Tufts University's
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, and then became a senior
advisor at the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs at
the U.S. Department of State.
Senator Markey is not yet here. I think what I will do,
Senator Portman, is I will go ahead and provide my opening
remarks and have you provide your opening remarks, and we hope
at the last sentence of your opening remarks Senator Markey
will walk in the room ready to do introduction, and then we
will turn to the witnesses for their opening statements.
I now turn to my ranking member for the day, Senator
Portman.
Senator Portman. Great. Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Actually, let me make my opening remarks
first. How about that?
Senator Portman. Andele.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. Andele. Andele, as he said.
Senator Portman. We decided to speak in three languages
simultaneously.
Senator Kaine. Yeah. We are going to speak in Portuguese,
Spanish, and English today because of the nations that you are
here to serve.
Senator Portman. Yes.
Senator Kaine. Congratulations on all the nominations.
Representing the U.S. and the American people abroad is an
honor and a privilege. I know you know that from your previous
experience serving the American people, and with your
impressive professional backgrounds you will serve with
distinction.
I am pleased to chair this nomination for four very
critical nations in the Western Hemisphere: Brazil, Panama,
Belize, and not a nation but an organization, the Organization
of American States.
The hearing is timely. In fact it could not be more timely.
We approach the ninth Summit of the Americas next month in Los
Angeles. The U.S. will host it for the first time in more than
30 years, and we confront a wide range of challenges but also
opportunities in the Western Hemisphere.
Having our best team in the field is critical to advancing
U.S. interests with our neighbors. Brazil is Latin America's
largest country with over 212 million people and will hold
presidential elections this November.
Having an ambassador in place to lead our efforts in
strengthening the bilateral relationship on trade, environment,
human rights, and security issues with Latin America's largest
democracy will be critical.
What Panama lacks in physical size it makes up in
geostrategic importance as a vital global trade hub connecting
the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. Panama is an important partner
on trade, migration, counter narcotics, and has also sought
U.S. support for the Alliance for Development in Democracy.
This Alliance, together with Costa Rica and the Dominican
Republic, is a welcome and important development. I hope the
Biden administration will continue its support of the Alliance.
The OAS is a critical institution for our region in
promoting democracy, human rights, economic and social
development, anti-corruption, transparency, and regional
security cooperation.
In March, I joined a bipartisan group of my colleagues from
this committee and sent a letter to Secretary Blinken to
support the efforts to revoke Russia's permanent observer
status at the OAS, and I applaud the State Department for
taking that step.
The U.S. remains the largest contributor to the OAS, and
having a confirmed permanent representative will advance our
leadership in this important institution.
Finally, Belize, with which the United States has a close
relationship in part due to a strong Belizean community in the
United States estimated at more than 85,000, a friendly
relationship, though, does not mask some of the real challenges
that the people of Belize have faced over the past several
years--an economic downturn due to COVID, ensuing high levels
of public debt, and like most nations in the region, the flow
of migrants through the country.
We can only help Belize effectively address these
challenges with a confirmed ambassador in place. The United
States has not had a confirmed ambassador in Belize for five
years.
The committee looks forward to hearing from each of you
today and I look forward to supporting your nominations.
With that, I now--I will give it back to Senator Portman
and ask him to make his opening statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks to all
four of you for your willingness to step up and serve our
country in capacities that you--some of you have done before.
This is an important opportunity for us to hear from you. I
have been asked to do this at the request of Tim Kaine and I
never say no to Tim Kaine. We are happy to have this hearing
and then, hopefully, move you along quickly to the floor of the
Senate and for getting you in place in these countries, who are
in need of someone badly.
Brazil, as we talked about, Ambassador Bagley, in our
conversation has so much potential and so much untapped
potential. So that will be an interesting opportunity for you,
having served in Portuguese, I am sure your Portuguese is up to
the task.
COVID-19 has hit Brazil so hard and reversed a lot of the
economic gains that they had made. It will be having elections,
as you know, on October 2nd. My understanding is those will be
intensely contested and I would like to hear what your
priorities would be as Ambassador to Brazil, if confirmed.
We have talked about some issues that relate to work in
this committee, including the wildlife trafficking legislation
we are trying to get passed and how it would be effective in
Brazil, and we would love to hear more from you about that
today.
Ambassador Aponte, after 40 years Panama is a strong
example of a country that has thrown off its authoritarian past
and move forward with democracy in an impressive way, but they
still struggle on a number of fronts, including controlling
corruption, and I hope that we can talk to you a little about
that.
In June 2019, the Financial Action Task Force added Panama
to its Gray List of countries with weak anti-money laundering
provisions, as an example. Hopefully, you can tell us how you
would help with regard to that issue.
Dr. Mora, in March, Senator Kaine and I signed a letter to
Secretary Blinken urging him to work with like-minded countries
to strip Russia of its observer status at the OAS.
I was pleased to see the OAS finally take this step last
month--what I said earlier, when Senator Kaine says something
people tend to do it, at least in this example. But that is
very positive.
I think it is precisely the kind of diplomatic isolation
that must be occurring globally right now if we have any chance
of getting Russia to pull back on its brutal assault on Ukraine
and withdraw its forces from their sovereign territory.
I would say Russia is not the only country of concern for
me with regard to the OAS. For example, I am curious as to how
you think the OAS should address human rights challenges in
Cuba, democratic backsliding, of course, in Nicaragua, also
what is going on in Venezuela, and what you would do to support
President Guaido's efforts in Venezuela.
Finally, Ms. Kwan, I am eager to hear about your plans and
priorities as Ambassador to Belize. What a beautiful country
and strong ties to the United States but also a country that
has challenges, obviously, on the economic front, COVID and
tourism challenges still.
But it also is a country, again, that we care a lot about
and are strong allies of ours. One of my concerns about Belize
today is what I hear about the traffickers. The drug cartels
now are using Belize as a stopping point and that has not been,
is my understanding, a big issue in the past but it is now and
would like to hear from you about that and what we should be
doing.
Also, I think it is interesting that Brazil--I am sorry,
Belize, is one of the few countries in the hemisphere that
still recognizes Taiwan. I was just in Taiwan recently and they
very much appreciate that and want to talk to you a little
about that.
I am sure Belize is under a lot of pressure from the
Chinese to change its allegiance and what can we do to support
Belize as they support our allies in Taiwan would be a question
I would ask today.
Again, thank you all four for being here, for three of you
a rich tradition of public service. For Ms. Kwan, you have been
serving in your own way, representing the sport and
representing us at the Special Olympics and other important
ways to serve. We are, again, pleased that all four of you have
agreed to step up and serve in those new capacities.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Portman.
He is too kind when he says he agreed to co-chair this
because I asked him. He also has a real interest in the
Americas. We took a bipartisan delegation of senators to
Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia, Ecuador about 10 months ago that
was very valuable. So thank you, Senator Portman.
And the impeccable timing of our colleague, Senator Markey,
who is a friend and a colleague and a valued member of the
committee.
Senator Markey, you are up to introduce Ambassador Bagley.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much, and it
is my pleasure to introduce Ambassador Elizabeth Bagley to be
our next ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil.
Mr. Chairman, I have proudly lost track of the number of
nominees who have come before this committee who are educated
in the brain state of Massachusetts, and Elizabeth Bagley is
yet the latest example of excellence.
She graduated with honors from Regis College in Weston,
Massachusetts. She is also an honors graduate of the Georgetown
Law Center and earned a juris doctorate in international law.
Joining Elizabeth today is her talented son Conor, son-in-
law, Ben, sister, Ellen. Her daughter, Vaughan, could not be
here in person today because she is at the White House right
now participating in the First Ladies Youth Mental Health
Action Forum, carrying on the tradition of health service that
her mother has dedicated her career to. But we know that
Vaughan shares pride in [inaudible] there.
Looking down proudly from Heaven, no doubt, is Elizabeth's
mother, Rosemary, and her father, John--Judge John Frawley, who
would have turned 100 years old today, and I know how proud--on
this day. Dedication to public service is really a family
affair.
Elizabeth's diplomatic career spans four different
administrations. She has participated in some of the most
significant diplomatic milestones of the last century.
She served as congressional liaison to the Panama Canal
treaties. She backstopped senior officials negotiating the Camp
David Accords, which set the framework for an enduring peace
between Israel in Egypt, and she was on the U.S. delegation to
the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe at a time
that the United States and much of Europe was united against
the Soviet Union's invasion of a sovereign country,
Afghanistan.
The role of managing a U.S. mission in a Portuguese-
speaking country is not new to Elizabeth. The Senate confirmed
Elizabeth unanimously to serve as Ambassador to our NATO ally,
Portugal, in 1994, the first woman to ever fill that role.
In Elizabeth, the men and women of the Foreign Service as
well as locally employed staff in Portugal had a committed
advocate. She established a daycare service at the embassy, one
that has seen hundreds of children come through its doors ever
since.
Upon her return to Washington, former Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright entrusted Elizabeth to stand up the Office
of Media Acquisition to help the newly independent Balkan
states establish a free media--a cornerstone of any democracy--
and years later, Elizabeth returned to Foggy Bottom to serve in
a number of other key senior roles, including as Special
Representative for Global Partnerships and as our
representative to the United Nations General Assembly, a
position for which she was unanimously confirmed again by the
Senate.
Our bilateral relationship with Brazil will require a
forceful spokesperson in Brasilia, particularly as the country
prepares for contentious presidential elections in October.
Elizabeth's background in public diplomacy and journalism,
along with her proven and effective diplomatic skill, give her
an undeniable voice. We need that voice to put climate
diplomacy at the forefront and win stronger commitments from
Brazil to protect the Amazon rainforest, the lungs of the
world, from deforestation, and we will need to continue to help
the country recover from the COVID-19 pandemic and its
compounding economic effects.
And Elizabeth's perfeito command of Portuguese means that
she will enter the role with a voice that all of her colleagues
will understand.
Mr. Chairman, Elizabeth's experience and unmatched
experience makes her a tremendous pick, a perfect pick, to
serve as our Ambassador to South America's most populous
country and one of the world's most powerful economies.
I urge swift confirmation for my friend, Elizabeth Bagley.
She will serve our country very well in this time of great need
for diplomatic envoys around the world.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Markey.
And we will now have opening statements of the nominees and
we will begin with Ambassador Bagley, then Ambassador Aponte,
Dr. Mora, and Ms. Kwan.
STATEMENT OF HON. ELIZABETH FRAWLEY BAGLEY OF FLORIDA,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF
BRAZIL
Ambassador Bagley. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Senator Markey, for
those laudatory remarks. It was very, very nice of you. We go
back I cannot tell you how many years, probably 40 years, but
appreciate all you have done especially on the subject of
climate change, and if confirmed, that would, certainly, be one
of my top priorities. I thank you for that.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, it
is my distinct honor to appear before you today as the nominee
to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Federative Republic of
Brazil. I am deeply grateful that President Biden and Secretary
Blinken placed their trust in me to take on this important
role.
I want to thank my daughter, Vaughan, who as Senator Markey
said, is at the White House as we speak, her husband, Ben, who
is here, my son, Conor, for their love and unwavering support.
My sister, Ellen, the youngest of the eight children--I am
number two, she is number eight--she is also here with me.
Twenty-eight years ago in June of 1994, I came before this
committee as President Clinton's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador
to Portugal and it was the highest privilege of my life to
represent my country there. My children were then four years
old and 10 months old. So we have all come a long way since
then, and I know my beloved husband and parents are smiling
down from above.
As Senator Markey said, today would have marked the 100th
birthday of my father, who, with my mother, taught me and my
seven brothers and sisters that to whom much is given much is
expected, as they themselves led a life of purpose--my father
as a lawyer and a judge for 50 years and my mother as a social
worker.
If given the opportunity, serving as the U.S. Ambassador to
Brazil would be the capstone of my career in public service,
diplomacy, and law, which spans over four decades.
I have learned from and advised Secretaries of State John
Kerry, Hillary Clinton, and the late Madeleine Albright over
more than 20 years of service to the Department of State.
I was deeply honored to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to
Portugal from 1994 to 1997, a period in which we made great
strides in our bilateral relationship as well as with NATO.
I am cognizant of the importance of our deep and historic
relationship with Brazil, which has the largest population,
economy, territory, and military in Latin America. This year
marks the 200th anniversary of Brazil's independence and of the
United States becoming the first country to recognize Brazil.
Today, we are building on our long history of cooperation
to take on shared challenges and priorities. A country with
strong democratic institutions, an open economy and a regional
and multilateral leadership role, Brazil is a strategic partner
and, if confirmed, I plan to build on that partnership to
further enhance our bilateral ties.
If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the
continued safety and security of the approximately 200,000 U.S.
citizens who reside in or travel to Brazil each year. I would
also work to protect the interests of the more than 1,400
American and Brazilian professionals who comprise the U.S.
mission in Brazil.
Our relationship with Brazil is grounded in shared
commitments to democracy and human rights, economic prosperity,
security, and the rule of law.
The United States engages Brazil through the U.N. Security
Council, the U.N. Human Rights Council, and many regular
bilateral dialogues on a full range of issues highlighted by
the U.S.-Brazil High Level Dialogue held in Brasilia on April
25th and co-chaired by Undersecretaries of State Nuland and
Fernandez.
If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen this wide-
ranging dialogue. I also will affirm our confidence in Brazil's
democratic institutions and electoral system, and the
importance of maintaining public trust in that system ahead of
Brazil's October national elections.
Our support for Brazil as it combats threats from
transnational criminal organizations should be based on a
foundation of respect for human rights for all Brazilians.
I will reinforce the U.S. commitment to strengthening
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in Brazil and
throughout the hemisphere. Our bilateral trade has rebounded
from the pandemic, demonstrating the enormous potential of our
commercial relationship.
Brazil represents a vital market for a range of U.S.
industries. We are Brazil's largest foreign investor and its
second largest trading partner and, if confirmed, I intend to
broaden these economic ties and expand our bilateral trade.
The steps Brazil has taken to join and align with the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development signal
its commitment to sustainable economic growth and financial
stability.
Brazil is home to 30 percent of the world's tropical
rainforests, including 60 percent of the Amazon, the largest
and most biodiverse tropical rainforest in the world, and as
Senator Markey said, the lungs of the world.
If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to encourage
efforts to increase climate ambition, dramatically reduce
deforestation, protect forest defenders, and prosecute
environmental crimes and related acts of violence.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, committee members, if I am
confirmed, it would be my honor to represent the people of the
United States of America to the Government and people of
Brazil.
I would look forward to collaborating with this committee
and with your professional staff to further U.S. interests in
Brazil. I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today and I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bagley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Elizabeth Frawley Bagley
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee--It is my
distinct honor to appear before you today as the nominee to serve as
the U.S. Ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil. I am deeply
grateful that President Biden and Secretary Blinken placed their trust
in me to take on this important role.
I want to thank my daughter, Vaughan, her husband Ben, and my son
Conor for their love and unwavering support. Twenty-eight years ago in
June 1994, I came before this committee as then President Clinton's
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Portugal, and it was the highest
privilege of my life to represent my country there. My children were
then four years old and 10 months old, so we have all come a long way
since then, and I know my beloved husband and parents are smiling down
from above. In fact, today would have marked the 100th birthday of my
father who, with my mother, taught me and my 7 brothers and sisters
that to whom much is given, much is expected as they themselves led a
life of purpose: my father as a lawyer and judge for 50 years and my
mother as a social worker.
If given the opportunity, serving as the U.S. Ambassador to Brazil
would be the capstone of my career in public service, diplomacy, and
law, which spans over four decades. I have learned from and advised
Secretaries of State John Kerry, Hillary Clinton, and the late
Madeleine Albright over more than 20 years of service at the Department
of State I was deeply honored to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to
Portugal from 1994 to 1997, a period in which we made great strides in
our bilateral relationship as well as with NATO.
I am cognizant of the importance of our deep and historic
relationship with Brazil, which has the largest population, economy,
territory, and military in Latin America. This year marks the 200th
anniversary of Brazil's independence--and of the United States becoming
the first country to recognize Brazil's independence. Today, we are
building on our long history of cooperation to take on shared
challenges and priorities. A country with strong democratic
institutions, an open economy, and a regional and multilateral
leadership role, Brazil is a strategic partner and if confirmed, I plan
to build on that partnership to further enhance our bilateral ties.
If confirmed, my first priority would be to ensure the continued
safety and security of the approximately 200,000 U.S. citizens who
reside in or travel to Brazil each year. I would also work to protect
the interests of the more than 1,400 American and Brazilian
professionals who comprise the U.S. Mission in Brazil.
Our relationship with Brazil is grounded in shared commitments to
democracy and human rights, economic prosperity, security, and the rule
of law. The United States engages Brazil through the United Nations
Security Council, Human Rights Council, and many regular bilateral
dialogues on a full range of issues, highlighted by the U.S.-Brazil
High-Level Dialogue held in Brasilia on April 25 and co-chaired by
Under Secretaries of State Nuland and Fernandez. If confirmed, I will
work to further strengthen this wide-ranging dialogue.
If confirmed, I will affirm our confidence in Brazil's democratic
institutions and electoral system and the importance of maintaining
public trust in that system ahead of Brazil's October national
elections. Our support for Brazil as it combats threats from
transnational criminal organizations should be based on a foundation of
respect for human rights for all Brazilians. I will reinforce the U.S.
commitment to strengthening democracy, human rights, and the rule of
law in Brazil and throughout the hemisphere.
Our bilateral trade has rebounded from the pandemic, demonstrating
the enormous potential of our commercial relationship. Brazil
represents a vital market for a range of U.S. industries. We are
Brazil's largest foreign investor and its second-largest trading
partner and if confirmed, I intend to broaden these economic ties and
expand our bilateral trade. The steps Brazil has taken to join and
align with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
signal its commitment to sustainable economic growth and financial
stability.
Brazil is home to 30 percent of the world's tropical rainforests,
including 60 percent of the Amazon, the largest and most biodiverse
tropical rainforest in the world. If confirmed, one of my top
priorities will be to encourage efforts to increase climate ambition,
dramatically reduce deforestation, protect forest defenders, and
prosecute environmental crimes and related acts of violence.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and committee members, if confirmed,
it would be my honor to represent the people of the United States of
America to the Government and people of Brazil. I would look forward to
collaborating with this committee and your professional staff to
further U.S. interests in Brazil.
I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today and
welcome your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Thank you, Ambassador Bagley.
Ambassador Aponte?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARI CARMEN APONTE OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF PANAMA
Ambassador Aponte. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
Members, and all members of the committee. I am accompanied
this morning by my younger and only sister, who has been a
bedrock of my support; and also with me, I am deeply honored to
have Felix Rodriguez, who is an icon in the Cuban-American
community, not only because of his role in capturing Che
Guevara but also because of his steadfast support for democracy
throughout the continent.
So I am very pleased to have been nominated. I also feel
honored and grateful for the trust and confidence President
Biden and Secretary Blinken placed in me by nominating me to
serve as United States Ambassador to the Republic of Panama.
It is an honor to appear before you for the second time,
after having served as Ambassador to El Salvador and as
Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere. I look
forward to discussing my view of the bilateral relationship and
how I will make it even more productive and dynamic, if
confirmed as Ambassador.
The United States and Panama have a long history of
partnership and cooperation to advance mutual goals. We remain
Panama's largest trade partner and its number-one source of
foreign direct investment.
Panama's location and growing global trade due to the
Panama Canal makes its success important to both U.S.
prosperity and national security. Traffic to or from the United
States represents nearly 70 percent of all Panama's transit.
Panama's strategic location of major land and sea transit
routes makes it critical in the interdiction of illicit drugs
destined for the United States and a vital partner in
addressing irregular migration.
As a carbon negative country, Panama has the potential to
serve as an environmental model not only for the region but
also for the world.
While Panama and the United States have our own historical,
cultural, and economic ties, challenges exist in regard of our
relationship. Each year, thousands of migrants take a perilous
journey through the Darien Gap, many passing through Panama on
their way to the United States.
We must find more ways to work together to manage
migration, provide protection, and give potential irregular
migrants incentives to remain in their home countries.
We must also continue to promote democratic governance and
rule of law. Corruption, a serious challenge in Panama, has a
corrosive effect on many layers of the state. We must not allow
it to progress further.
The Government efforts to enforce recent anti-money
laundering reforms and to correct efficiencies acquired for
Panama's removal from the Financial Action Task Force's Grey
List will determine Panama's financial stability and
attractiveness to investors.
Panama also suffers from organized criminal activity, which
threatens to undermine democratic institutions and economic
prosperity. If confirmed, I will use my position as Ambassador
to strengthen our relationship with Panama and build the
security and prosperity of the entire region.
This includes our engagement with Panamanian Government
ministries, civil society, and the private sector to showcase
our strong partnership and hedge against problematic PRC
influence on activities.
We need a stable, strong, and secure Panama and Panama
needs the United States as a friend, ally, and partner.
Effective implementation of U.S. foreign policy in Panama
requires a cohesive, diligent, and effective whole of U.S.
Government team and we have an extraordinary interagency
embassy team in Panama.
The mission's efforts center on the strategic work of
ensuring the United States remains a valued partner,
collaboratively managing migration through the Darien and the
battle against corruption, which threatens the foundations of
institutional democracy.
Just as I did in El Salvador as U.S. Ambassador there, I
want to empower and listen to the embassy team to make the
bilateral relationship stronger, more effective, and more
dynamic.
If confirmed, I will prioritize strengthening diversity and
inclusion. I commit to ensuring our workplace remains a safe,
fair, and just space for all.
The challenges we face now more than ever call for strong,
smart, and vibrant diplomacy. Panama can and should serve as a
key player in confronting Central America's challenges.
We will strengthen bilateral ties by reaching out to the
complete spectrum of Panamanian society, not just to government
leaders and the country's elite but to community leaders,
minority and women's groups, youth, and all facets of civil
society. We are going to do this with Panama hand in hand so
that, together, we can move forward stronger.
If confirmed, I will lead our embassy team in Panama City
with pride and dedication. I look forward to keeping you
appraised of our progress. I will prioritize protecting U.S.
citizens in Panama while championing the interests of the
United States in cooperation with our Panamanian friends.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you and I
look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Aponte follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte
Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the committee, I
feel honored and grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden
and Secretary Blinken placed in me by nominating me to serve as United
States Ambassador to the Republic of Panama. It is an honor to appear
before you for the second time, after having served as Ambassador to El
Salvador and Acting Assistant Secretary of State for the Western
Hemisphere. I look forward to discussing my view of the bilateral
relationship and how I will make it even more productive and dynamic if
confirmed as ambassador.
The United States and Panama have a long history of partnership and
collaboration to advance mutual goals. We remain Panama's largest trade
partner and its number one source of foreign direct investment.
Panama's location and role in global trade, due to the Panama Canal,
make its success important to both U.S. prosperity and national
security. Traffic to or from the United States represents nearly
seventy percent of all Canal transits.
Panama's strategic location along major land and sea transit routes
makes it critical in the interdiction of illicit drugs destined for the
United States and a vital partner in addressing irregular migration. As
a carbon negative country, Panama has the potential to serve as an
environmental model not only for the region but for the world.
While Panama and the United States have ample historical, cultural,
and economic ties, challenges exist in the bilateral relationship. Each
year, thousands of migrants take a perilous journey through the Darien
Gap, many passing through Panama on their way to the United States. We
must find more ways to work together to manage migration, provide
protection, and give potential irregular migrants incentives to remain
in their home countries.
We must also continue to promote democratic governance and rule of
law. Corruption, a serious challenge in Panama, has a corrosive effect
on many layers of the state; we must not allow it to progress further.
The Government efforts to enforce recent anti-money laundering reforms
and to correct deficiencies required for Panama's removal from the
Financial Action Task Force's Grey List will determine Panama's
financial stability and attractiveness to investors. Panama also
suffers from organized criminal activity, which threatens to undermine
democratic institutions and economic prosperity.
If confirmed, I will use my position as ambassador to strengthen
our relationship with Panama and build the security and prosperity of
the entire region. This includes continuing our engagement with
Panamanian Government ministries, civil society, and the private sector
to showcase our strong partnership and hedge against problematic PRC
influence and activities. We need a stable, strong, and secure Panama,
and Panama needs the United States as a friend, ally, and partner.
Effective implementation of U.S. foreign policy in Panama requires
a cohesive, diligent, and effective whole-of-U.S.-Government team, and
we have an extraordinary interagency embassy team in Panama. The
Mission's efforts center on the strategic work of ensuring the United
States remains a valued partner, collaboratively managing migration
through the Darien, and the battle against corruption that threatens
the foundations of institutional democracy. Just as I did in El
Salvador as U.S. Ambassador there, I want to empower and listen to the
Embassy team to make the bilateral relationship stronger, more
effective, and more dynamic. If confirmed, I will prioritize
strengthening diversity and inclusion. I commit to ensuring our
workplace remains a safe, fair, and just space for all.
The challenges we face, now more than ever, call for strong, smart,
and vibrant diplomacy. Panama can and should serve as a key player in
confronting Central America's challenges. We will strengthen bilateral
ties by reaching out to the complete spectrum of Panamanian society,
not just to government leaders and the country's elite, but to
community leaders, minority and women's groups, youth, and all facets
of civil society. We are going to do this with Panama, hand-in-hand, so
that together we can move forward stronger.
If confirmed, I will lead our Embassy team in Panama City with
pride and dedication and look forward to keeping you apprised of our
progress. I will prioritize protecting U.S. citizens in Panama while
championing the interests of the United States in cooperation with our
Panamanian friends.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to answering your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Aponte.
Dr. Mora?
STATEMENT OF DR. FRANCISCO O. MORA OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE
PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Mora. Thank you, Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member
Portman, and members of the committee. I am honored to appear
before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the United
States Permanent Representative to the Organization of American
States.
I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for the support and confidence they have placed in me.
I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to members
of my family: my wife, Ivette, of 28 years and children,
Daniella and Frankie, without whose love and constant support I
very much likely would not be here today, and my wife, Ivette,
and daughter, Daniella, join me here today.
To my parents watching from home, Nivardo and Mirka, who
recently celebrated their 60th wedding anniversary, thank you
for your unwavering love and support, for the many sacrifices
you made after fleeing from communist Cuba so that my brother,
Jorge, and I could have the opportunity to fulfill our dreams
and give back to a country that so generously provided for our
family.
The countries of the Western Hemisphere are facing
unprecedented challenges, as this committee knows. The COVID-19
pandemic has wrought incalculable human and economic cost.
The climate crisis threatens the health and well being of
the people of the Americas. Inequity, corruption, poor
governance, public security challenges, irregular migration,
democratic backsliding are limiting individuals' ability to
build better futures in the region.
The OAS, I believe, provides the only effective regional
forum for coordinating multilaterally on issues that concern
our hemisphere. From the climate crisis to supporting
marginalized and vulnerable communities and championing
democracy and human rights, the OAS can implement solutions
more efficiently and effectively with regional political buy-
in.
The participation of the United States at the OAS
reinforces our commitment to multilateralism as the most
appropriate vehicle to address our shared governance and
development challenges, to promote regional economic
prosperity, to ensure the safety and security of our peoples,
and to hold countries accountable for their treatment of
citizens.
The answer to so many of these challenges involves
improving government's ability to effectively provide for their
people. I believe democracy is the best system for providing
that governance and, if confirmed, I am committed to vigorously
promoting democracy and human rights at the OAS, the premier
regional forum to advocate for our cherished shared values.
As we all know, democratic institutions and civil liberties
are under attack throughout the hemisphere. We have witnessed
backsliding in many countries and are deeply concerned about
the systemic repression and lack of free and fair elections in
Nicaragua and Venezuela.
In Cuba, the Cuban regime continues to deny its citizens
even basic freedoms, as we saw during the July 11th and
November 15th, 2021, protest and the subsequent mass
imprisonment of dissidents, human rights activists, and, more
recently, children, for insisting on the right to live in
freedom. The OAS must respond in a concerted way to these
massive abuses of human dignity.
If confirmed, you can be sure that I will forcefully
highlight the struggle of Cubans on the island in their fight
for freedom and human rights. The Inter-American Democratic
Charter remains a critical document at the OAS for the defense
of democracy in the Americas.
If confirmed, I will continue to be a strong advocate for
the values and principles enshrined in this and in other
guiding documents and institutions, such as the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights, which I will strongly support.
One of my priorities as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, will
be to continue to advocate for OAS reform consistent with the
OAS Revitalization and Reform Act of 2013. It is essential this
be a shared priority for each member state and the OAS
leadership, as it is in our collective interest to ensure a
strong OAS remains focused on its core competencies.
I also want to assure that we will remain committed to
advancing the objectives of the OAS Legislative Act of 2020. If
confirmed, I also will work to support the United States
leadership of the Ninth Summit of the Americas. I look forward
to working with the OAS to implement our leaders' commitment at
the summit that will be held in June in Los Angeles.
In closing, I would like to underscore the critical
importance of the OAS Permanent Council suspending Russia's
permanent observer status over its war in Ukraine and gross
violations of human rights. It has sent an important message
from this hemisphere of our solidarity with the people of
Ukraine.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the
committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear
before you today. If confirmed, I very much look forward to
working closely with you and other members of the Congress to
advance U.S. interests.
I welcome your comments and look forward to answering your
questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Mora follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Francisco O. Mora
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the United States Permanent Representative to the
Organization of American States. I'm deeply grateful to President Biden
and Secretary Blinken for the support and confidence they have placed
in me.
I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to members of my
family: my wife of 28 years Ivette, and children, Daniella, and
Frankie, without whose love and constant support I very likely would
not be here today. To my parents watching from home--Nivardo and
Mirka--who recently celebrated their 60th wedding anniversary, thank
you for your unwavering love and support and for the many sacrifices
you made after fleeing from Communist Cuba, so that my brother Jorge
and I could have the opportunity to fulfill our dreams and give back to
a country that so generously provided for our family.
The countries of the Western Hemisphere are facing unprecedented
challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic has wrought incalculable human and
economic costs. The climate crisis threatens the health and well-being
of people in the Americas. Inequity, corruption, poor governance,
public security challenges, irregular migration and democratic
backsliding are limiting individuals' ability to build better futures.
The OAS provides the only effective regional forum for coordinating
multilaterally on issues that concern our hemisphere. From the climate
crisis to supporting marginalized and vulnerable communities, and
championing democracy and human rights, the OAS can implement solutions
more efficiently and effectively with regional political buy-in.
The participation of the United States at the OAS reinforces our
commitment to multilateralism as the most appropriate vehicle to
address our shared governance and development challenges, to promote
regional economic prosperity, to ensure the safety and security of our
peoples, and to hold countries accountable for their treatment of
citizens.
The answer to so many of these challenges involves improving
governments' ability to effectively provide for their people. I believe
democracy is the best system for providing that governance. If
confirmed, I am committed to vigorously promoting democracy and human
rights at the OAS, the premier regional forum to advocate for our
cherished shared values.
As we all know, democratic institutions and civil liberties are
under attack throughout the hemisphere. We have witnessed backsliding
in many countries and are deeply concerned about the systemic
repression and lack of free and fair elections in Nicaragua and
Venezuela.
In Cuba, the regime continues to deny its citizens even basic
freedoms, as we saw during the July 11 and November 15, 2021, protests
and the subsequent mass imprisonment of dissidents, human rights
activists and, more recently, children for insisting on their right to
live in freedom. The OAS must respond in a concerted way to these
massive abuses of human dignity. If confirmed, you can be sure that I
will forcefully highlight the struggle of Cubans on the island in their
fight for freedom and human rights.
The Inter-American Democratic Charter remains a critical document
at the OAS for the defense of democracy in the Americas. If confirmed,
I will continue to be a strong advocate for the values and principles
enshrined in this and other guiding documents and institutions, such as
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which I will strongly
support.
One of my priorities as U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, would be to
continue to advocate for OAS reform consistent with the ``OAS
Revitalization and Reform Act of 2013.'' It is essential this be a
shared priority for each member state and OAS leadership--as it is in
our collective interest to ensure a strong OAS remains focused on its
core competencies. I also want to assure that we will remain committed
to advancing the objectives of the ``OAS Legislative Engagement Act of
2020.''
If confirmed, I also will work to support the United States'
leadership of the Ninth Summit of the Americas and look forward to
working with the OAS to implement our leaders' commitments at the
Summit in Los Angeles in June.
In closing, I would like to underscore the critical importance of
the OAS Permanent Council suspending Russia's Permanent Observer status
over its war in Ukraine and gross human rights violations. It sent an
important message of our region's solidarity with the people of
Ukraine.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Portman, and members of the committee,
thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you today. If
confirmed, I very much look forward to working closely with you and
other members of Congress to advance U.S. interests. I welcome your
comments and look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Kaine. Dr. Mora, thank you very much.
Finally, Ms. Kwan?
Welcome.
STATEMENT OF MICHELLE KWAN OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO BELIZE
Ms. Kwan. Thank you so much.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee, it is an honor to be here today as President
Biden's nominee as the U.S. Ambassador to Belize. I want to
thank President Biden for placing such trust in me and I would
like to thank my friends, my family, and my colleagues for all
their support. I want to give a special thank you to my
parents, Danny and Estella Kwan, for sacrificing so much for
me.
Throughout my life, I have worn many different hats, and I
believe there is no higher honor than serving our country. As
an athlete, I was proud to win five world championships and two
Olympic medals while representing the United States.
I also served as a Special Olympics board member, an
author, and a diplomat, having worked as a senior advisor and
public diplomacy envoy with the Department of State.
Service has always been a calling and, if confirmed, it
will continue to be what guides me as I serve our country as
the U.S. Ambassador to Belize.
The United States and Belize share strong bilateral
relations. Over 1 million tourists from the United States visit
Belize annually and approximately 30,000 U.S. citizens live in
Belize and more than 85,000 Belizeans live in the United
States.
The roots of both our government and people-to-people ties
run deep. Belize is a vibrant democracy with a commitment to
upholding shared democratic values. Its geostrategically
important position bridges Central America and the Caribbean.
Belize has challenges exacerbated by the ongoing pandemic.
The economy shrank by about 16 percent in 2020, particularly
hitting the tourism sector, Belize's lifeblood.
The Belizean Government works to manage the spread of
COVID-19 effectively, and it has contained the spread of the
virus better than most countries. Still, Belize has felt its
crippling effects. We are working together to tackle this and
other challenges.
The United States has donated 228,150 doses of vaccine to
Belize, provided $300,000 in COVID-19 assistance, and has
assisted Belize with more than $4 million worth of COVID
mitigation projects together with Baylor University.
Belize joined the United States on May 12th in co-hosting
the second Global COVID-19 Summit as the CARICOM chair,
demonstrating the Government of Belize's success in managing
the COVID-19 pandemic.
And here is another example of working together. In
December 2021, the Millennium Challenge Corporation selected
Belize to develop a five-year compact, a partnership that could
inject hundreds of millions of dollars to improve
infrastructure, reduce poverty, and create a brighter future
for all Belizeans.
In November 2021, the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation provided $610 million in political risk
insurance in support of an innovative debt conversion that not
only cut Belize's sovereign debt burden in half but also
supported projects to protect 30 percent of its ocean through a
Blue Bond financial deal.
Belize and the United States enjoy a strong partnership on
security cooperation and Belize cooperates closely with the
United States in efforts to deter and disrupt narcotics and
human trafficking and other illicit activities by transnational
criminal organizations.
The United States assists Belize through programs to
improve border security, professionalize police, and strengthen
the rule of law. If confirmed, I will work to continue and
expand these efforts for the benefit of Belizean citizens and
the many U.S. citizens who reside in and visit Belize.
Building upon shared regional efforts to address migration,
I will work to strengthen cooperation with Belize on humane
migration management and protection. While we work with Belize
to confront the challenges the country faces, we should also
seize opportunities to advance our mutual interests.
Belize's ties with Taiwan are an example. If confirmed, I
will continue to encourage strong ties to Taiwan, a significant
partner that shares our democratic values.
The United States and Belize also have mutual interest in
bolstering its energy sector, which presents opportunities for
U.S. investment that can benefit both our countries.
With the average age of Belizeans as 25 years, we must work
together to create new learning and economic opportunities. I
plan to lean on my international experience to encourage robust
educational, sporting, and other exchanges between the United
States and Belize to enhance the bilateral relationship on all
levels.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of
the committee, if confirmed, I will take my role as the
Ambassador with the same work ethic, persistence, and
determination I have used to achieve results for my country.
I will advance U.S. interests and promote American
democratic values and I will be a strong champion of service to
others while working to advance this important bilateral
relationship.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Kwan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michelle Wingshan Kwan
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to be here today as President Biden's nominee
as the U.S. Ambassador to Belize. I want to thank President Biden for
placing such trust in me, and I would like to thank my friends, family,
and colleagues for all their support.
want to give a special thank you to my parents Danny and Estella
Kwan, who have sacrificed so much for me.
Throughout my life, I have worn many different hats and I believe
there is no higher honor than serving our country. As an athlete, I was
proud to win five world championships and two Olympic medals while
representing the United States. I also served as a Special Olympics
board member, an author, and a diplomat, having worked as a senior
advisor and public diplomacy envoy with the Department of State.
Service has always been a calling and, if confirmed, it will continue
to guide me as I serve our country as the U.S. Ambassador to Belize.
The United States and Belize share strong bilateral relations. Over
one million tourists from the United States visit Belize annually and
approximately 30,000 U.S. citizens live in Belize. More than 85,000
Belizeans live in the United States. The roots of both our government
and people-to-people ties run deep. Belize is a vibrant democracy with
a commitment to upholding shared democratic values. Its geo-
strategically important position bridges Central America and the
Caribbean.
Belize has challenges exacerbated by the ongoing pandemic. The
economy shrank by about 16 percent in 2020, particularly hitting the
tourism sector--Belize's lifeblood. The Belizean Government works to
manage the spread of COVID-19 effectively, and it has contained the
spread of the virus better than most countries. Still, Belize has felt
its crippling effects.
We are working together to tackle this and other challenges. The
United States has donated 228,150 doses of vaccine to Belize, provided
$300,000 in COVID-19 assistance and has assisted Belize with more than
$4 million worth of COVID mitigation projects together with Baylor
University. Belize joined the United States on May 12 in co-hosting the
Second Global COVID-19 Summit as the CARICOM Chair, demonstrating the
Government of Belize's success in managing the COVID-19 pandemic. And
here's another example of working together: in December 2021, the
Millennium Challenge Corporation selected Belize to develop a five-year
compact, a partnership that could inject hundreds of millions of
dollars to improve infrastructure, reduce poverty, and create a
brighter future for all Belizeans. In November 2021, the U.S.
International Development Finance Corporation provided $610 million in
political risk insurance to support an innovative debt conversion that
not only cut Belize's sovereign debt burden in half, but also supported
projects to protect 30 percent of its ocean through a ``Blue Bond''
financial deal.
Belize and the United States enjoy a strong partnership on security
cooperation, and Belize cooperates closely with the United States in
efforts to deter and disrupt narcotics and human trafficking and other
illicit activity by transnational criminal organizations. The United
States assists Belize through programs to improve border security,
professionalize police, and strengthen the rule of law. If confirmed, I
will work to continue and expand these efforts for the benefit of
Belizean citizens and the many U.S. citizens who reside in and visit
Belize. Building upon our shared regional efforts to address migration,
I will also work to strengthen cooperation with Belize on humane
migration management and protection.
While we work with Belize to confront the challenges the country
faces, we should also seize opportunities to advance our mutual
interests. Belize's ties with Taiwan are an example. If confirmed, I
will continue to encourage strong ties with Taiwan, a stalwart partner
that shares our democratic values.
The United States and Belize also have mutual interest in
bolstering its energy sector, which presents opportunities for U.S.
investment that can benefit both our countries.
With the average age of Belizeans as 25 years, we must work
together to create new learning and economic opportunities. If
confirmed, I plan to lean on my international experience to encourage
robust educational, sporting, and other exchanges between the United
States and Belize to enhance the bilateral relationship on all levels.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the
committee, if confirmed, I will take on my role as Ambassador with the
same work ethic, persistence, and determination I have used to achieve
results for my country. I will advance U.S. interests and promote
American democratic values. I will be a strong champion of service to
others while working to advance this important bilateral relationship.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely with this committee. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Kaine. Ms. Kwan, thank you very much.
Before we begin questions, I have housekeeping matters.
These are questions that we ask of all nominees, and I would
ask them to you to gauge your responsiveness as potential
executive branch employees to congressional oversight, and I
would ask that each of you just provide a yes or no answer to
these questions.
First, do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed and not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefing and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Thank you for those answers. We will now
proceed with questions, and the norm on this committee is we
proceed and alternate between Democrats and Republicans in
order of seniority, beginning with everyone who was here at the
gavel either in person or by WebEx, and then we represent more
later--we recognize more later arrivals later in the order.
I am going to make two alterations to the norm that will
not disadvantage any of my colleagues who want to ask
questions. I am going to save my questions for the end, since I
am going to be here the entire hearing, and I am going to
recognize Senator Menendez, the chair of the committee, when he
arrives when it is next time for a Democrat to question.
So with that, I will ask Senator Portman to begin.
Senator Portman. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I
thought your answers to those questions that the Chairman posed
were very succinct--yes, no.
[Laughter.]
Senator Portman. I am not going to ask you to be quite that
succinct in response to these but try to be succinct because I
am going to attempt in five minutes to get to everybody.
First, Ambassador Bagley, you and I talked about the
Wildlife Trafficking Act and Brazil has been designated as a
focus country by the U.S. Government's Presidential Task Force
on Trafficking. As you know, we have legislation to try to make
that permanent--Senator Coons and I--before this committee, in
fact.
Will you commit to working with this Presidential Task
Force to ensure we have an effective strategic plan with Brazil
and help facilitate U.S. efforts in Brazil to address the
illegal wildlife trade?
Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely, Senator, and thank you for
all your work and all your efforts on that and also on the
tropical rainforest bill that you authored and continued to
sponsor.
I believe they have--you have succeeded in having more
funding for that, as well as renewal. So, absolutely, I will do
that. Wildlife trafficking is a huge problem in the Amazon,
especially.
Senator Portman. I think with your commitment to this
Brazil could be a model country.
Ambassador Bagley. I hope so.
Senator Portman. And with regard to the Tropical Forest
Conservation Act, which is a debt for nature swap, we have done
deals with Brazil under that legislation. We cannot any longer
because they do not have any other concessional debt from the
United States. However, would you work with us to look at other
debt including the IMF debt?
Ambassador Bagley. Yes, absolutely.
Senator Portman. Yeah. I think that that could be an
interesting opportunity to make Brazil a model country on
preserving tropical forests.
You and I have talked about Russia and its presence in
Brazil. We appreciated Brazil voting with us at the U.N. to
condemn Russia's assault on Ukraine. They do still get a lot of
stuff from Russia, including fertilizer.
Will you work with Brazil to try to be even tougher with
regard to sanctions on Russia?
Ambassador Bagley. Yes, absolutely. In fact, we are working
with them on the fertilizer issue and there is a U.N.
conference today that is headed by Secretary Blinken on food
security and the agriculture minister of Brazil is attending.
So they are already working, and I will continue.
Senator Portman. Great. Thank you.
Ambassador Aponte, one of the concerns I have about Panama
is the increasing presence of China. I noticed that President
Varela switched the diplomatic relations from Taiwan to the
People's Republic of China. And what are your views regarding
China's presence in Panama, the Panama Canal, and Central
America in general and why should the average person in Panama
care about Chinese behavior in their country?
Ambassador Aponte. I think that pursuing and making sure
that the United States' influence is preserved in Panama as a
reliable partner, based on the shared democratic values as well
as the long track record of working on successful projects
together, is important.
The influence of the PRC is being seen now more fluidly not
only in Panama but all over. The reason why Panamanians should
care is because as the PRC comes in and starts working on
infrastructure projects, which will be used by all Panamanians,
they need to take a look and be vigilant as to the quality of
the construction and the quality of the projects and compare
that to the quality of projects that are built with the United
States.
I also think that, in general, the--if confirmed, I will
keep a very close eye as to whether the PRC is following
through in all the promises they make. They seem to over
promise but not necessarily to deliver on what they have
promised.
Senator Portman. Thank you. I would agree with that. Also,
the debt that is incurred and, ultimately, affects the people
of Panama.
Dr. Mora, I have lots of questions for you but no time to
ask them. So I would just say would you agree that Russia
should not become an observer again until they are out of
Ukraine altogether?
Mr. Mora. That is correct. Thank you, Senator. And in fact,
the resolution that was passed by 25 members is clear as to
what are the conditions under which possibly they could come
back.
But it is unlikely. There is a broad coalition within the
OAS to condemn. It says something about the hemisphere and
about the number of states who have stood by the Ukrainian
people in their struggle.
Senator Portman. Thank you for continuing to help them
stand strong with our ally in Ukraine.
Ms. Kwan, we have 17 seconds. I had three questions for you
but now I will just ask one that I was not going to ask. Why
Belize?
Ms. Kwan. I am honored to be nominated by President Biden
to Belize. If confirmed, I will ensure that I will continue to
build better bilateral relations between the two countries and
ensure that Belize continues to be a champion of democracy.
And I know we only have 11 seconds, but border security,
citizens security, and ensuring the safety of American citizens
and residents, reinforce and strengthen the rule of law, combat
transnational criminal organizations and build commercial ties
between the United States and seek opportunities for Americans
to invest in Belize that are eco-friendly, sustainable, and
pro-growth to tax and investment laws in Belize.
Senator Portman. Great. And you did not even mention you
are interested in increasing cooperation in the sports world.
So it sounds like you have done your homework and we appreciate
your willingness to step up and serve in this capacity.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Kwan. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Kaine. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank all
of our nominees for their willingness to serve our country, in
some cases, to continue to serve our country.
We appreciate that very, very much and we thank you for
your families as well, as we know that this is going to be a
sacrifice that a family needs to make in regards to public
service. Thank you all.
Dr. Mora, I want to start, if I might, on the OAS. We had a
conference call yesterday, Senator Wicker and I, with
parliamentarians in our hemisphere. The Congress passed a
little over a year ago legislation to have our mission
institute a stronger parliamentary dimension within OAS similar
to what is in OSCE with the Parliamentary Assembly.
Can you just tell me your views as to how you would attempt
to implement the parliamentary--a stronger parliamentary
dimension within the OAS?
Mr. Mora. Thank you, Senator, and I appreciate your
interest and your leadership on this role. We had an
opportunity to talk about it briefly.
I know that that the OAS mission and your staff and others
have been working very hard to launch a meeting of legislators
in the Western Hemisphere.
I think, Senator, this is critical at a time, as I
mentioned in my opening statement, of democratic backsliding,
of lack of trust in democratic institutions, and I think this
level of cooperation, coordination, and dialogue among
legislators across the hemisphere is coming at a critical time
in the region when democratic governance is being threatened.
I applaud your efforts and your initiative on this. I will
make sure that, if confirmed, that the mission continues to
work with your office and the office of other senators to
enhance and deepen those kinds of ties among legislators and
legislatures throughout the hemisphere.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Ms. Kwan, in Belize there is issues--one issue that really
has me concerned on human rights and that is trafficking. It is
a destination country for trafficking many--because of the
immigration issues. It is been on a Tier Two list for a long
period of time. Can you tell me how you will prioritize dealing
with the trafficking challenges within that country?
Ms. Kwan. Thank you, Senator, for that question. The recent
assessment shows that trafficking in persons--that Belize has
made incredible efforts but Belize needs to continue
demonstrating that they will make deeper efforts in this area.
Belize has met only minimum standards and Belize struggles
with enforcement, investigation, and prosecution of crimes
across the board and, if confirmed, I would support U.S.
Government's programs to improve the judicial system and help
process and prosecute crimes.
Senator Cardin. I would just point out this is the third
year that they have been on the Tier Two watch list. Belize may
be making progress but not fast enough. The victims here--it is
an extremely important priority for the Congress in the
legislation that we passed and we want it to be a high priority
within our mission.
The challenges in this country are more regional than they
are local but here is one that is local that needs to be dealt
with. I would just point that out.
Ms. Kwan. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. I appreciate you keeping us informed as to
your strategies to get Belize off of the Tier Two watch list
and elevate their status.
Ms. Bagley--Ambassador Bagley, I know you well. I have a
great deal of respect for your service to our country.
There was an oral history interview that was done in 1999
that raises certain questions. The language you used in regards
to the Jewish community, Israel's influence in our election,
and Jewish money have me concerned. I want to give you a chance
to respond either here or if you would prefer to do it by
writing, that is fine. But I want to make sure you have a
chance to respond to that interview.
Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate that
chance to respond and I will provide more details as you wish.
That happened, I think, 24, 25 years ago.
It was a free-flowing discussion and I regret that you
would think that it was a problem. I certainly did not mean
anything by it. It was a poor choice of words. But it was
something that the interviewer had asked me prompted by
something about politics.
I can go in further detail, but I can tell you that I am
very sorry about that choice of words and I--none of them
reflect any of my thinking then or now.
Senator Cardin. I think what I will do, Mr. Chairman, I
think I will ask some specific questions for the record and
give you a chance to respond. The choice of words were--fit
into the traditional tropes of antisemitism and I know you----
Ambassador Bagley. That is just not me.----
Senator Cardin [continuing]. I know your background. I know
who you are----
Ambassador Bagley. Yes.
Senator Cardin [continuing]. And it is just language that
we would think that, as a diplomat--you had then been
ambassador to Portugal--but those--your language would have
been more guarded than that.
Ambassador Bagley. Yes. I regret that and it was not a
thoughtful analysis, and I am happy to respond in writing to
any other questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Senator Menendez?
The Chairman. I will wait.
Senator Kaine. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. I am very happy if you would like to go,
Senator Menendez.
The Chairman. I will--thank you. I did not want to--I know
you have been waiting.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, thank you for holding this
hearing--holding hearings on nominations as part of the
responsibilities we have so we appreciate you doing them.
Congratulations to all the nominees.
Mr. Mora, what would you consider the biggest challenge we
have in the Western Hemisphere today?
Mr. Mora. Democratic erosion, democratic backsliding, the
lack of trust among citizens of the Americas of their
governments and of their institutions. That has a ripple
effect, has second and third order effects on issues related to
migration, security, and so on and so forth, and I think the
OAS, Chairman Menendez, is in a unique position because of its
core competencies to continue highlighting and underscoring
this particular challenge and to find mechanisms that exist to
address this issue in a collective manner.
The Chairman. I agree with you, probably more so than ever
before. We have three now dictatorships in the Western
Hemisphere where we only had one in Cuba. Venezuela--we talked
about the migration of Ukrainians. There are 5 million
Venezuelans that have fleed Maduro in Venezuela.
Of course, we have the long-standing dictatorship of Cuba
where we see a new group of Cubans fleeing the island through
Nicaragua into--attempting to come to the United States and, of
course, the newest fermented dictatorship in Nicaragua with
Ortega, and that is without talking about other backsliding in
other parts of the hemisphere. So your work at the OAS is going
to be very important.
Ambassador Bagley, in that regard, I want to visit some of
the comments that you have made in the past because you are
going to a country where democratic backsliding is a real
concern as well, in Brazil, where we are concerned about its
present leader trying to undermine the essence of the election
process that is taking place and it is one of those countries,
along with Mexico, who are suggesting that we must insist on
having dictatorships in the Western Hemisphere come to the
Summit of the Americas, which I thought was a summit of
democracies. I thought our alignment was an alignment of
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. So Brazil is an
important place in this regard.
In 1998, you made a series of remarks. You said there was,
quote, ``no reason for Democrats to think that they could get
the Cuban vote but they still thought they could get money from
them, and they did. It was also in New Jersey, where they now
say that the 55 Cuban population there is even more radical
against Castro than the ones in Miami. The real hardliners are
in Newark, New Jersey, which has the second largest Cuban
population in the United States. Again, it is not numbers. It
is like the Jewish factor. It is money.''
So I guess I am one of those hardliner radicals who live in
New Jersey, although you are wrong about Newark. Is happens to
be Union City in western New York. But explain to me what you
meant by that.
Is it a suggestion that one group of Americans do not have
the right to engage in the political process as others do?
Ambassador Bagley. No, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate the
opportunity to clarify that, as I did with the question about
the Jewish community. It was the same interview. It was, again,
a poor choice of words. I am very sorry that we ever had the
interview. It did not really make sense to do as an oral
history. But it, certainly, does not reflect my views on Jewish
Americans or Cuban Americans or anyone else.
I absolutely strongly support the right of Jewish
Americans, Cuban Americans, Irish Americans, all Americans, to
be part of the political process, to be politically active, to
raise money, give money to those that they support, as I have
done myself.
So it was, again, a poor choice of words and I did say
``they say'' because I had heard this from someone in New
Jersey. That was the only thing. I did not have a particular
view.
The Chairman. Yeah. President Trump is famous for saying
``they say.'' I do not know who the ``they'' are----
Ambassador Bagley. That is right. But that is not me.
The Chairman:--but ``they say.''
Ambassador Bagley. I know.
The Chairman. And so words, especially for those who are
going to be ambassadors of the United States to other
countries, are incredibly important, probably more significant
than maybe in our individual daily lives, although I think they
are always important.
I do not know if Senator Cardin raised this but you also
said the Democrats always tend to go with the Jewish
constituency on Israel and say stupid things. I am a firm
supporter of the state of Israel.
I think it is an incredibly important relationship we
have--the one democracy in a sea of autocracy, a major security
ally of the United States, a significant trading partner of the
United States.
Do you believe that when Democrats talk to Jewish
constituency they are saying stupid things?
Ambassador Bagley. Not at all, Senator. Again, it was a
poor choice of words but it does not reflect any of my
thinking. What I said, and it was really referring to the
discussion on whether Jerusalem should be the capital of
Israel, and that is something I worked on a number of
initiatives and one was the Camp David Accords.
We negotiated for Palestinian autonomy, and one of the--the
holy grail was Jerusalem, and the idea was that the concept,
which has gone through all administrations until President
Trump's administration, that we keep Jerusalem as part of the
overall negotiations over the two-state solution.
So that is--it was--as I say, it was a stupid thing to say.
It was, and I regret those comments and they do not--absolutely
do not reflect my thinking on any of these issues or on Jewish
Americans or Cuban Americans.
I have worked with both politically. I have worked with--
from the NDI. I have been on the board for over 30 years. We
have done democracy and human rights and trainings in Cuba.
So----
The Chairman. Just as you had at one period of time the
right as any citizen had to lobby to change our policy towards
Cuba, Cuban Americans have the right to lobby and exercise
their view of what our policy should be as we all do.
Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely.
The Chairman. I have some other questions but I want to let
Senator Shaheen----
Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator. I
totally agree with that.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Menendez.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to each of our nominees this morning. Thank you
for your service to the country and for your willingness to
continue to serve.
Ms. Kwan, I want to begin with you because Belize has a
connection to New Hampshire. We have a former ambassador to
Belize who is from New Hampshire and so we have paid--I have
paid a little more attention to issues there than I might
otherwise have, and one of the things that I am very concerned
about, in addition to the trafficking in persons that Senator
Cardin raised, is drug trafficking issues.
In New Hampshire, we have a significant challenge with an
opioid epidemic and with illicit drugs coming into the state of
New Hampshire, and many of those are coming from--through
Belize.
And I wonder if you can talk about how we can better
partner with Belize to stop the drug trafficking trade that is
affecting the United States.
Ms. Kwan. Thank you so much for that question, Senator, and
I look forward to working with you and your team.
Porous borders, unmonitored borders, make Belize very
vulnerable to illicit activities, and to prevent Belize from
being a haven of transnational criminal organizations and
illicit activities, the INL--International Narcotics Law
Enforcement--through the Central America Regional Security
Initiative, funds programs to support Belize's defense force
and its capacity to prevent, address, and combat drug
trafficking by transnational criminal organizations, to help
strengthen the rule of law, to enforce, investigate, and
prosecute crimes.
Belize is a willing partner in countering narcotics and, if
confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Belize to
help deepen and expand this cooperation, and I look forward to
working with you and your team.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I appreciate that.
Ambassador Bagley, there have been several references to
the backsliding that has happened in Brazil that is of huge
concern, because, as everyone has pointed out, it is a very
important country in Latin America--a lot of resources that are
important to the world, the rain forests--and we have seen
significant inroads on the part of Russia and China into Brazil
and influencing Brazil and President Bolsonaro.
Can you talk about how, as ambassador, you would work to
mitigate the influence of China and Russia and encourage
further moves towards democracy on the part of Brazil?
Ambassador Bagley. Yes, I am happy to, Senator. Thanks for
the question.
It is a concern. I would say that China is more of a
concern because they are the first--the number-one trading
partner with Brazil now. We are number two. They have been in
Brazil for 20 years but 2012 is when they became the major
trading partner.
We were concerned about 5G rollout with Huawei and we are
really asking them, encouraging them, to look very closely and
to examine the implications of what would happen if they ended
up working with Huawei as a supplier--as a sole supplier.
We are encouraging them to have multiple suppliers, and
they have this--the Open RAN network that would help with
interoperability and multiple partners. We have a number of
programs public diplomacy programs--at the embassy. We have
several dialogues.
Of course, with Brazil--we have over 20 dialogues with
Brazil, the most recent being the High Level Dialogue that
happened on April 25th in Brasilia with two of our under
secretaries and their counterparts and they raised that issue
both of China, Russia to a lesser extent because there is not a
lot of commercial interest at this point. There is a fertilizer
issue.
But, as you know, it has not been part of the U.S.
sanctions yet. But there is a dependence on Russia--fertilizers
from Belarus and Russia, and that is something that, hopefully,
will be discussed--I am sure it will be discussed at the U.N.
conference today. And something that we will be working with
Brazil on as well.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. When confirmed, I
hope you will stay focused on that issue because I think there
is a real concern about the potential for influence on the part
of China, in particular.
I am out of time but, Dr. Mora, I do want to raise one
issue that I think is really critical for the OAS because one
of the challenges that we have seen in Latin America has been
the role of women and the rights of women that, I think, we
would all like to see are reaffirmed, and I think the OAS has
an important role to play there.
And I would hope that you would take a very strong stand in
encouraging the OAS to take a very strong position to support
the rights of women because one of the--I mean, there is a
reason--again, I think it is important to remind people that we
talk about an Office of Global Women's Issues and look at our
foreign policy through a lens of how are women and girls
treated because what we know is that societies that empower
women, that have rights for women and girls, tend to be more
stable societies. They are more democratic societies, in
general.
So I would really urge you to make that a focus of your
work there.
Mr. Mora. Thank you. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
Yes, absolutely. The OAS, I should say, Senator, has done some
good work on women's empowerment through the Commission on
Women.
I will focus my attention on that commission and the work
that it is doing. As I said, it is doing some good work but my
sense is that it could do better.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you all for
being here.
Ambassador Bagley, I want to talk to you about
deforestation. The President signed at the last COP the
Declaration on Forest and Land Use and set a goal for no global
deforestation by the year 2030.
That will not get done unless we solve commodity-driven
deforestation. So the--just a quick primer. The Lacey Act
covers forest products, right. We are not allowed to import
stuff from the forest. Fine. That works reasonably well. I know
the ranking member has worked very hard on additional Lacey Act
enforcement and all the rest of it.
But the truth is that most of the deforestation happening
is for commodities. Beef is not a forest product, therefore,
not covered. Soy is not a forest product, therefore, not
covered.
And so I would like your thoughts on how we deal with the
primary driver, right, which is PRC demand for Brazilian forest
product, United States demand for Brazilian--excuse me, not
forest product but commodities that are that are derived from
clear cutting or lighting the rainforest on fire. What do we do
about this?
Ambassador Bagley. Thank you for the question, Senator. I
think legislation is really important. There was a big article
in the Washington Post about--exactly about this and kind of
blaming the United States for eating so much beef that we
would, you know, contribute to this problem.
Certainly--as Ambassador I would, certainly, be working
with the Government of Brazil. We are now. They have committed
at COP26 to ending deforestation by 2025, which is quite an
ambitious goal and one that they have not really yet taken
steps to fulfill.
They have also committed to ending greenhouse gas emissions
completely by 2050. It is something that we have been working
with them on, kind of encouraging them to take more steps. This
would be part of it as well.
They did sign a global methane pledge also, which goes to
your question. I do think that there is--and a forest pledge,
Glasgow Leaders' Declaration on Forests, that they signed at
Glasgow.
So I think legislation would be really important. But also,
along with legislation, we have a responsibility as diplomats.
I will have responsibility, if confirmed, to work with the
Government to encourage them. We have a number of agencies that
are involved.
USAID is involved with public-private partnerships, the
business community, especially the United States business
community is very charged with this. There are a lot of things
that we could do.
Senator Schatz. A couple of thoughts. First of all, I am
glad you mentioned legislation. I have legislation.
Ambassador Bagley. Oh, good.
Senator Schatz. It creates a framework for--it is called
the FOREST Act. It creates a framework for the federal
government to stop commodity-driven illegal deforestation
around the world.
And so, yes, we need legislation but we also need to--
because commitments are commitments, and I am almost worried--
look, 2050 is so far out into the future that nobody can be
held accountable for any progress because 2050 you can always
draw a line and say, well, you know, starting in the mid 2030s
we are going to make a ton of progress. 2025 is equally
alarming because there is no way--there is no way they meet
those goals.
We need to work with USAID to improve transparency,
reporting and enforcement, because the challenge--and I have
interacted with the Brazilian Government on this issue and
there are legitimate sort of supply chain transparency
questions and I think sometimes folks hide behind those
legitimate questions to sort of throw their hands up and say,
we think it is all fine.
And I would just like you to--I do not want us--I do not
want the legislative branch to punt this to the executive
branch and I do not want the executive branch to punt it back,
and we go back and forth and then we--here we are. We have
pledged to eliminate deforestation but month by month, tick
tock, and we are not making any progress.
I want to hear a sense of urgency, not just around
declarations and announceables but on the mechanics of getting
this to happen.
Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely, Senator. I could not agree
more. I know the Presidential Special Envoy John Kerry is
working very hard on this issue.
I will be working with him as well, and I am happy to work
with you on all of these issues but especially this. I think it
is existential. It will be my primary responsibility, I
believe, if I am confirmed as Ambassador.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Schatz. I will now start
with questions.
Ambassador Bagley, we are friends, and I just want to
follow up on the questions that Senator Menendez and Senator
Cardin asked.
The interview surprised me. I have known you for a while
and----
Ambassador Bagley. Surprised me, too.
Senator Kaine [continuing]. You treat people very fairly
and I have seen you treat people in all circumstances very
fairly. And I sort of read it and it reminded me of something
that one of my campaign managers once told me. Be more careful
in a friendly interview than a hostile one, because in a
hostile when you are prepped for hostile questions but when you
are in a setting that is a friendly setting you sometimes go
with the questioner's lead, and I got to tell you, the
transcript--whoever was questioning you was really asking you
pretty outrageous questions, and if you read the whole
transcript sometimes you would sort of go along with the
premise but sometimes you would push back on the premise.
The opening question, again, for an interview with an
ambassador this was the question--``I would think one of the
big things of any campaign would be the Israeli influence.''
That was not your question. That is what you were asked, and
that is almost insulting.
I mean, Jewish Americans get involved in campaigns like all
Americans do. But the Israeli Government does not push
candidates around. I have been on 10 ballots and I have never
had the Israeli Government push me on anything. But with a
questioner who was probably a friendly interviewer starting the
question that way, I can kind of see why you would go down that
path. You also pushed back.
Here is another question that was outrageous: ``I would
think raising money--without trying to sound fascist almost but
a lot of the free money floating around for good causes or
political causes is Jewish money. Did you find that the
candidates had to act in a certain way or you as a fundraiser
had to say certain things?'' And here was your answer: ``Not
really. It was more the effect of the primaries or the
politics, not the money.''
So you were, basically, saying, no, Jewish Americans, like
all Americans, have policy interests and you want to appeal to
constituencies. It was not about money. It was about trying to
appeal to constituencies based on issues that matter to them.
That is an entirely appropriate answer.
I will say the transcript kind of goes a little bit all
over the board. But you had a leading questioner. I would have
been objecting; had it been in court, I would be objecting that
the questioner was leading the witness.
And sometimes you would go with the premise of the
question, sometimes you would not. But I feel a high degree of
confidence in your fairness in that interview from 24 years
ago. I think if you put it in context there are some troubling
pieces of it. But I think I get what was going on and you had
a----
Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Kaine [continuing]. Somebody in a friendly
interview who was trying to lead you.
Let me ask you this. I am puzzled by Bolsonaro's attraction
to Putin--the visit to Russia shortly before the Ukraine
invasion, the fact that they are not willing to call it out for
what it is.
I know that there is an election going on. He declared
solidarity with Russia. In the OAS, Brazil has repeatedly
abstained on votes regarding Russia's invasion of the Ukraine.
Now, you have had to deliver friendly messages, but also
some maybe unfriendly messages when you were an ambassador
before. How would you--should you be confirmed--how would you
deal with Brazil, particularly on this issue of not being
willing to call out Putin for what he is and what he is doing?
Ambassador Bagley. I would be very direct with them because
I think a lot of his--Bolsonaro's--statements belie what his
diplomats--what his Government is doing. Foreign Minister
Franca has actually been very moderate. Treasury Secretary
Minister Guedes is also very moderate, and they have actually
been very good in terms of the U.N. votes.
They are, as you know, part of the Security Council now for
the next two years as nonpermanent members. They have voted
twice against the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, and once in
the General Assembly.
There was one vote that they abstained because they felt,
for procedural reasons, that there should be more of an
investigation. This is on expelling Russia from the U.N. Human
Rights Council. So they abstained on that.
But they are part of BRICS and BRICS is not an easy group
to be part of at this point, and they are the only country that
has supported the United States' position on Russia and
Ukraine.
But I would continue to press them on that. Absolutely.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Aponte, tell me your assessment of this Alliance
for Development in Democracy. The foreign ministers of the
three nations--Panama, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic--met
recently with Senators Risch, Menendez, Rubio, and me to talk
about what they are trying to do, to kind of have a little bit
more mass together than they might individually, to stand
strong for democracy in a region where there is backsliding in
democracy.
Assess the opportunities of the Alliance and how the U.S.
could work together with the Alliance to amplify their effect.
Ambassador Aponte. Senator, I am so glad you brought that
up because as Senator Menendez alluded in his comments, there
is a troika of Nicaragua and Cuba and Venezuela.
But this is the good news--the troika of Costa Rica,
Panama, and the Dominican Republic, who have joined forces to
address the issue of--not only of democracy but strengthening
institutions and improving trade relations, and it is a step in
the right direction.
It is very exciting and a great opportunity for the United
States to work with them. It also provides them a platform to
talk to us at another level.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much for that.
Dr. Mora, I want to ask you this. Why are member states of
OAS, including close U.S. partners, often so reluctant to take
stronger stands against democratic backsliding, particularly
with respect to Venezuela and Nicaragua, and what could you do,
should you be confirmed, that might help inject some spine?
Mr. Mora. Thank you for that question, Chairman.
There are several reasons or explanations for that. But let
me start by saying that that reality that you just explained is
unfortunate because all members subscribed and signed on to the
Inter-American Democratic Charter, right, and the charter
enshrines the values, the principles, the practices, of what
free democratic societies should function, and how and why they
should protect individuals or citizens' human rights.
And I would argue that the citizens of Nicaragua, citizens
of Venezuela, Cuba, deserve the right, freedoms, dignity, that
every other citizen in the Americas.
And so it is important and, if confirmed, I will insist
that we go back and remember what we subscribed or what we
signed up to in that democratic--we have to be consistent with
the values and principles that are embodied in that document
and I think, frankly, the OAS has done a good job with respect
to Nicaragua, to Venezuela.
There are a series of resolutions--important resolutions--
that condemn and have taken very strong actions, and that I
think the OAS needs to be applauded.
Unfortunately, that is not true of Cuba. I think that on
the basis of noninterference--you hear that a lot--and
sovereignty--you hear that a lot. That is the explanation
given, for example, which was very unfortunate, Senator Kaine,
when after the July protests in Cuba there was an opportunity
for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to come
before the Permanent Council to make its assessment of what had
occurred on the island in light of the protests and the brutal
repression on the part of the dictatorship.
Unfortunately, some member states said no, and that was
very unfortunate because, as I said, the Inter-American
Democratic Charter just does not apply to Nicaragua and
Venezuela and the rest.
It applies to Cuba as well and as the first article of the
Charter states, every citizen of the Americas has a right to
live in democracy and to have their human rights respected, and
every government has an obligation to defend and promote
democracy and human rights, and that applies to every state.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Dr. Mora.
I am going to recognize Senator Hagerty for a first round
of questions and then we will go to a second round of
questions. And Ms. Kwan, do not worry, I have questions for
you. So you are not getting off easy.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. The light is not functioning. Does that
work now? Okay. Thank you.
Ambassador Bagley, I would like to start with you, if I
might, and particularly to talk with you about the 5G
infrastructure of Brazil. I have a feeling that you will feel
the same way as me but I want to ask you directly if you feel
that the United States should press our allies to keep Huawei
and other similarly situated national champions--CCP affiliated
companies--out of our telecommunications infrastructure. I
would like to hear your thoughts.
Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator. We have already
discussed that and that is exactly what I said. We worry about
Huawei being the sole supplier. We are really encouraging them
to look with eyes open at the repercussions of that on privacy
grounds, on grounds of national security, and grounds of debt
sustainability, interoperability.
So there are all those issues that would come into play if
it were just Huawei. We are really working very hard with them
and if I am confirmed I will work even harder to make sure that
they have--if they have Huawei at all that they have multiple
suppliers.
Senator Hagerty. Yes, I would say this. During my time
serving as ambassador to Japan I worked very closely with the
government of Japan to ensure that their network became clean.
In fact, we put in place something called the Clean Network
Initiative. I have spoke with a number of your colleagues at
the State Department about this.
It is an initiative that Brazil, I think, has actually
supported the principles contained in the Clean Network
Initiative, and it talks about safe, transparent, and
compatible environment in telecommunications and infrastructure
that is compatible with our democratic values and our
fundamental freedoms.
And, again, I think that Huawei is taking--and when I say
Huawei I mean that ilk of company is taking a posture very
different from that. Unfortunately, in March of this year,
Huawei has signed an agreement with TIM Brazil to develop a 5G
city in Brazil, and it is deeply troubling, particularly when
we think about the broader national security implications that
you and I have discussed.
And I look forward to working with you and I look forward
to your leadership, if you are confirmed, to continue to work
hard to push back against this with the government of Brazil.
Ambassador Bagley. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much.
Next, if I might, Ambassador Aponte, I would like to turn
to you to talk about some concerns I have, again, regarding
China and their activity regarding the Panama Canal.
The Panama Canal is, arguably, one of the most important
geostrategic locations for the United States. It annually
registers nearly 14,000 transits. That is a value equal to 6
percent of all global trade.
The United States remains the top user of the canal. In
2019, 66 percent of the cargo traffic transiting the canal
either began or ended its journey at a U.S. port. Despite the
importance of the Panama Canal to United States national
security and our economic security, the trends that I see in
Panama are deeply concerning.
In 2016, then President Carlos Varela severed diplomatic
ties with Taiwan to recognize China. Since then, Chinese
companies have been heavily involved in infrastructure-related
contracts both in and around the canal. They are involved in
Panama's logistics, their electricity, construction sectors,
all part of China's One Belt, One Road Initiative.
In 2020, U.S. Southern Command expressed concern that
China's investment in numerous deepwater ports and
infrastructure on both sides of the Panama Canal could enable
the Chinese military to threaten sea lanes vital to global
commerce and to the movement of U.S. forces.
Ambassador Ponte, if you are confirmed to this new
position, what is your assessment of the increasing Chinese
involvement in the Panama Canal region?
Ambassador Aponte. Thank you very much. I am glad you
brought up the issue of the Chinese influence around the canal.
Since President Cortizo came to power in 2019, we have seen the
cancellation and the withdrawal of some projects around the
canal for the right reasons, meaning for--because there was
noncompliance of the contracts.
There is a port on the Atlantic side where the contract is
being--is in the process of being withdrawn. We assume that it
will eventually come back on the market and then it will be
open for all other corporations to bid on it.
But that is just one of them. There is also--on natural
gas, there was a withdrawal of a contract to the Shanghai
Electric Power and it is now--it went to the AES.
So we have seen some progress, and what is really exciting
to see is that it is being done because there is noncompliance.
If you do not comply with the terms of the contract you are
out.
Senator Hagerty. This is not surprising, and I am sorry to
cut you short but it is not surprising. It is actually very
typical of the way the CCP behaves in this sort of environment,
particularly these Belt and Road projects. They are predatory,
they are aggressive, and they are detrimental to our national
security.
I would encourage you, if you are confirmed, to develop a
plan, a specific plan of how you will work with the government,
the Panama Canal, to help offset and move our interests forward
and help educate them on the challenges.
I have seen this happen in other countries. I worked very
closely in my previous position to deal with China's predatory
behavior in the Subic Bay, for example, in the Philippines when
I was serving in that region. We need to be alert at every
level and I encourage you to undertake this with utmost haste.
Ambassador Aponte. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Kaine. For a second round of questions, Senator
Menendez?
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just want to conclude with Ambassador Bagley, and I got a
gist of your questions. And yes, a questioner can be leading.
But I assume, as a U.S. Ambassador, we do not necessarily
follow the leading questions. We answer them in conformance
with U.S. policy. Would that be a fair statement, Ambassador?
Ambassador Bagley. Yes, Senator. It was not an interview,
per se. It was an oral history. It was actually a so-called
friend of mine who asked me to do it and it was one of these
very free-flowing conversations that were--I was supposed to
approve later, as was the State Department. I do not really
understand how it became in the public.
But, again, it was in my remarks where it was a poor choice
of words and they were not well thought.
The Chairman. As I have said to other nominees, you are not
the only person who has ever fallen in these categories.
What we say all of the time, especially when we are not in
the garish light of a confirmation hearing or actually in the
midst of a position, is very important because what we say when
we are not under the light is often what we feel, and we all
have the right to our personal feelings but not if they are in
conflict with U.S. policy.
Let me ask you one question about President Bolsonaro's
attempts to undermine the credibility of Brazil's electoral
system. If you are confirmed, what steps would you take to
ensure support for the integrity and outcome of democratic
elections in Brazil?
Ambassador Bagley. Thank you, Senator, for the question,
Mr. Chairman. Bolsonaro has said a lot of things. But,
basically, they--Brazil has been a democracy. They have
democratic institutions. They have a democratic electoral
system. They have an independent judiciary, an independent
legislature. They have freedom of speech and assembly.
So they have all the democratic institutions that they need
in order to have a free and fair election. As you, I think,
know I have been on the board of NDI for over 30 years and I
have done a lot of election monitoring and I know it is not
going to be an easy time because of a lot of his comments.
But underlying all those comments is the real institutional
background and I think what we will continue to do is to show
our confidence and our expectation that they will have a free
and fair election, and we are doing that at every level.
The Chairman. When a leader of a country tries to
undermine, as we have experienced here in the United States,
the validity and veracity of an election, it undermines the
democratic process in that country.
Ambassador Bagley. Yes.
The Chairman. I hope we will not be fearful to challenge
that, at the end of the day.
Dr. Mora, you and I have had a couple of conversations
about a series of previous comments. I want to just focus on
one. During a 2019 conference call with the Council on Foreign
Relations, you discussed U.S. sanctions on Cuba and stated,
quote, ``The United States continues with those sanctions, even
though there is no evidence of effectiveness. It begs the
question why are we doing it. And there, we get into domestic
politics.''
So the question is, clearly, there is a handful of peaceful
diplomacy tools that we have as a nation--the use of our aid
and our trade to induce countries to act a certain way,
international public opinion to the extent that that country or
its leader is willing to be moved by it--dictators, generally,
do not care--or the denial of aid, trade, or access to our
financial system, which we generally consider sanctions.
That is our arsenal of peaceful diplomacy tools. If you are
to be confirmed to the OAS, and it is the policy of the United
States to enforce sanctions on Cuba or, for that fact,
Venezuela or Nicaragua, which I hope the Administration will
do. What position will you take at the OAS among your
colleagues from countries in the hemisphere in this regard?
Mr. Mora. Thank you, Chair Menendez, and for the
opportunity to address that question.
First, I would say and, if confirmed, I want to be very
clear that I will be a strong, forceful advocate for the Biden
administration's sanctions policy in Cuba and elsewhere in the
hemisphere.
I will do so in public--in public forums, if confirmed, but
also in private conversations with colleagues.
As you know, and we have spoken about this, Chair Menendez,
I have struggled all my life thinking about how are best ways
to bring democracy, dignity to the Cuban people after decades
of a brutal dictatorship, repression, systemic abuse, that was
highlighted in July and November of last year.
This is not a professional or moral imperative for me. It
is a personal one, and I have struggled with this issue. But I
am committed and I will reiterate this again, if confirmed,
that--to Senator Kaine's question--it is important that the OAS
focus more of its attention on Cuba. It has done a great job, I
think, in Nicaragua, in Venezuela, but it has fallen short in
Cuba.
We have a great partner, I think, in the Secretary General,
who has been very supportive of these initiatives. But,
frankly, we need to do more and it was unfortunate that the
Permanent Council refused to listen to the Inter-American
Commission's assessment of the repression in July of last year.
And I think we need to do more, not just in the Permanent
Council, Chairman Menendez, but in informal meetings with like-
minded countries with the Secretary General to continue shining
a light on the tragedy in that island.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, if I have your indulgence, the Biden
administration made decisions a day or so ago but it still
retained the restricted list, which is the main vehicle of
sanctioning the regime.
Even it understands the consequence, especially what was
the regime's answer to put forth a new penal code that includes
the death penalty for acts of freedom of speech--the death
penalty for acts of freedom of speech.
Ms. Kwan, I know you have retweeted some things in the
past. You might want to think about that.
Finally, Ambassador Aponte, it is good to see you back
before the committee. You did a fantastic job for us in El
Salvador when you were our ambassador previously. I am sure you
will do so again in Panama--a different country, different set
of issues.
But the Panamanians have joined the Costa Ricans and the
Dominican Republic to launch an Alliance for Development in
Democracy, something that we applaud and embrace.
These kinds of regional activities are rare and, in my
view, worthy of U.S. attention and support. What steps will you
take to strengthen the U.S. partnership with the Alliance for
Democracy in Development in order to catalyze economic
development and encourage alternatives to Chinese investments?
Senator Hagerty was correctly pointing out the challenge that
we have with China in the hemisphere and the region.
Ambassador Aponte. Thank you very much for bringing the
Alliance for Development in Democracy, Senator. It is an
exciting development and I think it affords us the opportunity
to work together, especially in bringing projects to the three
countries that are big infrastructure projects that can be done
in partnership with other countries.
I think that we need to urge other countries to also be
supportive along with us in investing and in calling for
investment in the three countries.
In the end, what I think we are seeking is the stability of
not only Panama but of the members of the Alliance, and the one
place--one solid place--where we can demonstrate our support is
precisely in those kinds of infrastructure--big infrastructure
development projects.
The Chairman. Thank you. I also have migration questions; I
will submit something for the record in that realm.
Mr. Chairman, thank you. You know my passion for the
Western Hemisphere is joined by yours as well. So I appreciate
the courtesy.
Senator Kaine. Absolutely. It took me eight years on the
committee to finally get to be the chair and ranking of the
subcommittee. So patience rewards those who are willing to
wait.
Just comments for Ambassador Aponte and Dr. Mora, and then
a question and topic for Ms. Kwan.
On the Alliance, the senator, I think, said he would follow
up with some written questions about migration. But it does
strikes me that that is an interesting topic for us to engage
with the Alliance on.
Dominican Republic has significant immigration issues from
Haiti. Panama has significant immigration issues through the
Darien Gap from all over South America, and then Costa Rica has
these immigration issues because Nicaraguans fleeing the
brutality there are maybe a little more likely to go south into
Costa Rica than to transit north.
And so I think there is economic development opportunities.
There is standing strong for democracy and rule of law and
human rights but there is also the challenges that we are all
facing on the migration front, and we may be able to share some
best practices and learn from each other.
Dr. Mora, one of the things that I am a little bit
encouraged by in the hemisphere now is the emergence of some
governments on the left who are willing to criticize abuses of
the left. The challenge is not just in the Americas but around
the world as you have a charter that sets up these principles
but then if governments on the left abuse them other
governments on the left are silent. If governments on the right
abuse them governments on the right are silent.
Although it is still nascent, the new governments in
Honduras and Chile are governments from the left who have shown
some willingness--some willingness--to speak out against the
Russian invasion and speak out against other abuses of left-
leaning governments and I would say that that is a really
positive trend.
Again, it is new in both of these governments but,
hopefully, that could continue. And I hope that the U.S. which,
in my view, has often been more willing to speak out by--
against abuses by governments on the left than governments on
the right.
I hope we are even handed in the way we stand for those
principles in the charter, regardless of what is the flavor of
the government that might be committing violations of the
charter.
Ms. Kwan, you mentioned in your opening statement the
vaccine issue, and here is my observation from the trip that I
took with Senator Portman and others a year ago. We went in
July and just coincidentally it was right at the time that the
U.S. was engaging in major deliveries of vaccines throughout
the world.
I give credit to President Biden by, basically, saying,
look, the U.S. is going to be the most generous donor of
vaccines.
We did not go to Belize on that trip, but in the foreign
nations that we went this was what we heard: you are giving us
the best vaccines in the world and if we say something nice
about Taiwan or bad about Beijing you do not suddenly cancel
the contract.
China or Russia are offering to sell us vaccines that are
substandard. They are not as good as the American vaccines and
the timing of the delivery when we make a contract is up in the
air, and if we say something nice about Taiwan then the
contract goes away.
I think this vaccine diplomacy issue has been one of the
best things the United States has done in the region and in the
world during this very difficult time. In the Americas, we
often hear from heads of state, oh, the Chinese are here. We
would rather deal with you but you are not here. The Chinese
are here. So we are going to deal with China.
What we have done on the vaccine side has really earned us
some goodwill, not just in dealing with COVID but the United
States is back, really wants to be a partner. We see the value
of the alliance.
So we are having this battle right now about what will be
in the COVID bill that we will likely do before Memorial Day,
and one of the points of contention--I think we will get a bill
done--one of the points of contention is whether there is going
to be a robust vaccine diplomacy piece of the bill.
I think our vaccine diplomacy was one of the best things
that we have done on the diplomatic front, and so I was pleased
to hear you reference the vaccine delivery to Belize for a
nation of that population.
That is a sizable amount of high-quality vaccines, and I
would just like you to, if you could, go further into that. You
have done a lot of public diplomacy.
Vaccine diplomacy is that kind of public diplomacy that
builds goodwill. What is your assessment of the effectiveness
of what we have done in Belize around the vaccine and what
might you suggest to us as we think about how to build on that?
Ms. Kwan. Thank you so much for the opportunity to answer
that question.
In 2021, as I mentioned, there was 228,150 vaccines
donated. If confirmed, as you mentioned, diplomacy would be a
major priority for me, as well as health security. Fifty
percent of the population in Belize is fully vaccinated.
In my opening remarks, I mentioned $300,000 in supplemental
assistance, $4 million in partnership with Baylor University,
$2 million of which went with CDC research with Baylor
University.
I believe that, if confirmed, I will work very hard in
finding opportunities for engagement. As I mentioned in my
opening remarks, educational sporting exchanges, I will
definitely lean on my experience and background and also
recover from the pandemic, understanding that governments all
around the world have been hit severely by the pandemic and
understanding that Belize's main industry is tourism. Forty-two
percent of imports to Belize comes from the United States.
My priority is to make sure that we are able to work
closely with the government of Belize and to build back better
and stronger from the pandemic.
Senator Kaine. I thank you for that. I will just stay on my
soapbox for a minute about vaccines. Eight percent of the
vaccines that--this was the last measure I saw--it could have
been slightly changed, but 8 percent of the vaccines that the
U.S. delivered to other nations were delivered to Latin
America, Central Mexico, Central and South America and the
Caribbean and that region has 8 percent of the world's
population but has had 30 percent of the world's deaths to
COVID.
I do not think we allocated the vaccines correctly. I think
we--just as we do in our own country, we should be allocating
vaccines to areas of great risk.
There is also a geopolitical reality about trying to be
maybe a little more forward leaning on distributing vaccines in
the Americas and that is the migration and travel and family
connections between U.S. citizens and those living in Mexico,
Central South America, and the Caribbeans are so close that
leaning forward into delivery of vaccines in this region will
have a disproportionately positive effect on health here at
home.
And this is something that the Chairman and I are really
strong believers in. We wrote a letter early before the
vaccines really started to roll out saying that there are a
whole series of reasons why prioritization of vaccine delivery
in the Americas makes a lot of sense for our own public health
and also for the needs of that population.
The work is on our shoulders, I think, to try to come up
with a COVID bill that will continue what has been a positive
diplomatic coup for us, really, in terms of this vaccine
delivery of high-quality vaccines and I hope we will do it.
But I just wanted to take advantage of your recognizing
that as an important aspect of the relationship, particularly
in the last year plus.
Thank you all for your willingness to serve, for your
service before you got to the committee, for going through the
hearing.
I am going to ask that the hearing record remain open till
5:00 o'clock on Friday, two days from now, so that if members
either who were here or who were not able to attend want to
submit questions in writing they can do that by 5:00 o'clock
Friday, May 20.
If those questions are submitted, I would encourage all of
you to provide answers promptly and thoroughly as quickly as
you can and that will expedite then the ability of the
committee to take up your nominations.
The hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:48 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Robert Menendez
Cuba
Question. In a 1998 interview with The Association for Diplomatic
Studies and Training, you discussed the Cuban-American vote and noted
``The Cuban-American Foundation president and the founder, Jorge Mas
Canosa, was a really strong Republican. There was no reason for the
Democrats to think they could get the [Cuban vote], but they still
thought they could get some money from them, and they did. It was not
just Florida; it was also New Jersey where now they say the Cuban
population there is even more radical against Castro than the ones in
Miami. The real hardliners are in Newark, New Jersey, which has the
second largest Cuban population in the United States. So, it is still a
factor. Again, it is not numbers, it is like the Jewish factor, it's
money.''
Please clarify for the committee your suggestion about the
relationship between the Democratic Party and the Cuban-
American community, as well as your comment about the Jewish
community.
Answer. I apologize and deeply regret the poorly considered remarks
on Cuban Americans and Jewish Americans I made as part of a 1998 oral
history project about foreign affairs. Those comments in no way reflect
my views then or now about the important political, economic, and
cultural contributions of both communities to the fabric of our society
and to the democratic institutions of our great country.
Throughout my career spanning over four decades of service to the
United States, I have supported the rights of all people to have a
voice in U.S. policy. I worked side-by-side with Cuban Americans and
Jewish Americans during my years of political advocacy, in and out of
the United States Government. For more than 30 years, I have been an
active member of the Board of the National Democratic Institute, which
has worked with the Cuban-American community and with Cuban democracy
activists since 1991, sharing information and building capacity among
civil society actors seeking meaningful political and economic reforms
and peaceful democratic change.
As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama
to promote religious freedom, equity and social justice, and I continue
to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and Community
Engagement.
Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans.
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary,
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban
people to freedom of speech, religion, and assembly in a democratically
elected government. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these
fundamental American values.
Israeli Influence in Campaigns
Question. In the same 1998 interview, in response to a question
about Israeli influence in campaigns: you stated, ``There is always the
influence of the Jewish lobby because there is major money involved.''
What did you mean by that comment?
Answer. That response reflected a poor choice of words and not my
thinking of Jewish Americans, either in public or in private. I
apologize and deeply regret my comments. I understand antisemitism as a
prejudice rooted in irrational conspiracies, and if confirmed, I pledge
to forcefully condemn antisemitism in all its forms.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. I take nothing more seriously than the health and
security of the people who will work with me, should I be confirmed.
The interagency community continues its examination of a range of
hypotheses. Secretary Blinken prioritizes the Department's response to
Anomalous Health Incidents (AHI), setting clear goals for the Health
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with its workforce and providing care for affected
employees and family members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people working at the U.S. Mission in
Brazil. I commit to working with health and security officials and
other parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate
protocols and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans
and local staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator James E. Risch
Russia
Question. Brazil relies heavily on Russian fertilizer imports and
continues to receive shipments of fertilizer from Russia despite
sanctions. Although Brazil voted to condemn Russia's aggression against
Ukraine, Bolsonaro has supported.
If confirmed, what efforts would you take to encourage Brazil to
support international sanctions related Russia's invasion of
Ukraine?
Answer. We engage Brazil as a member of the U.N. Security Council
to address Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Brazil has voted in favor of
U.N. Security Council, U.N. General Assembly, and Human Rights Council
resolutions to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
If confirmed, I would advocate with Brazil to respond to Russia's
aggression, including through international sanctions. Despite economic
ties between Brazil and Russia, President Bolsonaro has consistently
said that he places paramount importance on Brazil's relationship with
the United States, and I plan to build on this relationship to
encourage Brazil's support for sanctions. As U.S. Representative to the
United Nations Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has said, neutrality in the
face of atrocities is unacceptable.
China
Question. China is Brazil's largest trade partner and has invested
over $66 billion into its infrastructure.
Please explain how you would recommend the United States work to
address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and
security influence in Brazil and Western Hemisphere.
Answer. If confirmed, I would build on our strong bilateral
relationship to encourage Brazil to examine the full implication of the
PRC's practices, including the malign influence it exercises in the
region. Our nearly two dozen regular dialogues and high-level
engagements with Brazil provide ample opportunities to show PRC's
negative influence, whether it is the decrease in Brazil's export of
high value-added products due to trade with the PRC, the risks
associated with civil nuclear cooperation with the PRC, or the security
risks of incorporating equipment from PRC companies in 5G
infrastructure in Brazil.
Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Brazil-
China relations?
Answer. The United States needs to continue encouraging the
Brazilian Government to exercise due diligence in doing business with
China, in terms of national security, privacy rights, debt
sustainability, and transparency.
I understand the PRC has been an important source of trade and
investment for Brazil for nearly 20 years. Since 2012, it has been
Brazil's top trading partner in terms of total volume, which is
primarily commodities from Brazil and manufactured goods from the PRC.
However, the PRC's engagement has also threatened several Brazilian
industries and the intellectual property of Brazilian companies.
Brazilian industry representatives have complained that inexpensive
PRC-based products have harmed Brazil's industrial sector. Brazil's
exports of higher value-added products have decreased since the PRC's
2001 WTO entry. The PRC is a relatively small but growing investor in
Brazil, the fifth largest investor in Brazil, after the United States,
Spain, France, and Belgium. PRC FDI stock amounted to about 4 percent
of Brazil's total foreign direct investment in 2020. Most PRC direct
investment in Brazil is in the power sector and extractive industries
where PRC state-owned firms play a major role. These firms have also
invested in port and logistics infrastructure.
Telecommunications firms like Huawei and ZTE have been active in
Brazil for more than 20 years. Huawei is a telecommunications equipment
market leader in Brazil. PRC-based companies also have won tenders to
provide ``Smart City'' surveillance, law enforcement bodycams, and
facial recognition technology across Brazil.
Brazil participates in the BRICS grouping and the Sino-Brazilian
High-Level Consultation and Cooperation Commission, headed by both
countries' vice presidents.
Academic exchange programs and research between Brazil and China
are growing. The PRC state-owned news service Xinhua is building
affiliations with local news outlets which now publish daily Xinhua
content in Portuguese. Brazil is home to 12 Confucius Institutes and
three Confucius classrooms. The PRC also funds think tanks and research
centers at Brazilian universities.
Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the
Brazilian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of
China to international norms.
Answer. If confirmed, I would raise with government and private
sector leaders the security, human rights, economic, and other risks
involved in some of the PRC's practices in Brazil and the rest of the
region. Public opinion in Brazil leans significantly towards support
for the United States and democratic values. If confirmed, I intend to
strengthen that support through public outreach directly to the
Brazilian people by expanding Mission Brazil's public diplomacy efforts
in this area.
Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Brazil?
Answer. I understand the U.S. Government has engaged with the
Government of Brazil and with the telecommunications companies directly
to raise awareness about the true costs and implications of using
untrusted suppliers, which include widespread security risks and
interoperability issues. I would continue these efforts.
In addition to presenting the true costs of Huawei's role in the
telecommunications sector, I would present alternatives. The industry-
led global movement towards open, interoperable approaches, such as
Open Radio Access Networks, or Open RAN, has the potential to increase
market competition, lower costs, and improve security. Providers and
operators in Brazil are bringing forward Open RAN architecture
solutions for mobile communications networks, and the United States
should continue to support those efforts. The United States and Brazil
can be partners in building open, reliable, and secure
telecommunications networks.
Internal Politics
Question. Former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, convicted and
jailed for corruption, is the leading opposition candidate for Brazil's
October presidential elections.
How would the return to his leftist policies effect our bilateral
relations?
Answer. Relations between Brazil and the United States have
transcended many administrations because of our strong historic,
economic, cultural, and people-to-people ties. For its part, Brazil has
strong democratic institutions, including an independent judiciary,
that have made great strides in creating a higher standard of
accountability and thorough and impartial investigations into
allegations of corruption. Anticorruption is also a core U.S. national
security priority. If confirmed, I will advance this national security
priority by encouraging continued cooperation with government, law
enforcement, and civil society partners in Brazil on tackling
corruption, promoting greater transparency, and fostering good
governance.
Cuba
Question. In a 1998 interview with conducted on the behalf of the
Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training while you were the U.S.
Ambassador to Portugal, you stated ``it was also New Jersey where now
they say the Cuban population there is even more radical against Castro
than the ones in Miami.''
Who is the ``they'' you are referencing in this statement?
Answer. I do not recall the specific source of the comment that I
referred to in that conversation from 1998. Regardless of the source I
was referencing, I apologize and deeply regret the poorly considered
remarks on Cuban Americans I made as part of that interview. Those
comments in no way reflect my views then or now about the important
political, economic, and cultural contributions Cuban Americans make to
the democratic institutions of our great country.
Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans.
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary,
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban
people to freedom of speech, religion, and assembly in a democratically
elected government. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these
fundamental American values.
Question. Please provide a detailed explanation of your
understanding of human rights conditions in Cuba in 1998?
Answer. Cuba was then, and is now, neither free nor democratic and
human rights conditions were poor, as they are now. The Cuban regime
denied its citizens basic human rights. Among other abuses, it
routinely threatened, harassed and arbitrarily arrested human rights
advocates, journalists and political opposition; severely restricted
freedoms of expression and assembly; and physically abused political
prisoners and detainees. These acts continue today. I regret that my
comments from a 1998 interview for the oral history project could be
interpreted to suggest otherwise. Those remarks in no way were intended
to minimize the hardship and abuse of Cubans in Cuba or deny the right
of political participation of Cuban Americans here. If confirmed as
Ambassador to Brazil, I will ensure my work and my communication embody
fundamental American values.
Question. Why did you believe that it was radical to oppose the
Castro regime in 1998?
Answer. I believed then and believe today that there was nothing
radical in opposing the Castro regime in 1998. My comments from my 1998
oral history project were poorly considered and did not reflect my
views either about Cuba at the time or the right of Cuban Americans to
voice their views on Cuba in our democracy. I sincerely apologize for
those remarks. I strongly believe in our democratic values, including
the right of political participation of all Americans.
Question. Please provide a detailed explanation of your
understanding of human rights conditions in Cuba under the Diaz-Canel
regime in Cuba.
Answer. Cuba under President Diaz-Canel is an authoritarian state
that commits widespread abuses of human rights. Cuba is a one-party
state with no fair or competitive elections. Cuba's security forces,
controlled by national leadership, commit numerous abuses and hold
political prisoners in harsh and degrading conditions. The Cuban
Government violently suppresses protests, including the spontaneous,
peaceful demonstrations in July 2021. The Government commits
extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, arbitrary
arrests, and other serious violations of basic human rights with
impunity.
If confirmed as Ambassador to Brazil, I will work in that role to
defend the rights of the Cuban people against the abuses committed by
the Cuban Government.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage with the Brazilian
people about human rights conditions in Cuba?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise the issue with
Brazil, which has publicly voiced concerns over human rights in Cuba.
Question. In 2020, the Brazilian Government readmitted 1,800 Cuban
doctors after a previous promise from President Bolsonaro to expel this
group of medical workers.
Would you agree the Cuba's overseas medical missions amount to
human trafficking?
Answer. I understand the Department continues to have serious and
ongoing concerns about the allegations of forced labor in Cuba's
international labor programs. Since 2010, the State Department has
identified indicators of forced labor in Cuba's labor export programs,
including medical missions overseas. Over the last two years, in the
Trafficking in Persons Report, the Department found a policy or pattern
that Cuba profited from the labor export program amid strong
indications of forced labor. The Department's 2021 Trafficking in
Persons report listed Cuba as Tier 3. If confirmed, I will urge my
counterparts in Brazil to take steps to prevent forced labor and seek
transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban Government and
Cuban overseas workers, to screen those associated with this program
for trafficking indicators, and to protect victims identified.
Question. Please discuss how you would engage, if confirmed, the
Brazilian Government on concerns about state-sponsored human
trafficking?
Answer. If confirmed, I would oppose any state-sponsored human
trafficking and raise those concerns with counterparts in Brazil.
Jewish Relations
Question. Brazil has the 11th largest Jewish population in the
world, estimated at approximately 180,000 individuals of Jewish
heritage. In the 1998 interview referenced above, you are quoted
saying: ``The Democrats always tend to go with the Jewish constituency
on Israel and say stupid things, like moving the capital to Jerusalem
always comes up. Things that we shouldn't even touch.''
Can you explain your views on Jerusalem being the capital of
Israel?
Answer. I support the U.S. policy that Jerusalem is the capital of
Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through
direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. I understand
the Administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to the national
visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
Additionally, if confirmed, I am committed to engaging Brazil's
Jewish community, particularly in the face of rising levels of
antisemitism in the region and around the world, as part of the U.S.
Mission to Brazil's active and vital efforts to engage religious
minority communities.
Question. Please explain what you meant by equating ``moving the
capital to Jerusalem'' with ``stupid things.''
Answer. I apologize for and deeply regret the poorly considered
remarks I made as part of a 1998 oral history project about foreign
affairs. At that time, the policy of all prior U.S. administrations was
that the status of Jerusalem would be part of broader negotiations.
Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and I support the U.S. policy that
our embassy will remain in Jerusalem.
Question. Do you support the U.S. policy to locate the U.S. Embassy
in Jerusalem?
Answer. Yes. I support the U.S. policy that our embassy will remain
in Jerusalem.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Brazil was identified as Tier 2 due to overall lack of
prosecutions and convictions of traffickers.
How will you work with the Brazilian Government to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the success of, and take away
lessons learned from, the more than $20 million worth of programing we
are funding with congressional support to combat trafficking in persons
in Brazil. If confirmed, I will actively engage the Government of
Brazil on victims' identification, prosecution of perpetrators, and
comprehensive victims' assistance, and target the reach of
transnational criminal organizations of the most vulnerable of Brazil's
society into forced labor and sex trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Brazil operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. Congress has supported funding crucial initiatives to
operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
trafficking in persons report to combat forced labor and sex
trafficking in Brazil. With congressional support, the State
Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/
TIP) has invested over $20 million since Fiscal Year 2020 to prevent,
research, and combat trafficking in persons in Brazil. Similarly, U.S.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)'s Homeland Security
Investigations (HSI) office in Brasilia partners with and builds the
capacity of Brazil's Federal Police to combat child exploitation and
human smuggling. Information sharing allows the United States and
Brazil to respond to warnings and tips in real time to combat crime.
For example, under J/TIP's Program to End Modern Slavery in 2021,
the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) received $8.5 million,
and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) received $2.5 million in
multi-year grants to conduct research, awareness-raising campaigns,
capacity building efforts, and interagency collaboration to reduce
forced labor in the cattle and gold mining industries in Brazil. The
Freedom Fund also received $1.3 million to reduce child sex trafficking
in Northeastern Brazil by facilitating government and civil society
coordination in prevention efforts and survivor-informed care.
If confirmed, I will continue to expand on these important
initiatives.
Religious Freedom
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Brazil was identified as not particularly tolerant of
religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. Freedom of religion or belief is among the United States'
and Brazil's most important founding principles, and it is central to
the Biden-Harris Administration's commitment to upholding and advancing
human rights. At the U.S.-Brazil Human Rights Dialogue in February, we
recognized Brazil's work as part of the International Religious Freedom
or Belief Alliance and beyond to advance this right bilaterally and
globally.
As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama
to promote religious freedom, equity and social justice, and I continue
to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and Community
Engagement.
Both of our countries are experiencing societal intolerance and
rising antisemitism, and we must stand together against these
challenges. The U.S. Mission to Brazil actively engages with religious
minority communities, including by hosting annual iftars in Consulate
General Sao Paulo to engage with Muslim religious leaders and by
preserving religious sites for Afro-descendant religious minority
groups throughout the country.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain and with the Special
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism Deborah Lipstadt to build on
existing efforts to expand our cooperation with Brazil to promote
religious freedom and combat antisemitism and intolerance in Brazil and
around the world.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Throughout my career spanning over four decades of service
to the United States, I have worked side-by-side with Americans of all
religious beliefs and nonbelief.
If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil I will vocally defend
religious freedom and work with civil society on ways to make progress
on this vital issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Brazil increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly and consistently raise
religious freedom in my engagements with officials and other
counterparts to bring attention to and encourage resolution of
religious freedom issues in Brazil, including those identified in the
annual International Religious Freedom Report.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Brazil was identified as having significant human rights abuses
including impunity and a lack of accountability for security forces.
Inefficient judicial processes also delayed justice for perpetrators
and victims.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. The promotion and defense of human rights for all people is
central to U.S. national security and prosperity. The Department raises
the issues described in the State Department's Human Rights Report
regularly with federal, state, and municipal officials and will
continue to support the work of civil society; promote human rights,
public security, and social inclusion, while promoting accountability
for human rights abuses.
If confirmed, I will advance and build on Mission Brazil's vigorous
efforts to curtail the influence of violent transnational criminal
organizations, such as Primeiro Comando do Capital (PCC) and Comando
Vermelho (CV).
In addition, I understand the International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL) bureau provides Brazilian law enforcement in
all 26 states and the federal district with capacity building training.
A new INL-Security Forces Professionalization initiative will provide
body cameras and human rights training for Leahy-vetted Rio de Janeiro
police, a program designed to increase their transparency and
accountability and improve their tactics and controls on the use of
lethal force.
The U.S. Government maintains a robust interagency law enforcement
presence through the mission in Brazil that provides ongoing and
continual support to Brazilian law enforcement on investigative
matters, including to build capacity to investigate allegations of
police involvement in extrajudicial killings. If confirmed, I would
strongly support these efforts.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society and community
leaders to promote human rights in Brazil.
Secretary Blinken discussed human rights issues with his Brazilian
counterpart Foreign Minister Franca and welcomed the relaunch of the
U.S.-Brazil Human Rights Working Group, which met in February.
Using Fiscal Year 2021 Democracy Fund/Human Rights and Democracy
Funds, the Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau supports local
organizations working for racial justice and indigenous rights in Latin
America, including Brazil.
The State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in
Persons (J/TIP) has invested over $20 million since Fiscal Year 2020 to
prevent, research, and combat trafficking in persons in Brazil.
Similarly, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)'s Homeland
Security Investigations (HSI) office in Brasilia partners with and
builds the capacity of Brazil's Federal Police to combat child
exploitation and human smuggling. Information sharing allows the United
States and Brazil to respond to warnings and tips in real time to
combat crime.
For example, under J/TIP's Program to End Modern Slavery in 2021,
the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) received $8.5 million,
and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) received $2.5 million in
multi-year grants to conduct research, awareness-raising campaigns,
capacity building efforts, and interagency collaboration to reduce
forced labor in the cattle and gold mining industries in Brazil. The
Freedom Fund also received $1.3 million to reduce child sex trafficking
in Northeastern Brazil by facilitating government and civil society
coordination in prevention efforts and survivor-informed care.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Brazilian
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their
support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to delivering demarches and
otherwise advocating with the Brazilian Government and any other
counterparts necessary to secure support for the upcoming September
election of Ms. Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the International
Telecommunication Union (ITU).
With nearly 30 years of experience at the ITU, including as
director of its development bureau, Ms. Bogdan-Martin is the most
qualified candidate to advance our shared priorities at the ITU,
including promoting universal connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and
affordable, as well as strengthening the ITU's partnerships with
stakeholders and its governance and accountability. As a member of the
ITU Council, Brazil's voice on ICT issues and on this election is
critical.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. I am committed to increasing the representation of
independent, qualified American citizens in international
organizations. If confirmed, I will work actively with the IO bureau
and other stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and
installing more Americans in positions, including Junior Professional
Officer (JPO) positions, at the U.N.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. You participated in an oral history interview in 1999,
and some of your responses concern me deeply, particularly the language
you used in regards to the Jewish community, Israel's influence on our
elections, and what you described as ``Jewish money.'' Please explain
the following statements that you made in that interview:
Interview Question: ``I would think one of the big things of
any campaign would be the Israeli influence. How did that
play?''
Your response (in part): ``There is always the influence of
the Jewish lobby because there is major money involved.''
Interview Question: ``Bush had taken the rather courageous
stand of calling back credits for housing because the Israelis
were building houses on the Left Bank on Arab land. Did that
come up at all?''
Your response: Yes, Clinton criticized them on that. The
Democrats always tend to go with the Jewish constituency on
Israel and say stupid things, like moving the capital to
Jerusalem always comes up. Things that we shouldn't even
touch."
Interview Question: ``One always hears about how important
the Cuban vote is in south Florida, at least until recent times
it has been secure in the pocket of the Republicans.''
Your response (in part): ``It was not just Florida; it was
also New Jersey where now they say the Cuban population there
is even more radical against Castro than the ones in Miami. The
real hardliners are in Newark, New Jersey, which has the second
largest Cuban population in the United States. So, it is still
a factor. Again, it is not the numbers, it is like the Jewish
factor, it's money.''
Finally, overall, do you understand the concerns that statements
like these raise, especially for the Jewish American and the
Cuban American communities?
Answer. I apologize for and deeply regret the poorly considered
remarks on Cuban Americans and Jewish Americans I made as part of a
1998 oral history project about foreign affairs. Those comments in no
way reflect my views then or now about the important political,
economic, and cultural contributions of both communities to the fabric
of our society and to the democratic institutions of our great country.
Throughout my career spanning over four decades of service to the
United States, I have supported the rights of all people to have a
voice in U.S. policy. I worked side-by-side with Cuban Americans and
Jewish Americans during my years of political advocacy, in and out of
the United States government.
As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama
to promote religious freedom, equity and social justice, and I continue
to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and Community
Engagement.
Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans.
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary,
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban
people to freedom of speech, religion, and assembly in a democratically
elected government. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these
fundamental American values.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Brazil is one of our major non-NATO allies in Latin
America and one of our strongest relationships. Our trade with Brazil
has grown in the last few years, despite the pandemic. Brazil regularly
participates in military exercises and law enforcement cooperation.
Despite all the reasons for maintaining this critical relationship,
President Biden has reportedly refused to take any calls from Brazil's
President Bolsonaro since taking office. This is a decisive break from
past policy. President Reagan met with Brazilian presidents who did not
share some of his views while President W. Bush still worked with
President Lula, even though Lula supported Fidel Castro. This policy is
having disastrous effects for American national security--)Brazil has
stopped backing U.S.-led initiatives.
If confirmed, will you commit to work with the Bolsonaro
administration on initiatives that advance American national
security and enhance the U.S.-Brazil Relationship?
Specifically, what initiatives will you prioritize?
Answer. If confirmed, I will expand on the many bilateral
initiatives through which we engage Brazil related to security and
other priority issues. The United States maintains an active engagement
with Brazil through over 20 regular dialogues and forums on the full
range of political, economic, and security issues. For example, the
State Department held the U.S.-Brazil High-Level Dialogue in late April
and an inter-agency cybersecurity roundtable in May. At the U.S.-Brazil
High Level Dialogue, Under Secretary Fernandez and Under Secretary
Nuland discussed peacekeeping operations, cyber security, and expanding
our security cooperation relationship. There will be a Political-
Military Dialogue and the Space Security Dialogue in June, and
Strategic Defense Talks in August.
Moreover, Mission Brazil maintains a robust interagency law
enforcement presence that provides ongoing and continual support to
Brazilian law enforcement on investigative matters, including to build
capacity to investigate allegations of police involvement in
extrajudicial killings. They also maintain an excellent working
relationship with Brazilian law enforcement to combat international
drug trafficking and money laundering organizations that affect the
United States. For example, Brazilian law enforcement welcomed
President Biden's recent Executive Order against the drug trade and
Treasury's imposition of financial sanctions on the Primeiro Comando da
Capital (PCC). U.S. assistance is actively advancing Brazil-led efforts
to disrupt TCO expansion. For example, Brazilian officials trained by
the FBI and International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL)
bureau supported the transfer of 22 PCC leaders from Sao Paulo state
prisons to three higher-security federal prisons.
Question. How will you repair the damage President Biden has
inflicted on the U.S.-Brazil relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build up our broad and long-standing
positive relationship with Brazil based on shared commitments to
democracy, human rights, economic prosperity, the rule of law, and
security.
In addition to the more than 20 regular dialogues and forums like
the U.S.-Brazil High-Level Dialogue in late April, we have had several
other high-level visits. U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan
visited Brazil and hosted his counterpart in Washington, for example.
Secretary Blinken has spoken with his Brazilian counterpart several
times, as have other U.S. cabinet-level officials, and Brazil's
Ambassador Nestor Forster Jr. was at the White House. We also welcome
Brazil's participation at the Summit of the Americas, which the United
States will be hosting in June in Los Angeles and where President Biden
will have several opportunities to engage with President Bolsonaro if
he attends.
The case of Elian Gonzalez was and continues to be deeply felt in
the Cuban-American Community, especially in South Florida. So many
Cuban Americans worked to escape the cruelty and oppression of the
Castros in order to take part in the American Dream. For these Cuban
Americans, Elian Gonzalez was one of them. And through the sacrifice of
his mother, who sadly drowned on the dangerous journey to Florida, made
it to our shores. The decision to return him to Cuba was understandably
traumatic for his relatives in Miami and for the wider community. After
the decision was made to return Elian to Cuba, you hosted Elian and his
father at your house in Georgetown for a pool party. As innocuous as
this is, it calls into question your ability to see this regime for
what it is.
Question. When you hosted Elian at your house, were you aware of
the long custody battle between his relatives in Miami and his
relatives in Cuba?
Answer. As a private citizen, I was aware of the custody dispute
over Elian Gonzalez in 2000. During that period, a friend with a son
the same age as my son and who had a role in the case told me that
Elian wanted to meet children his age. Elian, my friend's son, and my
six-year old son, swam, played video games, and ate hot dogs. That was
the extent of my involvement in the Elian Gonzalez case.
In retrospect, it was a mistake to be involved in any way, but at
the time I viewed the offer to use my swimming pool as nothing more
than a gesture of kindness to a child around my son's age. That
invitation did not reflect any position on his custody case or Cuba
policy more generally. That invitation will also in no way impact how,
if confirmed, I would carry out my duties to represent the United
States in Brazil.
As Ambassador, if confirmed, I will continue to support Cubans'
aspirations for freedom and for greater economic opportunities. I will
also continue to call on the Cuban government to immediately release
political prisoners, to respect the Cuban people's fundamental freedoms
and to allow the Cuban people to determine their own futures.
Question. What role did you play in the decision to return Elian to
Cuba?
Answer. I had no special insight or information into his case or
any influence over the decision or outcome of his case.
Question. I am concerned about your previously comments regarding
extremely passionate communities, like the Cuban American community and
the Jewish community in advocating for the policies you believe in.
Specifically, you said ``there was no reason for the Democrats to think
they could get it, but they still thought they could get some money
from them, and they did. The foundation played both sides. But, we lost
Florida in 1992, although we won it in 1996. It was not just Florida;
it was also New Jersey where now they say the Cuban population there is
even more radical against Castro than the ones in Miami. The real
hardliners are in Newark, New Jersey, which has the second largest
Cuban population in the United States. So, it is still a factor. Again,
it is not numbers, it is like the Jewish factor, it's money. It is
important in certain primaries.'' These comments seem to imply you
don't think politicians should reach out to seek the support of
``hardline'' communities. This seems to deny the rights of these
communities to advocate for policies they believe in.
Do you stand by these comments today?
Answer. I apologize for and deeply regret the poorly considered
remarks on Cuban Americans and Jewish Americans I made 24 years ago as
part of oral history project about foreign affairs. Those comments in
no way reflect my views then or now about the important political,
economic, and cultural contributions of both communities in the fabric
of our society and to the democratic institutions of our great country.
Throughout my career, spanning over four decades of service to the
United States, I have supported the rights of all people to have a
voice in U.S. policy. For more than 30 years, I have been an active
member of the Board of the National Democratic Institute, which has
worked with the Cuban-American community and with Cuban democracy
activists since 1991, sharing information and building capacity among
civil society actors seeking meaningful political and economic reforms
and peaceful democratic change. I have also worked closely with Jewish
Americans during my career in political advocacy.
As Special Representative for Global Partnerships at State
Department during the Obama Administration, I worked closely with Rabbi
David Saperstein, then the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Religious
Freedom as well as Farrah Pandith, who was the Special Representative
for Muslim Communities. I also worked with the White House Council for
Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, founded by President Obama
to promote religious freedom, equity, and social justice, and I
continue to work with the Biden-Harris White House Office of Faith and
Community Engagement.
Political participation is a fundamental right of all Americans.
Just as I have exercised that right, I believe others should have every
opportunity to do the same. My comments in no way mean to suggest that
Jewish Americans, Cuban Americans, or any Americans do not have the
right to organize and express themselves politically. On the contrary,
that is a cherished part of the democratic process. Having the freedom
to contribute financially in support of our political beliefs is an
essential aspect of our right to political participation that so many
Americans, including me, are blessed to be able to exercise in the
United States. I support and defend all Americans' right to politically
organize and speak freely, including through financial contributions.
If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will also tirelessly act
and speak out against antisemitism and defend the rights of the Cuban
people to peaceful democratic change, human rights, and the rule of
law. I enthusiastically look forward to advancing these fundamental
American values.
Question. How do you respond to those that argue these comments
damage your ability to effectively represent the United States in
Brazil?
Answer. Those comments in no way reflect my views, then or now. If
confirmed, I will vocally condemn discrimination and defend the rights
of the Cuban people and the Jewish community. I will ensure my work and
my communication embody fundamental American values and will forcefully
condemn antisemitism and discrimination against any group, as I have
done over my 40 years of public service.
Question. If confirmed, will you avoid reaching out to so-called
``hardline'' communities in Brazil?
Answer. If confirmed, as Ambassador to Brazil, I will engage and
embrace the vastly diverse communities in Brazil, advancing our mission
objectives to promote freedom of expression and inclusion of all
communities. It is essential that ambassadors hear from a broad range
of voices within the countries where they work, and I will ensure I
reach out to all groups that will provide that diversity of
perspectives.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Elizabeth Fawley Bagley by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. Indigenous peoples and other local communities in Brazil
are regarded as crucial ``Guardians of the Forests''; innumerable
studies have shown that properly recognized and protected Indigenous
territories are an effective bulwark against deforestation. Many
advocates face death threats and cyber-attacks because of their work.
If confirmed, do you commit to speaking out publicly in defense of
these courageous communities and individuals when their lives
are at risk on account of their dedication to preserving their
ancestral lands and preventing the destruction of the Amazon?
Answer. The rights of indigenous peoples and environmental
defenders are critical to the preservation of the Amazon, promoting
human rights of the most vulnerable communities, and addressing climate
change. If confirmed, I will commit to speaking out publicly to shed
greater light on the rights of indigenous peoples and environmental
defenders and the threats and violence they face in preserving their
ancestral lands and the Amazon.
I will continue to raise concerns over illegal logging, mining, and
deforestation, as well as about transnational criminal organizations,
all of which directly harm vulnerable indigenous, quilombola, and
traditional communities.
Question. What steps would you take as Ambassador to Brazil in
supporting and uplifting local communities as crucial players in the
struggle against deforestation and addressing the effects of climate
change?
Answer. Through partnerships with the Brazilian Government and
NGOs, the State Department and USAID engage with and support indigenous
and quilombola communities. They work with civil society and indigenous
leaders to increase Brazil's capacity to preserve protected lands,
prevent illegal exploitation of natural resources, and combat forced
labor in these industries. Human Rights and Democracy Funds from the
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau support local organizations
working on indigenous rights in Latin America, including Brazil.
If confirmed, I will continue to seek ways to expand our support
for, and Brazil's inclusion of, these communities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator Robert Menendez
Migration
Question. Panama continues to embrace migration policies that,
while generously extending humanitarian assistance, also facilitate the
``controlled flow'' of a certain number of migrants through Panama each
day. This policy gets us no closer to establishing a regional
comprehensive solution to our hemisphere's historic refugee and
migration challenges.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to find alternatives to
Panama's ``controlled flow'' migration policies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Panamanian
Government to address irregular migration and forced displacement,
including alternatives to controlled flow. Irregular migration remains
a regional challenge that requires a regional response, and we look
forward to addressing this issue at the Summit of the Americas. To
effectively end controlled flow, I will work with Panama to increase
their capacity to screen asylum seekers, provide protection to
refugees, and to increase the capacity of migration reception stations
in the Darien region. Secretary Blinken traveled to Panama April 19-20
to co-host a Ministerial on Migration and Protection. The United States
and Panama signed a bilateral Arrangement on Migration and Protection
on April 19 which will advance further humane migration management,
stabilization of host communities, and legal pathways. If confirmed, I
will continue this collaboration on a shared approach to addressing
migration.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who will work with me. I
understand the interagency community continues its investigation into
AHIs. I understand AHIs remain a top priority for Secretary Blinken,
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to
strengthen the Department's communication with its workforce, provide
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect
against these events in the future.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and report the incident through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who work at U.S. Embassy Panama
City. I commit to working with health and security officials and other
parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate protocols
and ensure a healthy working environment for both Americans and local
staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator James E. Risch
western hemisphere
China
Question. Panama switched diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to the
People's Republic of China in 2017, and is now a member of the PRC's
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This week, Panama President Laurentino
Cortizo said he is planning to restart negotiations with China to reach
a trade agreement.
What is your assessment of the current state of Panama-China
relations?
Answer. I remain concerned about the People's Republic of China
(PRC), which remains a significant economic partner for Panama. Panama
established diplomatic ties with Beijing in June 2017 under the former
Varela administration, which signed 45 bilateral instruments, began
negotiations on a Panama-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and allowed
PRC state-owned enterprises to win major tenders. President Cortizo's
administration continues to engage with the PRC, but no major tenders
over $1 million dollars have been awarded to PRC entities since
President Cortizo took office in 2019, and large projects have been
restructured away from PRC firms when the projects stalled, with U.S.
and European investors gaining ground. If confirmed, I will urge Panama
to approach PRC investments in critical sectors with caution and push
for international best practices in terms of transparency.
Question. What specific actions will you take to highlight the
consequences of the CCP's non-transparent and coercive economic,
financial, and lending practices in order to counter its negative
influence in Panama?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Panama to approach PRC
investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors with
caution and push for transparency in line with international best
practices, which I am glad to see President Cortizo himself called for
as well. In September 2021, the Panamanian Government announced a large
new PRC port project had failed its audit; a Western European investor
will likely take it over. Additionally, many other PRC projects stalled
and failed to deliver promised investment and job creation. Panamanian
officials have acted in recent months to address concerns with several
specific PRC-based firms and projects. If confirmed, I will encourage
Panama to continue close auditing of all potential PRC related
projects.
Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the
Panamanian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic
of China to international norms.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Panamanian officials to
strengthen the integrity of the United Nations and multilateral system
against harmful efforts from the PRC and others to undermine the
international rules-based system, including respect for democracy,
transparency, and the rule of law. I will also promote the United
States as the prime source of investment and partnership. The United
States still commands much higher favorability among most Panamanians,
and if confirmed, I will continue to reach out to the Panamanian people
through public diplomacy and engagement activities. I would also
continue to support ongoing Embassy efforts to build strong relations,
including on shared multilateral priorities, and security programs with
local communities and governments, which have already served as
effective counterpoints to the PRC's efforts to increase its influence
in Panamanian provinces.
Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Panama?
Answer. Panama should ensure that its valued assets such as
telecommunications maintain the highest standards and remain free of
corruption. Following recent changes to the telecom market in Panama,
the providers that remain are already skeptical of Huawei's
capabilities and intentions. This provides an excellent opportunity to
promote interoperable approaches to network architecture, such as the
development of open Radio Access Networks (Open RAN) technologies, as
they have the potential to increase the number of trustworthy suppliers
in the market and to lower costs and improve security.
Migration
Question. Panama has called for more international support to
handle the illegal migration flow through its borders, claiming that
that over 126,000 migrants entered Panama in 2021.
What would be the impact of rescinding Title 42 authority at the
southwest border on the flow of illegal migration affecting the
region?
Answer. The United States promotes safe, humane, and orderly
migration. I understand the Administration continues its due diligence
to prepare for potential changes if the Title 42 suspension goes into
effect; I will focus on working with Panama to jointly address our
shared migration challenges. The United States and Panama signed a
bilateral Arrangement on Migration and Protection on April 19 which
will advance further humane migration management, stabilization of host
communities, and legal pathways. We must work together on shared
responsibilities that require a regional approach, including enhancing
border security, combating the organized criminal organizations that
profit from migrant smuggling, and protecting refugees, asylum seekers,
and vulnerable migrants.
Question. Please explain your understanding of the involvement of
criminal organizations in illegal migration?
Answer. Criminal organizations profit from migrant smuggling and
exploiting vulnerable people, including migrants, in human trafficking.
Panamanian authorities continue making progress combatting migrant
smuggling and work closely with U.S. law enforcement agencies to hold
accountable those responsible for human trafficking. The Government of
Panama recently sent two officials to work in the Joint Border
Intelligence Group in El Salvador, where they coordinated with U.S.
officials to arrest several suspected child sex traffickers active in
Panama. However, Panama remains a Tier 2 country in the 2021
Trafficking in Persons Report and did not fully meet the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking. If confirmed, I will
encourage Panama to consider amendments to the anti-trafficking law and
to intensify law enforcement efforts to proactively investigate and
prosecute both labor and sex trafficking crimes so that authorities
hold traffickers accountable for their crimes.
Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with the Panamanian
Government to have a more productive role in migration management.
Answer. Panama remains well-positioned to take on an increased
leadership role in the region, particularly in helping humanely manage
migration in the region. Panama co-hosted with the United States an
April 19-20 Ministerial on Migration and Protection. If confirmed, I
will encourage Panama to be a leader in the region on migration issues
and work with Panamanian leaders to explore options for asylum seekers
to legally stay in Panama and to review their adjudication criteria and
processes with a view to allowing more asylum cases to succeed. If
confirmed, I will also ensure U.S. foreign assistance continues to
strengthen Panama's border security, counter organized crime, and
reduce corruption, which remain among the root causes of irregular
migration.
Law Enforcement
Question. Panama is a reliable partner in the fight against illicit
narcotics.
Please explain how an increase on coca cultivation in South America
impacts the ability of the Panamanian Government to effectively
reduce the flow of illicit narcotics through its territory and
into the United States.
Answer. Panama plays a critical role as a regional security leader,
particularly in combatting narco-trafficking. With strong U.S. support,
Panamanian authorities seized a record 145 metric tons of narcotics in
2021, 60 percent more than its 2019 record year. The U.S. Government
invests significantly in Panama's security and border management. The
State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs' (INL) provides training and equipment to
Panamanian law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and judges to reduce
narcotics trafficking and organized crime that threaten the United
States. INL works closely with U.S. law enforcement agencies to achieve
U.S. security objectives in Panama.
Question. Please describe the top U.S. law enforcement priorities
in Panama.
Answer. If confirmed, my top goals for our already robust security
relationship would include maintaining the United States as Panama's
preferred security partner, mitigating any threats to the United States
and U.S. interests, and furthering bilateral cooperation and
interoperability. The U.S. Government prioritizes the strengthening of
Panamanian security institutions and our bilateral security cooperation
in the areas of counternarcotics; countering irregular migration;
citizen, maritime, and border security; counterterrorism; and cyber
issues. If confirmed, I would also advocate to continue training
programs for Panamanian police, investigators, and prosecutors, to help
Panama combat money laundering, other financial crimes, and corruption.
human rights
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Panama was identified as remaining on Tier 2 due to continued
lack of prosecutions and convictions of traffickers, failure to amend
their anti-trafficking law, and instances of abuse in national
shelters.
How will you work with the Panamanians to address these issues if
you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to help Panama
increase specialized victim services and work with my Mission team to
encourage the Government to continue developing and institutionalizing
anti-trafficking training offerings for relevant officials, including
investigators, prosecutors, and judges.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to address
this issue with the Government of Panama?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Panamanian Government to
amend its current anti-trafficking law to remove the requirement that a
trafficking crime involve movement of persons, implement proactive
screening efforts to identify trafficking victims, and allocate
dedicated funding for victim services, including trafficking-specific
shelter options. If confirmed, I will encourage Panama to intensify law
enforcement efforts to proactively investigate and prosecute both labor
and sex trafficking crimes so that authorities can hold traffickers
accountable for their crimes.
Religious Freedom
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Panama was identified as having societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. Panama represents an example of how a strong democracy
respects and bolsters religious freedom. Its government generally
understands that any threat to religious freedom constitutes a threat
to human rights in the region. If confirmed, I will work with the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster many
of the ways Panama already works to protect freedom of religion or
belief. If confirmed, I will lead the Embassy as it continues its work
confirming the freedom of minority religions to practice without
interference, including through annual contributions to the
International Religious Freedom Report, and work closely with the
Ambassador-at-Large in case we identify issues of particular concern.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to champion Embassy's work
meeting directly with religious and spiritual leaders, including
indigenous leaders, through interfaith roundtables and discussions. I
will meet regularly with government officials responsible for religious
affairs at both the central and municipal levels. If confirmed, I will
ensure Mission officers continue to raise awareness of religious
freedom issues regularly and repeatedly with civil society and
government officials.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Panama increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. Panama's Government in general respects religious freedom.
Panama's society generally respects religious freedom too. However, in
some cases, minority religions face societal ignorance about their
practices, which can occasionally result in misunderstandings or
conflict. I firmly believe in universal respect for the right to
freedom of religion or belief for all, and if confirmed hope to
publicly amplify this point to Panama. Such work should include
highlighting minority religious practices, such as celebrating Passover
with the Panamanian-Jewish community or attending a service at Panama's
Baha'i House of Worship, which celebrated its fiftieth anniversary this
year.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Panama was identified as having significant human rights abuses
including restrictions on freedom of expression and the freedom of the
press.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with mission staff to bolster the
ability of civil society to demand respect for freedom of expression,
including for members of the press, through trainings and public
messaging campaigns. The Embassy will continue to regularly engage with
members of the press and media association representatives to
understand the challenges they face and offer our steadfast support. If
confirmed, I will advocate for press freedom and democratic values, to
help protect journalists' ability to do their jobs without fear of
threats or intimidation. The mission, under my leadership, will
continue to celebrate the bravery of journalists, who remain
indispensable to a functional democracy. We will continue to support
media practitioners through exchanges and other opportunities for
development, including to enhance their investigative journalism skills
so they can better demand transparency, uncover the truth, and check
the abuse of power.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with embassy staff to strengthen
partnerships with civil society organizations seeking to improve the
human rights situation in Panama. Through the Central America Regional
Security Initiative (CARSI), the United States has provided funding to
organizations that offer training and technical assistance to
strengthen Panama's democratic institutions, expose corruption and
demand transparency from the Government, as well as strengthen the
capacity of civil society organizations to promote human rights. If
confirmed, I will support continuing to direct these funds to the
critical work of civil society organizations. If confirmed, I will also
work to elevate and amplify civil society advocacy on behalf of
underserved populations--especially those that face immense systemic
prejudice, such as indigenous, Afro-, and LGBTQI+ Panamanians, as well
as religious minorities. I will press the Embassy to continue reporting
on the human rights situation in Panama and issues of concern,
including through the annual reporting requirements for the Human
Rights Report.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Panamanian Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarche the Panamanian
Government and any other counterparts necessary to secure support for
the September election of Ms. Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the
International Telecommunication Union (ITU). I will underscore the
importance of the ITU election and emphasize that, with nearly 30 years
of experience at the ITU, Ms. Bogdan-Martin represents the most
qualified candidate to advance our shared priorities at the ITU,
including promoting universal connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and
affordable, as well as strengthening the ITU's partnerships with
stakeholders and its governance and accountability.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior Program
Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the IO bureau and
other stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and installing
qualified individuals in positions, including Junior Professional
Officer (JPO) positions, at the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to
nurture my connections throughout the State Department, interagency,
and private sector to increase U.S. citizen representation in the U.N.
in order to advance U.S. interests and values such as innovation,
ethical conduct, transparency, and accountability.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Money Laundering and Tax Evasion
Question. In June 2019, Panama was added once again to the
multilateral Financial Action Task Force's gray list of countries with
deficiencies in their standards to deter money laundering and combat
terrorist financing.
If confirmed, how would you assess Panama's regulatory and
investigatory efforts to combat money laundering?
Answer. President Cortizo's administration has prioritized
achieving Panama's removal from the Financial Action Task Force's Grey
List, although more remains to be done. The United States assists
Panama to build a more effective anti-money laundering regime in part
through a joint Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Corruption Task Force,
which has led to increases in arrests and prosecutions. Panama has also
passed several laws to strengthen its anti-money laundering
capabilities to bring them closer to international standards. If
confirmed, I will continue working with the Panamanian Government to
strengthen its ability to detect, investigate, and prosecute money
laundering and terrorist financing cases.
Question. In your view, to what extent has the release of the
Pandora Papers raised concerns regarding Panama's efforts to deter
money laundering and illicit tax evasion?
Answer. The information in the Pandora Papers, coming on the heels
of the Panama Papers of 2016 and Paradise Papers in 2017, has
contributed to concerns by some about Panama's reputation as a high-
risk financial jurisdiction. If confirmed, I will continue U.S.
Government efforts to encourage Panama to increase transparency and
implement appropriate legal frameworks to control corruption and
financial malfeasance.
Question. What do you see as the major issues that persist for
Panama in the area of governmental corruption and in which sectors?
Answer. The United States supports Panama's efforts to investigate
and prosecute officials and others accused of corruption. If confirmed,
I will use all tools available--including traditional diplomacy,
assistance programs, U.S. support for judicial reform, visa
restrictions as appropriate, and our continued support to strengthen
the rule of law--to ensure combatting corruption remains a priority. I
will also continue to encourage Panama to pass an asset forfeiture law
and prioritize prosecution of corruption.
Question. China. In recent years, U.S. policymakers have expressed
concerns about China's increased engagement in Latin America and the
Caribbean, and the U.S. Southern Command has expressed concerns about
China's investment in infrastructure on both ends of the Panama Canal.
How would you characterize Panama's current relations with China
under the Cortizo Government?
Answer. I remain concerned about Panama's relationship with the
People's Republic of China, which it has recognized diplomatically
since 2017. The PRC remains an important economic partner for Panama.
Panama established diplomatic ties with Beijing in June 2017 under the
Varela administration, which signed 45 bilateral instruments, began
negotiations on a Panama-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and allowed
PRC state-owned enterprises to win major tenders (greater than $1
million). Panama's engagement with the PRC continues, but with no major
tender awards to PRC entities since President Cortizo took office in
2019. Several large PRC-funded projects have since stalled and U.S. and
European investors have gained ground. If confirmed, I will urge Panama
to approach PRC investments in critical sectors with caution and push
for international best practices in terms of transparency.
Question. What types of threats do you think China's infrastructure
investments in Panama could pose to U.S. interests in Panama, or to
strategic U.S. interests in Latin America?
Answer. Many Latin American countries have expressed concern about
PRC's lack of respect for local laws and interests, particularly
regarding human rights, labor protections, and environmental
protection. The PRC's actions create fundamental challenges for us and
the region. If confirmed, I will urge Panama to approach PRC
investments in critical infrastructure and sensitive sectors with
caution and push for international best practices in terms of
transparency, which I am glad to see President Cortizo himself has
called for as well. Panama must ensure that its valued assets such as
the Panama Canal, ports, energy, and telecommunications sector maintain
the highest standards and remain free of corruption.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Mari Carmen Aponte by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Panama is critical for U.S. and global supply chains
because of the Panama Canal, which handles almost half of all trade
moving from Asia to the East Coast of the United States. This makes it
an absolutely critical target for the Chinese Communist Party, which,
if it could exercise influence over the Panamanian government, could
almost overnight cripple the American economy.
What is your assessment of Chinese-Panamanian relations?
Answer. I remain concerned about the People's Republic of China
(PRC)'s influence in Panama; the PRC remains an important economic
partner for Panama. Panama established diplomatic relations with
Beijing in June 2017 under the former Varela administration, which
signed 45 bilateral agreements or arrangements, began negotiations on a
Panama-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and allowed PRC state-owned
enterprises to win major tenders. President Cortizo's administration
continues to engage with the PRC, but no major tenders greater than $1
million have been awarded to PRC entities since President Cortizo took
office in 2019, and large projects have been restructured away from PRC
firms when the projects stalled, with U.S. and European investors
gaining ground. If confirmed, I will urge Panama to approach PRC
investments in critical sectors with caution and push for international
best practices in terms of transparency.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Panama to
resist the temptations offered by the CCP through its malicious Belt
and Road initiative?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously promote the United States
as Panama's committed partner, emphasizing our common democratic values
and strong track record of success. I will communicate to Panama's
Government the security risks to Panama's infrastructure from PRC
partners, including the Panama Canal and telecommunications networks
infrastructure. I will also call attention to the poor-quality and
costly infrastructure projects financed by the PRC and promote high-
standard and transparent investment by the United States and our
partners. If confirmed, I would continue to support ongoing Embassy
efforts to build strong relations and security programs with local
governments, which have already served as effective counterpoints to
the PRC's efforts to increase its influence in Panamanian provinces.
Question. Near the end of the previous administration, the U.S.
announced new private investment in Panama's infrastructure through the
America Crece initiative.
In your preparations for the confirmation process, has the State
Department briefed you on America Crece and its support for
ongoing projects in Panama?
Answer. Yes, as a part of my briefings, I received background on
America Crece and the work done in the last administration to catalyze
investment in Panama and the region. The Department also briefed me on
the continued work with Panama to promote quality infrastructure
investment, promoting energy diversification, and other projects that
provide investment opportunities in climate, technology, energy, and
health. If confirmed, I will continue our Mission's cooperation with
Panama, including with the interagency, to support enabling
environments for infrastructure investment that remains transparent,
competitive, corruption-free, and in line with best practices.
Question. If confirmed, how will you support American companies
operating in Panama so that these projects come to fruition?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work for fair treatment of U.S.
businesses and citizens in Panama to make new and continued investment
a reality, consistent with the U.S.-Panama Trade and Promotion
Agreement. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Panama to
promote transparent and sustainable infrastructure development in the
region that adheres to best practices and mobilizes investment.
Investment by regional partners and the private sector remain critical
to narrowing the massive global gaps in physical, digital, and human
infrastructure widened by the pandemic. I will also coordinate with
interagency partners including the U.S. Trade and Development Agency,
the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, and Treasury on
updates from previous projects under the America Crece initiative.
Question. The Biden administration's policies have been disastrous
for our southern border. While everyone is speaking about the reversal
of Title 42, the Biden administration continues to ignore other
hotspots throughout the hemisphere. One of these is the Darien Gap, a
stretch of rainforest in Panama, through which nearly 100,000 people
travelled through last year intending to cross into the United States.
What do you know of the Biden administration's efforts to support
the Government of Panama's attempts to control the follow of
illegal immigrants through the Darien Gap?
Answer. The United States promotes safe, humane, and orderly
migration. All governments in the region must work to promote the
development and use of legal migration pathways and to humanely manage
migration. The administration supports the Panamanian Government in the
Darien Gap through support for border security and the provision of
humanitarian aid. The United States and Panama signed a bilateral
Arrangement on Migration and Protection on April 19 which will advance
further humane migration management, stabilization of host communities,
and legal pathways. If confirmed, I will continue this collaboration on
a shared approach to addressing irregular migration.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to direct U.S. assistance
to Panama to address the situation in the Darien Gap?
Answer. Current assistance for Panama in the Darien Gap includes
capacity building and staff for migration authorities, shelter, health,
protection, legal services, and other basic humanitarian aid. If
confirmed, I will continue to encourage Panama to proactively provide
options for asylum seekers to legally stay in Panama and to review
their adjudication criteria and processes with a view to allowing more
asylum cases to succeed. If confirmed, I will encourage Panama to
prioritize funding to the National Office for the Protection of
Refugees (ONPAR) and to increase the political will to provide
protection and regularize the status of vulnerable migrants, refugees,
and asylum seekers.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Francisco O. Mora by Senator Robert Menendez
Cuba
Question. In January 2017, you gave an interview with Florida
International University in which you said, ``Other than the
representatives, or some of the representatives, of the Cuban-American
community, there are no other constituencies in this country asking for
policy reversal [of President Obama's Cuba policies].'' In the same
interview, you said reversing these policies was ``illogical'' and that
arguments for doing so demonstrated ``a domestic political issue
completely devoid from a rational, objective analysis of what is in our
national interest.''
Could you please clarify what you meant by this statement?
Answer. Our approach must depend on the circumstances in front of
us. Since the Cuban Government's brutal response to the July 11
protests, suppression of November 15 protests, and incarceration of
dissidents, the regime has made no movement to reform. Given the
circumstances, we must continue to pressure the dictatorship and
support the Cuban people. All my adult life I have strived to find ways
to bring an end to the brutal dictatorship in Cuba and restore dignity
to the Cuban people. This is not merely a professional or moral
imperative but--as a Cuban-American--a deeply personal one. I will, if
confirmed, continue to find ways in the OAS to pressure the
dictatorship, call out its systemic abuses, and support the Cuban
people.
Dis/Misinformation
Question. Recent years have shown that one of the most pressing
democratic challenges facing our hemisphere is the issue of
disinformation and misinformation, the intentional and accidental
spread of misleading, inaccurate, or false news. In Latin American and
the Caribbean, authoritarian governments such as China and Russia, and
domestic undemocratic actors have engaged in such activities to
interfere with democratic elections, manipulate vulnerable information
environments, and undermine United States national interests.
If confirmed, what steps will you take at the OAS to counter the
impact of disinformation and misinformation, and how will you
strengthen resilience against such activities across the
region?
Answer. The issue of disinformation and misinformation in the
hemisphere is a personal concern of mine. It poses a threat to the
values enshrined in the Inter-American Democratic Charter and
democratic governance in the hemisphere. I will, if confirmed, actively
remain committed to strengthening our cooperation with the OAS general
secretariat, member states, and permanent observers to develop and
reinforce initiatives to counter the impact of disinformation and
misinformation across the region. I believe it is by developing like-
minded coalitions, through OAS working groups, OAS resolutions, and
active informal and formal discussions, that we can strengthen
resilience against such activities across the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Francisco O. Mora by Senator James E. Risch
Cuba
Question. Hundreds of Cuban activists remain unlawfully imprisoned,
yet the Biden administration is returning to unilateral concessions to
the Castro/D!az-Canel criminal dictatorship.
Do you agree that these actions do not comply with statutory
requirements under U.S. law?
Answer. I share your concern over the poor treatment of Cuban
activists. My goal and objective--which I have strived for practically
all my adult life--is to develop policy options to see the Cuban people
free from the brutal dictatorship. This is not just a professional or
moral imperative but--as a Cuban-American--a deeply personal one. I
understand the measures announced by the Administration on May 16 are
consistent with U.S. statutes governing the Cuba embargo. If confirmed,
I will work with the Administration to faithfully ensure compliance
with the law.
Question. How do these actions undermine efforts to support Cuba's
democratic opposition?
Answer. Beyond a professional or moral imperative, I am personally
committed to pressuring the regime to end its abuses and to supporting
the Cuban people. If confirmed, I will do everything in my power at the
OAS to use every diplomatic lever to see the Cuban people free from the
brutal dictatorship. I believe the Administration is committed to
supporting Cubans' right to determine their own future. I understand
the Administration has carefully considered how best to support the
Cuban people as they fight for their human rights and seek to overcome
regime oppression while minimizing any benefits to the Cuban
Government.
Venezuela
Question. The OAS has supported efforts to install a democratically
elected leader to Venezuela and has discredited the Maduro regime.
If confirmed, how would you continue to support these efforts?
Answer. Witnessing how a brutal dictatorship impacted my family, I
am deeply committed to addressing threats to democracy across the
Western Hemisphere, including in Venezuela. If confirmed, I will commit
to strengthen OAS member state commitments to democracy in Venezuela
and to continue support and advocate for Venezuela's seated
representative in this institution.
Question. Who is the current Venezuelan president?
Answer. The United States recognizes Juan Guaido as the President
of Venezuela.
Question. What impact would easing sanctions on the Maduro regime
have on its ability to repress internationally recognized human rights
in Venezuela?
Answer. The human rights situation in Venezuela is deplorable.
Sanctions promote accountability for Maduro regime actors that engage
in corruption or abuse human rights in Venezuela. I know the United
States has coordinated and continues to coordinate closely with allies
and partners to promote accountability for the regime's human rights
abuses through sanctions and other restrictions. If confirmed, I will
use every diplomatic lever at the OAS to hold the Maduro regime
accountable for its human rights abuses.
Question. What impact would easing sanctions on the Maduro regime
have on the effectiveness of our partners throughout the region?
Answer. Maintaining a strong coalition of like-minded hemispheric
partners who seek a peaceful restoration of democracy in Venezuela is
extremely important. I understand the Administration continues to
coordinate with our regional allies and partners aimed at bringing an
end to the regime's abuses through sanctions and other restrictions.
Like the United States, I know our regional partners remain committed
to a Venezuelan-led negotiated solution to Venezuela's crisis. If
confirmed, I will do everything I can at the OAS to deepen our
partnerships across the region in urging the restoration of democracy,
stability, and the rule of law.
International Organizations
Question. A wave of leftist governments in Latin America is
weakening the Organization of American States, with Mexico working with
Cuba and Venezuela to strengthen groups that exclude the U.S. and
Canada, such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States
(CELAC).
What would be your efforts to stop these efforts and ensure the OAS
remains the preferred regional voice?
Answer. I share your concern about parallel institutions to the OAS
that exclude the United States and Canada. The OAS is the premier
multilateral forum in the Western Hemisphere and the oldest regional
multilateral organization in the world. The Inter-American Democratic
Charter is unique to the OAS and underscores the democratic values of
the Western Hemisphere. Upholding the Inter-American Democratic Charter
depends on OAS member states addressing all threats to democracy in the
Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will remain deeply committed to
cultivating coalitions to address these threats and work closely with
Secretary General Almagro to strengthen the OAS as an institution.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Francisco O. Mora by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Dr. Mora, you're on record criticizing the Trump
administration's policies towards Cuba, which were designed to hold
accountable a regime that has spent decades torturing and killing its
own people. Late last year, when you met with my staff, you said that
the historic, organic protests of July 11, 2021 had caused a change of
heart in you.
Why did you think the July 11, 2021 protest was a turning point?
Answer. My goal and objective--which I have strived for practically
all my adult life--is to develop policy options to see the Cuban people
free from the brutal dictatorship. This is not just a professional or
moral imperative but--as a Cuban-American--a deeply personal one. If
confirmed, I will do everything in my power at the OAS to continue
pressuring the regime and supporting the Cuban people. The Cuban
Government's brutal response to the July 11 protests and suppression of
the November 15 protests, including sentencing teenagers for demanding
their rights, was outrageous and the regime must continue to be held
accountable.
Question. In short, what about that particular moment made you
realize the evil nature of the Cuban regime?
Answer. I have never doubted the repressive nature of the Cuban
regime. As a Cuban-American, I lived up close and personal to the
suffering caused by the dictatorship. Many family members and friends
went to jail or were separated from their loved ones for decades. It
was hard on my mother. Our approach should depend on the circumstances
in front of us now--without ever sacrificing our principles, values,
and national interests. If confirmed, at the OAS, in close partnership
with Secretary General Luis Almagro, I hope to continue shining a
bright light on the regime's systemic abuses, through formal and
informal diplomatic mechanisms.
Question. With the Administration announcing a change in policy to
ease travel to the island, how is this consistent with your
understanding, or view, of the July 11 protests, and the regime's
actions towards the Cubans who raised their voices?
Answer. The regime's repressive actions toward Cubans who raise
their voice is unacceptable. I am deeply committed to ensuring Cubans
have a voice and can be free from the brutal dictatorship. I understand
the Administration is pursuing measures--including lifting certain
flight restrictions--to make it easier for families and friends to
support each other and independent private entrepreneurs in Cuba, while
minimizing any benefits to the Cuban Government. While supporting the
Cuban people, the Administration has made clear it will continue to
promote accountability for Cuban officials involved in human rights
abuses.
Question. As hundreds of protesters who participated in the July 11
protests remain detained, including dozens of children and teenagers,
announcing these policies is rewarding the regime for its behavior. Do
you agree? Why or why not?
Answer. The situation of hundreds of detained protesters is deeply
concerning. If confirmed, at the OAS, I will continue shining a bright
light on the regime's systemic abuses. The Biden-Harris administration
policy toward Cuba is centered on human rights and empowering the Cuban
people to determine their own future, as demonstrated by the State
Department's work raising the global profile of those minors punished
for simply exercising their rights. I understand that the
Administration will continue to hold the Cuban regime accountable for
the treatment of Cubans.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work within the OAS to hold
the regime accountable for its crimes?
Answer. I will, if confirmed, continue to find ways in the OAS to
pressure the dictatorship, call out its systemic abuses, and support
the Cuban people. I will engage with OAS member states, permanent
observers, Secretary General Luis Almagro, the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights, and Cuban human rights organizations to
highlight human rights abuses in Cuba, and to pressure the Cuban regime
to release political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and
protect the human rights, including freedom of expression, of all
individuals in Cuba.
Question. Earlier this week, the Biden administration announced a
return to President Obama's policies, which will allow the regime to
continue to take a portion of remittances and money sent to the Cuban
people.
What is your position on each of the new changes in U.S.-Cuba
policy as announced by the Administration?
Answer. I understand the Administration designed these actions to
maximize the benefits to the Cuban people and the independent private
sector while minimizing benefits to the Cuban Government. On
remittances, the Administration clarified it is maintaining
restrictions with respect to companies on the Cuba Restricted List,
which would include military-controlled FINCIMEX. If confirmed, I will
find ways to further efforts in the OAS to support the Cuban people as
they fight for their human rights and seek to overcome regime
oppression.
Question. In your assessment, please explain whether each of the
policy announcements will provide the regime with more resources to
detain and further oppress civil society leaders, peaceful protesters
and democracy activists? Why or why not?
Answer. I understand the Administration carefully considered how
best to support the Cuban people while minimizing any benefits to the
Cuban Government. For example, the Administration is maintaining a
prohibition in connection with entities on the Cuba Restricted List.
Question. The administration announced that it would remove Carlos
Erick Malpica Flores, a known financier of the Maduro regime, from the
sanctions list. The administration is also planning to facilitate
Chevron to produce Venezuelan oil. These ridiculous concessions to the
Maduro regime are supposedly being done to reward him for agreeing to
come back to talks in Mexico City. What these actions are really doing
is signaling weakening support for the democratic forces of Venezuela,
led by the legitimate interim government under Juan Guaido.
Do you recognize Juan Guaido as the Interim President of Venezuela?
Why or why not?
Answer. The United States continues to recognize Interim President
Juan Guaido and the 2015 democratically elected National Assembly.
Question. If confirmed, as U.S. Representative to the OAS, will you
continue U.S. policy that recognizes Juan Guaido as the Interim
President of Venezuela?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to fully support U.S. policy,
which recognizes Interim President Juan Guaido and the 2015
democratically elected National Assembly. In this vein, I will support
and use all diplomatic levers to advocate for Interim President
Guaid"'s representative in the OAS.
Question. The OAS has been critical in leading and maintaining the
international coalition in support of the Interim Government and a
genuine return to free and fair elections in Venezuela. If confirmed,
do you commit to supporting the OAS' Venezuela policy?
Answer. I agree the OAS has been a critical forum in supporting the
Interim government and highlighting the Maduro regime's human rights
abuses. If confirmed, I will support, and strongly advocate for Interim
President Guaid"'s representative in the OAS and free and fair
elections and restored democracy in Venezuela.
Question. If confirmed, will you oppose any attempt by this
administration to soften its stance?
Answer. I will remain committed to advocating for and using every
diplomatic lever to keep Interim President Guaid"'s representative in
the OAS. I will continue to press for free and fair elections and
restored democracy in Venezuela and urge member states to adopt
resolutions or other measures advocating for this as well.
Question. Since Biden administration officials met with the Maduro
regime in March, at least five OAS member states have resumed
diplomatic contacts. Are you concerned by these developments? If
confirmed, what will you do to maintain the OAS coalition opposed to
Maduro's continued grip on power in Venezuela?
Answer. It is concerning to see several OAS member states resume
diplomatic contacts with the Maduro regime. If confirmed, I will commit
to immediately strengthening our OAS coalition to ensure increased
advocacy on the urgency of restored democracy and rule of law in
Venezuela. I will urge member states to issue statements or adopt
resolutions advocating this as well and explore additional pressure
mechanisms with which to promote accountability for the Maduro regime's
abuses.
Question. Last week, the President of Mexico, Andres Manuel Lopez
Obrador, or AMLO, announced that he would not attend the Summit of
Americas in June unless the United States invites the dictators in
Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua. He's encouraging other countries to join
his boycott. Inviting these three leaders, who have done nothing except
destabilize the region and harm their own people, would be disastrous
for a summit intended to promote democracy and prosperity in the
hemisphere. It would also be a slap in the face to all of the
activists, journalists, and opposition politicians in these countries
who have worked to hold these regimes accountable.
In your view, should the United States invite representatives from
the dictatorial regimes in Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua to the
Summit of the Americas?
Answer. I share your concern over the human rights abuses and lack
of democracy in Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. As host of the Ninth
Summit of Americas, the United States has discretion over which
governments to invite to the Summit. I believe the United States is
uniquely positioned to demonstrate itself as a champion of the shared
democratic values enshrined in the Inter-American Democratic Charter,
and uphold the standard agreed to by leaders at the Third Summit of the
Americas in Quebec City in 2001: that a strict respect for rule of law
and the democratic system is a prerequisite for participation in the
Summit process.
Question. Have you been briefed by the Administration as to whether
these regimes have been, or will be, invited to the Summit of the
Americas?
Answer. No.
Question. Is inviting these regimes to the Summit consistent with
President Biden's statement that human rights and democracy will be at
the center of U.S. foreign policy?
Answer. Reaffirming the region's shared dedication to democracy has
been a part of leaders' commitments at every Summit of the Americas,
and the Ninth Summit of the Americas should be no different. As host,
the United States is uniquely positioned to uphold the standard agreed
to by leaders at the Third Summit of Americas in Quebec City in 2001:
that a strict respect for rule of law and the democratic system is a
prerequisite for participation in the Summit process. At the OAS, I
will, if confirmed, use every diplomatic lever to hold these regimes
accountable for any actions that undermine the values enshrined in the
Inter-American Democratic Charter.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michelle Kwan by Senator Robert Menendez
Economic Ties/Recovery
Question. Like most countries across Latin America and the
Caribbean during the pandemic, Belize faced a sharp economic
contraction that had serious implications for social spending. As the
United States works with our partners from across the hemisphere to
facilitate a recovery from COVID-19, it will be incredibly important
for us to deepen economic ties with Belize and find new ways to help
them gain access to international investment and development funding.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of Belize to
strengthen our bilateral economic relationship and help them
achieve a strong recovery from the pandemic?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to connect U.S.
businesses with investment opportunities in Belize, and push for pro-
growth changes to Belize's tax and investment laws. I will also work
with the Belizean government to ensure Belize and the United States
work together to identify obstacles preventing the facilitation of
trade and the ease of doing business. If confirmed, I will ensure that
improving the investment climate in Belize will continue to be a
Mission priority and that Belize has access to U.S. and international
investment and development funding. Belize's selection on December 14,
2021, as eligible to develop a Millennium Challenge Corporation compact
provides an excellent example of how the United States and Belize can
work together to find innovative sources of investment and development
funding.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people working on my team. I understand
the interagency community continues its investigation into AHI.
Addressing AHI remains a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set
clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen
the Department's communication with its workforce, provide care for
affected employees and family members, and better protect against these
events in the future.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and that embassy personnel would report
the incident through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would take nothing more seriously than
the health and security of the people who work at U.S. Embassy
Belmopan. I commit to working with health and security officials and
other parties as recommended to establish and maintain appropriate
protocols and ensure a safe working environment for both Americans and
local staff.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michelle Kwan by Senator James E. Risch
western hemisphere
China
Question. Eight countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (out
of 14 countries worldwide, including the Vatican) recognize Taiwan.
Belize Prime Minister John Briceno (breesegno) visited Taipei, pledging
to continue his country's support for Taiwan.
Please describe your efforts to encourage Belize to maintain its
current diplomatic relation with Taiwan.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Belizean
Government to ensure the United States remains Belize's preferred
security and economic partner. The Taiwan-Belize relationship remains
an important one based on shared values, including respect for
democracy, transparency, and the rule of law, and, if confirmed, I will
work to make sure that U.S. and Taiwan development goals and
programming remain closely coordinated to help deliver results for the
people of Belize while encouraging Belize to maintain its diplomatic
ties with Taiwan.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to bring about more
nearshoring opportunities in Belize and strengthen supply chains within
our hemisphere?
Answer. Belize's proximity to the United States and its use of
English as the common language offer important opportunities. I fully
support the strengthening of supply chains within our hemisphere as
well as bringing about more nearshoring opportunities in Belize. If
confirmed, I would fully promote supply chain transparency,
diversification, and resiliency and advocate for a deeper partnership
with Belize in this area. I would seek opportunities to promote
nearshoring investments in Belize to strengthen critical supply chains
wherever possible.
Question. Please explain how you would recommend the United States
work to address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and
security influence in Belize and the Western Hemisphere?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Belizean Government to
address any potential threats to U.S. national security abroad,
including the damaging influence of authoritarian foreign countries,
such as the People's Republic of China, in Belize. I would encourage
Belize to maintain vigilance in its interactions with foreign actors,
such as the PRC, who do not share the same democratic values that we
and Belize do. I would work with my team to counter any disinformation
spread by foreign governments, particularly regarding U.S. policies or
assistance, and keep Washington informed of any attempts by foreign
governments to interfere with the U.S.-Belize relationship.
Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Belize-
China relations?
Answer. I understand that the relationship between Belize and the
People's Republic of China remains limited, although the PRC continues
efforts to make inroads, and Huawei has submitted a bid to upgrade
Belize's telecommunications systems. Belize remains one of eight
countries in the region, and one of 14 countries worldwide, that
maintains diplomatic ties with Taiwan. I welcome that current Prime
Minister John Briceno continues to affirm Belize's maintenance of
diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Taiwan has been a significant development
and humanitarian partner for Belize, most recently assisting in
Belize's response to COVID-19 and providing a robust platform for
student scholarships and exchanges in Taipei.
Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the
Belize people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of
China to international norms.
Answer. If confirmed, I would use every public diplomacy tool
available to communicate with the Belizean people about the challenges
posed by the People's Republic of China to the international rules-
based order. I would expand on Post's efforts to counter destabilizing
PRC influence, including through innovative information literacy
training and awareness campaigns. If confirmed, I plan to have candid
conversations with the Belizean Government and people about these
ongoing challenges.
Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Belize?
Answer. The use of telecommunications equipment in Belizean
networks made by untrusted vendors, including Huawei, concerns me.
Allowing high-risk suppliers like Huawei to supply technology creates
risks to national security, critical infrastructure, and privacy. If
confirmed, I will lead Embassy Belmopan's ongoing efforts to emphasize
to Belizeans the risks associated with Huawei's telecommunications
equipment and secure their telecommunications networks with
telecommunications equipment produced by trusted U.S. and allied
companies.
Drug Trafficking
Question. Please describe your understanding of the areas in which
the U.S. and Belize can improve bilateral efforts to target narcotics
trafficking in Belize and the region writ large.
Answer. Gang violence, drug trafficking by transnational criminal
organizations, and certain porous, unmonitored borders feature among
the most serious security threats in Belize. Through the Central
America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the United States assists
Belize to improve border security, professionalize police, and
strengthen the rule of law. CARSI programs also enhance Belize's
efforts to utilize intelligence-driven operations to target,
investigate, and prosecute organized crime. If confirmed, I would
continue deepening security cooperation between the United States and
Belize. I would also work with our Belizean partners to strengthen
porous borders while improving the professionalism of Belizean
security.
Cuba
Question. Belize accepted over dozens of Cuban doctors to provide
medical services as part of a COVID-19 agreement.
Do you agree that these Cuban medical missions are a form of human
trafficking and if so, what would you do to highlight this
issue with the Belize Government?
Answer. The Department of State continues to have serious and
ongoing concerns about the allegations of forced labor in Cuba's
international labor programs. Since 2010, the State Department has
identified indicators of forced labor in Cuba's labor export programs,
including their medical missions overseas. Over the last two years, in
the Trafficking in Persons Report, the Department found a policy or
pattern that Cuba profited from the labor export program amid strong
indications of forced labor. The Department's 2021 Trafficking in
Persons report listed Cuba as Tier 3. If confirmed, I will urge my
counterparts in Belize to take steps to prevent forced labor and seek
transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban Government and
Cuban overseas workers, to screen those associated with this program
for trafficking indicators, and to protect victims identified.
human rights and international organizations
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Belize remained on the Tier 2 Watch List for the third
consecutive year due to lack of investigations, prosecutions,
convictions, and official complicity in trafficking crimes.
How will you work with the Belizeans to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador? Please detail concrete steps you
could take.
Answer. Belize's most recent interim assessment shows the
Government has been making notable efforts to fight against trafficking
in persons; however, Belize must continue ongoing progress to meet the
minimum standards. Belize struggles with enforcement, investigation,
and prosecution across all crimes, including trafficking. If confirmed,
I would urge the Belizean Government to make significant efforts to
combat TIP by strengthening the enforcement of labor and anti-
trafficking laws. I would support and expand ongoing U.S. Government
programs that seek to improve the capacity of Belize's judicial system
to process and prosecute cases, including TIP cases.
Religious Freedom
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Belize was identified as having societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. Any threat to religious freedom constitutes a threat to
human rights in the region. Although it demonstrates respect for
religious freedom, Belize, like all countries, has work to do. If
confirmed, I would work with the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom on tactics to address challenges faced within Belize.
I would call upon the Belizean Government to respect the human rights
and fundamental freedoms of its citizens, including freedom of religion
or belief.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Belize was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including widespread corruption and impunity for government officials.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. I understand corruption and impunity remain serious
problems in Belize. Belize has passed anti-corruption legislation and
has various offices tasked with addressing government corruption, but
enforcement remains weak. If confirmed, I would support the
Department's efforts to improve the efficiency and transparency of
Belize's criminal justice system and build Belize's capacity to
investigate and prosecute crimes. I would also work with the Belizean
Government and my interagency partners to improve Belize's human rights
situation.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. I understand that, through our foreign assistance, the U.S.
Government helps Belize address governance, security, and human rights
challenges. If confirmed, I would continue supporting U.S. assistance
to support civil society's efforts to improve governance and human
rights conditions. I would also support continuing our practice of
utilizing grants programs to amplify Belizean civil society's efforts
to improve governance and service delivery and strengthen capacity
within civil society and government civil service. If confirmed, I look
forward to meeting with civil society leaders to hear their concerns,
seek opportunities to work together as appropriate, and strengthen the
capacity of civil society organizations to promote human rights.
International Organizations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU.
She is in a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement
across capitals and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Belizean Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to demarche the Belizean Government
and any other counterparts necessary to secure support for the upcoming
September election of Ms. Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the
International Telecommunication Union (ITU). I will underscore the
importance of the ITU election and emphasize that, with nearly 30 years
of experience at the ITU, including as director of its development
bureau, Ms. Bogdan-Martin is the most qualified candidate to advance
our shared priorities at the ITU, including promoting universal
connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and affordable, as well as
strengthening the ITU's partnerships with stakeholders and its
governance and accountability.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the International
Organizations (IO) bureau and other stakeholders to identify, recruit,
and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Professional Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the IO bureau and
other stakeholders to assist in identifying, recruiting, and installing
qualified individuals in positions, including Junior Professional
Officer (JPO) positions, at the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to
nurture my connections throughout the State Department, interagency,
and private sector to increase U.S. citizen representation in the U.N.
in order to advance U.S. interests and values such as innovation,
ethical conduct, transparency, and accountability.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, MAY 24, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:17 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
Murphy presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Kaine, Booker, Risch, Johnson, Romney, Portman, Young,
and Rounds.
Also Present: Senator Ossoff.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. Good afternoon, everyone. This hearing of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will now come to order.
I am pinch hitting this hearing. We are glad to be joined
by the ranking member, Senator Rounds. Today, we have a
confirmation hearing doubleheader. So as Ernie Banks said, let
us play two. The committee is going to be considering six
nominations split on two panels.
First up, we have Ambassador Reuben Brigety to be the
Ambassador to South Africa, Ambassador Michael Battle to be the
Ambassador to Tanzania, and Ms. Meg Whitman to be the
Ambassador to Kenya.
And so seeing that we have two of our colleagues we will
postpone our opening statements and let you guys get on your
way to votes and other meetings so that you can introduce two
of our witnesses.
So why do not I first go to Senator Romney and then to
Senator Ossoff to make introductions? We will make opening
statements and then we will turn it over to our panel.
So, Senator Romney?
STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member
Rounds. It is my honor today to introduce Meg Whitman to the
committee and offer my full support for her nomination to serve
as our Nation's next Ambassador to Kenya.
I have known Meg for more than 40 years. We first met at
Bain & Company early in her career. Throughout these past four
decades, I have watched Meg build an extraordinary career.
As president and CEO of Hewlett-Packard beginning in 2011,
Meg worked to rebuild the legendary American technology company
after it fell behind in a changing world.
As a result of her efforts, Hewlett-Packard companies
continue to thrive today. From 1998 to 2008, Meg was president
and CEO of eBay, a company that helped create e-commerce as we
know it.
When Meg arrived at eBay, it was a small company with 30
employees and $4 million in revenues. When she left 10 years
later, eBay had 15,000 employees and $8 billion in revenue.
Many of the employees hired and mentored by Meg at eBay went on
to lead other great technology companies.
Meg graduated from Princeton University in 1977 and Harvard
Business School in 1979. While that may not seem like a long
time ago, for some of us it was a different era. At a time when
women were just beginning to break through many glass ceilings,
Meg chartered her own path, consistently delivering results,
working hard, and expanding her wealth of knowledge.
There is little doubt that Meg has had great success, but
just as important she has earned a reputation for ethical
principled behavior. She listens to the views of others and is
eager to make her community, our country, and the world a
better place.
Meg has also been active for many years in philanthropic
causes centered on education and the environment. Meg and her
husband, Dr. Griff Harsh, who is also here, have been devoted
to one another for more than 40 years.
While they have helped one another building fulfilling
careers, they have also created a terrific family together,
which is the most important. Meg will tell you that her
greatest accomplishment in life has been to raise two wonderful
sons.
We all agree that America currently faces enormous
challenges across the globe. We also agree that we need our
best and brightest to represent America's ideals and interests.
Meg Whitman is expertly suited to take on the hard work of
organizing our mission in Kenya and working closely and
cooperatively with our Kenyan partners. The United States and
the global community desire a prosperous advancing Africa, and
Kenya must play a pivotal role in stabilizing and sustaining
the region.
America needs Meg Whitman's character, judgment, and sheer
determination deployed to Kenya as soon as possible. I urge
this committee and my Senate colleagues to support Meg
Whitman's swift confirmation.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Romney.
Senator Ossoff?
STATEMENT OF HON. JON OSSOFF,
U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA
Senator Ossoff. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Rounds. It is an honor to join you today to introduce and
recommend for confirmation an outstanding diplomat whom I am
proud to call a constituent from my hometown of Atlanta,
Georgia, Ambassador Michael Battle.
Ambassador Battle has led an extraordinary career committed
to education and public service. He served for 20 years as a
chaplain in the United States Army Reserve, retiring with the
rank of lieutenant colonel in 1997.
During the Obama administration, Ambassador Battle served
as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union in Ethiopia. He also
served that administration as U.S. representative to the United
Nations Economic Commission for Africa and as a senior adviser
to the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs.
In addition to his government service, Ambassador Battle
has served in a variety of leadership roles in higher education
in the faith community, including executive vice president in
the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center, president of
the Inter-Denominational Theological Center in Atlanta, vice
president at Chicago State University, associate vice president
at Virginia State University, and university chaplain at
Hampton University.
Ambassador Battle has been a community leader in Atlanta
for years, serving as chair of the Robert W. Woodruff Library
of the Atlanta University Center, as a member of the UNCF
Institutional Board of Directors, the Atlanta Rotary Club, One
Hundred Black Men of Atlanta, and Historically Black Colleges
and Universities Congressional Forum Steering Committee.
The Ambassador chaired Atlanta Mayor Shirley Franklin's
Advisory Committee for Sustainable Atlanta, served in a variety
of roles of the Atlanta Regional Council of Churches, Atlanta
Urban League, and the Atlanta Fulton Family Connection, and was
a member of the 2008 class of Leadership Atlanta. He holds a
lifetime membership in the NAACP and the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference.
It is an honor, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, to be here
alongside Ambassador Battle as he prepares for this pivotal
assignment in Tanzania. We need his skilled representation in
east Africa. I know he will do this job with honor and
effectively.
I thank the committee for consideration of his nomination
and humbly urge his swift confirmation.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Ossoff.
And to supplement that introduction, Senator Portman?
STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. He has to be supplemented because although
he is a proud son of Atlanta, he is also a proud son of
Cincinnati. So we are going to claim a little of him also.
We are also going to take some credit for Meg Whitman's
connection to Cincinnati with regard to our soccer team and the
great Procter & Gamble Company, and I am delighted that you are
stepping up, as I have told you, to represent us in Kenya at a
critical time.
In terms of professor, Ambassador--how many titles do you
have? But as you will see in his confirmation today, Michael
Battle is an extraordinary guy, and as Senator Ossoff has
already told us, he has an amazing background.
His wife, Linda Ann Battle, is also deserving of a lot of
credit for his success in life. He has done a lot. He was
Ambassador to the African Union. He was Permanent
Representative to the U.N. Economic Commission on Africa. By
the way, those two make you so qualified to take on this role
in Tanzania.
He also served as a chaplain in the U.S. Army Reserve
Chaplain Corps. As was said, he was a lieutenant colonel when
he retired. He has been a professor of religious studies and
philosophy at a number of schools--Hampton and Virginia State
Universities. I think at Duke as well, as I recall.
Ambassador Battle. Graduated from Duke.
Senator Portman. Graduated from Duke. Okay. Well, that is
not professorial but it is still impressive. And he is a guy
who I saw in service because he was at the Underground Railroad
Freedom Center in Cincinnati.
This is a national group that many of us here in the
Congress have supported over time and we are delighted to have
it. It is a world class cultural learning center, really, a gem
for Cincinnati. And Ambassador Battle was the executive vice
president and really helped redirect them at a time when they
needed some direction.
I worked with him, got to see him in action, saw how he
worked on the management side but also externally with the
community. It was very impressive. And knows how to teach the
story of our history, the good and the bad, including history
of cooperation with the Underground Railroad Freedom Center and
the search for freedom.
I am delighted that he is going to bring that same level of
enthusiasm, passion, and drive to his role as Ambassador to
Tanzania and I hope you will all confirm him for that post.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds. Thank
you, Senator Ossoff, for joining us today.
First, let me just ask unanimous consent to enter into the
record a statement from Chairman Menendez. Without objection,
that will be entered into the record.
[The statement submitted for the record by Chairman
Menendez is located at the end of this transcript.]
Senator Murphy. And let me just say a few opening words to
our panel of nominees. You are all before us to represent the
United States in three key posts in Africa.
Ambassador Brigety, South Africa has its economic and
political challenges, but it remains a clear leader on the
continent, a growing economy, a vibrant democracy. It is time
for the U.S.-South Africa bilateral relationship to mature.
Our partnership on health is well known and strong, but we
can be closer economic and environmental partners and we can
work with South Africa better on regional security matters in a
much more coordinated way.
Ambassador Battle, Tanzania has begun to transition away
from the late former president's isolationist policies and
COVID denialism and towards improved ties with the United
States.
This moment is an opportunity. While the new president,
Samira Hassan, has served as the country's first female
president since last year, Tanzania still faces challenges in
public health, governance, economic development, and this is a
time where the United States can and should step up.
I look forward to hearing how you plan to work with the new
government to encourage progress in all these areas.
And finally, Ms. Whitman, Kenya is sub-Saharan Africa's
third largest economy. It is a regional hub for transportation
and finance. It is a partner for counterterrorism. It is a top
tourism designation.
You are going to be leading the largest embassy in Africa
for the United States and playing host to U.S. forces that
support operations throughout the region. Very few more
important diplomatic posts in the world, I would argue.
I look forward to discussing how this administration and
your embassy will ensure that our personnel and interests
remain protected.
Again, we thank you for being here today. We are so deeply
appreciative of your families for being willing to serve
alongside you.
And with that, let me turn to the ranking member, Senator
Rounds, for opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Good afternoon to all of you. I would like to thank all of
you for your service to our country and for your willingness to
serve as Ambassadors to South Africa, Tanzania, and Kenya.
All three of these African countries offer incredible
opportunity but also face imposing challenges. All three are
critical to U.S. national interests on the continent. I look
forward to hearing how you will lead our diplomatic missions to
advance U.S. interests and priorities there.
Ambassador Brigety, South Africa is an important partner
that the United States must do more to engage at the highest
levels. Getting a confirmed Ambassador to Pretoria is critical.
Your prior experience serving as U.S. Ambassador to the
Africa Union and as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Southern Africa will give you much to draw on as U.S.
Ambassador to South Africa, if confirmed.
Your past military, diplomatic, and academic experience is
impressive, and I look forward to hearing what your view as the
most important items for you to focus on, if confirmed.
However, it will not surprise you that I am also interested
in hearing you address your own publicly stated views on those
who worked for former President Trump, who you called the first
Nazi-in-Chief. I will give you an opportunity to explain your
comments.
Ambassador Battle, in recent years U.S. relations with
Tanzania have been complicated by democratic decline, largely,
under President Magufuli and his allies, who are openly hostile
toward U.S. business, U.S. implementing partners such as grant
recipients, international efforts to stem DRC's Ebola outbreaks
from spreading to other countries, and efforts to control the
COVID-19 pandemic. While President Samia Hassan, who took over
in March of 2021, has made some efforts to reform, these
reforms are proving slow and difficult.
If confirmed, I am hopeful that you will draw on your
previous experience as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa to work with your Tanzanian
counterparts on the continued needed reforms, as well as to
engage on critical issues like global health commitments and
counterterrorism, particularly given the extremist threat on
both sides of the Tanzania-Mozambique border.
Ms. Whitman, Kenya is one of the U.S.' most important
African allies. The need for continued strong partnership has
only been made clearer in recent months as the U.S. has been
engaged in a number of crises in the east and the Horn of
Africa alongside the Kenyans, including Sudan, Somalia, and
Ethiopia.
A strong U.S. relationship with Kenya is vital to
supporting improved trade and investment, pursuing U.S.
national security interests, and responding to the complex
humanitarian and developmental needs of the broader region.
There is no doubt we need a confirmed U.S. Ambassador to
Kenya, and I am pleased to have the opportunity to engage with
you today. If confirmed, you would bring a wealth of executive
experience to our embassy in Nairobi. I look forward to hearing
about your priorities.
Thank you all for being here today and I look forward to
your comments. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds.
We now turn to our nominees. We are asking you to make your
statements as concise as possible in the neighborhood of three
minutes, and we will enter your full statements into the
record.
I think Senators Ossoff, Portman, and Romney did a
sufficient job at introducing Ms. Whitman and Ambassador
Battle. Let me just add to the introduction from Senator
Rounds.
Ambassador Brigety, who will begin this panel, is our
nominee to South Africa, served as U.S. Ambassador to the
African Union, twice as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
Most recently he has been the vice chancellor and president of
the University of the South and dean of the Washington--George
Washington University's Elliott School of International
Affairs.
So having filled out the introductions of our panel, we are
going to turn to you, Ambassador Brigety, then to Ambassador
Battle and, finally, to Ms. Whitman.
STATEMENT OF HON. REUBEN E. BRIGETY II OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
Ambassador Brigety. Thank you, Senator.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, distinguished members of
the committee, good afternoon. It is my great honor to appear
before you as the nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of South Africa.
I am joined here today by my wife, Dr. Leelie Selassie, our
sons, Roebel and Redda, and many family and friends who are
watching these proceedings online.
I am grateful for the confidence that President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me to assume leadership of
this important post. Further, I am deeply humbled to be
nominated to lead the same embassy that was once led by my late
mentors, Ambassador Edward Perkins, Ambassador Bill Swing, and
Ambassador Princeton Lyman, all of whom were legendary
diplomats who brilliantly represented the United States in
Pretoria during consequential moments in South African history.
If confirmed, I will do my best to live up to the standards
that they set for diplomatic excellence in building
partnerships in South Africa while also advancing American
interests.
Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first post-apartheid
president, once said, ``When you speak to a man in your
language you speak to his head, but when you speak to a man and
his language you speak to his heart.''
The word Ubuntu is a South African concept that is
translated as, quote, ``I am because we are.'' It is a call for
the recognition of the common bonds that unite us as human
beings and the understanding that our well being is intimately
entwined with each other.
If confirmed, I will be committed to practicing Ubuntu
diplomacy in developing and strengthening this vital bilateral
relationship.
The United States and South Africa are two of the world's
great constitutional democracies. We are both international
leaders on a range of topics of global importance.
The relationship between our two countries should be one of
close coordination, enduring comity, and shared purpose. In
practicing Ubuntu diplomacy, I will ensure that official U.S.
engagement with the Government and people of South Africa is
firmly rooted in the principles of common cause and mutual
recognition.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
and for your consideration of my candidacy. I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Brigety follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Reuben E. Brigety, II
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of
the committee, good morning. It is my great honor to appear before you
as the nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of South
Africa. I am joined here today by my wife Dr. Leelie Selassie, our sons
Roebel and Redda, and many family and friends who are watching these
proceedings online. I am grateful for the confidence that President
Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me to assume leadership of
this important post. Further, I am deeply humbled to be nominated to
lead the same embassy that was once led by my late mentors Ambassador
Edward Perkins, Ambassador William ``Bill'' Swing, and Ambassador
Princeton Lyman, each of whom were legendary diplomats who brilliantly
represented the United States in Pretoria during consequential moments
in South African history. If confirmed, I will do my best to live up to
the standards that they set for diplomatic excellence in building
partnerships in South Africa while advancing American interests.
Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first post-apartheid President, once
said: ``When you speak to a man in your language, you speak to his
head. When you speak to a man in his language, you speak to his
heart.'' The word Ubuntu is a South African concept that is translated
as ``I am because we are.'' It is a call for the recognition of the
common bonds that unite us as human beings and the understanding that
our wellbeing is intimately entwined with each other. If confirmed, I
will be committed to practicing Ubuntu Diplomacy in developing and
strengthening this vital bilateral relationship.
The United States and South Africa are two of the world's great
constitutional democracies. We are both international leaders on a
range of topics of global importance--from addressing climate change
and health security, to promoting peace and security as well as
economic development. The relationship between our two countries should
be one of close coordination, enduring comity and shared purpose. In
practicing Ubuntu Diplomacy, I will ensure that official U.S.
engagement with the Government and people of South Africa is firmly
rooted in the principles of common cause and mutual recognition. If I
am confirmed as Ambassador I will assert America's position and
interests clearly, skillfully, and consistently, with my engagement
firmly rooted in dignity and respect.
South Africa is currently experiencing the most dramatic political,
economic and social developments since the end of apartheid. These
include shifting electoral politics, a reckoning over years of official
corruption, and ongoing efforts to address inequalities in the economy.
Despite these profound challenges, the possibilities for South
Africa's future are bright. The next few years will no doubt prove
decisive for South Africa's prospects through the middle of the twenty-
first century. Though South Africa's destiny is clearly for South
Africans to choose, it is in the interests of the United States for
South Africa to succeed. It is a G-20 nation with the most diversified
economy on the continent and stands as the largest African trading
partner of the United States. We have many common priorities, such as
ensuring global food security. South African scientists have been at
the forefront of addressing the COVID-19 pandemic, and President Cyril
Ramaphosa has played an indispensable role as the African Union's
Champion for COVID-19 Response. Should I be confirmed, my tenure as
Ambassador will focus on advancing three central objectives.
First, we will deliver programs to improve the human condition and
preserve the natural environment. I will work with the Government of
South Africa to ensure that PEPFAR programs are implemented
effectively; that our productive cooperation to bring an equitable end
to the COVID-19 pandemic continues; and that climate change initiatives
such as the Just Energy Transition come to fruition. As a fourth-
generation educator, I am particularly interested in finding new ways
to support education and skills training in the country.
Second, I will promote new American investment in South Africa,
particularly those schemes that will generate job creation for South
Africa's young people.
Finally, I will be a tireless advocate for democracy and democratic
values. It is not appropriate for the United States to seek particular
outcomes for South Africa's elections. Yet, in common cause with the
people of South Africa, I will use the platform of the U.S. Embassy to
call for the rule of law, transparency, accountable government and an
end to corruption at every opportunity.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and for
your consideration of my candidacy. I look forward to taking your
questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Ambassador Battle?
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL A. BATTLE, SR. OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA
Ambassador Battle. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
distinguished members of the committee----
Senator Murphy. Is your microphone on there? There we go,
and pull it close.
Ambassador Battle. I am honored to appear before you as
nominee for Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania. I am
deeply appreciative of the confidence President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have placed in me.
My wife, Linda, and I look forward to returning to the
African continent, especially Tanzania, if confirmed. Returning
to diplomatic service is an honor for which I look forward to.
As a retired Army reserve officer and diplomat, I know the joy
of service to our great nation.
The United States has a long-standing commitment to
Tanzania's development as a stable, reliable, democratic
partner capable of growing its economy sufficiently to support
its own people while also becoming a market for U.S. exports
and investments.
Under President Hassan, Tanzania has started to reverse
course from the democratic backsliding and isolationist
policies of the previous administration. If confirmed, my goal
will be to encourage the Tanzanian Government to put into
action commitments to democratic freedom and respect for human
rights.
If confirmed, my first priority will be to focus on people,
both American and Tanzanian, ensuring the safety and security
of embassy staff and Americans residing in and visiting
Tanzania.
Additionally, I will work with the Tanzanian Government to
further and strengthen systems to prevent and prosecute any
instance of human trafficking. I am committed to leveraging our
foreign assistance to strengthening governance and transparency
in health and improving the overall health of Tanzania.
If confirmed, I will work toward expanding American
business opportunities in Tanzania and improving the overall
investment climate.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you
and with other members of this committee to ensure U.S.
interests, policies, and assistance to Tanzania, promote
democracy, security, and sustained economic growth.
And if confirmed, I will be the second person from my high
school class to be U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania. I look forward
to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Battle follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Michael A. Battle, Sr.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the nominee for
Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania. I am deeply appreciative
of the confidence that President Biden and Secretary Blinken have
placed in me.
My wife, Linda Battle, and I look forward to returning to the
African continent and specifically to Tanzania, if confirmed, where we
have visited and enjoyed observing conservation efforts in the
Serengeti.
Returning to diplomatic service is an honor which I look forward
to, fully aware of the awesome privilege and responsibilities. I served
as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and U.S. representative to the
U.N. Economic Commission for Africa and as senior advisor to the Africa
Bureau for the first U.S. Africa Leaders' Summit. As a retired Army
Reserve officer and diplomat, I know the joy of service to our great
nation. In my non-government service, I have been an administrator in
higher education in positions ranging from university chaplain and
instructor in philosophy and religion to president of a major
theological seminary.
The United States has a long-standing commitment to Tanzania's
development as a stable, reliable, democratic partner, capable of
growing its economy sufficiently to support its people, while also
becoming a market for U.S. exports and investment. Tanzania is also an
important stabilizing force in the region, and it contributes to
peacekeeping in central Africa, Sudan, and South Sudan. With the threat
of terrorism and conflict in northern Mozambique on Tanzania's southern
border, maintaining a productive security relationship is now even more
important.
Under President Samia Suluhu Hassan's leadership, Tanzania has
started to reverse course from the democratic backsliding and
isolationist tendencies of Tanzania's previous administration. Tanzania
is on the right track, but it can and must do more. President Hassan's
statements on reopening democratic spaces present a unique opportunity
for the United States to support and encourage this positive momentum.
If confirmed, my goal will be to strengthen our bilateral relationship,
continue to encourage the Tanzanian Government to put into action
President Hassan's commitments to democratic freedoms and respect for
human rights, and bring Tanzania back into the international fold as a
leader in the region.
If confirmed, my first priority will be to focus on the people:
both American and Tanzanian. Ensuring the safety and security of
embassy staff and Americans residing in and visiting Tanzania will be
my top priority. For Tanzanians, the deterioration of democratic norms
over the last few years has restricted personal liberties, including
free association and peaceful assembly. I am committed to working with
the host government, like-minded missions, civil society, and
international organizations to support and encourage President Hassan
to do more to reverse this trend. We will want to see legislative and
regulatory changes to institutionalize legal protections to democratic
institutions, civil society, and the media. Additionally, I will work
with the Tanzanian Government to further strengthen systems to prevent
and prosecute human trafficking.
Almost 80 percent of the assistance provided by the American
taxpayer to Tanzania is directed to improving the health of the
Tanzanian people. Currently, the United States' top health priority is
to support the ongoing COVID-19 vaccination campaign, which Tanzania
started thanks to the provision of vaccine doses in connection with the
United States. U.S.-funded programs to reduce the burden of HIV,
malaria, and tuberculosis are bearing fruit in Tanzania. If confirmed,
I am committed to leveraging our foreign assistance to strengthen
governance and transparency in the health sector and improve health
outcomes, including training in the prevention, detection, and response
to deadly viruses that are endemic to the region, such as Ebola.
While a challenging business environment has impeded U.S. business
investment in recent years, if confirmed, I will work towards expanding
American business opportunities in Tanzania and improving the overall
investment climate.
Tanzania is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world and
the Government of Tanzania has been lauded for its conservation
efforts. However, Tanzania's population growth, high poverty rate, and
the effects of climate change create pressure on its natural resources
and contribute to tensions between conservation efforts and local
populations. If confirmed, I will promote programs to strengthen
Tanzania's ability to mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate
change and encourage the country to continue to protect and sustainably
utilize its natural resources.
If confirmed as the U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, I look forward to
working closely with you and other Members of Congress to ensure that
U.S. interests, policies, and assistance to Tanzania promote democracy,
security, and sustained economic growth. Thank you again, Mr. Chairman,
and I would be pleased to answer any questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
Ms. Whitman?
STATEMENT OF MARGARET C. WHITMAN OF COLORADO, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA
Ms. Whitman. Yes. Thank you.
Senator Risch and Senator Murphy, Senator Rounds, and
distinguished members of the committee, thank you--there we go.
Sorry.
Distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to speak with you and to answer your questions on
my nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Kenya. I also thank President Biden and Secretary of State
Blinken for the opportunity to serve our country.
First, let me introduce my husband of 42 years, Dr. Griff
Harsh, who is here with me today. Griff is an academic
neurosurgeon and he is eager to accompany me to Kenya, should I
be confirmed. Griff and I are the parents of two adult sons and
two toddler grandchildren.
During my 40-year business career, I have been president
and CEO of three multinational Fortune 100 companies: eBay, HP,
and Hewlett-Packard Enterprise. I have been trustee of the
Nature Conservancy, one of the largest conservation
organizations in the world, and I currently serve as chairman
of Teach for America, which works to improve K through 12
education in underserved communities.
My career has honed my leadership and communication skills.
I have worked with heads of state, senior business leaders, and
government regulators. I am well versed in strategy
formulation, negotiation, small business development, global
trade, and, of course, technology. I am adept at leading large
organizations by fostering shared values, purpose, and
commitment to excellence.
I have conducted business in numerous African countries,
and in 2018 I visited Kenya with the Nature Conservancy. I am
excited about the possibility of serving as our Ambassador to
Kenya, a country of strategic importance to the United States.
Should I be confirmed, I will continue the current U.S.
focus on supporting democracy and democratic institutions,
particularly in advance of the elections in August.
We want and need Kenya to remain a strong, reliable, and
capable partner of the United States in addressing common
challenges in east Africa and beyond.
A stable democratic society and economic prosperity are
mutually reinforcing. Kenya has a diverse and dynamic economy
with strong potential for future growth. It faces many
challenges, but the United States can be helpful by promoting
legislative and judicial reform, anti-corruption measures, and
collaboration among Kenyan and American businesses.
Kenya is well positioned to be an Africa leader in
information, communication, and technology and mobile banking.
Working with Kenya to help build the country's silicon savannah
will be a big part of my mission and an opportunity that I hope
numerous U.S. companies will embrace.
The United States is also the largest financial contributor
to Kenya's health care system. If confirmed, I intend to work
closely with the Kenyan Government, public and private health
institutions to ensure the efficiency of U.S. assistance in
responding to the COVID epidemic and other infectious diseases.
Kenya is also a significant contributor to regional peace
and security, especially through its contribution of troops to
the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. If confirmed,
I will work closely with Kenya to address instability and
combat terrorism in the Horn of Africa.
Our bilateral defense cooperation with Kenya, a partnership
of over 60 years, is strong and I look forward to supporting
the Kenyan Government on defense matters and advancing
America's interest in the region.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to
working constructively and respectfully with our partners in
Kenya and east Africa to achieve our shared goals. Serving the
United States in this role will be a great privilege.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Whitman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Margaret C. Whitman
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of
the committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak with you and to
answer your questions on my nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Kenya.
I also thank President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken for the
opportunity to serve our country.
First, let me introduce my husband of 42 years, Dr. Griff Harsh,
who is here with me today. Griff is currently the chairman of the
Department of Neurosurgery at University of California Davis Medical
Center. He is eager to accompany me to Kenya should I be confirmed.
Griff and I are the parents of two adult sons and grandparents to two
toddlers.
By way of background, I graduated from Princeton University in 1977
with a bachelor's in economics and as a member of the fourth class to
accept women. I then earned an MBA from Harvard Business School in
1979.
During my 40-year business career, I have been president and CEO of
three multinational Fortune 100 companies--eBay, HP, and Hewlett
Packard Enterprise. I have been a trustee of The Nature Conservancy,
one of the largest land and water conservation organizations in the
world. I currently serve as national chair of Teach for America, which
works to improve K-12 education in underserved communities.
My career has honed my leadership and communication skills. I have
worked with heads of state, senior business leaders, and government
regulators to build coalitions for innovative programs. I am well
versed in strategy formulation, negotiation, intellectual property
protection, small business development, global trade, and technology. I
am adept at leading large organizations by fostering shared values,
purpose, and commitment to excellence.
I have conducted business in numerous African countries. In 2018, I
visited Kenya with The Nature Conservancy to review the organization's
work to help local communities secure their land and water rights, and
thus encourage environmentally and economically sustainable water and
land management practices.
I am very excited about the possibility of serving in Africa as our
Ambassador to Kenya, a country of strategic importance to the United
States. With a population of over 50 million, Kenya is the third
largest economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Mission Nairobi is the largest
U.S. embassy in sub-Saharan Africa and the 13th largest mission in the
world. Its staff of 1,700 represents 34 U.S. Government agencies.
Should I be confirmed, I will continue the current U.S. focus on
supporting democracy and democratic institutions in a vibrant Kenyan
society, particularly in advance of the elections in August. We want
Kenya to remain a strong, reliable, and capable partner of the United
States in addressing common challenges in East Africa and beyond.
I will work to promote sound governance, economic prosperity,
public health, regional peace and security, and cooperation in defense.
In the Kenyan elections this upcoming August, we must encourage
Kenyan leaders from across the political spectrum to support credible,
peaceful electoral processes that showcase the strength of Kenya's
democracy.
A stable democratic society and economic prosperity are mutually
reinforcing. Kenya has a diverse and dynamic economy with strong
potential for future growth. It faces many challenges, but the United
States can be helpful by promoting legislative and judicial reform,
anti-corruption measures, and collaboration among Kenyan and American
businesses.
Kenya is well-positioned to be an African leader in information
technology, telecommunications, and mobile banking and is open to
partnering with the United States. Working with Kenya to assemble the
infrastructure, connectivity, and expertise needed to help build the
country's ``Silicon Savannah'' will be a big part of my mission, and an
opportunity I hope numerous U.S. companies will eagerly embrace.
The United States is the largest financial contributor to Kenya's
health care system. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with the
Kenyan Government and public and private health institutions to ensure
the efficacy of U.S. assistance in responding to the COVID epidemic and
other infectious diseases and improve overall health outcomes.
Kenya is also a significant contributor to regional peace and
security, especially through its contribution of troops to the African
Union Transition Mission in Somalia. If confirmed, I will work closely
with Kenya to address instability and combat terrorism in the Horn of
Africa.
Our bilateral defense cooperation with Kenya, a partnership of over
60 years, is strong. But we must be strategic and nimble in helping
Kenya confront threats to its security. I look forward to supporting
the Kenyan Government on defense matters and advancing America's
interests in the region.
Thank you for considering my nomination. If confirmed, I will apply
all my energy and leadership skills to the role of Ambassador. I look
forward to working constructively and respectfully with our partners in
Kenya and East Africa to achieve our shared goals. Serving the United
States in this role would be a great privilege.
Senator Murphy. Thank you to all of our nominees.
Just for your awareness and guests' awareness, we are in
the middle of votes in the Senate floor. We are going to keep
this hearing open but it is going to mean that members will be
in and out.
I will ask one question of each of the three of you and
then move on because we have got many colleagues here who are
interested in your service.
Ambassador Brigety, let me ask you about the decision by
South Africa to abstain from the votes on Russia's brutal
invasion of Ukraine. This was disappointing, to say the least,
in part because South Africa has been this shining example of
how countries can preserve and return to constitutional
democracy.
What forms of leverage should the United States be using
towards trying to bring out greater cooperation from South
Africa denouncing the Russian invasion of Ukraine and will this
be a priority for you if you are confirmed?
Ambassador Brigety. Yes, Senator. Thank you very much for
the question.
I agree with you the South African vote to abstain from the
U.N. General Assembly resolution about Russia's invasion of
Ukraine was quite disappointing.
It was one of the most popular General Assembly resolutions
ever voted on at the United Nations. It is unfortunate that the
Republic of South Africa officially chose to abstain from this
vote.
I would say the following since then. First, there was
great debate inside South Africa once that vote was taken. Many
people in South African civil society believed strongly that
their government should be more on record towards supporting
the people of Ukraine.
Secondly, this is an issue that has been raised at the
highest levels of our respective governments. President
Ramaphosa and President Biden have spoken about it, as have
Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Pandor.
We have a clear understanding--clearer understanding of
where the South Africans were coming from with regard to that
vote, and should I be confirmed I will continue to engage the
Government of South Africa, recognizing their long-standing
tradition of mediation but also making the case that, quite
frankly, the people of Ukraine want the same thing that the
people of South Africa wanted during their own fight for
apartheid--their own fight for freedom, and making that common
case, hopefully, will help to continue to encourage the
Government of South Africa to be supportive of the people of
Ukraine in this existential fight. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Murphy. Ambassador Battle, you referenced this in
your opening comments but we, obviously, have an opening right
now. The new president has reversed some of the really damaging
backsliding away from democratic norms, opening up new licenses
for media outlets, getting rid of some of these bogus terrorist
charges.
I know you are not there yet but you have been a watcher of
the country for a long time. What is your assessment of the
pace and sincerity of these reforms and what is the ways in
which the United States can be impactful to make sure they
continue along that path?
Ambassador Battle. Thank you, Senator, for your question.
I have no hesitancy whatsoever with celebrating the
sincerity. The pace, however, is something that is troubling,
and I understand part of the complication that President Hassan
has is that she had served as vice president under President
Magufuli, and there were some tensions in that relationship
that had to be overcome.
Fortunately, I have good relationships with people in
Tanzania, in particular, the foreign minister, who is very much
receptive to trying to accelerate the process of moving closer
to being an inclusive democratic society in Tanzania.
I will work closely not only with the president and the
foreign minister and others in Tanzania, I will work with civil
society and with the nongovernmental organizations to make sure
that Tanzania codifies its commitment.
It is one thing to verbalize a commitment to democratic
principles. It is another thing to exemplify that by codifying
it in legislation. I will work to strongly encourage the
codification of the efforts toward democratic principles,
freedom of speech, openness, and engagement.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Finally, Ms. Whitman, there is a yin and a yang to our
counterterrorism partnership in Africa, frankly, all over the
world. Obviously, we do a lot of good through those
partnerships. We go after, find, and destroy a lot of folks
that are out to seek, find, and destroy us.
But often the funding we supply to these national police
forces and militaries ends up being used in abuse and there
have been a variety of criticisms inside Kenya that the
security forces there have engaged in abusive practices and
there are calls on the United States and partner governments
for greater transparency in our assistance.
Any comments on this subject from you would be welcome, but
at the very least I just wanted to get your commitment to this
committee that you are going to consult with civil society
groups, human rights organizations, to ensure that our
counterterrorism efforts in Kenya are consistent with U.S. and
international human rights law.
Ms. Whitman. Yes. Thank you for that question.
We should all be concerned about the law enforcement abuses
that have been reported by the Government--by the United States
to the Government of Kenya, and I can confirm that if I am
confirmed for this job I will very much take this seriously and
make sure that the Leahy Law is uniquely followed and that we
can make sure that our funds are not being used for law
enforcement abuses or, frankly, any other human rights
violations.
Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you all for your willingness
to serve.
Senator Rounds?
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me begin.
Ambassador Brigety, in an August of 2017 opinion article
for Foreign Policy magazine in the wake of Charlottesville you
said that former President Trump was, and I quote, ``America's
first Nazi-in-Chief,'' end of quote. You further stated that
everyone who worked for President Trump had three choices:
condemn him, resign, or continue to serve Trump and explain to
their children why they did so.
A couple of years later you apologized for using this very
harsh language. Setting President Trump aside, what is your
view on those who worked for President Trump that neither
condemned him nor resigned? You may very well have some of
these people working for you in South Africa.
Ambassador Brigety. Senator, thank you very much for the
question. Let me begin by reiterating what I said several years
ago and that is to apologize.
I should not have used that language towards former
President Trump. It was beneath the dignity of the office and
beneath my own long-established standards for dignity and
decency.
Having said that, I appreciate the opportunity to address
the piece. There are many things about President Trump's
presidency, as with every other presidency, about which
reasonable people can reasonably disagree.
In my judgment, President Trump's remarks about
Charlottesville is not amongst them. President Trump said that
there were, quote, ``very fine people on both sides.'' One of
those sides was comprised by neo-Nazis and white supremacists
who planned, organized, and executed a violent and, indeed,
murderous riot through the campus that Thomas Jefferson built.
Senator, when I named those people in that piece, sometimes
it is hard to fully understand or appreciate the moral
significance of a historical moment when you are in it.
Every person that I named in that piece were people--
Republicans--with whom I personally worked, whom I personally
admired, whom I personally had an opportunity to speak with, or
who had been on record repeatedly in terms of condemning racism
and racial hatred in our country.
And so the purpose of that piece was to call them to the
significance of that moral moment and to ask them to please,
please, speak out against this, against these violent neo-Nazis
that were chanting ``Jews will not replace us. You will not
replace us.''
Senator, I believe that people of goodwill, regardless of
their political affiliation, can all rise to condemn violent
racism in our country.
Indeed, we all must do so because the danger of not doing
so is that this violent hatred will metastasize, as we saw just
last week when a gunman, 18 years old, motivated by his own
writings, by replacement theory, the same theory that was
literally being stated by the people who marched through
Charlottesville, drove 300 miles to a Black grocery store in
Buffalo, New York, and mowed down 10 people just because they
were Black--grandmothers, pensioners, brave former police
officers--and we must all speak out against this and there can
be no equivocation about it, particularly from the highest
office in the land.
That said, I apologize for the nature of my harsh language
and I regret doing so.
Senator Rounds. But my question really is--and I appreciate
your comments, but my question is the people that you will be
working with, how do you approach them?
Ambassador Brigety. Senator, I have a long record of
working across the aisle with members of Republican
administrations. I have worked myself in a Republican
administration during President George Bush's administration.
As I said, I have no issue with people who voted for
President Trump, who supported the breadth of his policies.
Senator Rounds. Thank you. That was my question, sir. Thank
you.
Ambassador Brigety. Thank you.
Senator Rounds. Let me ask one more question and in this
one I am going to go to Ambassador Battle.
Can you describe the situation in southern Tanzania and
whether the Government is collaborating with Mozambique to
counter violent extremists in the border area? And also, what
can the United States do to support Tanzania's battle against
extremist groups in the region?
Ambassador Battle. It is very clear that many of the
persons in northern Mozambique who are participating in the
activity, which is terroristic in nature, are persons who have
migrated from Tanzania.
One of the things that I will strive to do is, A, to get
the Government to acknowledge the problem. For a long period of
time, Tanzania has not acknowledged that the problem is not
only Mozambican but the problem is Tanzanian, and I will try to
get Tanzania to use its role as the seat of the EAC to work
collaboratively with SADC countries because Tanzania is both a
part of SADC and the EAC--to try and get the SADC side with
Mozambique and Tanzania with membership in both of those
regional organizations to collaborate with the U.S. and with
other partners who are determined to root out terrorism
wherever it is found and to do so very, very strongly.
I had the opportunity to work very closely with the first
two commanders of AFRICOM and advise both of them, and I worked
for a short period of time with the third commander of AFRICOM,
that there is a critically important role that we can play in
strengthening African militaries to stand up against terrorism
and to do so boldly.
But first, the Government has to acknowledge that the
problem exists and that is what I will do diplomatically on the
political side to get the Government to acknowledge that the
problem exists and to let us assist in the process of
resolution of the problem.
Senator Rounds [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. My
time has expired.
On behalf of the Chairman, Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Rounds, and
congratulations to all the nominees. I think you are all very
qualified for your positions and intend to support you.
Ms. Whitman, I am really worried about hunger in Africa,
including Kenya. Twenty million people across the Horn of
Africa could go hungry this year as the region confronts the
worst drought in 40 years, soaring food prices driven by the
conflict in Ukraine, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.
Russia and Ukraine supply about 90 percent of the wheat in
east Africa and that price of that staple has gone up by 20
percent already. Prices for cooking oil, much of which is
provided by either Russia or Ukraine, have also doubled.
Here is what troubles me, in addition to those facts. A
recent report by the humanitarian NGOs Oxfam, and Save the
Children says that the U.S. collected $93 million--$93 million
with an M--to help with hunger crisis in east Africa, compared
to $16 billion raised by the international community in one
month after Russia launched a war against Ukraine.
I am all for the $16 billion and more, but I am worried
that the generosity of the world has not yet appropriately
focused on the issues in Africa. With World Hunger Day this
Saturday, and in kind of an eerie way this is also the
celebration of the centennial of the Holodomor, the forced
famine that Joseph Stalin perpetrated on Ukrainians during 1932
and 1933.
I am introducing a resolution with colleagues to
commemorate World Hunger Day and also remind people that
famines are not just naturally occurring phenomenon. They can
also be politically motivated weapons of genocide.
What might we do? Should you be confirmed, what would you
commit to doing to try to help focus attention and, hopefully,
generate support in this country, this body, for more resources
to combat hunger and famine in Kenya and in the Horn of Africa?
Ms. Whitman. Thank you very much for that question, Senator
Kaine. It is a big concern to me, and even between the time I
was nominated in December and today, the situation has become
far worse. Kenya, in particular, is in its fourth big drought.
In January, there were 2.5 million people starving in
Africa. Today, there is 3.5 million. And as you correctly point
out, the cost of imported wheat, grain, crop production, is
down by 70 percent and 25 percent of children in Kenya are
stunted by lack of nutrition.
So this has risen in my priority list of things that I
would like to accomplish if I am confirmed to be Ambassador.
The U.S. aid over time has cushioned this terrible humanitarian
crisis but it is not enough. We have given $34 million since
July of 2021, and I think what we need to do is rally the world
around this impending crisis.
And so, if confirmed, I will deeply understand what we have
done in Kenya, what other countries have done, what NGOs in
Kenya have done, and try to see what is actually required to
alleviate this concern not only in Kenya but in the Horn of
Africa, and then decide what is the best course ahead to try to
alleviate this humanitarian disaster.
Senator Kaine. Ms. Whitman, thank you very much for that
answer. I want to ask Ambassador Brigety a question about South
Africa.
This week, the German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, started a
three-nation visit to Africa, including South Africa, focusing
on gas exploration projects and the wider geopolitical ability
of African nations possibly to help Europe wean itself away
from over dependence on Russian energy.
Can you give us just a snapshot assessment of South
Africa's ability or willingness to, potentially, help meet
European energy needs?
Ambassador Brigety. Thanks, Senator. I, certainly, would
not want to speak for the Government of South Africa but I
suspect that South Africa has its own profound energy
challenges, as we know. It is the largest greenhouse emitter on
the continent, principally based on coal. They are themselves
trying very hard to move away from a coal-based electrical
grid.
They have fantastic potential in the generation of clean
energy, principally, hydro and wind energy. But their--in my
judgment, their ability to help Europe move--convert from other
sources of gas is likely limited.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that. And my time is going to
expire and I do not want to belabor, but I will just say to
you, Ambassador Battle, that your service at Hampton and
Virginia State has not gone unnoticed by this senator. So thank
you and congratulations on your appointment.
I yield back.
Senator Rounds. Thank you. On behalf of the Chairman,
Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds and
Acting Chairman Murphy.
Welcome. It is a blessing and a joy to have all three of
you in front of this committee and willing to serve as
Ambassadors. You bring a great deal of skill, strength,
significance, experience to this task. And so thank you to your
families for your willingness to continue your service in new
contexts.
I will try and ask just three questions that, frankly, I
think, are relevant across both the three countries to which I
hope and pray you will soon be confirmed to serve as Ambassador
but also where there is larger regional issues.
Ambassador Brigety, great to see you again. I have greatly
enjoyed knowing you over a number of years. When I first got to
see you in your role as Ambassador to the African Union, I was
so impressed with your service and your abilities, and as
Senator Kaine just said, your service as president at Sewanee
is also one well regarded by many of us here.
Democracy is an issue--is a challenge in all three of the
countries that you will, hopefully, be serving and representing
the United States. In South Africa, in particular, as you said
eloquently in your opening, it is a country that we have a lot
to learn from and where there is a lot of similarities and
differences, but it is also a regional powerhouse in some ways
and there are real issues in Lesotho, in Zimbabwe and
Mozambique.
How will you encourage a stronger and deeper relationship
between the United States and South Africa and encourage the
South Africans to continue to play a significant regional role
not just in security, which is also a very legitimate concern,
but in development and democracy?
Ambassador Brigety. Thank you very much, Senator, for the
question.
South Africa is, indeed, a regional leader, indeed, a
continental leader, on a wide variety of issues. It is my view
that the nature of our relationship simply needs to be much
closer.
There are important historical reasons why it has been
fraught over time, not the least of which is long memories
amongst the leadership of the Government of South Africa and
the African National Congress, in particular, about U.S. policy
towards apartheid in South Africa.
But the future is forward and we must continue to work to
build this relationship. I am very pleased that there have been
a series of senior level engagements just within the last four
months of our government, both visits and phone calls, and that
is a pace that needs to continue over time.
With regard to continuing to encourage the Government of
South Africa to be engaged in regional issues beyond security
but also, frankly, on matters of democracy and human rights and
economic security, I will absolutely use the platform of the
U.S. Embassy at every opportunity to continue to engage the
Government of South Africa and the people of South Africa to be
forward leading and supportive of issues that are in our mutual
interest.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Ambassador Battle, we have a significant moment--a
transition. The presidency of President Magufuli was a moment
of great tension and increased distance with the United States.
We now have an opening and an opportunity.
How will you best help strengthen and sustain a positive-
looking bilateral relationship between the United States and
the Republic of Tanzania?
Ambassador Battle. Fortunately, both for Tanzania and for
the U.S. there is a great desire for a cooperative relationship
when we look at the fact that the president just a few months
ago had a visit here to the U.S. and spent significant time
with our vice president and the fact that there are so many
high-level people in the U.S. Government interested in working
with Tanzania.
The foreign minister of Tanzania was the previous Tanzanian
Ambassador to the U.S. and she has had for a very long time a
deep-seated desire to see a closer relationship with the U.S.,
to return to the days when Tanzania and the U.S. worked
collaboratively on a number of issues.
I will accentuate those positive desires from both sides.
Senator Coons. Good.
[Speaks foreign language.]
Senator Coons. Good luck with President Hassan.
[Speaks foreign language.]
Senator Coons. Great to see you, Ms. Whitman. I am hopeful
that we can get you confirmed swiftly, given the significance
of the elections in August. Kenya is, as you referenced in your
opening remarks, both a vibrant hub of technology and
innovation but also a very important partner and ally in the
region, a security partner.
I am pleased President Biden has renewed our active
partnership with regards to terrorism in Somalia. How would you
as Ambassador help the United States maintain a neutral posture
with regards to the election and the likely heated contest but
also provide an engaged and persistent voice in support of a
peaceful transfer of power and a free and fair election?
Ms. Whitman. Thank you for the question, Senator Coons, and
you are right.
As you know, Kenya has had a history of violent elections
that not all of which have been accepted by the citizens of
Kenya as to their result, and there is a very important
election coming up on August 9th with two very capable
competitors that have very significant differences in policy
and, obviously, are tapping into various loyalties in the
country.
What I know that the embassy has done under the charge
d'affaires Eric Kneedler has also--has engaged with both those
candidates to underscore the importance not only to the United
States but, frankly, to the region because everyone in Africa
is watching these elections because Kenya is an island of
democracy in a pretty tough neighborhood and so that has been
underscored.
As I understand it, the embassy and the U.S. Government
have also been working with NGOs, with civil society, with the
IEBC, who monitors the elections, to make sure that these are
free, fair, and well accepted elections.
Ultimately, it is up to the Kenyans to deliver these
elections in a free and fair way, in a way that that is
accepted by the people. I think we are on our--they are on
their way to doing that.
A number of staff just came back from Kenya and there are
reports that things are proceeding, perhaps, better than we had
thought. But there is a bit of a ways between now and August
9th and I think we need to do everything we can to support
those elections because everyone is watching.
Senator Coons. That is encouraging. Thank you. In all three
countries and many other countries, it is urgent that we have
an Ambassador. So I look forward to your confirmations.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy [presiding]. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to each of you on your nominations, and thank
you for your willingness to continue to serve the country.
I want to ask a question to each of you that requires a yes
or no answer. The administration has rightly prioritized
protecting, improving, and expanding access to sexual and
reproductive health care as one of 10 key priorities in the
National Strategy on Gender Equity and Equality and, as we
know, across Africa the unmet need for family planning is
significant.
Women and families struggle to have access to information,
and I would like to ask each of you, if confirmed, do you
commit to working with USAID, with our missions in each of your
countries, to ensure that those programs are administered as
they have been laid out in statute?
Ms. Whitman?
Ms. Whitman. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Ambassador Battle?
Ambassador Battle. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Ambassador Brigety?
Ambassador Brigety. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. We look forward to
hearing updates on how those programs are going.
Ms. Whitman, I would like to begin. You talked about the
potential for the elections in Kenya to have an impact on how
the country operates.
One of those areas that may offer some potential is for
security cooperation, and as we see the expansion of Al-Shabaab
throughout Kenya and the region it is, obviously, a huge
challenge and a place where, hopefully, we can better engage.
Can you talk a little bit about how we might look at the
election as an opportunity to better cooperate on security?
Ms. Whitman. I think a well run election by the Kenyans
that are perceived to be free and fair and accepted by the
populace actually improves Kenya's standing in the region, and
Kenya has been a leader in the region in terms of negotiating
in Somalia as well as Ethiopia.
Terrorism is a big, big challenge here. As you well know,
Al-Shabaab is the largest and best financed al-Qaeda affiliate
in the world and they have said very explicitly they are after
Americans in Kenya, in the Horn of Africa, as well as right
here.
And so our ability to help Kenya on the heels of a
successful election, I think, improves quite dramatically and I
do think the--our long-standing cooperation with the Kenyan
Defense Force and what used to be called AMISOM is something
that we must continue.
The Kenyans view this as an existential threat to their
prosperity, their democracy, and their ability to move forward
as a country, and I think the United States agrees with that
and we need to do everything we can to be of assistance.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I appreciate that.
Ambassador Battle, as a number of people have referenced in
the questioning, Tanzania now has its first woman president and
the rights of women and girls, however, continue to remain in
jeopardy. Gender-based discrimination and violence, child
marriage, lack of access to family planning, as we just
discussed, are a few of the concerns.
So can you talk about the opportunities that we have to
better encourage the new president and the people of Tanzania
to recognize how important it is to empower women and girls in
the country?
Ambassador Battle. It is also interesting to note that
Tanzania has a woman defense minister, a woman foreign
minister, and a number of other women throughout the
Government.
I think, looking at Tanzania and looking at the U.S. as an
example for what happens when women and girls are empowered and
looking at the statistics of nations all over the world where
women and girls are empowered with education, free access to
monetary support and ownership, the nation itself thrives.
My goal would try to get Tanzania to see that it is in her
vested and best interests to make sure that women and girls
have equal opportunity and access to all of the benefits and
beauty that Tanzania offers.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. The other thing we
know is that countries that empower women tend to be more
stable and have a better opportunity to succeed as democracies.
Ambassador Battle. Absolutely.
Senator Shaheen. Ambassador Brigety, one of the things that
we have talked about in the Armed Services Committee on which I
also serve is the growing influence of China throughout Africa.
That has come up in this committee as well.
But the--I did not bring it with me but our Department of
Defense has done a map that shows the--where the Chinese
influence is in Africa and it is really dramatic when you see
it on the map.
Can you talk about opportunities that you think you can
encourage as Ambassador to address concerns around Chinese
influence and how we can better compete in South Africa?
Ambassador Brigety. Thank you, Senator. We could spend an
entire hearing on that issue alone. Briefly, since there are 24
seconds left on the clock, let me just say a couple of things.
First of all, there is--The Economist just published a new
special report on China and Africa just yesterday or the day
before. It is highly informative and I commend it widely.
Secondly, with regard to China and Africa as it
particularly relates to our concerns, we have to show up
consistently. We have to have Ambassadors in the field that can
continue to engage at very high levels. We have to continue to
engage our private sector--encourage our private sector to
engage and be present.
I believe that, quite frankly, all of the fundamentals for
our engagement in Africa favor the United States versus China--
our long-standing relationships with the continent, the power
of our popular culture, the nature of African diasporas here in
the United States.
The Chinese have understood that Africa is not simply a
place for charity or security. It is a place for business, and
private sector engagement will drive the future of that
continent and will have geopolitical implications.
And so the key to our changing the narrative for the United
States is to dramatically increase the ways in which American
private sector engage in the continent. I would be happy to
appear at another hearing, if confirmed, to engage on that
issue.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I really appreciate
that answer.
And, Mr. Chairman and Senator Rounds, as the Chair and
ranking member, I hope--I also appreciate Ambassador Brigety's
raising the importance of having our Ambassadors on the ground
in countries.
I know it is something you both support, and I am sorry
that the rest of this committee is not here to hear that
response because we have got to see that our Ambassadors get
confirmed and that they are on the ground to address these
urgent challenges.
Thank you all very much.
Senator Murphy. Thank you all for your testimony today.
Well said, Senator Shaheen.
We are hopeful that we will be able to move you to swift
confirmation because it is important to have you there on the
ground at this critical moment in all three countries.
For any members that wish to submit questions for the
record to this panel, it will be open--the record will be
opened until the close of business tomorrow.
And with that, we will close out this panel and ask staff
to help facilitate the second panel joining us.
Thank you all for your testimony and appearance today.
Ms. Whitman. Thank you very much.
[Pause.]
Senator Murphy. All right. Welcome back, everyone, to game
two of our nominations doubleheader today. We are pleased to
welcome the second panel of nominees to the committee.
The committee is now going to consider three additional
nominations, all of whom are career members of the Senior
Foreign Service: Mr. John Godfrey to be Ambassador to Sudan,
Mr. Michael Adler to be Ambassador to South Sudan, and Mr.
Michael Gonzales to be Ambassador to Zambia.
I want to welcome our nominees here, and if you have family
members or friends, to welcome them as well. We thank you all
for your continued willingness to serve the United States of
America.
Each of you are going to be entering these posts at a
really extraordinary time in our bilateral relationships with
each country.
Mr. Godfrey, I will start with you. If you are confirmed to
be the first U.S. Ambassador to Sudan since 1997, you will
arrive in Khartoum just months after a military coup seized
power from a civilian transitional government.
Restoring our diplomatic presence in Sudan presents an
opportunity for America to be a force for good, to push for a
restoration of civilian-led government that the Sudanese people
have demanded and still demand to this day.
As the country's political crisis exacerbates the
humanitarian crisis we will also need to work to lead the
international community's efforts to raise funds that are
needed to meet this moment to help almost one-third of all
citizens there who depend on humanitarian aid to get the
support they need to survive.
Mr. Adler, the United States supported South Sudan's
independence from Sudan in 2011, following almost four decades
of conflict. Sadly, a horrific civil war consumed the country
since 2013, resulting in Africa's largest refugee crisis and
widespread atrocities.
If confirmed, you will have the important task ahead of you
to ensure that the peace accord signed in 2018 is fully
implemented to restore stability in the country, and just like
its neighbor to the north, South Sudan's humanitarian crisis
requires us to similarly rise to the occasion and lead a global
humanitarian response that staves off hunger for nearly 8
million people at risk today.
And, Mr. Gonzales, Zambia is a country in transition. The
election and peaceful accession of President Hakainde Hichilema
represents a notable bright spot in Africa. It is an
opportunity we cannot miss when there are so few and far
opportunities on the continent.
The new president has pledged to promote good governance
and economic growth, foster fiscal and debt sustainability and
combat poverty, all ambitious and important goals, and I look
forward to hearing more about how you think the United States
can best support this progress to keep Zambia on a democratic
path.
We have votes again or we have one more vote. So you will
see members in and out. But with that, let me turn to the
ranking member, Senator Rounds, for his remarks.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Good afternoon to
all of you.
Much of your professional lives and those of your families
have been spent far away from home. You and your families have
made great sacrifices in the service to your country--constant
moves and separations, new schools, missed birthdays, weddings,
and funerals, often danger. Every career diplomat wonders
whether someday, after years of service, they might be
nominated by the President of the United States to serve as an
Ambassador somewhere.
Congratulations are in order today. None of you have to ask
yourselves that question any longer.
Mr. Gonzales, in August of 2021, Zambia had a landmark
election that has been hailed as a victory for democracy in a
region where democracy faces significant challenges. But as we
all know, the development of strong and stable democracies goes
beyond elections.
The United States played an important role alongside
important regional and international actors to support Zambia
during the electoral period and we must continue to support the
development of strong democratic institutions in Zambia in the
months and years ahead.
Zambia has gone without a confirmed U.S. Ambassador since
2020. I am glad that we were able to hear from a nominee today
with extensive background living and working in Africa,
specifically in Southern Africa.
Mr. Godfrey, the revolution that started in Sudan in
December of 2018 and which led to the 2019 ouster of dictator
Omar Al-Bashir and the installation of a transitional
government led by civilian Prime Minister Hamdok ushered in a
new era of U.S. policy towards Sudan.
In December of 2019, Secretary of State Pompeo announced
that the United States would exchange Ambassadors with Sudan
for the first time in 23 years. The Senate Foreign Relations
Committee was vocal in calling for the quick nomination of an
experienced U.S. Ambassador to Sudan.
Over two years later, I am pleased that we finally have a
nominee. Unfortunately, the events of October 25th and Sudan's
continued leadership by Generals Burhan and Hemeti has led to
violence and an economic crisis for Sudan while severely
threatening the positive if fragile momentum previously
achieved.
While this will be your first Ambassadorial post and your
first posting in the region, I am glad that you have prior
experience working on Sudan issues. Your coverage of Darfur
issues and your long-running work on global counterterrorism
issues will serve you well, if confirmed.
Mr. Adler, the United States was a critical player in the
efforts to end the decades-long civil war between the Sudanese
Government in Khartoum and Southern Sudan, and in processes
that led to South Sudan's independence in 2011.
Since then, South Sudan has suffered significant setbacks,
namely, its own civil war and humanitarian crisis stemming from
conflict, natural disasters, and lack of development. The
United States contributes over $1 billion per year in support
to South Sudan, primarily through humanitarian aid and support
to the U.N. peacekeeping missions.
I have been particularly concerned about the efforts by
South Sudan's leaders to advocate for the end of the U.N. arms
embargo on South Sudan, which is why I sponsored S. Res. 473
expressing the sense of the Senate on the necessity of
maintaining the U.N. arms embargo on South Sudan until
conditions for peace, stability, democracy, and development
exist. The resolution passed the Senate unanimously earlier
this month.
Given the U.S. has a long history with the country and the
myriad complex challenges to peace, security, democracy, and
the development that the country faces, our embassy will need
an experienced hand after two years of the post being vacant.
If confirmed, you bring a wealth of experience to the
position. You will have your work cut out for you.
Thank you all for being here today. Thank you for your
service to our country. I look forward to your comments.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Rounds. Let me briefly
introduce our nominees.
First, we have Mr. John Godfrey to be the Ambassador to the
Republic of Sudan. Mr. Godfrey is currently Acting Coordinator
and Acting Special Envoy to the Global Coalition to Defeat
ISIS.
Next is Mr. Michael Adler to be Ambassador to South Sudan.
He has over three decades of experience with the State
Department. He is currently senior advisor in the Bureau of
African Affairs and most recently served as the Deputy Senior
Director for South Asia, before that director for Afghanistan
on the National Security Council staff.
And finally, we have Mr. Michael Gonzales to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Zambia. He currently serves as the Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of African Affairs
and has previously held leadership positions as Deputy Chief of
Mission of the United States Embassy in Nepal and Malawi.
We will sort of run from my right to left. We welcome all
your opening comments, ask that you keep them to around three
minutes, and we will submit and incorporate the full statement
for the record.
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL C. GONZALES OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINSTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA
Mr. Gonzales. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to Zambia. If confirmed, I commit to work with
Congress and your staffs to advance U.S. interests there.
Just over a hundred years ago, my great grandparents,
fishermen from Spain and Sicily, came to America in search of a
better life. Today, I, the son of a piano tuner and a bartender
from Seaside, California, sit before you as the nominee to be a
U.S. Ambassador. That, Senators, is the American dream. I want
to salute my parents, Andy and Gini Gonzales, for their
constant support to me.
My career-long pursuit of bridging America with Africa has
provided a breathtaking life of opportunities for my family as
we advanced American interests overseas, and I am grateful to
be accompanied on this journey by the great love of my life, a
gifted diplomat in and of herself, my wife, Carol Jenkins.
Carol joins me here today with two other people who make my
heart full and make my world go around, our kids. Robin is
passionate, creative, and wise beyond their years. I am so
proud of their advocacy for decency, for equity and justice.
And Hailey is a dynamic, fun, and deeply caring young lady who
shows me the brightness in every day.
In August, as you noted, Senator, a record number of
Zambian voters bravely stepped forward to denounce corruption
and to demand change. Thanks to their bravery, Zambia today
stands at a turning point and, if confirmed, I commit to lead
U.S. Government efforts to support the Zambian people, to seize
this historic opportunity, to strengthen resilient institutions
that deliver accountable and responsive democratic governance.
I will also leverage Zambian partners and the American
business community to support reforms that improve the
business-enabling environments to unleash Zambia's economic
potential to our mutual benefit.
The United States and Zambia have enjoyed decades of close
partnerships. So far, nearly 2,500 Peace Corps volunteers have
made lasting impacts and touched nearly every corner of the
country.
The Millennium Challenge Corporation's first compact
ensured that healthy families could contribute fully to their
nation's success, and a second compact soon will help further
unleash Zambia's potential.
For decades, U.S. health sector assistance and the
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, have
saved millions of Zambian lives, bringing the country to the
brink of HIV/AIDS epidemic control.
USAID is rightly celebrated across the country for
delivering support from the American people to support the
resilience of Zambia's democracy, for improving livelihoods and
providing the foundational skills for Zambians to create and to
seize opportunities to realize their dreams.
Senator, the Zambian people have spoken and, like us, they,
too, demand a more perfect union. They, too, dare to envision
the Zambian dream and, if confirmed, I would be honored to
shepherd American support for its realization to our mutual
benefit.
Thank you, Senator. I would be honored to take any
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Gonzales follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michael C. Gonzales
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of
the committee: I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Zambia. I appreciate the confidence the President and Secretary Blinken
have shown in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and
other Members of Congress and staff to advance U.S. interests and
ensure the safety of U.S. citizens in Zambia.
Just over 100 years ago, my great-grandparents--fishermen from
Spain and Sicily--came to America seeking a better life. The fact that
today I--the son of a piano tuner and a bartender from Seaside,
California--sit before you as a nominee to be a U.S. Ambassador
reflects yet another realization of the American Dream. I want to
salute my parents, Andy and Gini Gonzales for their courage in sending
me off as an AFS exchange student at age 15 where I developed my
fascination with the world beyond our borders. They have supported me
ever since. At Occidental College I declared my focus on African
Studies. My pursuit of bridging America with Africa has provided a
breathtaking life of opportunities for me and my family ever since. I
am grateful to be accompanied on this journey by the great love of my
life, my wife Carol Jenkins, a gifted diplomat herself. Carol joins me
here today with the two other people who make my heart full, our kids.
Robin is passionate, creative, and wise-beyond-their-years. I am proud
of their advocacy for decency, equity, and justice. Hailey is a
dynamic, fun, and deeply caring young lady who shows me the brightness
in each day.
The United States and Zambia have enjoyed decades of close
partnerships since Zambia's independence in 1964. Zambia's founding
father Dr. Kenneth Kaunda frequented the White House. His ethos--``one
Zambia, one nation,'' remains a powerful call for unity, not unlike
America's own motto ``E Pluribus Unum.'' Indeed, the strength of both
our countries rests in our diversity.
In August, a record number of young people, women, and first-time
Zambian voters bravely stepped forward to denounce corruption and
demand change, accountable governance, fundamental freedoms, and
inclusive economic opportunity.
Thanks to their bravery, Zambia today stands at a turning point in
its history. If confirmed, I will lead U.S. Government efforts to
support the Zambian people to seize this historic opportunity to
strengthen resilient institutions of government to cement the
foundations for accountable, responsive, and sustainable democratic
governance. I will also leverage the Zambian people and the American
private sector to support reforms that improve the business enabling
environment to unleash Zambia's inclusive economic potential and deepen
linkages with American businesses.
I was proud to see the recent return of Peace Corps volunteers to
Zambia--the first country program to re-open since the pandemic. Over
the past three decades nearly 2,500 American Peace Corps Volunteers
have touched, and made lasting impacts in, every corner of the country.
I salute the service of these frontline Ambassadors.
Investments by the Millennium Challenge Corporation support the
larger, structural changes critical to unleash Zambia's economic
development. MCC's first Compact transformed Zambia's water sector,
ensuring healthy families and workers could contribute fully to their
nation's success. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering again with
MCC to deliver a similarly transformational second Compact.
Funding for health programs comprises the bulk of our assistance to
Zambia. Decades of work by U.S. and Zambian experts--supported by the
unmatched generosity of American taxpayers and our expert staff from
USAID, the Centers for Disease Control, and other agencies--has saved
millions of Zambian lives. Over nearly 20 years, the U.S. President's
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) has supported robust public
health systems, slashed maternal mortality, improved childhood
nutrition, and provided the backbone for pandemic response. If
confirmed, I will guide our interagency team toward realizing epidemic
control in Zambia.
Our assistance does not just save lives, it directly advances U.S.
interests. USAID is rightly celebrated across the country for decades
of partnerships with the Zambian people. Their investments in citizen-
responsive governance contribute directly to the stability and
resilience of Zambia's democracy. Poverty reduction programs improve
the livelihoods of millions of Zambians--and with them, Zambia's
prospects of self-reliance and prosperity. And USAID-supported
education programs increase childhood literacy, providing the
foundational skills for Zambians to create and seize opportunities to
realize their dreams.
The Zambian people have spoken. Like us, they too demand a more
perfect union. They too dare to envision the Zambian Dream. And, if
confirmed, I would be honored to shepherd American support for its
realization, to our mutual benefit.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would
be pleased to respond to any questions.
Senator Murphy. Mr. Godfrey?
STATEMENT OF JOHN T. GODFREY OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SUDAN
Mr. Godfrey. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the
first U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Sudan in 25 years, as
Chairman Murphy noted, and thank you for your strong support
for a democratic Sudan.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me and, if confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with this committee to advance
America's interests in Sudan.
I am grateful to share this day with family, for whom
public service has been important. My father's career as an Air
Force officer took my family overseas for much of my childhood,
instilling appreciation for service to country and an abiding
curiosity about the wider world.
I want to thank my wonderful wife, Jennifer Hall Godfrey, a
Senior Foreign Service Officer, for her love, partnership, and
support during a rewarding but challenging pair of careers in
which we have, largely, served at hardship and danger posts.
I also want to commend our two sterling sons, Nathaniel and
Jack, for their intrepid spirit and resilience, acknowledging
that if I am confirmed our family will serve apart on two
continents as so many Foreign Service families do.
I am no stranger to Sudan. In pre-revolution Libya, I
worked on humanitarian and political issues related to Darfur.
In the Counterterrorism Bureau, I was closely involved in
rescinding Sudan's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
Sudan is at a moment of great peril. The military takeover
on October 25th and lack of an agreement establishing the
framework for a civilian-led transition worsened the country's
political, economic, and security crises. The devastating human
toll of recent violence in Darfur is just one example of the
dangers of the current political paralysis.
Realizing the promise of Sudan's democratic revolution is
important for the Sudanese people, who have consistently and
courageously demanded a more human rights-respecting,
accountable, and effective government that is important for
stability in the strategically important Red Sea region and it
is important as a potential exemplar of the benefits that
democracy brings.
The immediate imperative is assisting Sudanese stakeholders
in establishing a sustainable civilian-led transition. The
current process facilitated by the U.N., the African Union, and
the Intergovernmental Authority on Development affords the best
foreseeable opportunity to establish the framework for an
inclusive civilian-led transition, redefine the security
services role, and to advance elections, economic reforms,
human rights, justice and accountability, and enduring peace,
including in historically marginalized areas.
If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and other partners
in support of these goals. Doing so is urgently important in
light of Sudan's economic and humanitarian crises, which the
military takeover has exacerbated.
If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and international
partners to ensure that humanitarian needs are met and
emphasize that resuming paused development assistance is
predicated on a credible civilian-led democratic transition.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading our embassy in
Khartoum, which would be a high honor. My highest priority will
be ensuring the safety and security of our American and
locally-employed staff and of Americans who live and work in
Sudan.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear here today,
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Godfrey follows:]
Prepared Statement of John T. Godfrey
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
the President's nominee to be the first U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
of Sudan in 25 years, and thank you for your strong support for a
democratic Sudan. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with this committee to advance America's interests
in Sudan.
I am grateful to share this day with family, for whom public
service has been important. My father's career as an Air Force officer
took my family overseas for much of my childhood, instilling
appreciation for service to country and an abiding curiosity about the
wider world. I want to thank my wonderful wife, Jennifer Hall Godfrey,
a Senior Foreign Service Officer, for her love, partnership, and
support during a rewarding but challenging pair of careers in which we
have largely served at hardship and danger posts. I also want to
commend our two sterling sons, Nathaniel and Jack, for their intrepid
spirit and resilience, acknowledging that if I am confirmed our family
will serve apart on two continents, as so many Foreign Service families
do.
Much of my two decades of service has been in societies that were
closed or in transition during challenging times. That necessitated
engaging tough interlocutors on issues they often would have preferred
to avoid and high-level negotiations on consequential issues. I am no
stranger to Sudan. In pre-revolution Libya I worked on humanitarian and
political issues related to Darfur; in the Counterterrorism Bureau I
was closely involved in rescinding Sudan's designation as a State
Sponsor of Terrorism. In important ways, this nomination represents a
continuation of those efforts. If confirmed, I will draw on that broad
experience to advance U.S. interests in Sudan.
Sudan is at a moment of great peril: the military takeover on
October 25 and lack of an agreement establishing the framework for a
civilian-led transition worsened the country's political, economic, and
security crises. The devastating human toll of recent violence in
Darfur is just one example of the dangers of the current political
paralysis. Realizing the promise of Sudan's democratic revolution is
important for the Sudanese people, who have consistently and
courageously demanded more human rights respecting, accountable and
effective governance; for stability in the strategically important Red
Sea region; and as a potential exemplar of the benefits that democracy
brings. In a potent example for neighboring countries, the Sudanese
people have made clear through four years of sustained activism that
they are unwilling to have their demands for civilian rule and
democracy ignored or coopted.
The immediate imperative is assisting Sudanese stakeholders in
establishing a sustainable civilian-led transition and maintaining
regional and international consensus on the way forward. The current
process facilitated by the U.N., the African Union and the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development affords the best foreseeable
opportunity to establish the framework for an inclusive civilian-led
transition, redefine the security services' appropriate role, and
advance elections, economic reforms, human rights, justice and
accountability, and enduring peace, including in historically
marginalized areas like Darfur and the Two Areas.
To facilitate that process, the military government must take steps
to foster a climate conducive to political dialogue, including ending
violence against protestors, lifting the State of Emergency, and
releasing unjustly detained activists.
The rights of all individuals in Sudan, including members of
minority groups, women, youth, and those in historically marginalized
areas, must be protected and their voices heard in building a new
Sudan. If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and other partners in
support of establishing a path to a credible, sustainable civilian-led
democratic transition in Sudan.
Doing so is urgently important in light of Sudan's economic and
humanitarian crises. Economic reforms that would have led to debt
relief and international support were paused due to the military
takeover, sparking a fiscal crisis and hyperinflation. Rising prices
and wheat shortages worsened by Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine
mean the number of food-insecure Sudanese could double to 18 million by
September. If confirmed, I will work with Sudanese and international
partners to ensure that humanitarian needs are met and emphasize that
resuming paused development assistance is predicated on a credible
civilian-led democratic transition. As Secretary Blinken said, ``We
remain poised to use all tools at our disposal to support the Sudanese
people in their pursuit of a democratic, human rights-respecting, and
prosperous Sudan.''
If confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy in Khartoum. My
highest priority will be ensuring the safety and security of our
American and locally employed staff, and of Americans who live and work
in Sudan.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear here today. I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Mr. Adler?
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. ADLER OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN
Mr. Adler. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
today as the President's nominee to be the United States
Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan.
I would like to thank President Biden and Secretary of
State Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to the honor of working with this
committee.
I would also like to acknowledge the support of family,
friends, and mentors throughout my career. Words could not
adequately express my debt of gratitude to them or the sense of
honor I feel at having been able to represent the United States
abroad as a Foreign Service Officer.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
the committee, in its short history South Sudan has faced and
continues to face monumental challenges, including protracted
violence, extreme poverty, and famine conditions.
Overlaying these challenges are the intricate cultural
nuances of competition for dominance over local governance and
control of scarce resources.
South Sudan is a complex foreign policy challenge that is
at risk of further destabilizing the region already grappling
with violent conflict. While the 2018 revitalized peace
agreement contains many key pieces needed to advance political
and economic transformation in South Sudan, it does not go far
enough.
We agree with the people of South Sudan who are calling for
radical change to meet their long-deferred dream of becoming a
thriving democracy. The transitional government has simply
failed to undertake essential democratic and economic reforms.
This inaction lets down the South Sudanese people, South
Sudan's neighbors, who are guarantors of the peace agreement,
and the broader international community, including the United
States.
President Salva Kiir himself recently publicly committed to
free, fair, and credible democratic elections, and we should
hold him to that promise.
I assure you that, if confirmed, I am committed to focusing
on the safety and security of American citizens abroad as well
as on the welfare of the American and local staff members at
Embassy Juba.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee for this opportunity. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with you and my colleagues across the
U.S. Government. I welcome any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Adler follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michael J. Adler
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee: I am honored to appear before you as the President's nominee
to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan. I
would like to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with this committee. I would also like to acknowledge the
support and encouragement of family, colleagues, and mentors throughout
my career. Words could not adequately express my deep appreciation to
them or the gratitude I feel for the opportunities I have had to
support American interests abroad as a Foreign Service officer.
Mr. Chairman, in its short history, South Sudan has faced and
continues to face monumental challenges, including protracted violence,
extreme poverty, and famine conditions. This new nation, already
weakened by a transitional government failing to live up to commitments
made first in 2015 and then again in the 2018 peace agreement, was hit
by three years of flood waters that have never completely receded. The
United Nations estimates that 8.9 million people, more than two-thirds
of the country's population, will require humanitarian assistance this
year. For too long, violence, suppression of voices from civil society
and journalists, and massive corruption have taken a toll on the
country's communities, its youth, and its economy. Overlaying these
challenges are the intricate cultural nuances of competitions for
dominance over local governance and control of scarce resources. South
Sudan is a complex foreign policy challenge that is at risk of further
destabilizing a region already grappling with violent conflict.
While the 2018 revitalized peace agreement contains many key pieces
needed to advance political and economic transformation in South Sudan,
it does not go far enough. We agree with the people of South Sudan who
are calling for radical change to meet their long-deferred dream of
becoming a thriving democracy where the country's immense resources are
used for the benefit of its citizenry. The transitional government has
simply failed to undertake essential democratic and economic reforms.
This inaction lets down the South Sudanese people, South Sudan's
neighbors who are guarantors of the peace agreement, and the broader
international community. President Salva Kiir himself recently publicly
committed to ``free, fair, and credible democratic elections'' and we
should hold him to that promise. Working closely with our international
partners and the South Sudanese people, we must ensure that steps are
taken to establish a framework that safeguards a future electoral
process and ensures that the South Sudanese people's vision for their
country is achieved through the ballot box. Together with our partners,
particularly the United Kingdom and Norway, we can continue to urge the
South Sudanese Government to provide an inclusive constitution-drafting
process, to adopt credible electoral legislation, to develop inclusive
electoral institutions and to create a safe space for civil society and
political parties to carry out their respective roles. Unifying
national security forces and passing coherent security legislation are
additional predicate actions the Government needs to undertake
immediately. We should seek to continue to help the South Sudanese
people achieve their democratic aspirations while simultaneously
avoiding expanded and intensified conflict that would risk weighing
down neighbors across East Africa.
The State Department and the U.S. Department of the Treasury
coordinate closely on a range of issues. These include financial
sanctions, as well as efforts to urge the South Sudanese Government to
address serious deficiencies in its management of public finances in
order to fight corruption and stop fueling the ongoing conflict.
Mr. Chairman, this is a crucial moment for the people of South
Sudan and for U.S. interests. If confirmed, I will work with the
leaders and the people of South Sudan and our international partners to
help keep South Sudan moving toward a viable democratic government that
respects human rights and affords the people in South Sudan the ability
to pursue security and opportunity.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I assure you that, if confirmed, I am
committed to focusing on the safety and security of American citizens
abroad, as well as on the welfare of the American and local staff
members of Embassy Juba.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with you and my colleagues across the United States Government
to stand shoulder to shoulder with the South Sudanese people as they
find their way forward and transform their country into the thriving
and prosperous democracy that I know it can become. I welcome any
questions you may have.
Senator Murphy. Thank you all for your testimony, again,
for your willingness to serve.
Mr. Godfrey, let me start with you and draw on your
experience in the region and also in the Middle East. Many in
Sudan believe that a host of regional actors--Egypt, UAE, Saudi
Arabia, perhaps even Israel--are providing support to the junta
and undermining efforts to return to civilian-led governance.
The former Sudanese foreign minister somewhat infamously
asserted that both Egypt and Israel supported the coup,
reportedly actually made a trip to Cairo maybe one night before
it commenced.
More recently, some of the Gulf States have joined Quad
statements in calling for a restoration of civilian government.
But the reality on the ground is that there is a real belief
that there are outside influences preventing a transition back
to democracy.
I would be interested in your assessment in the importance
of these outside regional entities' efforts and how you are
going to engage with regional actors to make sure they are in
sync with efforts to support democracy and civilian rule.
Mr. Godfrey. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for that
thoughtful question.
One of the hard aspects, I think, of Sudan's very difficult
history is that for the entirety of its modern era it has been
a theater in which there have been proxy actors looking to
advance their own interests, often at the expense of the
interests of Sudan and the Sudanese people.
You mentioned specifically the Gulf countries as well as
Egypt. I would add Israel to that as well. Those countries have
long-standing interests in Sudan and it is important that we
closely coordinate with them to ensure that their efforts and
ours align to the extent that that is possible.
If confirmed, I would work with those actors and with
international partners to underscore that Sudan's long-term
stability can only come through an inclusive political process
that results in a civilian-led transition to democracy, and I
think that is vitally important because there is a tendency on
the part of some of the actors you mentioned to view more
expedient outcomes, possibly, that would result in either a
military-led government or another deal between elites as a
preferable path that would lead to short-term stability.
Unfortunately, that does not comport with the wishes of the
Sudanese people and I think there is real downside peril there.
However, there is also opportunity to leverage those
actors' involvement and their interests, and some of them, I
think, are equally concerned about some of the things we are in
Sudan, including efforts by Russia to try to establish a naval
base on the Red Sea coast.
And working together with colleagues in the Near Eastern
Affairs Bureau and the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, I
think we would need to continue to coordinate closely with
those partners to ensure that they are on board with the
current effort that the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process is
trying to achieve.
Senator Murphy. As just a quick editorial comment, Egypt's
role here has probably been amongst the most significant. I
think we have a badly outdated conception of the ways in which
Egypt acts in the region.
We think that by sending them millions of dollars of
military aid that it will convince them to act in U.S.
interests. I think Egypt has shown us over and over again that
they are willing to act in concert with us when it is also in
their security interest but they are very clearly willing to
diverge from our interests, Sudan being at the top of that
list, when they see a domestic benefit.
Just one more question to you, Mr. Adler, and then I will
turn it over to colleagues. I wanted to maybe draw on your
broader experience because in South Sudan, and you mentioned
this in your opening remarks, it is really one of the world's
most dangerous countries for aid workers and for diplomats. You
have had 130 humanitarian workers that have been killed since
2013, and we are having a conversation on this committee about
how to protect and incentivize diplomats in very dangerous
places to be able to get out of embassy compounds, to be able
to be in the communities that they represent.
And while that may be very difficult right now in South
Sudan, we are, I think, far too disincentivized right now in
the diplomatic corps to get outside of the embassy to get into
communities, and I wonder if you can provide a little bit of
extra context for how we allow humanitarian workers in South
Sudan to do the work they need to do but also how we change the
incentive structure for the State Department to, when it is
appropriate, be able to push forward diplomats so that the face
of America is not just troops in places that are fragile but
diplomats as well.
Mr. Adler. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman. I
strongly agree with your views. I think the best way forward
is, if confirmed, for me to take a hard look at appropriate
risk management to ensure that we are getting out in safe ways
but that we are getting out.
Our policy success in South Sudan, based on my experience
in other countries, will rely heavily on our understanding of
the dynamics driving society and that requires a continuous
effort to expand our outreach to political actors but also to
civil society.
I think it is deplorable that 130 assistance workers have
been killed in South Sudan since independence. So along with my
efforts to ensure appropriate risk management for my team, I
would engage vigorously and strongly with the South Sudanese
leadership and with other partners to ensure that assistance
workers have adequate protections and that we are there to
support them, most particularly our implementing partners.
In terms of the incentive structure, Mr. Chairman, that is
a longer conversation about department management issues. But I
would say in the context of South Sudan I commit myself to
ensuring that within the embassy I will be completely dedicated
to the morale, the productivity, and clear two-way
communication with every member of my team of all agencies and
that I commit myself to fostering the professional development
and the onward assignments for those who serve on my team in
this very difficult environment. Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Appreciate it. I just note that Senator
Risch and I have a pretty encouraging bipartisan bill to try to
change that incentive structure surrounding the Accountability
Review Board. I will put it before all three of you for comment
once you are confirmed.
Senator Rounds?
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Gonzales, under President Lungu, Zambia accrued
significant Chinese debt that has crippling ramifications for
the Zambian economy. As U.S. Ambassador to Zambia, how will you
support Zambia in its efforts to restructure its external debts
and to find alternative sources of support to relieve pressure
on its economy due to its unsustainable debt burden?
Also, how will you work with your Zambian counterparts to
make sure that efforts to deleverage from the Chinese are not
reversed?
Mr. Gonzales. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I think step one needs to be a robust and good faith
process of renegotiating the current debt burden. That means
bringing China to the table and no longer allowing China to
continue to drag its feet and delay the processes.
China presents itself as an all-weather friend of African
countries and, well, the storm is upon Zambia and now is the
time for the all-weather friend to also stand forward like the
rest of us in the community of nations have done and
participate in a renegotiation process.
The IMF plays an instrumental role in the longer-term
support of the--bringing the Zambian economy back to the stable
trajectory that it needs to be on and, if confirmed, I would
work with like-minded partners across the international
community and with the IMF itself to ensure that Zambia is able
to realize the extended credit facility that it is negotiating.
The longer-term solution, however, to Zambia's growth and
Zambia's prosperity does not lie in governments and development
partners. It lies in the private sector unleashing the
potential in the Zambian people.
And so, if confirmed, a high priority of mine as the U.S.
Ambassador to Zambia would be to work with the American private
sector and Zambians to reform the business-enabling environment
so businesses can come in, create jobs, pay taxes, contribute
to the common good in an equitable way so that regions are not
left behind, so that women are not being left behind, but so
that the country can prosper.
Thank you, sir.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Godfrey, the U.S. Department of State, the U.S.
Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Department of Commerce,
and the U.S. Department of Labor issued a Sudan business
advisory yesterday highlighting the growing risks to American
businesses stemming from the Sudanese military's failure to
cede power to a civilian-led government. Can you outline why
the military junta is bad for business in Sudan?
Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I think that the track record since the October 25 military
takeover amply demonstrates that the military government is not
good for business either for U.S. business interests but, more
broadly, for any other external partners, nor is it good for
the economy and the Sudanese people, and that is so for a few
reasons.
The civilian-led transitional government has, as you know,
sir, made significant progress in undertaking economic reforms
that were poised to realize significant debt relief to the tune
of $23 billion, World Bank IDA investments to the tune of $2
billion for 2019 funds alone, as well as significant lines of
credit from the IMF.
All of those monies were conditions based. All of them were
paused in the wake of the October 25th military takeover, and
since then what we have seen is hyperinflation, fiscal crisis,
and the inability of the Government to meet its bills, as well
as rising food prices that have been exacerbated by Russia's
brutal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
I saw one estimate just the other day that Sudan is the
third most impacted country on the face of the planet in terms
of the disruptions to wheat and grain due to the Russian
invasion of Ukraine.
The military government is, clearly, not capable of
navigating those issues. I think that the coordinated pause on
international debt relief and credit has really created a
problem for them in terms of the ability to access resources,
and that is one of the most significant points of leverage that
we have in urging them to facilitate the restoration of a
civilian-led transitional government.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Adler, do you feel that the United States demonstrates
an adequate level of diplomatic engagement to resolve the many
crises in South Sudan relative to the over $1 billion per year
we provide to South Sudan? Seems to me that diplomatic action
or interaction would be effective and needed as well.
Mr. Adler. Thank you, Ranking Member, for your question.
I firmly agree that vigorous diplomatic action is
necessary, and if confirmed as a confirmed chief of mission I
would make my top priority engaging with the leadership of the
South Sudanese Government to ensure that they understand that
with a billion dollars of U.S. assistance per year we have
expectations and expectations that they act with urgency to
move forward with implementation of their commitments to give
the South Sudanese people the future the South Sudanese people
have made clear they seek, one of democracy, one of security,
and one of prosperity.
Senator Rounds. [Presiding.] Thank you, sir. My time has
expired.
On behalf of Chairman Murphy, Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Rounds, Senator Murphy,
and thank you all for your long service to our country, for
your willingness to continue to serve in parts of the world
that can be challenging at times to your families for
supporting you.
All three of the countries to which you are nominated are
countries where stability, transition to democracy, or the
sustainment of a democracy is a key part of the work you will
be undertaking.
Mr. Gonzales, if you might, I think many of us were
encouraged to see what happened in the election of President
Hichilema, particularly given the huge amount of attention that
was paid to his unjust detention and the number of national
leaders who went and visited and the importance of his release.
What do you think are our key goals in terms of both long-
term development and helping sustain a robust civil society,
building a more--a strong foundation for an enduring democracy
in Zambia? And what do you think are the most important tools
for the United States to push back on Chinese influence in
Zambia and to help the Zambians choose their own path?
Mr. Gonzales. Thanks, Senator. It is great to see you
again. I think the last time was in Katmandu when we sang the
praises of Ben Fry.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Gonzales. I think the answer lies in systems, and as
Ambassador Battle in the panel before me talked about,
codifying. We have a great opportunity in Zambia right now
because of the way that the Zambian people have spoke.
But we should not rest our solutions on one individual or
one moment in time or ad hocism, and I think this is where the
United States can play an important and critical role, frankly,
in helping build and inform systems.
For the Zambian people to make Zambia for their own version
of democracy, I think at the heart of it is addressing the
endemic corruption that has wrought and devastated the country
for far too long, and this is where U.S. assistance on public
financial management best practices. Whether it is from the
U.S. Agency for International Development or Office of
Technical Assistance over at Treasury, there are many tools
that we have.
I think U.S. Trade and Development Agency's Procurement
Transparency Initiative is a great opportunity and I know that
you were a driving force behind the BUILD Act, and I think here
the Development Finance Corporation can also be really vital in
providing international best practices to improve the
transparency and the enabling environment for the economy and
for the management of that economy by government institutions.
What can we do? There are many, many things that we can do
and, if confirmed, I look forward to partnering with the
members of Congress and your staffs to explore those further.
Senator Coons. Thank you, and I will give Ben Fry your
best.
Mr. Godfrey, if confirmed, you will be the first Ambassador
to Sudan in a long, long time, I think, since '97, and Ally
Davis on my staff and I and a number of other colleagues worked
very hard on trying to support the aspirations of the Sudanese
people to create an environment in which there could be
successful transition to civilian rule and, unfortunately, a
military junta now is back in control.
Some have criticized the United States as having sort of
missed an opportunity to effectively press the junta to step
back. General Burhan and I have spoken directly about my
concerns about the status of the situation in Sudan.
Just a week after the Burmese coup we had imposed
sanctions, but sanctions have not yet been imposed, although
there is legislation to that effect. I would argue the
Administration has the power to do so.
How would you respond to those who say that we are not
doing enough with the tools that we have, both the pause in
assistance and the potential for sanctions?
Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Senator.
Just to state clearly at the outset, if confirmed, I would,
certainly, seek to use all appropriate tools to establish a
framework for Sudan's civilian-led democratic transition.
Sanctions are an important tool to name and shame but also
to drive changes in behavior, and I got a little bit of
experience in this from my time in the Counterterrorism Bureau.
I think prior to making any recommendation on potential
sanctions I would want to understand the likely impact on
military leaders' behavior, the practical impact on their
finances and access to financing, the impact on the Sudanese
economy and how it would relate to our overall diplomatic
strategy including the current UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated
process.
I think those judgments about the interplay of political
dynamics on the ground, on the one hand, and the likely impact
of sanctions require a fingertip feel that is, frankly, quite
hard as a nominee sitting six time zones away to have.
However, I do think that as the business advisory that was
released just yesterday and as the concurrent resolution that
was adopted a bit earlier this month by the Congress showed,
there is a unified view across branches of the U.S. Government
that we need to be applying pressure and sustaining pressure on
the military government to facilitate things that lead to the
restoration of a civilian-led transitional government and if I
am confirmed I would, certainly, work with partners to sustain
that pressure.
I think what we have done in coordinating the pauses in
debt relief, credit, and some development assistance are really
important in that regard and need to be sustained.
I also think that the sanctioning of the central reserve
police and looking at potential other actions is something that
we need to stay focused on as well as we move forward here.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I, certainly, agree that--look,
let me speak more broadly. After four years of sustained and
persistent effort by hundreds of thousands of the Sudanese
people they have earned the chance to find their way forward in
a democratic transition and I hope that we are doing everything
we can to support that, and I would, certainly, welcome once
you are confirmed, once you are at station to get input from
you about what you think we can best do to support the Sudanese
people.
I had the chance to go to Khartoum and to meet with all of
the then leaders--Prime Minister Hamdok and General Burhan and
a number of the members of the cabinet and civil society
leaders--and was very optimistic at that point, and I am really
concerned about the trajectory the country is on.
If I might impose on the Chairman for a moment.
Just last but, certainly, not least, Mr. Adler, my one
visit to Juba to meet with President Salva Kiir was depressing
and challenging. I went out to visit refugees who were hemmed
in by forces and suffering significantly, on the verge of
starvation, and then I went and confronted him, having just
been to a refugee camp in western Uganda where hundreds of
thousands of South Sudanese had fled. This was a number of
years ago.
The years of standoff between the two parties and their
leaders is deeply disconcerting. I am encouraged by recent
statements by President Kiir about allowing for free and fair
elections in February of 2023.
But it does not seem to me that the conditions are being
set on the ground for those elections to actually be
successful. I would be interested in what you think about the
potential of the Pope's upcoming visit and what you think are
the tools that we might deploy in trying to support a
transition to a freely and fairly elected government that might
actually represent the best interests of the people.
Mr. Adler. Thank you for the question, Senator, and I share
the sentiment that you express based on what I have read and
what I have learned from colleagues.
I know that a key part of our approach is to work with
international partners to ensure that a common message is
conveyed to the South Sudanese leadership about what
international community expectations are and, frankly, what the
South Sudanese people's expectations are.
As a nominee, I am not fully involved in the discussions of
what we are asking of our partners. But what I would say is it
seems to me imperative that South Sudanese leadership hears
from everybody--neighbors, international players, all parties--
that they must accelerate progress.
With respect to the democratic election, yes, we do believe
that South Sudan must have a free, fair, and credible election.
But how does that happen? Key predicate actions need to be
taken. They are spelled out in the revised peace agreement.
They have not been taken.
If I am confirmed I will prioritize them day one, pushing
for those predicate actions to be put in place so the South
Sudanese people can have the democratic election they deserve
to have.
Senator Coons. It is a country of such remarkable riches
and potential and such wonderful people, many of whom we have
had a chance to meet here in the United States.
But after decades of tragedy I think they really deserve a
great next chapter in their history, and I hope all three of
you are confirmed and I look forward to supporting you and your
service in some challenging places in the world.
Thank you for your forbearance, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, and on behalf of Chairman
Murphy, Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
An appreciation and then an observation. So the
appreciation side, and I will just echo comments of my
colleague, Senator Coons, that you have all had three really
distinguished careers and you have all served in dangerous
places, and you have all served in places where it has meant
some sacrifice, including time separated from your families.
I remember one of my first visits as a Senator to--on a
CODEL was to Egypt and one of the FSOs I was visiting with had
to cut short a meeting at 5:00 o'clock on a Friday because, I
have to get home and dress up for my Skype date. And I said,
well, what is that? And she said, well, my husband is a Foreign
Service Officer, too, and he is in Turkey and we do a Skype--we
dress up and do a Skype date every Friday. And I said, wow,
that is pretty tough, and she said, Egypt to Turkey is a lot
closer together than we often have been during our career.
So I just want to say to the family members, the young
people, the spouses, friends and family who are watching, your
service, your sacrifice, and your willingness to do more to put
a good face on a nation, you exemplify a nation and when
people--many people, their interaction with America will be
their interaction with you and the people who work with you in
your mission, and I just wanted to express my appreciation to
all of you for that.
And then an observation. Senator Coons was in an exchange
with Mr. Godfrey about sanctions, and this is something that I
hope, as a committee, we might do sometime is to really analyze
our sanctions policy big picture.
We are often talking about sanctions in Venezuela or
sanctions in Russia and sanctions in Iran, and I think
sanctions policy and the power of U.S. leading sanctions,
particularly if they are multilateral, have often accomplished
good things.
But then I also believe sometimes they have a perverse
effect. They give a dictator who is mismanaging a country the
ability to say, see, we would be doing great if it were not for
the big bad United States imposing sanctions on us.
And so some assessment--and I know some work on this has
been done at Stanford but some assessment of U.S. sanctions
policy and when has it worked really well and when has it maybe
not produced the result that we wanted, and what are elements
of sanctions policy that might maximize their effect.
I will give you an example. I think sanctions bill should
almost always have, and here is how the sanctions will be
lifted. Do the following five salutary things that you should
want to do if you care about your people and the sanctions will
go away.
I think many on the receiving end of sanctions sort of
believe that it is one and done and as soon as we put them on
they will be laboring under them forever, so what is their
incentive, really, to change behavior if they do not think that
good behavior would provide an off ramp.
So I am just--we are dealing with so many different
sanctions issues at any one time and I can, certainly, see in
my 10 years here the salutary effects of some of the sanctions
work we have done. Really important.
I think we are seeing it in real time. The sanctions policy
in--against Russia in Ukraine, combined with other things, has
certainly shrunk Russia's war aims and had a very, very
damaging effect upon them.
But it might be time to look big picture about could we do
even better and, in particular, I am kind of intrigued by the
notion of putting a clear off ramp in sanctions so that we can
then market to the citizens of these countries, look, we do not
want to hurt you at all.
All we want to do is produce this good behavior and as soon
as the government does exactly the kinds of things that they
should do that are in your interest then the sanctions will go
away.
We might be able to more effectively impose, market,
communicate, why we are doing the sanctions but also more
likely incentivize the kind of behavior that we are looking to,
hopefully, incentivize by those.
I would just maybe say to my colleagues maybe this is an
issue that we ought to spend some more time on and I would look
forward to doing that. Thank you to all of you and
congratulations on your nominations.
Senator Rounds. That concludes our committee work this
afternoon. On behalf of Chairman Murphy, I would note that all
questions for the record for our nominees are due at close of
business tomorrow, Wednesday, the 25th.
And unless there is further business to come before the
committee, this committee--this subcommittee meeting is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:00 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Statement Submitted for the Record by Chairman of the
Full Committee Hon. Robert Menendez
I'm pleased that we were able to hold today's hearing. The nominees
on today's panel are being considered for countries in which the United
States has significant strategic interests. In some cases, these posts
have been vacant for years.
In east Africa the picture looks bleak. The nomination of a new
U.S. Ambassador to Sudan--who would be the first confirmed Ambassador
to go to Khartoum in a quarter of a century--comes at a fraught moment
for Sudan's future. The October 2021 coup in Sudan constituted a major
setback. General Abdel Fattah a-Burhan and General Mohamed Hamdan
Dagalo ``Hemedti'' continue to consolidate power, thwarting the
aspirations of millions of Sudanese who supported and participated in
the 2019 revolution, and putting Sudan's development, stability, and
security at risk. 30 percent of Sudan's entire population are estimated
to need humanitarian assistance. Sudan's already bad economy continues
to worsen, yet Burhan, the Hemedti family, and Sudan's military
leadership continue to turn a profit including by working with the
Kremlin-backed Wagner group to secure gold mines and other economic
assets throughout the country. Today's nomination significantly
strengthens our commitment to Sudan and its people in their quest for
democracy and accountable government.
South Sudan has not held elections since the country attained its
independence in 2011. The 2018 revitalized peace agreement (R-ARCSS)
remains largely unimplemented nearly four years after it was signed.
Elections, which were supposed to have occurred in 2023, now look
increasingly unlikely due the failure of South Sudanese leaders to
adhere to and implement the agreement they signed.
In 2021 the U.N. reported that over $73 million had been diverted
from South Sudanese Government coffers and that this figure was likely
just a fraction of what has actually been stolen by senior officials.
Even as the leaders of South Sudan line their pockets and arm their own
private militias, the people of South Sudan continue to suffer. More
than 6 million South Sudanese are displaced due to violence and climate
change. As many as 8.3 million people in South Sudan are estimated to
need aid. In assessing President Salva Kiir and Vice President Riek
Machar's atrocious ten-year record of governance, corruption, grievous
human rights abuses, impunity, and complete disregard for the welfare
of the South Sudanese people, it is increasingly clear that the best
thing President Kiir and Vice President Machar can do for their country
now is retire. The appointment of a new Ambassador to South Sudan,
after so many years without an Ambassador in Juba, reaffirms our
commitment to the South Sudanese people.
There are glimmers of hope in east Africa, however. Tanzania could
be a bright spot. It remains unclear whether President Hassan is truly
committed to reversing the anti-democratic policies of the previous
administration. Tanzania continues to struggle in terms of press
freedom, party pluralism, and accountability for attacks, disappearance
and murders of opposition political figures, for example. However, the
change of leadership in the wake of the passing of former President
John Magufuli provides an opening. I hope that the Administration, led
by a new Ambassador, will take advantage of the moment to press for
advancements in the areas of democracy, good-governance, and financial
transparency in Tanzania by supporting key institutional and legal
reforms.
Kenya too represents a potential bright spot. Though the Kenyan
elections will be highly competitive this August, the fact that Kenyans
are committed to going to the polls is meaningful in a region where
regular elections cannot be taken for granted. There are significant
challenges--security force abuses of civilians, entrenched corruption,
and income inequality o name a few. However, there is also a highly
educated population, a vibrant free press and, a robust economy, all of
which are helping move Kenya in a positive direction.
In southern Africa, the picture is much more optimistic. South
Africa's economic and political leadership on the continent make it a
critical partner for the U.S. We must establish a closer, more
productive relationship with it. Despite its current problems-endemic
corruption, slow economic growth, and deeply-rooted inequality-it is
nonetheless an industrialized democracy with considerable diplomatic
influence. The United States should be actively positioning itself as
South Africa's partner of choice, and it is critical that we have an
Ambassador in place to lead these efforts.
The Zambian people's rejection in 2021 of a leader who was growing
more and more authoritarian is an historic moment for Zambia. The
United States must seize on this opportunity to help Zambia strengthen
its democracy, reform its institutions, mitigate its economic crisis
brought about by fiscal mismanagement and opaque debt-much of which was
accrued under dubious terms to China. Just as Zambia's democratic
achievements can be a model for the rest of Africa, the United States
should surge resources and support to Zambia as a model for how we
engage with new democracies and cultivate new partnerships. I'm glad to
see such a well-qualified nominee for the position.
I welcome each of the nominees to the hearing and plan to move them
through committee as quickly as possible.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Reuben E. Brigety II by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation,
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
European countries to build on likeminded interests in South Africa and
counter the influence of China and other malign actors?
Answer. The U.S. Mission in South Africa coordinates closely with
European and other like-minded missions in South Africa on this topic.
If confirmed, I will invigorate these efforts and use my position to
expand and elevate the conversation. South Africa faces challenges from
PRC and Russian disinformation campaigns, as many countries do; it is
also a vibrant constitutional democracy and a fellow G-20 nation that
has shown the independence and insight to defend its sovereignty from
external malign actors. The key to working successfully with our
European partners on this issue in South Africa is to work with our
South African partners--coordinating and engaging robustly on issues
that affect it, like disinformation and cybercrime.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), South Africa was downgraded to the Tier 2 Watch List for
continued lack of implementing regulations to a 2013 law, corruption
and complicity in trafficking, and overall decreasing efforts to meet
the minimum standards. How will you work with the South Africans to
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Trafficking in persons poses a grave threat and requires a
whole-of-government response. If confirmed, I will work with South
African stakeholders across their interagency and in civil society,
both at the national and provincial levels, to implement both South
Africa's 2019 national policy framework and the immigration provisions
of South Africa's 2013 anti-trafficking law to increase prosecutions of
traffickers--including complicit officials--and protections for victims
and to strengthen prevention efforts. If confirmed, I will work with
the State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in
Persons and USAID to assist South Africa's prosecutors and
investigators in pursuing the perpetrators of this heinous crime.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
South Africa operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained
in the TIP report?
Answer. It is my understanding that South Africa has made progress
toward some of the prioritized recommendations in the 2021 U.S.
Trafficking in Persons Report, and my early engagements will
communicate the centrality to U.S. foreign policy objectives of
progress in combatting human trafficking. If I am confirmed, the U.S.
Mission under my watch will work closely with experts on human
trafficking, including NGOs and international organizations, to
encourage increased collaboration between the Government and civil
society to ensure that trafficking victims are identified and referred
to care; traffickers are vigorously prosecuted; and complicit officials
are held accountable.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, South Africa was identified as lacking societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. My reading of the report is that South Africa has robust
protections for freedom of religion and belief as enshrined in its
constitution's bill of rights and safeguarded by its independent
judiciary. Some faith-based groups took issue with restrictions placed
on religious gatherings in 2020 as part of the Government's COVID-19
response; those restrictions have been lifted. The U.S. Mission also
was alarmed by some incidents of antisemitism and engages regularly
with civil society and faith-based organizations on confronting hate
speech and hate crimes. If confirmed, I will invite the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom to visit and observe first-
hand the close ties between U.S. and South African faith groups.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
South Africa increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. If I am confirmed, my door will remain open to individuals
and groups of all faiths. I will engage with the Commission for the
Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and
Linguistic Communities, which was established by Chapter 9 of South
Africa's Constitution as a state institution to support constitutional
democracy. If confirmed, I will meet with legal advocacy organizations
like Freedom of Religion South Africa and South African Jewish Board of
Deputies, and with interdenominational forums like the historical South
African Council of Churches. And, if confirmed, I will celebrate
religious holidays as a sign of respect for the various faiths that are
practiced freely in South Africa.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, South
Africa was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including torture, violence against minorities, the worst forms of
child labor, among others. If confirmed, what steps will you take to
address these instances with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government and members
of the judiciary, prosecuting authority, and civil society to push for
accountability, especially for those who are found abusing their office
or uniform. Human rights require a strong foundation in the rule of
law. If I am confirmed, under my leadership the U.S. Mission will
safeguard our shores from bad actors and use all available tools to
promote accountability. If confirmed, I will support a free and open
press as the fourth pillar of South Africa's democracy, to shine light
on abuses and transgressions of the public's trust.
Question. How will you direct Embassy Pretoria to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. The U.S. Mission in South Africa provides multiple grant
opportunities for civil society organizations working on behalf of
human rights in South African and across the region. In addition to
this funding, if I am confirmed, I will be both visible and vocal in
defense of human rights and in support of its advocates. I take
inspiration from the moral courage of Ambassador Edward Perkins, who
during his appointment to South Africa as the first Black U.S.
Ambassador there, from 1986 to 1989, was a visible presence in places
of human suffering, including townships, courtrooms, cathedrals, and
the graves of children.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.),
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the South African Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of Ms.
Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes. Ms. Bogdan-Martin's record at the ITU, including her
advocacy for qualified professionals from Africa and the developing
world and her promotion of principles that align with South Africa's
own principles for the ITU, make her a strong candidate. If confirmed,
I will advocate for her rigorously with counterparts to secure support
for her in the upcoming election for Secretary-General of the ITU,
including by demarches. I will underscore that Ms. Bogdan-Martin is the
most qualified candidate to advance our shared priorities at the ITU,
including promoting universal connectivity that is safe, inclusive, and
affordable, as well as strengthening both the ITU's partnerships with
stakeholders and its governance and accountability.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The JPO program is a key opportunity at the U.N. to
encourage young professionals interested in serving in international
organizations. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my
colleagues in the International Organization Affairs Bureau and other
stakeholders and agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have
sufficient resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for
U.S.-citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work
strategically to increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the
U.S. Government in key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities
and strengthen our competitiveness in placing qualified American
citizens into the U.N. system
Question. South Africa has one of the lowest rates of voting
coincidence with the U.S. in the U.N. General Assembly and in the
Security Council. What is your assessment of this issue?
Answer. The United States considers South Africa an important and
strategic partner, but we do not always see eye-to-eye on every issue,
including some that come before the U.N. Notably, South Africa staked
out a position contrary to ours at important recent UNGA votes that
concerned Russia's war on Ukraine. While we disagree strongly with
South Africa on this assessment, it is key to understand the reasoning
that informs its positions so that we can most effectively engage them
on the substance. If confirmed, I will engage with the Government,
like-minded missions, civil society, academics, the media, and other
stakeholders to advocate for greater cooperation in multilateral
forums.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete actions can you take to
engage with the South Africans on anticipated votes in the U.N. system
that would increase their voting coincidence with the U.S.?
Answer. I believe the most important action to take regarding votes
in the U.N. system or other multilateral bodies is robust, frequent,
respectful engagement with the Government but also with civil society,
academics, the media, and other South African voices. The more we
consult our South African friends on the issues we care about--seek
their views and, when possible, use their feedback--the more success we
will have in this engagement. If confirmed, I intend to use my role as
Ambassador to further just this kind of engagement. It is also vital
that we work to identify areas where we do or might agree--for
instance, issues of stability and security in Mozambique, Ethiopia, and
Sudan--and build up our cooperation and diplomatic coordination.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Pretoria?
Answer. It is my understanding that morale at Mission South Africa
is strong, although COVID-19 added to the Mission's challenges, as it
did at Posts throughout the world. The team at the U.S. Embassy and
three Consulates General in South Africa have done and are doing
amazing work under the leadership of Charge d'Affaires Heather Merritt
and, before her, Charge d'Affaires Todd Haskell.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Pretoria?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to joining a team that is
already functioning at a high level. From the start, however, I will
listen to the views of everyone at the Mission and address any concerns
about morale, platform requirements, or workforce posture.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Pretoria?
Answer. All leadership begins with vision. I have practiced this
principle in every significant leadership post I have held, to include
my last Ambassadorship at the U.S. Mission to the African Union. As I
stated in my oral testimony before the committee, if confirmed, I will
dedicate Mission South Africa to practicing ``Ubuntu Diplomacy,''
whereby we will at every opportunity engage our South African
interlocutors and Mission members on a basis of mutual respect and
shared dignity even as we advance U.S. interests. Through policy,
practice, and my personal example, we will ensure that we are treating
all members of Mission South Africa with dignity and respect as we play
our respective roles in the life and work of the Embassy.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is one of ``empowered accountability.''
I believe strongly in making clear to the team the broad objectives we
are trying to achieve, delegating those tasks to the lowest possible
level of responsibility, empowering team members through resources and
authority to accomplish those objectives, holding them accountable for
doing so, and generously sharing praise for successful outcomes. I lead
my teams on the basis of following ``The Three C's: Competence,
Collegiality and Commitment.'' If confirmed, I will share this
philosophy with the Country Team and Mission staff at every turn, such
that it becomes our culture of doing business in Mission South Africa.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The relationship between the Ambassador and the DCM is the
most important in the Mission. If it does not work, the Mission will
not work. While serving as U.S. Ambassador to the African Union, I had
a very strong and productive working relationship with my DCM, based on
mutual respect and complementary skill sets. I expected her to be able
to tell me anything, especially hard news I needed to hear about the
mission or about myself. The current DCM in Embassy Pretoria, Heather
Merritt, is a highly experienced career diplomat. I expect that I will
have a strong, productive, and collegial relationship with her.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Broadly speaking, if confirmed, I expect that the DCM will
oversee all management issues within the Mission, while I engage in
high-level diplomatic and representational tasks with the Government
and people of South Africa. At times, those roles might have to be
reversed. For example, in the event of a sensitive personnel matter, it
might be appropriate for the Ambassador to deliver the message. When
the Ambassador is away from post, the DCM would need to carry out high-
level diplomatic or representational functions. If confirmed, however,
I will in general delegate routine management and personnel issues
within the Mission to the DCM while I focus my efforts on engagement
with the Government and people of South Africa.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
South Africa.
Answer. I agree.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Yes. I understand that U.S. diplomats at our Embassy and
three Consulates General in South Africa travel widely throughout the
country in the course of their work.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. It is my understanding that the team at Mission South
Africa robustly engages local populations across all of South Africa
and at all levels of society. With that said, if confirmed, I look
forward to hearing the views of the team on how we can not only ensure
that this engagement continues but identify any blind spots that would
benefit from greater attention. I understand, for instance, that local
audiences, especially those in rural communities, can be a specific
engagement challenge because they generally engage only at the local
level. If confirmed, I will actively solicit ideas from both inside and
outside the Mission on how to engage our priority audiences in order to
advance U.S. interests.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
South Africa?
Answer. South Africa features one of the most complex public
diplomacy environments in Africa--not to mention the world. Relatively
advanced development and infrastructure created a media landscape and
university network that stand comparably with other modern democracies.
Persistent unemployment and income inequality, however, prevent large
segments of the population from accessing those resources. As in any
vibrant, multifaceted democracy, South African citizens do not fit in
boxes, and our communication and outreach strategies need to be
similarly nuanced and complex.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The complexity of the South African public diplomacy
environment means that one-size-fits-all approaches generally fail. On
a straightforward uncontroversial issue, such as use of antiretroviral
treatments to control HIV infection, a broad-based information campaign
might serve to advance U.S. interests. But on more sensitive issues,
such as the nation's transition to renewable energy, a more nuanced and
egalitarian approach is required--one that invites constructive
conversations with a broad range of South African audiences. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that our outreach remains tailored to
the needs of audiences from different economic, geographic, religious,
and ethnic backgrounds.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Carefully analyzing which voice is most appropriate in
which context is important. For a sensitive foreign policy issue--such
as one on which the U.S. and South African governments do not agree--
strategic public statements or interviews by Washington-based officials
might afford in-country officials diplomatic space to advance U.S.
interests. On issues where our countries generally agree, alternating
engagements by Washington and in-country officials can strengthen the
U.S. position without exhausting South African audiences with the same
voice.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,''`1 have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. If
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Pretoria staff,
their family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my
highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Pretoria personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes, I commit to participating in the briefing on Anomalous
Health Incidents, including in the Ambassadorial seminar, and will seek
further information in unclassified and classified meetings with the
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and
Intelligence and Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in the ongoing
investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health
incidents. The Department continues to work in coordination with
interagency partners on determining what happened to our staff and
their families and to ensure their well-being and health going forward.
There is no higher priority than the safety and security of our U.S.
personnel, their families, and U.S. citizens.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being open with my staff about
what I know; I commit to taking seriously any report of an employee
being harmed or under threat, whether that is related to anomalous
health incidents or not; and I commit to keeping an open door so that
my staff entrust me with any concerns that affect their morale. I also
commit to speaking with my staff regularly about the Embassy's mission,
to ensure that they know how their work fits into the bigger picture. I
believe that a team's morale is best served by every member of that
team understanding the way in which his or her work matters, and by
every member of the team knowing that their leaders have their backs
and care sincerely about their well-being.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Reuben E. Brigety II by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to attending the
Ambassadorial seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing
with State Department?
Answer. I commit to participating in all aspects of the
Ambassadorial seminar, including the briefing on Anomalous Health
Incidents, and will seek further information in unclassified and
classified meetings with the Coordinator of the State Department's
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.
Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment and safety
of our diplomats?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Africa, I will make the
health and safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I will
also commit to ensuring all reported incidents at Mission South Africa
are treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate
channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to treatment and medical care.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Reuben E. Brigety II by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. At six Confucius Institutes and five Confucius
classrooms, South Africa holds the largest number of Chinese Communist
Party-controlled educational institutions in the continent. Confucius
Institutes are an insidious tool to inculcate college and high school
students with the CCP's propaganda and worldview. Leaving these
institutes unopposed risks creating national elites in other countries
that will work against American interests. Do you believe Confucius
Institutes are a threat to U.S. national security due to the fact they
are funded by the PRC Ministry of Education and are part of the CCP's
broader United Front influence efforts?
Answer. I consider Confucius Institutes to be part of Beijing's
global ``soft power'' influence efforts, which often serve to advance
interests contrary to our own. And the South African public is savvy
when it comes to PRC influence across the country. The U.S. Mission to
South Africa hosts nine American Spaces and nine University
Partnerships throughout the country. We use these platforms and
partnerships to advocate for U.S. values, norms, entrepreneurship, good
governance, and academic rigor. These are key to countering the PRC
``soft'' influence in the country.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage the
Government of South Africa to ban Confucius Institutes, or at least
impose serious oversight over their activities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the South African Government
and academic institutions to review their relationships with PRC-
affiliated organizations, including Confucius Institutes, to ensure
that these organizations are operating transparently and in the best
interests of the people of South Africa. If confirmed, I will explore
whether countering their influence requires additional resources to
bolster the U.S. presence across the country.
Question. You served as the Dean of George Washington University's
Elliott School of International Affairs from 2015 to 2020. During that
time, GWU hosted a Confucius Institute. That Confucius Institute only
shut down in 2021, after you left your position as Dean. Did you oppose
the presence of a Confucius Institute on GW's campus while you were
Dean at any point? If so, when?
Answer. Yes, I did. I expressed my concerns about GW's Confucius
Institute to former GW President Steven Knapp on at least one occasion
by my recollection, likely sometime in 2016.
Question. In 2018, you spoke at an event hosted by a Confucius
Institute on Chinese engagement with Africa. This was well after
numerous publications, including the Forbes, the Wall Street Journal,
The Economist and the Diplomat, all have written about the threat posed
by these institutions to academic freedom and the role they play in the
party's overseas propaganda strategy. Why, then, did you agree to speak
at a Confucius Institute Event?
Answer. Diplomacy is about engagement, even--or at times,
especially--with adversaries. This is true in formal government-to-
government diplomacy, public diplomacy, and Track II diplomacy.
Speaking at an event sponsored by the Confucius Institute and making a
strenuous case for American values and interests in Africa--as I did on
this occasion as a private citizen--was an appropriate and effective
engagement.
Question. At this China-Africa-U.S. Engagement Dialogue event
hosted by the Confucius Institute U.S. Center, you said that you
believed that there might be ways that the United States and China
could work together to advance the interests of African nations. Seeing
the poisonous influence of the CCP across Africa in the past few years,
have your views changed on the potential for U.S.-PRC cooperation in
Africa?
Answer. My comments about U.S.-PRC cooperation in Africa were
rooted in my experience of the multilateral cooperation of many
nations--including China--to combat the 2014 Ebola outbreak when I
served as the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union. There are some
issues--notably global health security and climate change--that require
the broad cooperation of all nations, regardless of geopolitical
interests. Deadly pathogens, for example, do not respect boundaries (as
the novel coronavirus that originated in China showed). Cooperating on
such transnational threats is appropriate even as we work assiduously
to constrain Chinese ambitions in other areas that are hostile to our
values and interests.
Question. If confirmed, how will you be a credible voice warning of
the dangers of Chinese influence in Africa, given your past support and
statements in favor of U.S. cooperation with the CCP?
Answer. I have a long track record, both as a government official
and as a private citizen, of warning about and working against malign
Chinese influence in Africa. If confirmed, I will continue to challenge
Chinese influence in Africa--and in South Africa in particular--even as
I advance American interests and promote American values.
Question. South Africa's ruling political party-the African
National Congress-has particularly strong relations with the CCP. The
ANC is part of the ``Former Liberation Movements of Southern Africa,''
along with the ruling parties of Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, Tanzania,
and Zimbabwe. The CCP regularly trains cadres from the ANC and built a
political training academy in the country. The party's current national
chairperson once said ``the Chinese Communist Party's ruling experience
and party building theory merits the ANC's study and to be used as a
reference,'' and South African's current President Cyril Ramaphosa said
that the ANC ``gained so much'' from party-to-party trainings.
Ramaphosa has also defended Huawei and other CCP-directed firms. South
Africa also conducted a trilateral naval exercise with Russia and
China. How will you use your influence to educate the ANC on the threat
the CCP poses to Africa?
Answer. As you note, the African National Congress has long
historical ties to the Chinese Communist Party as well as other
adversaries of the United States, including the Russian Government.
Nonetheless, South Africa is a strong constitutional democracy with a
developed economy, unhampered press freedom, and an independent
judiciary; these factors blunt the PRC's ability to unduly extend their
influence. If confirmed, I will engage robustly not only with the ANC
but with all counterparts to emphasize the negative effects of Chinese
malign behavior, for instance by highlighting Huawei's negative hiring
practices, an issue that has recently drawn critical attention to the
company among the public.
Question. In 2017, you wrote a piece in the immediate aftermath of
the Charlottesville ``March to Unite the Right'' rally in which you
called President Trump the ``Nazi-in-Chief'' and a ``unreconstructed
racist.'' You then proceeded to question the honor of anyone that
occupies ``political positions of great responsibility'' who continues
to remain in office while President Trump is in office. You have since
apologized for some of your unfortunate word choices, but the incident
still raises questions about your ability to keep cool in charged
situations. You issued an apology for your words nearly three years
after initially writing them. Why did it take you so long to realize
the mistake you made?
Answer. Following years of prayer and reflection, my apologies for
the language I used about President Trump following the events in
Charlottesville were genuine. I believe that much of American public
life would be improved if more people sincerely apologized when they
made inappropriate statements. While I apologize for the language I
used about President Trump, I maintain that the former President's
remarks--stating that there were ``very fine people'' among the violent
neo-Nazis and white supremacists who organized and executed the
Charlottesville riot--were reprehensible and inexcusable. It is
incumbent on all Americans of goodwill, regardless of party, to stand
firmly against violent racism of every kind and in every instance.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Africa, how can this
committee remain sure that you will not write or say something while
representing the United States that you will later regret?
Answer. I have a long track record of demonstrating restraint and
sound judgment in a wide variety of difficult circumstances. The events
of Charlottesville were a unique provocation in modern American
history. Men marching with torches in the middle of the night, chanting
racist slogans, and perpetrating violence in the name of racial hatred,
recalled a dark history that we as a country thought was behind us--
including in my family's long, multigenerational history in my beloved
home state of Florida. Nevertheless, my response to this incident only
reinforced to me Dr. King's admonition: ``Darkness cannot drive out
darkness, only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate, only love
can do that.'' I learned an invaluable lesson and I will redouble my
efforts to respond always to provocation with dignity and grace.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
hon. reuben e. brigety ii by senator rubio
Question. Following my question for the record dated May 24,
2022, ``You served as the Dean of George Washington
University's Elliott School of International Affairs from 2015
to 2020. During that time, GWU hosted a Confucius Institute.
That Confucius Institute only shut down in 2021, after you left
your position as Dean. Did you oppose the presence of a
Confucius Institute on GW's campus while you were Dean at any
point? If so, when?'' you responded, ``Yes, I did. I expressed
my concerns about GW's Confucius Institute to former GW
President Steven Knapp on at least one occasion by my
recollection, likely sometime in 2016.''
If you had concerns about Confucius Institutes in 2016, why did
you speak at one in 2018?
Answer. I believe that diplomacy, whether formal or Track II,
requires engagement. This is true with both allies and
adversaries. President Ronald Reagan held multiple direct
engagements with Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in the final years of
the Cold War. Thus, my engagement with a Confucius Institute at
the time as Dean of George Washington University's Elliott
School of International Affairs was part of a long, bipartisan
tradition of American officials and citizens engaging foreign
counterparts with different values and views. Since 2018,
including through the Senate's bipartisan research, we have
learned more about China's efforts to influence American public
opinion through Confucius Institutes on college campuses. I
would not participate in this particular engagement if asked
today. I would instead seek out other ways to engage with
Chinese counterparts.
Question. Have you had any communications with a Confucius
Institute since 2018? If so, please explain the nature of the
communication(s).
Answer. No, I have not.
Question. If invited, would you speak at a Confucius
Institute again?
Answer. No, I would not speak at a Confucius Institute again.
As I stated above, since 2018, including through the Senate's
bipartisan research, we have learned more about China's efforts
to influence American public opinion through Confucius
Institutes on college campuses. I would not participate in this
particular engagement if asked today. I would instead seek out
other ways to engage with Chinese counterparts.
Question. What is the greatest risk posed to U.S. interests
in Africa today? Is it the CCP? Why or why not?
Answer. The CCP's efforts to advance the PRC's political and
economic influence in Africa indeed pose a risk to U.S.
interests, but I would argue that it is one of a complex set of
overlapping threats. Russia's actions on the continent, whether
through diplomatic and economic channels or by the Kremlin-
backed Wagner Group, similarly pose a threat not only to U.S.
interests but to the stability, security, and economic
interests of multiple African states. Violent extremism in
multiple parts of Africa is a perennial threat to the stability
of our partners and the lives and well-being of many Africans.
The way to address these risks is by continuing the Biden-
Harris administration's policy of increasing the frequency,
range, and caliber of U.S. engagement with African governments,
political parties, and business communities. The quality and
quantity of our diplomatic and economic engagement is essential
to countering CCP inroads in Africa and other risks to U.S.
interests.
Question. How does the threat of the CCP compare to the
threat of climate change or Islamic terrorism to U.S.
interests?
Answer. Climate change is an existential threat to all
humanity that transcends geopolitical interests and ideological
differences. While the terrorist threat in Africa persists,
over the last two decades the United States has achieved many
successes by working with African partners across the continent
to identify and neutralize terrorist cells, benefiting both
U.S. and African interests.
The political engagement of the CCP with African political
parties represents a clear threat to U.S. interests, one that
risks undermining progress on democracy and prosperity.
Beijing's vision would move us away from the values that have
sustained so much of the world's progress over the past 75
years. A central component of the U.S. approach in Africa must
be engagement with African partners--engagement that advances
democratic ideals and practices, by demonstrating the benefits
of stable democracy and the rules-based international order and
by challenging the PRC's false narratives.
Question. In your response to my question for the record
dated May 24, 2022 was, ``At this China-Africa-U.S. Engagement
Dialogue event hosted by the Confucius Institute U.S. Center,
you said that you believed that there might be ways that the
United States and China could work together to advance the
interests of African nations. Seeing the poisonous influence of
the CCP across Africa in the past few years, have your views
changed on the potential for U.S.-PRC cooperation in Africa?''
you responded, ``My comments about U.S.-PRC cooperation in
Africa were rooted in my experience of the multilateral
cooperation of many nations--including China--to combat the
2014 Ebola outbreak when I served as the U.S. Ambassador to the
African Union. There are some issues--notably global health
security and climate change--that require the broad cooperation
of all nations, regardless of geopolitical interests. Deadly
pathogens, for example, do not respect boundaries (as the novel
coronavirus that originated in China showed). Cooperating on
such transnational threats is appropriate even as we work
assiduously to constrain Chinese ambitions in other areas that
are hostile to our values and interests.''
What should Washington and Beijing be cooperating on in the
African context?
Answer. As stated earlier, climate change is an existential
threat to all humanity that transcends geopolitical interests
and ideological differences. Finding a constructive way to
engage the PRC, the second-largest economy in the world and the
largest greenhouse gas emitter on the planet, is necessary in
countering this threat, notwithstanding our strategic
competition with the PRC. Working on climate issues is one area
in which Washington and Beijing should be cooperating in
Africa.
Question. Does Beijing's cover up of its responsibility for
the novel coronavirus change your view on the merits of seeking
cooperation with the CCP?
Answer. My experience in working with my PRC counterpart
during the 2014 Ebola crisis was productive. As a result,
despite Beijing's lack of transparency about the origins of the
novel coronavirus, I believe working with the PRC on global
health issues remains an important area of cooperation.
However, it is important that the U.S. Government be clear-eyed
about health engagements with the PRC to ensure transparency
and that any cooperation is clearly in the interest of the
United States.
Question. In your response to my question for the record
dated May 24, 2022,``South Africa's ruling political party--the
African National Congress--has particularly strong relations
with the CCP. The CCP regularly trains cadres from the ANC and
built a political training academy in the country. The party's
current national chairperson once said``the Chinese Communist
Party's ruling experience and party building theory merits the
ANC's study and to be used as a reference,'' and South
African's current President Cyril Ramaphosa said that the ANC
``gained so much'' from party-to-party trainings. Ramaphosa has
also defended Huawei and other CCP-directed firms. How will you
use your influence to educate the ANC on the threat the CCP
poses to Africa?'' you responded ``As you note, the African
National Congress has long historical ties to the Chinese
Communist Party as well as other adversaries of the United
States, including the Russian Government. Nonetheless, South
Africa is a strong constitutional democracy with a developed
economy, unhampered press freedom, and an independent
judiciary; these factors blunt the PRC's ability to unduly
extend their influence. If confirmed, I will engage robustly
not only with the ANC but with all counterparts to emphasize
the negative effects of Chinese malign behavior, for instance
by highlighting Huawei's negative hiring practices . . .''
In your view, what is the purpose of the CCP's party-to-party
training and exchange programs with African partners?
Answer. It is clear to me that the purpose of such exchanges
is to strengthen PRC influence in the domestic governance and
foreign policy of South Africa.
Question. Is the ANC susceptible to the CCP's message during
these trainings?
Answer. The ANC is a ``big tent'' organization with many
competing factions and viewpoints. The CCP's messaging
certainly appeals to some portion of the ANC. As I wrote
before, the way to counter this messaging is sustained, on-the-
ground engagement by the United States to ensure that the ANC
and other South African political parties engage with political
perspectives rooted in Western political values.
Question. What would you do to counter the CCP's party-to-
party engagements with the ANC?
Answer. I would strongly encourage engagement by organs of
the National Endowment for Democracy--principally the
International Republican Institute and the National Democratic
Institute--to develop and host similar party-to-party
engagements with the ANC and with other South African political
parties.
Question. In addition to Huawei's ``negative hiring
practices,'' what are some other risks Huawei poses to South
Africa as well as Africa more broadly?
Answer. Huawei's efforts to monopolize telecommunications
networks pose a number of risks to American and South African
interests, including compromising data security and
sovereignty. The use of Huawei's networks for active cyber
espionage is also a very real threat.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. During former President John Magafuli's tenure there was
significant democratic backsliding in Tanzania. Under President
Hassan's leadership, there appears to be an opportunity for progress in
the areas of democracy and human rights. What programs and activities
are currently underway to support democratic freedoms and good
governance in Tanzania? What additional actions should the U.S. take?
What concrete actions will you take to support democracy and good
governance if confirmed?
Answer. The United States currently supports democratic
strengthening and good governance in Tanzania through several programs
administered by the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor; USAID; and Embassy Dar es Salaam. If confirmed, I
will continue these programs to support democracy, respect for human
rights, and good governance. I will also take advantage of the opening
created by President Hassan's ascension to power to make further
progress on democracy and human rights, leveraging the full USG toolbox
of inducements and disincentives, including the Millennium Challenge
Corporation eligibility process, the AGOA eligibility review process,
and the section 7031(a) direct government-to-government assistance
eligibility review process.
Question. What tools does the U.S. have to build the capacity and
enhance the resilience of the media in Tanzania? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to support media freedom in Tanzania?
Answer. The U.S. Government supports journalists, media houses, and
community radio operators across Tanzania to improve their ability to
convey accurate and impartial information. Over the past five years,
USAID has provided more than $10 million through its Boresha Habari
(Improve the News) program. Embassy Dar es Salaam's Public Affairs
Section also supports media professionalization through trainings,
speakers, and its small grants program. If confirmed, I will work with
U.S. academic institutions with strong mass media degree programs to
assist Tanzanian media on both the hard and soft skills in media
production, dissemination, and preservation. I will also encourage more
access to training in media research opportunities offered by U.S.
academic institutions.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to keeping the committee up
to date on the progress of advancing political freedoms and protections
for journalist in Tanzania?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to keeping the committee up to
date on the progress of advancing political freedoms and protections
for journalists in Tanzania.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Tanzania? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights, and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Some of the biggest obstacles to democratic progress in
Tanzania are laws and regulations adopted under former President
Magufuli that remain enforced, including the Media Services Act, the
Political Parties Act, the 2020 Electronic and Postal Communications
(Online Content) Regulations, and the 2020 NGO Guidelines that remain
in effect. Other obstacles include continued lack of accountability for
2020 election-related violence.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. I will prioritize strengthening civil society, the media,
political parties, and democratic institutions to assist the Tanzanian
people in advocating for democratic reform and resisting future attacks
on their political and human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Tanzania? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet regularly with both U.S. and
Tanzanian civil society members, human rights organizations, and other
non-governmental organizations. I will advocate for Tanzanian civil
society's independence and help protect it from undue restrictions and
penalization by engaging the Tanzanian Government and by providing U.S.
training and resources to help civil society protect itself.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet regularly democratically
oriented leaders in both the ruling party and opposition parties. I
will encourage genuine political competition and seek to direct
resources and support to those democratic institutions that promote a
level playing field for political competition. I will advocate for
Tanzania to further its already admirable progress in making political
parties and public life more accessible and inclusive for women,
minorities, and youth.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Tanzania on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Tanzania?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage Tanzania on freedom of
expression, including for members of the press. I will raise concerns
about any government effort to control or undermine press freedom
through legal, regulatory, or other measures. I will also ensure my
team supports critical legal and regulatory efforts to enshrine,
protect, and expand media and press freedoms, as well as access to the
Internet. I commit to meeting regularly with the independent local
press.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Tanzania?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to fully brief members of Congress
and staff each time I am in Washington for visits or consultations.
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the
health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the well-being of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I
will make the health and safety of my staff my top priority, including
contributing to the extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into
the cause of these incidents and how we can best protect our people. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
needed treatment, support, and medical care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting embassy medical staff and
the RSO to discuss any reported anomalous health incidents and will
ensure that all protocols are being followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator James E. Risch
Question. How do you assess Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu
Hassan's role in eroding the country's democratic institutions and
suppressing opposition voices and democratic actors while she served as
Vice President of United Republic of Tanzania under the Administration
of President John Pombe Magufuli? Please explain.
Answer. As former President Magufuli's vice president, President
Hassan publicly supported many of his anti-democratic policies but does
not appear to have had much influence over policy-making at that time.
Question. Do you assess that President Hassan bears any
responsibility for the anti-democratic actions and rights abuses that
occurred under the previous president?
Answer. During her service as former President Magufuli's vice
president, President Hassan shared responsibility for the shrinking of
democratic and civil society space, limits on media freedom, and the
rise in politically motivated violence.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, how will you engage the
Administration of President Hassan on continued democratic, economic,
and political reforms, particularly as Tanzania approaches elections in
2025?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work constructively with President
Hassan's administration to build a political environment that protects
democratic institutions, civil and political rights, and human rights.
I believe there is an opportunity to do so by supporting reconciliation
between the ruling party and opposition parties and their ongoing
efforts to pursue political reforms, including within the framework of
the Tanzania Center for Democracy.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation,
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Tanzania and
counter the influence of China and other malign actors?
Answer. I agree with your assertion in ``The United States and
Europe: A Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China'' that
both the United States and Europe must recognize the strategically
important role Africa plays in the world and strengthen their
partnerships with the continent. Together with Europe, we should
encourage Tanzania to pursue policies that support Tanzanian interests
and are in accordance with the rules-based international order.
Tanzania has a special relationship with the PRC that goes back to
before its independence, but that does not mean we cannot work with our
likeminded partners to help Tanzania offer a level playing field for
business, protect its own sovereignty, combat disinformation, and
support democratic values enshrined in Tanzania's constitution.
Question. Given your prior experience supporting planning and
execution of the 1st U.S. Africa Leaders Summit in 2014 under the Obama
administration, what recommendations would you give ahead of the 2nd
planned U.S. Africa Leaders Summit that the Biden administration has
committed to holding this year?
Answer. I recommend the State Department engage Africans, both
through their embassies in Washington and in capitals, to understand
what African countries would like from the summit. The summit should
mutually benefit both the United State and Africa. The summit agenda
should include a discussion on how the United States can most
effectively partner with Africa to reach the goals of Africa 2063. I
recommend the President have a cabinet-level meeting on the summit
agenda to show the importance and respect we have for our partnership
with Africa. I would also suggest engagement with the African diaspora
and civil society in advance of and during the summit. Finally, former
U.S. Presidents and First Ladies should be invited to a session of the
summit.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), Tanzania remained Tier 2 Watch List for the third
consecutive year for mismatched efforts to meet the minimum standards
to eliminate trafficking. How will you work with the Tanzanians to
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. I commit to working with the Government of Tanzania to
combat trafficking in persons. If confirmed, I will focus on supporting
our existing efforts to help Tanzania provide specialized skills
training for prosecutors and law enforcement, address the lack of
coordination and appropriate levels of funding within the Government,
and strengthen comprehensive victim and witness protection. I will also
impress on Tanzanian policymakers the consequences to our bilateral
relationship of failing to make sufficient effort to combat trafficking
in persons.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Tanzania operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in
the TIP Report, including implementing their national plan to enhance
anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging the Government of
Tanzania to encourage concrete progress on the TIP report
recommendations. I will encourage the prioritization of resources, both
funding and personnel, to implement their recently finalized 2021-2024
national action plan. I will work closely with the Office to Monitor
and Combat Trafficking in Persons to build on existing efforts to
combat trafficking in Tanzania.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Tanzania was identified as having serious abuses of
religious freedom and an overall lack of societal respect. What is your
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to
bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue the U.S. Embassy's good
work in bringing together youth leaders and religious and community
leaders to discuss local concerns around violent extremism related to
religion and conflict. I will work closely with Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain to build on existing
efforts to promote religious freedom and combat intolerance in Tanzania
and around the world.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to personally engaging with civil society,
including religious minorities, on religious freedom and ways to make
progress on this vital issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Tanzania increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to engage the Tanzanian Government
at the highest levels on the importance of governmental respect for
religious freedom and will redouble U.S. Embassy efforts to engage the
Tanzanian people on the subject of religious pluralism and tolerance in
Tanzania.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Tanzania was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including government sponsored enforced disappearance, arbitrary arrest
and detention, violence against journalists, and more. If confirmed,
what steps will you take to address these instances with the host
government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that improvement in
bilateral relations is contingent on a further improvement in the
Tanzanian Government's respect for human rights. I hope to use this
unique moment to strengthen our bilateral relationship at all levels
and to help the Government commit to and put into action a plan to
increase respect for human rights. I will leverage the full USG toolbox
of inducements and disincentives, including the Millennium Challenge
Corporation eligibility process, the AGOA eligibility review process,
and the section 7031(a) direct government-to-government assistance
eligibility review process.
Question. How will you direct Embassy Dar es Salaam to work with
civil society organizations to improve the human rights situation on
the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will begin by using our diplomacy,
programming, and partnerships to shore up civil society organizations
that have been under attack for the past several years. Civil society
organizations play an integral role in furthering democracy and human
rights in all countries. A strong, resilient civil society is
indispensable to improving the human rights situation in Tanzania.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.),
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Tanzanian Government and
any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of Ms.
Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Tanzanian
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their
support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with the
International Organization Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder bureaus
and agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have sufficient
resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for American
citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work
strategically to increase the JPO opportunities funded by the U.S.
Government in key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities,
expand our recruitment and outreach activities to ensure these
opportunities are widely known and available to interested U.S.
citizens, and provide tools and services to strengthen our
competitiveness in placing qualified American citizens into the U.N.
system.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Dar es Salaam?
Answer. The COVID-19 denial of the former president and the lack of
data about the local effects of the pandemic negatively affected morale
in the mission. Nevertheless, the community at our Embassy in Tanzania
was strong and resilient.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Dar es
Salaam?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with staff at all levels to
review and implement the mission, vision and plan, consistent with
guidance from the Africa Bureau. I will ensure that my DCM and senior
staff focus on ensuring that all employees--including entry-level
officers, locally employed staff, and eligible family members--are
respected, have meaningful work to do, and feel like full and valued
members of the Embassy community.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Dar es Salaam?
Answer. In all of my previous work in and outside of the Government
I have found that a unified mission and vision emerge most strongly
when there is shared and intentional inclusion in the shaping of the
mission and vision. If confirmed, I will foster, encourage, and
demonstrate mutual and vested interest in our shared efforts and
responsibilities.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style centers around collaboration and
cooperation while respecting and reserving direct commands for the
extremely few times exigency requires them. If confirmed, I will fully
empower my staff to fulfill their roles while encouraging collaboration
across sectors of the Embassy.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to develop the kind of
relationship with my DCM that will encourage and inspire the DCM to see
his or her next job as a chief of mission. The relationship will be one
of developed trust, confidence, and shared interests in the individual
and collective success of the mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The DCM should have responsibility as staff executive
officer and have the Ambassador's full support to manage as chief
operating officer when the Ambassador is present and as chief executive
officer when the Ambassador absent. If confirmed, I will meet,
collaborate, and coordinate with the DCM consistently and continually.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Tanzania.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Our diplomats have not gotten out enough to meet with local
actors as a result of the pandemic. If confirmed, I will work to
support our diplomats in Tanzania to do so, with appropriate
precautions for their security, health, and well-being.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Embassy
management section, regional security office, and health unit to ensure
that resources are directed to supporting increased travel and
engagement plans across the entirety of mission in a safe, secure, and
health-conscious manner. Furthermore, the Embassy plans to open three
American spaces in FY 2022 that will give the USG a consistent presence
in geographically diverse areas of the country, facilitating programs
and initiatives.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Tanzania?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Tanzania is very
receptive. Tanzanians have broadly favorable views of the United States
and are eager to participate in our programs. Mission Tanzania's public
diplomacy program is robust and designed to further the development of
Tanzania's future leaders, build the capacity of Tanzanian
institutions, and promote awareness and understanding of shared U.S.
and Tanzanian values. Public diplomacy efforts also focus on promoting
the English language and on creating a culture of entrepreneurship.
Some of our flagship initiatives include exchange programs such as
Fulbright, Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI), International
Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), and the Academy of Women
Entrepreneurs (AWE) program. Peace Corps volunteers have also served in
Tanzania as teachers, leaders of health education projects, and leaders
of environmental projects, building much goodwill over the decades.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. While the Tanzanian constitution provides for freedom of
expression, authorities use libel laws and the threat of criminal
penalties to stifle the exercise of that freedom. The ability of people
in Tanzania to exercise their right of free expression also has been
limited through several formal (legislative, regulatory) and informal
(executive, government, and police statements) actions. These include
laws that give the Government the authority to shut down media outlets
and restrict use of the Internet and freedom of expression online.
Tanzania's media sector also struggles with economic viability and has
been slow to adapt to the new digital landscape. Challenges also
include poor infrastructure and access to rural populations that can
pose obstacles to travel and programming.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I believe Main State and our Embassy in Dar es Salaam have
different comparative advantages when tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences. Our public diplomacy officers in
Tanzania can use close relationships with local media to reach
Tanzanian audiences through radio, local newspapers, and in-person
engagement. The State Department in Washington can amplify and
reinforce Embassy messages or release tougher statements to broader
audiences at a greater distance. This allows the Embassy to continue to
engage with interlocutors locally without damaging relationships. If
confirmed, I will ensure our mission and Main State coordinate on
messaging to ensure it is as effective as possible.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. If
confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. I agree that such incidents pose a threat to the well-being of
U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I
will make the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Dar es Salaam personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on
AHIs and received a classified briefing on this matter. I will seek
further unclassified and classified meetings with the Coordinator of
the State Department's Health Incident Response Task Force as well as
relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and
Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in the ongoing
investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health
incidents. The Department continues to work on determining what
happened to our staff and their families and to ensure their well-being
and health. There is no higher priority than the safety and security of
our U.S. personnel and their families.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being open with my staff about
what I know; I commit to taking seriously any report of an employee
being harmed or under threat, whether that is related to anomalous
health incidents or not; and I commit to keeping an open door so that
my staff entrusts me with any concerns that affect their morale. I also
commit to speaking with my staff regularly about the Embassy's mission,
to ensure that they know how their work fits into the bigger picture. I
believe that a team's morale is best served by every member
understanding how his or her work matters and knowing that their
leaders have their backs and care sincerely about their well-being.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I have been closely following increased reports of
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees.
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial
seminar that you are required to attend. If confirmed, will you commit
to attending the Ambassadorial seminar session on AHIs and seek a
classified briefing with State Department?
Answer. Yes, I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on
AHIs and, if confirmed, I commit to receiving a classified briefing on
this matter and will seek further information in unclassified and
classified meetings with the coordinator of the State Department's
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.
Question. I have been closely following increased reports of
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees.
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial
seminar that you are required to attend. If an incident occurs, please
assure that you will do everything in your power to prioritize the
health, treatment, and safety of our diplomats?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Tanzania, I will make the
health, treatment, and safety of my staff my top priority. I also
commit to ensuring all unexplained health incidents at Embassy Dar es
Salaam are treated seriously and quickly reported through the
appropriate channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals
receive prompt access to treatment and medical care.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Michael Battle by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In March 2021, Samia Suluhu Hassan assumed Tanzania's
presidency after her predecessor John Magufuli died of COVID-19. This
appeared to be an opportunity for the United States to restore our
relationship with the country. However, since then, President Hassan
has pursued a strongly pro-China foreign policy, and like South Africa,
Tanzania has historic ties with Beijing. In June of 2021, Hassan agreed
to participate in the Chinese Communist Party's Belt and Road
Initiative. She expedited approval to hand control over a coal mine and
power plant to Chinese company Sichuan Hongda and revived a $10 billion
port project that President Magufuli suspended. By all accounts, we're
now on the defensive in Tanzania.
Do you find the pro-CCP decisions of the Hassan administration
concerning? Why or Why not?
Answer. The relationship between Tanzania and the People's Republic
of China has been historically strong, since before Tanzania's
independence. President Hassan's approach to the PRC is in line with
that well-established precedent and consistent with her
administration's overall tilt towards expanding international
relationships, including with the United States. While welcoming of all
inward foreign direct investment, including from the PRC, Hassan has
also been willing to accept advice and counsel to protect Tanzania's
sovereignty and economic well-being.
Question. If confirmed, how will you encourage U.S. policy towards
Tanzania to more seriously compete with the CCP?
Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will meet the PRC
challenge by supporting a level playing field for U.S. companies,
providing a meaningful alternative to the PRC's economic enticements,
and by promoting entrepreneurship and transparent economic practices. I
will be a vigorous advocate for U.S. companies and will encourage a
welcoming Tanzanian Government approach to inward U.S. investment as
the best way to support sustainable economic development. I will
support Tanzania in creating an enabling environment for inclusive
private sector-led growth by facilitating regional trade, improving
access to credit, improving agricultural production and market access,
enhancing domestic resource mobilization, and improving health and
education outcomes.
Question. As the Chinese Communist Party offers Tanzania the
tempting offer of a $10 billion port project, the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation, an entity that Congress established
precisely to finance these projects, instead issued a $20 million loan
to a Tanzanian bank to expand access to education and provide technical
assistance to ``Edu-finance'' initiatives. Regardless of the merits of
this type of project, which USAID supports anyway, it is incredibly
hard for leaders in Tanzania to communicate their value to ordinary
Tanzanians, especially when they will inevitably compare it to a shiny
port built by the Chinese.
Do you see a problem with how the United States competes with the
CCP in Tanzania and other places in Africa?
Answer. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation is
an excellent development partner with high standards for its economic,
social, and environmental impacts. However, the United States should
not compete with the PRC by trying to outbid them in providing direct
financial assistance. Rather, our strength lies in the promotion of our
economic model, which Tanzanians admire and want to emulate. If
confirmed, I will help the Government of Tanzania develop a fair and
transparent economic system and make connections with U.S. businesses.
I will also support providing technical support to analyze PRC
contracts to allow the Government and citizens of Tanzania to
independently evaluate the costs and benefits of all public projects.
Transparency will allow Tanzanians to understand their choices, avoid
traps, and protect Tanzanian interests.
Question. If confirmed, what are your plans to revitalize America's
engagement in Africa?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Tanzanian Government to
ensure its full inclusion and active participation in the U.S.-Africa
Leaders Summit. I will also work to improve Tanzanian efforts toward
combating human trafficking. I will work to strengthen Tanzania's
ability to continue to meet the AGOA eligibility criteria and to take
full advantage of AGOA's benefits. I will encourage greater U.S.
engagement in Tanzania's port projects to ensure that both Tanzanian
and U.S. interests are protected. I will also seek greater engagement
from U.S. academic institutions because a modernized agricultural
system will enhance food security in Tanzania and East Africa. I will
support creation of light industrial development in Tanzania, to
include manufacturing and maintenance of farming equipment as well as
food storage facilities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator Robert Menendez
Human Rights
Question. According to the 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices there are significant human rights issues in Kenya including
credible reports of ``unlawful or arbitrary killings, including
extrajudicial killings by the Government or on behalf of the Government
. . . forced disappearances by the Government or on behalf of the
Government.. torture and cases of cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment by the Government . . . [and] . . . arbitrary
arrest and detention.''
How much money did the United States spend on programs and
activities to support security services in Kenya? Were any of
the security organs that received U.S. funding implicated in
human rights abuses? What steps will you take to ensure
accountability for human rights abuses by government security
forces if confirmed?
Answer. Since 2010, the United States has provided $310 million in
counterterrorism assistance to Kenya. Over the last three years, we
have provided more than $33 million to build the capacity of Kenya's
civilian law enforcement agencies. The Department of State also
provides approximately $6 million annually to strengthen the
Administration of justice and rule of law institutions including the
police, prosecutors, the judiciary, and corrections. Our objective is
to promote accountable Kenyan law enforcement institutions that respect
human rights and the rule of law and ensure a safe and secure
environment for Kenyans.
U.S. officials have raised concerns about heavy-handed security
force tactics to the highest levels of the Kenyan Government. They have
also addressed underlying factors that may contribute to the use of
such tactics by sharing technical expertise in police accountability
mechanisms and in judicial reform.
Although the judicial process is slow and challenging, U.S.
assistance to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority has improved
the quality and speed of investigations of the Kenyan police for human
rights abuses, impunity, and corruption since 2015, enabling more
convictions. The State Department takes implementation of the Leahy law
very seriously, and every Kenyan security force unit nominated for
applicable assistance undergoes a vigorous vetting process. I will
ensure that continues to be the case.
If confirmed, I am committed to raising credible reports of human
rights abuses to the highest levels of the Kenyan Government to
increase political accountability and will promote capacity-building
that establishes effective accountability mechanisms for human rights
violations.
Anticorruption
Question. In 2021, Kenya ranked 121 out of 180 countries on
Transparency International's (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index. Police
and the courts reportedly rank among the most corrupt institutions.
How is corruption impacting U.S. investment in Kenya? What U.S.
funded anti-corruption programs and activities are currently
underway in Kenya? Do these programs structured to improve the
enabling environment for investment? What steps will you take
to support anti-corruption efforts in Kenya including
accountability for official corruption if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Kenya on
improving accounting and internal controls by institutionalizing anti-
corruption mechanisms in all facets of government. My team and I will
also focus on removing barriers to direct trade and investment,
increasing security cooperation, combating a culture of impunity, and
helping ensure a healthy, educated Kenyan population. Through our
assistance programs, we will identify and implement innovative means to
reduce the risk of corruption, one of the main obstacles to U.S.
investment in Kenya.
There are numerous examples where Kenya's own anti-corruption
measures, pursued effectively through sound laws, institutions, and
social practices, have enhanced transparency and oversight, promoted
honest conduct, and provided accountability. Kenya was an important
contributor to the first Summit for Democracy in December 2021 and
reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening the ongoing fight against
corruption by continuing to develop accountable institutions.
In 2019, and renewed again in 2022, the State Department signed a
$2 million agreement with DOJ to fund a full-time anti-corruption
resident legal advisor in Nairobi to mentor Kenyan prosecutors working
on the most sensitive public corruption cases and to train judges at
the anti-corruption court. The first iteration of this project helped
build capacity of Kenyan prosecutors and judges to prosecute and
adjudicate complex corruption cases.
To strengthen the Government's ability to end public corruption and
abuses among the police, the State Department funds a $5.3 million
capacity-building project at the Independent Policing Oversight
Authority (IPOA) to improve its ability to capture complaints of
abuses, track investigations, and refer well-evidenced cases for
prosecution. Through a $300,000 program with local U.S. law
enforcement, the State Department funded a train-the-trainers program
for investigators at both IPOA and the National Police Service Internal
Affairs Unit on modern investigative techniques. In 2020, the State
Department also launched a $200,000 program with the U.N. Office of
Drugs and Crime to support the creation of a national whistleblower
protection law specifically intended to reduce corruption in public
procurement.
Our collaboration to address corruption with Kenya is robust and
U.S. investments to build capacity in the justice sector are yielding
results. With U.S. support, Kenya is bringing more corruption cases to
court, securing more corruption-related convictions, and recovering
more illegally acquired assets than in the past. If confirmed, I will
continue these efforts to reduce corruption in partnership with the
Government of Kenya.
Question. In March, the State Department designated former-Nairobi
Governor Mike Sonko Gidion Mbuvi Kioko ineligible for entry into the
United States under Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign
Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2021 due to his
involvement in significant corruption, including for soliciting bribes
and kickbacks in exchange for awarding government contracts to his
associates.
Do you believe that such sanctions are an effective tool to combat
corruption? If confirmed, do you commit to regularly review the use of
such designations as a tool to combat corruption?
Answer. I do believe that such sanctions are a useful tool in
combating corruption, and if confirmed, I commit to, when appropriate,
reviewing such designations regularly as a tool to combat corruption.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have been on the Teach for America (TFA) Board for over
10 years and have served as National Board Chair for the last three.
TFA works to ensure that every child has access to an excellent K-12
education in the United States, which I believe is fundamental to
democracy and human rights. TFA is widely acknowledged to have made a
significant positive difference in the communities in which it operates
and to K-12 education in the United States.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all available U.S. assistance
programs and tools to strengthen democracy and good governance in
Kenya. State Department and USAID resources are critical to achieving
our policy goals and advancing our values in Kenya.
USAID has awarded approximately $14 million to Kenyan civil society
organizations to support credible and peaceful elections this year. The
State Department has invested an additional $4 million to prevent and
mitigate conflict and protect human rights. I will also leverage the
Government of Kenya's strong desire for a Millennium Challenge
Corporation compact to encourage further reforms that improve
transparency and reduce corruption.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the embassy team's ongoing
work and programs to combat disinformation and propaganda perpetuated
by foreign and non-state actors. A well-informed citizenry is required
for a functioning democracy, so I support the continuation of current
embassy programs to educate journalists about the dangers of
disinformation and procedures to publicly refute dangerous
disinformation.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Kenya?
Answer. Discrimination against LGBTQI+ individuals is widespread in
Kenya. Civil society has reported an increase in harassment of LGBTQI+
Kenyans since the COVID-19 pandemic began. Homosexuality remains
illegal in Kenya, and many are afraid to report abuse or get medical
help because of social stigma and fear of further persecution.
The murder of Sheila Lumumba, a Kenyan nonbinary lesbian, is a
tragic reminder of the ongoing violence and discrimination faced by
LGBTQI+ individuals in Kenya. If confirmed, I will work to combat
violence and abuse, criminalization, discrimination, and stigma
targeting LGBTQI+ persons abroad, in partnership and in direct
consultation with civil society. I will work closely with the Special
Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ persons on these key lines
of effort. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have made clear,
advancing the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons is a U.S. foreign policy
priority.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Kenya?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all
requests for briefings and for information by this Committee. Our
foreign policy is stronger when the two branches of government
coordinate, and I would look forward to strengthening that
coordination.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, these incidents must be taken seriously. As Secretary
Blinken has said, his number one responsibility is to protect the men
and women representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I
commit to ensuring any reported incident is treated seriously and
reported through appropriate channels promptly and that any affected
individual promptly receives prompt medical care.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to treating seriously and quickly
reporting, through the appropriate channels, any reported AHI. I will
also ensure that affected individuals receive prompt medical care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with medical staff and the RSO on
any past incidents to ensure that all health, safety, and security
protocols are followed and implemented. If confirmed, I will
collaborate with our medical team and the RSO to make sure that the
entire Embassy community is aware of what to do should a potential
incident affect them, their colleagues, or their family members.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Campaigns are well underway in Kenya for the hotly
contested General Elections on August 9, including for the presidency.
These will be pivotal elections, not only for Kenya, but for the
broader East Africa region which has experienced significant democratic
setbacks in recent years.
If confirmed and able to get to post ahead of elections, how will
you use your position as U.S. Ambassador to engage with Kenyans
and the international community on the electoral process?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support ongoing U.S. activities to
strengthen democratic governance and promote peace. I will amplify
ongoing efforts to promote free, fair, credible, and peaceful
elections. For example, the State Department and USAID are investing in
programs to strengthen electoral institutions and accountability,
conduct civic education, promote political participation of women and
youth, promote respect for human rights, prevent electoral violence,
and improve the operational environment for civil society and the
media. Moreover, if confirmed, I will continue to strengthen our
relationship with Kenyan civil society and work closely with likeminded
partners. These efforts will strengthen Kenya's ability to prepare for
and conduct free, fair, and peaceful elections that reflect the will of
the Kenyan people.
Question. How will you engage with Kenya's leaders in the lead up
to these elections?
Answer. The August 2022 general elections are an opportunity for
Kenya to showcase to the region and the world the strength of its
democracy. If confirmed, I will lead continued U.S. Embassy efforts to
engage politicians and government officials across the political
spectrum to encourage free, fair, credible, and peaceful electoral
processes that advance Kenya's role as a democratic leader.
In addition, I will continue to work with civil society
organizations and religious leaders to advocate for electoral reforms,
to include the voices of a diversity of Kenyans in the electoral
process, and to strengthen the ability of the Independent Electoral and
Boundaries Commission to implement credible elections in a professional
and transparent manner.
Question. In your view, what specific efforts can be taken to help
ensure the country holds free, fair, credible, transparent and peaceful
elections?
Answer. Supporting democratic and institutional reforms in Kenya is
a top policy priority for the United States. If confirmed, I will
collaborate with the Government of Kenya, political parties, civil
society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote
political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and strengthen
electoral institutions and processes to promote free, fair, and
peaceful elections.
I would support the continued use of available State Department and
USAID regional and centrally managed resources to advance democracy and
respect for human rights in Kenya. The Embassy has leveraged these
kinds of resources in the past to support myriad activities including
promoting free, fair, credible, and peaceful elections and increasing
women and youth participation in the political process.
Question. Under the Trump administration, Kenya was in talks with
the United States over a potential bilateral free trade agreement,
which would have been the first such agreement between the United
States and an African country. Talks of the free trade agreement
stalled under President Biden, but earlier this month a delegation from
the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative visited Kenya to explore
potential opportunities for enhanced engagement on trade and investment
between the U.S. and Kenya.
As U.S. Ambassador to Kenya, and given your personal background in
business--particularly in the tech sector--how will you
approach discussions with the Kenyan's over trade and
investment and what U.S. tools and resources will you leverage
in those discussions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will draw upon my experience in the private
sector to inform conversations with Kenyan officials and underscore the
benefits of a strong economic relationship with the United States. I
will support continued engagement with Kenya to pursue mutually
beneficial trade and investment opportunities. Kenya's continued
inclusive economic growth is in our interest. It increases Kenya's
strength as a key regional security provider and bilateral partner. If
confirmed, I will continue coordination with Nairobi's economic and
political sections to leverage all resources and tools available to us.
I strongly support USTR's continued engagement with Kenya on trade
and investment issues and look forward to the fruitful outcomes of this
engagement.
Global Competition and Malign Influence
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation,
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in Kenya and counter
the influence of China and other malign actors?
Answer. To counter the influence of China and other malign actors,
it is essential to address corruption and promote U.S. businesses as an
alternative to Chinese investment. If confirmed, I will contrast our
approach to the PRC's development model by ensuring that transparency,
social, economic, environmental, and labor safeguards are built into
the projects we support. I will highlight how our economic engagement
in Kenya fosters mutual prosperity by increasing two-way trade and
investment, private sector led growth, responsible economic governance,
and entrepreneurship opportunities for women and youths.
Working with like-minded partners, like the EU, is critical to
advancing United States foreign policy goals in Kenya. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the EU mission in Nairobi as well as with our
other diplomatic partners to ensure that Kenya improves their
democratic institutions to counter any malign influence in the country.
If confirmed, I will focus on how to best compete with China by
providing sustainable alternatives, ensuring a level playing field for
U.S. businesses and calling out the PRC's coercive and unfair business
practices when necessary.
I will assert American diplomacy to ensure PRC influence does not
threaten our strategic partnership with Kenya or undermine democratic
governance and transparency and respect for human rights in Kenya.
Foreign Assistance
Question. As Chief of Mission, if confirmed, do you commit to be
engaged with USAID on the issue of U.S. foreign assistance to Kenya, to
ensure that adequate Mission oversight of U.S. foreign assistance is
provided and that our foreign assistance is serving U.S. foreign policy
priorities and interests?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging with USAID on the
issue of U.S. foreign assistance to Kenya to ensure adequate oversight
of U.S. foreign assistance and fulfillment of U.S. foreign policy
priorities and interests. The U.S. Government has sent a clear message
to Kenya that malfeasance will not be tolerated. If confirmed, I will
continue to engage to ensure that any necessary reforms are carried
out.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to engage personally in
ensuring that our PEPFAR programs and other U.S. assistance initiatives
are used by the Government of Kenya responsibly and with full
transparency?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to engaging personally in
ensuring that our PEPFAR programs and other U.S. assistance initiatives
are used by the Government of Kenya responsibly and with full
transparency.
Question. ``Locally-owned and locally-led'' is a pillar of USAID's
approach in Kenya. This approach directly impacts how the United States
provides assistance and interacts with Kenyans on development. While
this is a necessary approach and can have a transformative impact on
our bilateral relationship, what are the risks to having a foreign
assistance model in Kenya that is ``wholly'' locally-owned and locally-
led?
Answer. The United States has developed a cooperation framework to
advance our interests with our Kenyan partners. While there are risks
in moving towards a localization model that is ``Kenyan-led, Kenyan-
owned and Kenyan-managed,'' we see this approach as an important
evolution in our relationship with Kenya. Local organizations may need
additional support to comply with USG regulations. To make this model
work, the U.S. Government is committed to building the capacity of
local organizations and increasing the monitoring and oversight of
these organizations to ensure the transparent, accountable, and
efficient use of U.S. taxpayer dollars. We have made it clear to the
Government of Kenya that malfeasance will not be tolerated. If
confirmed, I will ensure full and judicious implementation of any
necessary reforms.
I will ensure, through all mechanisms available, that there are
regular inspections and oversight of our implementing partners'
facilities and enforce a zero-tolerance policy on waste, fraud, and
abuse.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), Kenya remained Tier 2 due to inconsistent efforts to
identify victims of trafficking but increasing the number of
investigations and prosecutions of trafficking cases.
How will you work with the Kenyans to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Kenya to
increase its efforts to combat TIP, including identifying more
trafficking victims, expanding protection services for identified
victims, particularly adults, increasing accessibility to shelters for
victims, and increasing coordination with NGOs, neighboring countries,
and regional organizations.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Kenya operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy efforts to increase
government anti-trafficking efforts, including holding workshops to
train magistrates, police officers, and customs officials on
trafficking provisions. The Department also supports programs to help
the Government increase investigations, prosecutions, and convictions
of trafficking crimes; facilitate safe, ethical recruitment and protect
migrant workers; and protect, assist, and reintegrate victims.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Kenya was lacking societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. At the time of the 2020 report, the U.S. Government
estimated as of 2019 approximately 85.5 percent of the total population
of Kenya is Christian and 11 percent Muslim. Groups constituting less
than 2 percent of the population include Hindus, Sikhs, Baha'is, and
those adhering to various traditional religious beliefs. Most of the
Muslim population lives in the northeast and coastal regions, with
significant Muslim communities in several areas of Nairobi. Religion
and ethnicity are often linked, with most members of many ethnic groups
adhering to the same religious beliefs.
Al-Shabaab has carried out attacks in the northeastern part of the
country and said it had targeted non-Muslims because of their faith.
There are occasional reports of religiously motivated threats of
societal violence and intolerance, such as members of Muslim
communities threatening individuals who converted from Islam to
Christianity.
In recent years, religious and political leaders have stated that
tolerance and cooperation among religions have improved, citing
extensive interfaith efforts to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19
pandemic and to build peace between communities as evidence.
If confirmed, I will work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to monitor religious freedom abuses,
persecution, and discrimination in Kenya. We will collaborate on
efforts to address these concerns and to build diverse and dynamic
partnerships with the broadest range of civil society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to personally engage with civil
society on this issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Kenya increase its societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of respecting
religious freedom and underscore the importance of addressing human
rights abuses by security forces, including abuses limiting the ability
of minority religious groups to function freely in society. The Kenyan
constitution prohibits religious discrimination and protects religious
freedom. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government of
Kenya and civil society to ensure that both laws and policies are
effectively implemented in accordance with these constitutional rights.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Kenya
was identified as having significant human rights abuses, including
arbitrary killings, forced disappearances, violence against journalists
and others, and more.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about allegations of
human rights violations and abuses in Kenya. If confirmed, I will call
for the Government of Kenya, both publicly and privately, to respect
the human rights of individuals in Kenya, notably freedoms of
expression and peaceful assembly, and to ensure that those arrested
receive due process and fair trials. I will speak out for democratic
pluralism and respect for human rights. I will also build on current
U.S. programs to strengthen police accountability, increase civilian
police oversight, and professionalize security forces, including by
providing human rights training
If confirmed, I will build on Embassy efforts to urge the
Government to increase the transparency of the electoral process and
protect the freedom of peaceful assembly. I would also encourage the
Government to end impunity to build trust with its citizens and develop
a capable and accountable civilian security sector that serves Kenyans
and respects international human rights standards.
The State Department takes implementation of the Leahy law very
seriously, and every Kenyan security force unit nominated for
applicable assistance undergoes a vigorous vetting process. I will
ensure that continues to be the case.
Question. How will you direct Embassy Nairobi to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with and listen to all civil
society and political actors in Kenya who support strengthening Kenya's
democracy. I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the Government to
ensure civil society organizations can operate freely and protect the
freedom of peaceful assembly and expression. A concrete way the
Government can build that trust is to allow NGOs and civil society true
freedom of peaceful assembly and association. As health and safety
allow, my team and I would meet in-person with civil society leaders
throughout Kenya to hear and support their voices. I would also build
on Embassy programs to assist civil society organizations conducting
human rights advocacy and monitoring, particularly in advance of the
August national election.
Kenya in the United Nations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.),
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Kenyan Government and
any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support of
Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to demarching the Kenyan
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their
support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Professional Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues
in the International Organization Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder
bureaus and agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have
sufficient resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for
U.S. citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work
strategically to increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the
U.S. Government into key agencies and bodies that work on U.S.
priorities, expand our recruitment and outreach activities to ensure
these opportunities are widely known and available to interested U.S.
citizens, and provide tools and services to strengthen our
competitiveness in placing qualified U.S. citizens into the U.N.
system.
Question. As Chief of Mission, how would you approach management of
the physical Embassy, as well as multiple missions and the myriad staff
working not just for the Department of State, but multiple other U.S.
federal departments and agencies, as well as the billions of dollars in
U.S. Government programs focused on Kenya, Somalia, and the broader
region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with my management team
in the mission to ensure the physical Embassy, as well as all our
facilities, are safe, properly maintained, and effectively using
government resources. I will adhere to the concept of ``one team'' to
ensure that team members regardless of physical location are well
integrated into the larger mission and empowered to focus on our core
objectives. I will rely on the country team format to integrate all
agencies at post. I will meet section and agency heads one-on-one and
visit all our facilities on a regular basis.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. The U.S. Mission in Kenya is one of the largest in the
world, hosting Embassy, USAID and other federal agency staff covering
Kenya, Somalia, and regional East and Horn of Africa issues and
programs.
How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Nairobi?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make maintaining morale of utmost
importance. I will work closely with my staff, understand their
concerns about morale, and communicate those concerns back to
Department leadership. In my experience, the best work comes from well-
resourced teams that support one another in their work towards
achieving common goals and advancing U.S. policies. If confirmed, I
will maintain clear communication and articulate goals and priorities
early on and often.
Our foreign service family members contribute directly to mission
morale, and if confirmed, I will ensure that those family members are
also supported and happy by improving education and schools in the
country and ensuring that eligible family members who wish to work in
the mission find meaningful employment.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Nairobi?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that all employees working in
Embassy Nairobi, whether they are locally employed staff, eligible
family members, contractors, or U.S. direct hires, feel supported and
heard in their work. I maintain an open-door policy and will welcome
the contributions and ideas of those working in our mission. Throughout
my career, I have valued and encouraged a diverse and inclusive work
environment, I will bring that same spirit to Embassy Nairobi.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style incorporates several elements. First,
when beginning a new job, I listen very carefully to the existing team,
including in this case, foreign service officers, locally employed
staff and family members.
Second, I determine what the organization is doing well and do more
of it--as opposed to focusing exclusively on what needs to be fixed or
improved. I always get to the list of improvements that are necessary,
but I have found that starting with what is going well builds buy-in
and credibility.
Third, I work with my team to develop a set of priorities and
metrics by which we hold ourselves accountable for delivering results.
This process is consensus oriented but often requires clear decision-
making.
Lastly, I establish an operating and communications cadence that
allows the organization to know what the priorities are, what is being
worked on, what the current issues are and how we are doing on
executing against our goals. I also view attracting and developing
talent as a key part of my management priorities. If confirmed, I will
carefully build relationships as I listen to members of the host
government and civil society. I will also listen to our Embassy and
consular ``customers.''
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive
to berate subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. We will work as a true team to ensure the U.S. Mission in
Kenya is best placed to advance U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM) with the responsibilities akin to those of a chief operating
officer. While both the DCM and I will have responsibility for coaching
and mentoring the Embassy team, if confirmed, I will also ask the DCM
to play the primary role in ensuring the career development of the
first- and second-tour officers on the Embassy team. And I will be open
to any ideas that the DCM has about functions in which he/she is
particularly interested or where he/she has particular strengths.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe that providing accurate and constructive
feedback on performance is essential. And, if confirmed, I will fully
reward those who succeed in their roles in the mission.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Kenya.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will listen to my team to understand what
resources they need to increase in-person interactions. outside Embassy
walls. There must be a balance between mission, security concerns, and
COVID-19 mitigation. I see great value in leaving the Embassy compound
and am committed to ensuring the safety of my teammates. If in-person
interactions are unsafe, I will provide technological support to my
team so that they are still able to fully accomplish our mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Unfortunately, the COVID-19 pandemic continues to limit our
ability to meet local populations in person. Security issues are also a
concern. If confirmed, I intend to improve the ability of my staff to
access local populations by ensuring the health and safety of local
populations and Embassy employees so that they can meet face-to-face. I
will listen to my team to understand what resources they need from the
State Department to increase in-person interactions. If in-person
interactions are unsafe, I will provide technological support to my
team so that they are able to meet virtually with their contacts.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Kenya?
Answer. The U.S.-Kenya partnership is strong and Kenyan audiences
welcome U.S. programming. Programs over the past year have connected
U.S. and Kenyan experts and audiences to discuss food security,
animation and filmmaking, hip hop music creation and marketing,
journalism, entrepreneurship, COVID-19 prevention and mitigation
measures, inter-religious relations, and disability rights. If
confirmed, I will ensure that Embassy Nairobi continues to engage
Kenyans to encourage mutual understanding with the United States.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Security conditions in certain counties, and even in parts
of Nairobi, limit and restrict our interaction with key audiences,
including at our American Corner on Lamu Island.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I believe Main State and our mission in Nairobi each have
an important role to play when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences. Public diplomacy officials on the
ground can use close relationships with local media to reach a broad
array of Kenyans with our messaging. Officials in Washington--with a
wider audience--offer a platform to amplify this messaging. If
confirmed, I will ensure our mission and Main State effectively
coordinate on messaging to ensure it is as effective as possible.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
well-being of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Nairobi personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes, I commit to participating in the briefing on Anomalous
Health Incidents, including in the Ambassadorial Seminar, and will seek
further information in unclassified and classified meetings with the
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and
Intelligence and Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in the ongoing
investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health
incidents. The Department continues to work in coordination with
interagency partners on determining what happened to our staff and
their families and to ensure their well-being and health going forward.
There is no higher priority than the safety and security of our U.S.
personnel and their families.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being open with my staff about
what I know; I commit to taking seriously any report of an employee
being harmed or under threat, whether that is related to anomalous
health incidents or not; and I commit to keeping an open door so that
my staff entrust me with any concerns that affect their morale. I also
commit to speaking with my staff regularly about the Embassy's mission,
to ensure that they know how their work fits into the bigger picture. I
believe that a team's morale is best served by every member of that
team understanding the way in which his or her work matters, and by
every member of the team knowing that their leaders have their backs
and care sincerely about their well-being.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I have been closely following increased reports of
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees.
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial
Seminar that you are required to attend.
If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial
Seminar Session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with
State Department?
Answer. Yes, I commit to attending the session on AHIs and seeking
a classified briefing at the State Department on this issue, if
confirmed.
Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment and safety
of our diplomats?
Answer. Yes, I confirm that if an AHI incident occurs, I will do
everything in my power to prioritize the health, treatment, and safety
of our diplomats.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Margaret C. Whitman by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Nowhere else in Africa are the dangers of the Chinese
Communist Party's Belt and Road Initiative more apparent than in Kenya.
The People's Republic of China holds 67 percent of Kenya's total
external debt, much of this is tied up in loans for infrastructure
projects. One of these, a railroad and coal plant near the city of
Lamu, is estimated to be nearly a fifth of Kenya's Government budget.
It won't take much for the CCP to swoop in and demand control of these
facilities, justifying that Kenya has not been timely in making loan
repayments.
What is your assessment of the development of CCP investment in
Kenya?
Answer. I share your concerns about the approach to investment in
Kenya by the People's Republic of China (PRC). Kenya's debt is
approaching unsustainable levels, and the U.S. Government fully
supports the International Monetary Fund's program in Kenya to help the
Kenyan Government better control its external borrowing and fiscal
deficit. I will support Kenyan civil society advocacy for improved
transparency in contracting processes. In parallel, I will advocate for
a level playing field for American investments to provide the people of
Kenya better transparency, value, and quality.
Question. If confirmed, what do you plan to do to encourage Kenya
to look to other sources of investment for its infrastructure projects?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Kenyan
Government and U.S. private sector to promote increased U.S. investment
in Kenya and to maximize the broad range of U.S. Government resources
available to support U.S. businesses seeking to invest in Kenya. I will
highlight that U.S. investment brings sustainable financing, skills and
technology transfer, quality job creation, accountability, and
transparency--helping Kenya grow its economy and making its business
environment more attractive to other foreign investment. The Nairobi-
based tech hub known as the ``Silicon Savannah'' is one way to
highlight the benefits of U.S. investment. Google's plans to open a
product development center, as well as Microsoft's recent launch of its
Africa Development Center in Nairobi will create high-skill technology
jobs in a vital sector.
If confirmed, I will focus on how to best compete with the PRC by
providing Kenya with sustainable alternatives, ensuring a level playing
field for U.S. businesses, and calling out the PRC's corrosive business
practices.
Endemic corruption in Kenya also deters domestic and international
investment and limits opportunities for U.S. companies, as foreign
competitors exploit corruption to secure overpriced and sub-standard
commercial deals. If confirmed, I will work with the Government to
institutionalize anti-corruption mechanisms in all facets of government
and seek to leverage the Government of Kenya's strong desire for a
Millennium Challenge Corporation compact to encourage further reforms
that improve transparency and reduce corruption.
Question. Many of the CCP-backed projects in Kenya involve the
fossil fuel industry. Do you believe that we should let the CCP operate
unopposed in this economic sector, which is so crucial for Kenya's
development?
Answer. We should not permit the PRC to operate unopposed in any
economic sector. If confirmed, I will promote the prosperity of
Americans and Kenyans through a fair and reciprocal economic
partnership.
If confirmed, I will contrast the U.S. approach to the PRC's
development model by ensuring that transparency, social, economic,
environmental, and labor safeguards are built into the projects we
support. I will highlight how our economic engagement in Kenya fosters
mutual prosperity by increasing two-way trade and investment, private
sector led growth, responsible economic governance, and
entrepreneurship opportunities for women and youths.
Question. In January 2021, President Biden issued an executive
order requiring DFC and multi-lateral banks only support projects that
are consistent with the Paris Climate accords. Do you think an
exception to be made in cases like Kenya, where the Chinese Communist
Party is making inroads through investment in fossil fuel projects?
Answer. No, we should not try to compete with the PRC by lowering
our standards for investment. Instead, we should support Kenya's
leadership in climate change and green energy, which was most recently
demonstrated in its November 2020 decision to cancel a proposed
Chinese-built coal plant on Lamu Island in response to environmental
concerns. Kenya already produces over 90 percent of its grid power from
renewable energy sources, setting an enviable standard for the whole
world to follow.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Zambia's unsustainably high levels of foreign debt
resulted in its default in 2020, and is a top priority for President
Hichilema.
What role should the United States play in helping Zambia address
its debt crisis, including support for debt relief at
international financial institutions, engagement with bilateral
creditors including China, and providing technical support for
public financial management and oversight?
Answer. The United States strongly supports ongoing multilateral
efforts to restructure Zambia's external debt. We work with the Paris
Club, G20 partners, leadership from international financial
institutions, and international experts to drive international support
for Zambia's economic renewal and emergence from debt distress. U.S.
experts also provide guidance and capacity building to Zambian
regulators to ensure transparent, responsive, and accountable
governance. Playing a leading role in these efforts directly supports
Zambia's economic and political renewal and charts a path forward for
other African and G77 partners currently struggling with unsustainable
external debt and insufficient public resources.
Question. If confirmed, what how will you work with the Zambian
Government to address debt and other economic issues, including
diversification, privatization, and stopping illicit financial flows?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead U.S. efforts in
support of Zambia's ongoing economic renewal. I hope to forge strong
working relationships with representatives from the Zambian Government,
international financial institutions, and the private sector to ensure
the United States has broad visibility into macroeconomic conditions,
reforms, and opportunities. I will seek to connect Zambian partners
with U.S. Government and nongovernment experts who can advise on
necessary reforms to the business enabling environment to attract and
retain private investment. I will also strongly advocate for visits and
programming by relevant interagency experts at the Departments of
Treasury, Commerce, and Agriculture.
Question. President Hichilema campaigned on a promise to improve
democracy and governance in Zambia, correcting the authoritarian course
set by President Lungu.
In your opinion, has President Hichilema kept that promise? What is
the Embassy's role in assisting with the development and
implementation of democratic and governance reforms, and how
will you work to hold President Hichilema accountable to his
promise of reform if confirmed?
Answer. The administration of President Hichilema has made
significant progress in efforts to stop authoritarian drift and root
out endemic corruption in Zambia in a very short time. More work must
be done to consolidate democratic gains and respond to the Zambian
people's demands for economic and political renewal. U.S.-funded
programming, exchanges, and engagement build the capacity and
independence of government officials, legislators, and civil society
activists. If confirmed, I will use the broad range of our public and
private diplomacy to hold President Hichilema accountable for his
campaign promises, the Zambian Government's Summit for Democracy
commitments, and the demands of the Zambian people for accountable
governance.
Question. President Hichilema was elected partially on the support
of women and youths, two groups that have been historically
underrepresented in public life, and who may face barriers to social
and economic advancement. LGTBI people still face significant social
and legal discrimination.
If confirmed, what will you do to advocate for changes in policy
and law that address the marginalization of these groups?
Answer. The Zambian Government must do more to ensure the safety,
representation, and economic participation of marginalized groups, in
line with Zambia's constitutional and international commitments, and
President Hichilema's stated commitments to promote respect for
fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will continue the work of the
U.S. Embassy in Lusaka to forge strong working relationships with the
members, leaders, and institutions representing these communities. I
hope to use this insight to identify challenges and opportunities for
which U.S. assistance is best suited. Cultural and historical context
in Zambia makes engagement on these issues particularly difficult. In
all things, I will be guided by our ``do no harm'' policy.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Zambia? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to support the
consolidation of democratic gains in Zambia. Chief among these will be
efforts to institutionalize reforms for accountable and responsive
governance, including protecting opposition and civil society voices,
independent media, and marginalized communities. Creating a more
resilient, responsive Zambian Government would better equip Zambia to
continue its long legacy as an anchor of democratic stability in
southern Africa. The ability to execute ambitious reforms will depend
upon Beijing's participation in multilateral debt restructuring
negotiations and Zambia's ability to secure a swift and lasting
resolution to its debt crisis.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support investment and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I hope to begin my tenure by aligning Zambian
Government priorities, available U.S. assistance, and local capacity to
absorb new initiatives and support. I will also seek to assess
preexisting programming from likeminded partners, who play an active
and important role in Zambia. I hope to prioritize efforts to
institutionalize reforms in an effort to ensure democratic gains
outlast the current administration. Zambia's longer-term success
requires fighting endemic corruption and enacting legislative,
regulatory, and procedural reforms to improve the business enabling
environment. If confirmed, these areas will be particular priorities
for me and the U.S. Mission.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Zambia? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Nongovernmental organizations play a critical role in
ensuring official accountability. If confirmed, I hope to engage early,
often, and meaningfully with U.S., Zambian, and international civil
society organizations. I hope to use the breadth of the U.S. Embassy's
public and private outreach to hold government officials accountable--
both for their campaign promises of reform and for any efforts that
impinge upon respect for fundamental freedoms of association or
expression. I will also work closely with likeminded partners in Zambia
to amplify messages in support of progress and in condemnation of
regressive regulatory action.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
Zambia on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Zambia?
Answer. Yes.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Zambia?
Answer. Yes, working through the Bureau of Legislative Affairs, I
commit to briefing members and/or staff when I am in Washington for
consultations.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and their families and must be taken extremely
seriously. If confirmed, I will make the health, safety, and security
of Embassy Lusaka staff, their family members, and all those supporting
the Mission my top priority, including contributing to the extensive,
ongoing interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and
how we can best protect our people.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO at Embassy Lusaka to discuss any reported anomalous health
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of the U.S.
Mission and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health
incidents are being followed appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Hakainde Hichilema's presidential victory in 2021 served
as a critical moment in both Zambia and the region's democratic
development. The success or failure of President Hichilema's presidency
will hinge on his reforms, approach to governance, and an essential
factor not entirely within his control--restructuring Zambia's
approximately $17.3 billion in external debt, of which Chinese state
and commercial creditors account for about one-third.
How is the United States supporting the Government of Hakainde
Hichilema to deleverage their country from the stranglehold of
Chinese debt?
Answer. The United States uses its seat at Paris Club meetings and
in the G20 Finance Track to call for Beijing's immediate participation
in restructuring discussions. Deputy Secretary Wendy Sherman met the
Zambian Foreign Minister and Treasury Secretary on May 19 to discuss a
coordinated response to Beijing's continued obstructionism. Our work
with the Zambian Government encourages improvements in Zambia's
investment climate, and we use public and private engagements in Zambia
and the United States to highlight the investment opportunity presented
by Zambia's pivot towards pro-market growth. Our public and private
diplomacy highlights the centrality of private sector-led growth to
sustainable development in Zambia.
Question. What steps can the United States take alongside its like-
minded allies to support Zambia's democratic consolidation under
President Hichilema while also minimizing the country's exposure to
China's (often-malign) influence?
Answer. Public, private, and financial support for accountability
institutions, civil society, and independent media will bolster
Zambia's democratic resilience. The United States can work with
likeminded partners to develop and deploy targeted programs in support
of Zambia's Summit for Democracy Year of Action commitments to enshrine
media freedoms, protect civil liberties, and strengthen the
independence and transparency of the Elections Commission of Zambia.
Supporting the Government's planned fiscal reforms with an emphasis on
transparency and reducing opportunities for corruption will help re-
establish fiscal stability and deliver a "democratic dividend" to the
Zambian people.
Question. How is the United States supporting the continuation of
multi-party democracy in Zambia to continue the consolidation of
democracy in Zambia and ensure checks and balances on the Hichilema
administration?
Answer. U.S.-funded programming advances the decentralization of
power in Zambia, moving decision-making and critical services from
Lusaka to local governments. Embassy officials work closely with civil
society and media, government, and political parties to improve the
legal and regulatory framework for elections, political reforms, and
greater transparency in and oversight of public resource allocation.
U.S. technical assistance and financial support also build the
viability and quality of independent media and the capacity of civil
society organizations to monitor government actions and ensure citizen
perspectives are considered. Our support for Zambia's participation in
the Summit for Democracy will also entrench democratic reforms.
Question. Zambia's recent peaceful transfer of power from President
Lungu to President Hichilema following a contentious campaign and
electoral period was hailed as a democratic victory in what has
otherwise been a challenging democratic landscape in the region.
As U.S. Ambassador to Zambia, how will you engage with the new
administration, as well as the political opposition and civil
society, to ensure this democratic opening in Zambia remains on
course?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to continue efforts by the U.S.
Government and our likeminded partners to support the
institutionalization of reforms that protect independent media,
opposition voices, and marginalized groups. I will use public and
private diplomacy to hold government officials accountable for campaign
promises, including on the decentralization of political power and the
repeal or amendment of regressive legislation. I will also develop
strong, candid, and productive relationships with opposition party
members and civil society activists in order to broaden our view of the
Zambian people's perspectives, challenges, and demands.
Global Competition and Malign Influence
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations for increased transatlantic cooperation,
including on Africa, to counter malign Chinese influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in Zambia and
counter the influence of China and other malign actors?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy in Lusaka works closely with our UK, EU,
and European counterparts, and we cannot accomplish our core objectives
in Zambia without their support. The perspective, funding, and
expertise they provide directly supports our efforts to strengthen
democracy, drive economic prosperity, and improve health outcomes in
Zambia. If confirmed, I will continue and seek to deepen this
collaboration in Lusaka, at capitals, and within multilateral
institutions to advance a free and open, rules-based order that serves
Zambian and our collective interests.
Relationship with USAID
Question. As is the case across the continent, Zambia is a
recipient of significant foreign assistance, including for global
health, democracy and governance, education, food security,
conservation, and other critical areas for the U.S./Zambia
relationship.
How do you view the relationship between the Embassy and USAID at
post?
Answer. The USAID Mission is an integral part of the U.S. Embassy
and staff members from all U.S. Mission elements enjoy strong working
relationships across agency lines. U.S. officials from across our
interagency teamwork hand-in-hand to advance U.S. objectives in Zambia
through formal working groups and myriad ad hoc targets of opportunity.
Officials from the Departments of State and Defense and the Centers of
Disease Control and Prevention rely heavily on the programmatic and
thematic expertise of their USAID colleagues. USAID staff frequently
attend external meetings, trips, and strategy sessions alongside
counterparts from other U.S. agencies.
Question. How will you approach your role as Chief of Mission to
engage USAID staff at Mission Lusaka?
Answer. If confirmed, I will champion, guide, and participate
actively in the implementation of programs and engagements across all
components of the U.S. Mission to advance U.S. interests in a concerted
and complementary fashion. USAID is instrumental to our relationship,
and, if confirmed, I will rely heavily on the USAID Mission Director
and team for their expertise, unique skills, and insights in shaping
and pursuing America's ambitious objectives in Zambia. Mission Lusaka
enjoys positive interagency collaboration through an objective-based
working group structure which, if confirmed, I would continue.
Question. Do you commit to respecting the mission of USAID in
Zambia and supporting USAID and USAID staff to fulfill its mandate and
role in advancing U.S. foreign policy and interests in Zambia?
Answer. Yes.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), Zambia remained on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second
consecutive year for inconsistent efforts to meet the minimum
standards, including increasing investigations of trafficking crimes
and jailing trafficking victims.
How will you work with the Zambians to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use engagements with all levels of the
Zambian Government to press for the adoption of recommendations listed
in the 2021 TIP report, including institutionalizing trauma-informed
victim referral protocols and training law enforcement on victim-
centered investigations. I will also develop strong working
relationships with civil society organizations across the country to
ensure our efforts encompass the entirety of the challenge now present
in Zambia. I will also use our public and private diplomacy to hold
Government officials accountable, celebrate progress, and offer support
for legislative reforms.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Zambia operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. My early engagements with Zambian officials will
communicate the centrality of progress to combat human trafficking to
U.S. foreign policy objectives in Zambia. If confirmed, I and the
Embassy team will work closely with experts from civil society and
international organizations to press Zambia to adopt anti-trafficking
legislation that would more closely align with international law. I
will encourage increased collaboration between the Government and civil
society to help ensure victims of trafficking are identified and
referred to care and that traffickers are vigorously prosecuted. I will
also advocate for frequent programmatic support from and visits by
experts from the Department of State's antitrafficking experts.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Zambia was identified as lacking societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. Efforts to consolidate democracy and protect marginalized
communities in Zambia must also include efforts to promote respect for
religious freedom. The Zambian Government has passed meaningful
legislation on the issue, but more must be done to ensure equal and
effective enforcement. If confirmed, I will encourage close cooperation
between the interagency team at U.S. Embassy Lusaka and work closely
with the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and
his office to advance the respect for freedom of religious and belief
in Zambia.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Zambia increase societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to support and accelerate the
ongoing work by the interagency team at the U.S. Embassy in Lusaka. I
hope to forge strong personal and institutional relationships with
religious institutions, civil society organizations, international
observers, and government regulators in order to assess where U.S.
assistance can advance the U.S. Government's priorities around respect
for religious freedom. I will seek to connect relevant Zambian
Government and non-governmental organizations with U.S. and
international experts to share lessons learned and develop best
practices.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report,
Zambia was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including restrictions on free speech and censorship online,
undermining basic internationally-recognized human rights, and
widespread child labor.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. Zambian voters upheld Zambia's longstanding democratic
tradition in the 2021 general elections and ousted a regime that was
notorious for such abuses. But even with a new government in office,
more must be done to enshrine protections for opposition voices and
respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will press government
officials to uphold Zambia's Summit for Democracy commitments in line
with campaign promises around long overdue political reform, including
the repeal of regressive colonial era laws that restrict freedom of
peaceful assembly. I will also seek to build the capacity of watchdog
agencies and civil society organizations which provide critical
independent perspectives on government accountability.
Question. How will you direct Embassy Lusaka to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly and urgently support the
ongoing work of the U.S. Embassy staff, who have forged strong
relationships with a full spectrum of official, independent, and
international human rights interlocutors. I will continue close
collaboration with the Zambian Government to identify areas in which
U.S. and likeminded assistance can help enshrine respect for human
rights and press Zambian officials to live up to campaign promises on
media freedom and institutional independence.
Zambia in the United Nations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.),
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Zambian Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes. The Zambian Government has committed to support Ms.
Bogdan-Martin's candidacy.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The Zambian Government seeks to strengthen U.S.-Zambia
collaboration at multilateral institutions. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Bureau of International Organizations to leverage this
desire and develop a plan to advance the employment of qualified
Americans in positions within international fora. I will advise and
support the work of Washington-based colleagues in the Bureau of
African Affairs in efforts to use their engagements with Zambian
officials in Washington, New York, Geneva, and elsewhere to advance
these goals.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Lusaka?
Answer. I understand that Mission Lusaka enjoys broadly positive
morale, where staff members understand their roles and contributions,
see the effects of their work, and feel appreciated. This is a
testament to a dedicated team and the strong and collaborative
leadership exhibited by the current Charge d'Affaires, a.i., Martin
Dale and his predecessors.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Lusaka?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build on Mission Lusaka's
existing systems and successes. I will show through my words and
actions that every employee--regardless of nationality, role, or
employment mechanism--is vital to our Mission's success and is valued.
I manage through discussion, engagement, and going to my teams' spaces,
providing first-hand access and insight into morale trends. I intend to
set a clear vision for the Mission, and to empower our teams to help
define our collective strategies and objectives to ensure awareness,
buy-in, and ownership. I also intend to understand the Mission's
performance on meeting internal support service standards and press for
improvements where they are missed to support our staff and families.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Lusaka?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lay out to Mission Lusaka a vision
that emphasizes the opportunity and the vital role of each Mission
element and staff-member. I will apply the Integrated Country Strategy
(ICS) just produced collaboratively by the Mission and engage each
Section and Agency to emphasize our vision. In so doing, I will listen
to and learn about their existing and envisioned contributions to the
ICS, and I will challenge them to share information proactively and
seek synergies with other Mission elements to advance shared
objectives. I will challenge the existing objective-based working
groups to develop action plans for component teams to work
complementarily toward achieving ambitious-yet-achievable tangible
results.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As a manager, I provide both strategic vision and roll-up
my sleeves to contribute directly to Mission efforts while developing
close, personal rapport with my team. I meet colleagues individually to
understand their backgrounds, ambitions, communication styles, and
preferences and I share mine. I rely on my staff as subject matter
experts, with my role being one of empowering them, challenging them,
identifying linkages that they may not be aware of, and providing more
senior heft to help them clinch tougher results. I take an approach of
being candid, honest, and personable so my team feels comfortable
engaging me directly and offering dissenting or alternate perspectives
so together we can achieve greater successes.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I envision my leadership
relationship with my DCM being one of a team, with a shared vision and
shared values. I envision my DCM being a senior advisor, a confidante,
and proxy in my absence. I will look to my DCM also to close the door
when necessary and provide me with the feedback that others may not
feel comfortable sharing.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to rely on my DCM as the chief
operating officer of the Mission, keeping the day-to-day pulse on
Mission operations on both administrative and policy efforts. As
Mission Lusaka will receive a new DCM in August, I will look to engage
with my DCM early to understand our relative areas of expertise and
interests, as well as knowledge gaps, and to understand in what areas
and how she would like to further develop professionally. Based on that
understanding of our respective skills and objectives, I intend to
collaboratively identify what leadership responsibilities would
optimally lie with each of us in the realms of policy development,
performance management, and diplomatic engagement.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Zambia.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. In my opinion, U.S. diplomats have both the intention and
desire to engage robustly with non-Embassy contacts and counterparts,
and I commit to encourage my staff to do that as much as possible. In
my experience, however, the extent to which they can do this is often
constrained by non-commensurate staffing or resources. Having served
exclusively in what are among the least developed countries, I have
generally seen work demands far outstrip what is realistically
achievable. As a result, tough decisions on relative prioritization are
constantly required, often leaving staff to do that which is required
or urgent, while deferring that which may be ideal or preferred. If
confirmed, I will advocate actively for adequate resources to pursue
our mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations? Public diplomacy is
an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.
Answer. Empowering staff members--both as individuals and as
members of a broader team--is a core tenet of my leadership ethos. If
confirmed, I hope to build upon the already strong reach of the U.S.
Embassy through the active and strategic use of in-person travel,
social media outreach and virtual contacts, and traditional media
engagement. I hope to rely upon the expertise of my American and
Zambian counterparts, who are intimately familiar with the media
landscape and local dynamics. While I will always prioritize the
irreplaceable value of face-to-face diplomacy, I seek to do so in a way
that prioritizes the safety and security of all U.S. Embassy staff.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Zambia?
Answer. Zambians are eager consumers of U.S. news and developments
within the United States. There is a strong appetite for engagement,
which the very active Public Affairs team at the U.S. Embassy seeks to
meet through a full spectrum of remote and in-person engagement. Media
freedom has expanded under the current Zambian administration, but more
needs to be done to enshrine legal protections for independent and
opposition media outlets.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Lack of access to information and disinformation remain
serious challenges to our public diplomacy efforts in Zambia. Ongoing
efforts to expand electrification and internet access has expanded and
amplified the diversity of views in Zambia, but it has also underscored
the need for trusted sources and fact checking. Low levels of social
media literacy propel the spread of unsubstantiated rumors, often
clouding local perceptions of domestic and world events.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Public diplomacy messages should have an objective and an
intended audience. Determining the source, content, or method of
delivering those messages, requires a nuanced assessment of the
audience(s), their orientation, how to influence them, and potential
unintended reactions by primary or other audiences. The issue,
circumstance, and audience should inform whether the in-country Mission
or Main State is better positioned to achieve the objective.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Lusaka personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly sharing new
information on this issue consistent with ensuring the integrity of
ongoing investigations.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes. I commit to participating in all aspects of the
Ambassadorial seminar, including the briefing on Anomalous Health
Incidents, and will seek further information in unclassified and
classified meetings with the Coordinator of the State Department's
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging in any investigations
into circumstances surrounding the unexplained health incidents. The
Department continues to work on determining what happened to our staff
and their families and to ensure their well-being and health going
forward. There is no higher priority than the safety and security of
our U.S. personnel, their families, and U.S. Citizens.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I would consult the management team already
present in the Mission--the health practitioner, the Community Liaison
Officer, Human Resources Officer, etc.--to understand the degree and
nuance of sentiments on this issue. Based on this information, I will
consult with the management team, employee association, local staff
association, and agency heads to devise an approach that would address
the specific dynamics or relevant concerns.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I have been closely following increased reports of
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees.
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial
seminar that you are required to attend.
If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial
seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with
State Department?
Answer. I commit to participating in all aspects of the
Ambassadorial seminar, including the briefing on Anomalous Health
Incidents, and will seek further information in unclassified and
classified meetings with the Coordinator of the State Department's
Health Incident Response Task Force as well as relevant bureaus
including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and Research.
Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment, and
safety of our diplomats?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Zambia, I will make the
health and safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I will
also commit to ensuring all reported incidents at Embassy Lusaka are
treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate
channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to treatment and medical care.
Question. The Biden administration rightly prioritized protecting,
improving, and expanding access to sexual and reproductive health care
as one of ten key priorities in the National Strategy on Gender Equity
and Equality. Across Africa, the unmet need for family planning is
significant. Women and families struggle to access modern
contraceptives or basic information to be able to make the right
choices for their health and that of their families.
If confirmed, do you commit to working with the respective USAID
country missions, implementing partners and civil society to
improve access and develop relationships to best administer the
U.S.'s family planning programing?
Answer. Yes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael C. Gonzales by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Zambia is among the world's top 10 producers of copper,
which we all know is a critical component needed for computer chips,
phones, and all sorts of electronics, including those used in military
industries. The People's Liberation Army, the Chinese Communist Party's
armed wing, knows that China alone does not produce enough copper to
fight in a potential conflict with the U.S. military and has
prioritized gaining control of international copper production.
What is your understanding of CCP efforts to control Zambia's
copper industry?
Answer. Beijing seeks to play an active role in Zambia, with a
particular focus on its extractive industries. Beijing's failure to
actively engage in multilateral debt restructuring negotiations has
delayed much needed economic and political reforms. PRC-based creditors
continue to vie for large infrastructure projects, including the
construction and refurbishment of critical infrastructure corridors
linking copper mines to global markets. If confirmed, I will use U.S.
assistance and diplomatic engagement with the Zambian Government to
promote procurement and debt transparency and an improved business
environment to allow open competition and fight corrupt or predatory
deals.
Question. Are you concerned that ongoing debt restructuring
negotiations between Zambia and its creditors provide the CCP with an
opportunity to further cement their control on Zambia's mineral wealth?
Why or why not?
Answer. Beijing's failure to participate in multilateral debt
restructuring negotiations in a timely and constructive manner is a
serious concern. It has obstructed the disbursement of a much-needed
financial rescue package from the International Monetary Fund and
obstructed the implementation of President Hakainde Hichilema's pro-
market economic reform agenda. People's Republic of China (PRC)-based
creditors own a sizable portion of Zambia's external debt, providing
Beijing significant influence over the pace and progress of these
negotiations. An urgent and lasting resolution is in the immediate
interest of both Zambia and the United States, and if confirmed, I will
use all available U.S. tools to advocate for such a resolution.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you recommend the United
States follow in order to prevent the PLA from assuming control of
Zambia's mineral resources?
Answer. The United States uses its seat at Paris Club meetings and
in the G20 Finance Track to call for Beijing's immediate and active
participation in restructuring discussions. If confirmed, I would seek
to continue and support the United States' leading role in debt
restructuring negotiations and our ongoing efforts to support Zambia's
economic renewal. If confirmed, I also would explore, highlight, and
support efforts to improve the business climate and expand commercial
opportunities for U.S. companies in Zambia's minerals sector. I will
also advocate for and leverage U.S. assistance to promote procurement
transparency and accountability.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John T. Godfrey by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The October 2021 military coup in Sudan constituted a
major setback for the hopes and aspirations of the Sudanese people and
U.S. interests in the region. The U.S. failure to call a coup a coup
undermined our standing in Sudan as an outspoken and unwavering voice
for democracy and the rule of law. Resistance Committees across Sudan
form the center of civilian led efforts to restore civilian governance
and wrest power back from the military junta. The horizontal structure
of the Resistance Committees, however, poses a challenge for
traditional facilitation efforts. This demands a more creative response
geared toward amplifying civilian voices within the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD
process to counterbalance military leaders.
As Ambassador, how will you work to elevate, strengthen, and
amplify Resistance Committees and civil society voices in
Sudan? How will you engage with Resistance Committees to
support their ability to shape and influence the trajectory of
the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated, but Sudanese-led, transition
process.
Answer. This UNITAMS-AU-IGAD process is about finding a way for the
Sudanese people to insert their voices into conversations about their
country's future. I understand that during initial UNITAMS
consultations, more than 800 individuals representing a broad cross-
section of Sudanese society, including women, youth, and historically
marginalized groups and areas, voluntarily met with UNITAMS. If
confirmed, I would endeavor to meet regularly with a wide cross-section
of the Sudanese pro-democracy movement, including Resistance
Committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights advocates,
and political parties. It is imperative that Sudanese remain the
leaders in this process and that Sudan's military leaders create
conducive conditions for dialogue--ending violence against protestors,
releasing detained activists, and lifting the State of Emergency. I
would draw on direct engagement with the Resistance Committees to
ensure their perspectives are accounted for in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD
facilitated transition process. I would urge pro-democracy activists to
engage constructively and inclusively in that process. If confirmed, I
will continue the work that our embassy and the broader international
community have been doing to support these groups, to ensure their
inclusion in decision making processes, and to consult with them on and
work to advance their equities.
Question. The scope of the control exerted by the Sudanese Armed
Forces (SAF) and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo Hemedti's Rapid Support
Forces (RSF) over the Sudanese economy is shocking. Combined, the SAF
and RSF own as many as 400 companies involved in the banking, mining,
and agriculture sectors among others. The RSF is actively working with
the Russian Wagner Group to secure gold mines and export gold out of
Sudan. The U.S. has tools for publicly imposing visa restrictions under
7031c and financial sanctions under GloMag on those responsible for
serious human rights abuses and/or corruption. The decision to sanction
the Central Reserve Police was seen in Sudan as symbolic but
meaningless since no individuals were identified.
Why hasn't the Administration sanctioned any senior level Sudanese
security force officials or the companies they own since the
October 2021 coup? Does the Administration have sanctions
strategy for Sudan?
Answer. I understand that immediately following the military
takeover, the United States paused and redirected U.S. foreign
assistance to ensure that it did not benefit the Government of Sudan,
and coordinated a pause in international credit, debt relief, and some
development assistance that have been effective in limiting the
military government's access to financial resources. I am aware that
the U.S. Government designated the Central Reserve Police (on March 21,
2022) for serious human rights abuse in connection with use of
excessive force against pro-democracy protesters. This designation
underscored to other security actors that the international community
will not tolerate such conduct. If confirmed, I will work with relevant
colleagues at the Departments of State and the Treasury to determine
how the use of Global Magnitsky or other sanctions authorities might
advance our policy goals in Sudan and consider their use as
appropriate. Prior to making any recommendation on potential additional
use of sanctions authorities, I would want to more fully understand
their likely impact on the behavior of military leaders, their
practical impact on the military's ability to access financing, their
impact on the Sudanese economy, and their relationship to our overall
diplomatic strategy. If confirmed, I would also want to explore non-
traditional methods beyond sanctions authorities to apply pressure to
Sudanese military authorities. The recent U.S. Business Advisory was an
important step in doing just that--highlighting the growing
reputational and other risks to U.S. businesses and individuals
associated with conducting business with Sudanese state-owned
enterprises (SOEs) and military-controlled companies.
Question. Do you believe that imposing personal, targeted sanctions
on members of the `Hemedti' family and the myriad of companies he and
his family own would be an effective tool for persuading the Sudanese
military to restore civilian rule and return to their barracks?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support the use of all appropriate
tools to deal with threats to our interests posed by any actors in
Sudan who have impeded a transition to civilian rule, committed human
rights abuses, or benefitted from corrupt economic practices. However,
prior to making any recommendation on potential additional use of
sanctions authorities, I would want to more fully understand their
likely impact on the behavior of military leaders, their practical
impact on the military's ability to access financing, their impact on
the Sudanese economy, and their relationship to our overall diplomatic
strategy. Beyond potential reliance on available sanctions authorities,
I would, if confirmed, also want to explore non-traditional methods to
apply pressure to Sudanese military authorities. The recent U.S.
Business Advisory was an important step in doing just that--
highlighting the growing reputational and other risks to U.S.
businesses and individuals associated with conducting business with
Sudanese SOEs and military-controlled companies.
Question. Many in Sudan believe that regional actors in north
Africa and the Gulf are providing support to the junta and undermining
efforts by the U.S. and other members of the international community to
support UNITAMS and a return to civilian-led governance.
How as U.S. Ambassador will you engage with your international
counterparts, special envoys, and the U.S. interagency to
increase pressure on regional actors to ensure that their
policies toward Sudan and the military junta align with U.S.
and international efforts to support democracy and a return to
civilian rule?
Answer. There are a number of regional actors with longstanding
interests in Sudan, and it is important that we closely coordinate with
them to ensure that their efforts and ours align. If confirmed, I will
work with international counterparts to underscore to regional actors
that Sudan's long-term stability can only come through an inclusive
political process that results in a civilian-led transition to
democracy. Continued military rule or a deal among elites will not be
acceptable to most Sudanese and will not be stable or sustainable. With
the other members of the Friends of Sudan, we support an inclusive
political process facilitated by UNITAMS, the AU, and IGAD as the best
mechanism to establish a framework for a civilian-led transition to
democracy in Sudan.
Communication and coordination are imperative. If confirmed, I
would work closely with my colleagues in the Near Eastern Affairs
Bureau and Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa to reinforce this
message to regional partners and to urge that their policies and
engagement advance that shared objective.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career I have been involved in efforts to
support democracy and human rights. In pre-revolution Syria, I led the
Embassy's engagement with the civil society actors advocating for
greater political participation and freedoms through the brief
``Damascus Spring'' until they were suppressed. Many of those
individuals later became leading members of the Syrian opposition to
President Bashar al-Assad.
In Turkmenistan, I led the Embassy's engagement in support of civil
society and religious freedom--including attending trials, advocating
for the release of detained activists, and helping a persecuted former
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty correspondent exit the country and
obtain asylum. I also coordinated closely there with international NGOs
and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in their
efforts to build civil society capacity and advocate on behalf of
individual activists, and was seconded as an election monitor with OSCE
in the Republic of Georgia in the 2004 election that saw Mikheil
Saakashvili elected President.
In Libya, I led the Embassy's human rights advocacy with the
Government and was the primary international interlocutor with the most
prominent political dissident in the country at the time, whose
detention, failing health and ultimate death became a point of friction
between the al-Qadhafi regime and political forces in Benghazi and
Eastern Libya in the context of the subsequent civil war. In Iraq, I
urged political actors in Northern Iraq to participate in the March
2010 elections, monitored the elections in Ninewa Province, and was
closely involved in the ultimately successful post-election effort to
form a new Iraqi Government.
In Saudi Arabia, I led Embassy engagement with the Government on
religious freedom, judicial reform, and human rights, with a particular
focus on women's rights. I visited the Eastern Province and engaged the
MFA and Human Rights Commission after the Kingdom executed 47 Shi'a,
including prominent cleric Nimr al-Nimr, in January 2016 to urge
measures to address Shi'a concerns and ease tensions. I worked closely
with NSC staff to formulate points highlighting human rights concerns--
especially cases of detained women activists and religious freedom
issues--that President Obama raised during his visit in April 2016. I
also worked with the Ministry of Justice to build judicial capacity and
regularize legal processes outside the confines of sharia law,
contributing to the modernization of one of the Government's most
conservative ministries.
In the Counterterrorism Bureau, I helped lead efforts to
incorporate ``soft skills'' such as community policing into civilian
counterterrorism capacity programs and to develop partners' capacity to
effect so-called law enforcement ``finishes''--detecting,
investigating, prosecuting, sentencing and incarcerating terrorists, as
opposed to using military force to remove them from areas of active
hostilities. Much of that effort entailed working to develop national
legal frameworks for handling terrorism-related cases, directly
contributing to rule of law and partner governments' ability to provide
effective governance.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Sudan? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Sudan is emerging from 30 years of brutal military
dictatorship and the obstacles to Sudan's democracy are clear. Its
security forces continue to play a role in the country's politics,
possess a stranglehold over its economy, and fail to provide nationwide
security. The immediate imperative is establishing a civilian-led
transitional government that leads the country toward democracy. After
that, we must gather our international and Sudanese partners to build
Sudan's institutions--including establishing legislative, judicial,
transitional justice, and electoral mechanisms as well as redefining
the military's role to focus on providing security to its citizens,
rather than depriving them of it. Sudan has a strong history of
political parties and civil society participation; the United States,
international partners, and NGO's with expertise can help those actors
develop platforms and organize themselves in a way that enhances
competitive, multiparty democracy. If confirmed, I would pay particular
attention to Sudan's historically marginalized areas to monitor the
peace process and human rights issues and encourage participation in
Sudan's political transition by those from those periphery areas.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Sudan? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs and other members of civil
society in Sudan. I would urge the Government to end harassment of NGO
and civil society representatives active in the pro-democracy movement
and to create conditions conducive to dialogue by releasing unjustly
detained pro-democracy advocates, ending further detentions, ceasing
the use of violence against protestors, ending the State of Emergency,
and ensuring full access to Internet and cellular telephones to enable
free communication between and expression by NGO, civil society and
other activists. I would emphasize to all parties the importance of
building Sudan's institutions, including establishing legislative,
judicial, transitional justice and electoral mechanisms, and redefining
the military's role to focus on providing security to its citizens,
rather than depriving them of it.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting regularly with a wide
cross-section of the Sudanese pro-democracy movement, including
Resistance Committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights
advocates, and political parties. Sudan has a strong history of
political parties and civil society participation. The United States,
international partners and NGOs with expertise can help those actors
develop platforms and organize themselves in a way that enhances
competitive, multiparty democracy. A democratic transition should have
an enabling environment that allows all stakeholders to participate and
freely express their views, without fear of violence. Full respect for
freedoms of association, expression, and peaceful assembly is vital, as
is progress toward transitional justice. Women, youth, and other
marginalized groups have been at the forefront of the revolution since
2019, and their voices need to continue to be heard. A new civilian
government will benefit from including these groups in deciding the
future of their country.
If confirmed, I will continue the work that our embassy and the
broader international community has been doing to be a vocal advocate
for women, youth, and historically marginalized groups, ensure their
inclusion in decision making processes, and consult with them about
their equities and work with them to advance them.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you
fully brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Sudan?
Answer. I greatly value the role of Congress in developing our
policy on Sudan. If confirmed, I commit to brief Members of Congress
and/or their staff when I am in Washington.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, I agree that these incidents must be taken seriously
and affirm that if confirmed the safety and security of embassy
personnel and their families would be a top priority for me.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through appropriate
channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt access to
medical care. I would prioritize the health and safety of our embassy
personnel and their family members.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that
protocols are being followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to John T. Godfrey by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your perspective on why is the United States not
leading the charge in restoring Sudan's civilian-led transition to
democracy, but instead supporting a diplomatic and political path that
continues to entrench military-led rule and the restoration of
officials from the autocratic regime of Omar al-Bashir? As Ambassador,
if confirmed, would you work to change this?
Answer. The United States is leading international efforts to
support the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process as the best vehicle to
support an inclusive, Sudanese-led dialogue that leads to a framework
for a civilian-led transitional government and a path to democratic
elections. While progress has not been as quick as hoped, the broad-
based consultations that UNITAMS-AU-IGAD are leading have identified
areas of consensus among key stakeholders and have started to narrow
differences among stakeholders' views on the preferred framework for a
civilian-led transitional government. If confirmed, I will fully
support the facilitators' work towards those goals as rapidly as
possible. I will not, however, support shortcuts that result in another
elite power-sharing arrangement, which would not be acceptable to the
Sudanese people and would likely generate more civilian unrest.
Question. What steps would you pursue as Ambassador, if confirmed,
to pursue accountability for those military and security officials
responsible for the October 2021 coup in Sudan that resulted in the
ousting of the civilian-led transitional government?
Answer. The October 21 seizure of power by Sudan's military
destroyed the civilian-military partnership that had been at the heart
of Sudan's transition to democracy. A new framework that clearly
establishes a civilian transitional government is now urgently required
to meet the demands of the Sudanese people for freedom, peace, and
justice. Questions of accountability for those responsible for the
military takeover lie at the heart of the ongoing Sudanese-led
political process to establish such a framework. If confirmed, I will
support fully the international facilitation efforts designed to help
Sudanese stakeholders address these questions, will provide support to
civilian actors participating in such efforts, and will continue to
seek ways to apply pressure on military actors to engage constructively
in the process, to create conditions conducive to political dialogue,
and to cede power to civilians.
Question. At the end of 2020, Congress appropriated $700 million in
Economic Support Funds (ESF) in the FY21 budget to support Sudan's
democratic transition. Due to delays in programming the $700 million,
and the October 25, 2021 coup that removed Sudan's civilian leadership
from power, the majority of the $700 million remains unobligated and is
set to expire on September 30, 2022.
What are your priorities for the balance of the $700 million in ESF
for Sudan?
Answer. I understand that the Administration has drafted a notional
spend plan for part of the $700 million in Title IX Economic Support
Funds and has begun consultations with Congressional staff to seek
feedback and input on the notional plan. I know that the Administration
welcomes advice and input from Congress on its proposal and wants to
work closely with Congress in shaping the final plan. If confirmed, I
am committed to working closely with Congress to ensure that these
funds are used to support establishment and furtherance of a civilian-
led transition to democracy in Sudan. I have not been involved in
developing the specifics of the notional spend plan, but I understand
that it focuses on technical assistance to the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD
facilitated political process; support to pro-democracy actors;
documenting human rights abuses and economic and political corruption;
supporting peace-building in historically marginalized areas; and food
security and resilience.
Question. If confirmed, you will be the first U.S. Ambassador to
Sudan in 25 years. This comes at a time when the country is led by a
military junta that came to power via coup.
How do you plan to approach your role as Ambassador in a way that
doesn't legitimize the military but instead, restores the
Sudanese people's trust in the U.S. as a partner and ally?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize public and private
engagement with pro-democracy elements--including resistance
committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights activists,
and political parties--to make clear the values for which the United
States stands and our support for the Sudanese people and their
aspirations for civilian rule. If confirmed, I will also ensure--
publicly and privately--that our condemnation of the military takeover
and the military regime's human rights abuses are clearly understood. I
will continue the work our Embassy has been doing in supporting our
longer-term goal of a democratic, human rights-respecting Sudan ruled
by civilians and whose military protects the country's borders and its
people.
Question. What will be your approach to collaborating with a
Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, if one is nominated and appointed,
to ensure that a cohesive and effective Sudan strategy is developed and
implemented?
Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work
closely with a Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, if one is
appointed. This position has played an important role in engaging
regional and international partners on the intersecting issues at play
in the Horn of Africa. I would view our work as complementary and would
seek to collaborate closely on issues related to Sudan, including
developing and implementing a cohesive and effective Sudan strategy,
and communicating to regional actors with longstanding interests in
Sudan that Sudan's long-term stability can only come through an
inclusive political process that results in a civilian-led transition
to democracy. Continued military rule or a deal among elites will not
be acceptable to most Sudanese and will not be stable or sustainable.
Question. The root causes of the October 25th coup and the current
situation, including the military's involvement in all sectors of the
economy, rampant corruption, and the lack of accountability, have
failed to be addressed.
How do you think the U.S. can be most helpful in not only
supporting a process to achieve genuine democracy in Sudan but
to bring about security sector reform, transitional justice and
limiting the economic role of the military?
Answer. The systematic weakening of civilian institutions during
decades of military rule has enabled political and economic domination
by Sudan's military. While the immediate priority for the United States
and the international community is to facilitate agreement on the
framework for a credible, civilian government, this will need to be
rapidly followed by extensive technical and financial support to
strengthen the civilian institutions of such a government. Moreover,
the United States and international partners will need to focus on
policy advocacy for free market economic reforms that end preferential
treatment for companies linked to the security services, facilitate the
development of a vibrant civilian private sector, and redirect state
resources to civilian institutions. Priority should be given to
assisting a future civilian government with the recovery of assets
stolen by the former regime and its military allies in a manner
consistent with the rule of law.
The integration of Sudan's competing militaries and private armed
movements will ultimately require international advice and support.
U.S. engagement in this area could be valuable but should be predicated
on a requirement for clear civilian control of these institutions. The
development of transitional justice mechanisms in line with Sudanese
desires will be required to enable the country to deal with the legacy
of human rights abuses and economic crimes committed over several
decades. Immediate work by the United States to assist civil society
organizations with the documentation of abuses and collection and
preservation of evidence would have immediate value. Longer term
engagement to assist Sudanese stakeholders in the design and
implementation of credible transitional justice mechanisms and programs
and sustained advocacy for victims should also be prioritized.
Question. Russia has provided material support and hosted Sudan's
coup leaders in Moscow the day Russia's invasion into Ukraine began.
Russia has been moving closer to an agreement to establish a naval base
in Sudan, in exchange for material hardware including anti-aircraft
missile systems, fighter jets and other supplies. Such a base would
expand Russia's ability to project power in the Red Sea and Indian
Ocean.
Given Russia's long-standing support for authoritarian governments,
how can the U.S. best counter Russia's influence and support
for the coup leaders?
Answer. I am gravely concerned by reports that Russia is seeking a
logistical base along Sudan's Red Sea Coast, as are a number of Sudan's
regional neighbors. While sovereign countries have their choice of
partners, Russia has made clear that it does not respect countries'
sovereignty. Should Sudan's military government pursue implementation
or renegotiation of the Port Sudan agreement--or pursue any other form
of security cooperation with Russia--it would further isolate itself. I
will reiterate to Sudanese leadership the risk of working with Russia
and Russian-backed groups, including and especially Yevgeniy
Prigozhin's network. These groups exploit instability to advance
Kremlin and private Russian interests across the continent. I would
coordinate with regional partners to urge them to convey similar
concerns to Sudan's military leaders.
Question. Sudanese security forces continue to violently attack
peaceful protesters and medical personnel, and to arrest former
civilian government officials, journalists, and critics of the junta.
The military leadership has proven it doesn't have the interest of the
population and won't respect agreements it has committed to. The State
Department has asserted that the U.S. supports the UNITAMS process,
which has the goal of ``supporting Sudanese stakeholders in agreeing on
a way out of the current political crisis and agree on a sustainable
path forward towards democracy and peace.'' SRSG Volker Perthes has
insisted that the military must be part of the dialogue, while the pro-
democracy youth activists have insisted that the military should not
have a seat at the table.
How can the U.S. play a more significant role in supporting the
priorities of civil society and the pro-democracy movement that
insists on a civilian-only government?
Answer. The United States has been clear in our view that the
Sudanese military's actions on October 25 irrevocably broke the
civilian-military partnership that lay at the heart of the previous
transitional agreement. We have also been clear that a new transitional
framework that sees the military exit politics is required. Robust U.S.
advocacy for such a framework is an important source of support for
Sudan's pro-democracy movement and, if confirmed, I would continue such
advocacy within the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated political process. I
would also seek to ensure that Sudan's pro-democracy movement had the
technical support required to translate its vision into a viable
transitional government framework, to defend its interests effectively
within the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD political process, and to sustain pressure
on the military to cede power to civilians. I would seek out
opportunities to apply further U.S. diplomatic and financial pressure
on those blocking the transfer of power to civilians and would work
closely with international partners to work to develop a plan of
support to assist a new civilian transitional government to succeed.
Question. The trilateral mechanism, consisting of the African
Union, IGAD and UNITAMS, is currently engaged in a facilitated dialogue
with the goal of finding a path forward for democratic transformation.
UNITAMS is grossly under-resourced and there are questions on other
members of the process being genuinely invested in supporting
democracy.
What is your perception of the tripartite UNITAMS/AU/IGAD effort to
support negotiations to return Sudan to a civilian-led
democratic transition?
Answer. The United States has joined other members of the Friends
of Sudan in supporting the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process as the
best mechanism to establish a framework for a civilian-led, democratic
transition in Sudan. UNITAMS has a U.N. Security Council mandate for
this sort of ``good offices'' work, an on-the-ground presence in
Khartoum, and established relationships with Sudanese stakeholders,
including relationships of trust with actors beyond the traditional
elite. The co-facilitation of the AU and IGAD, which have relationships
of their own with important actors in Sudan, is important to help
ensure the full support of African partners for the process. It is
imperative that Sudanese remain the leaders in this process and that
the security forces create conducive conditions for it--halt the use of
violence, release detained activists, cease unjust detentions of
activists, and lift the state of emergency to allow participation by
all actors. It is also important that pro-democracy activists engage
constructively and inclusively in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated
process.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to approach the tripartite
UNITAMS/AU/IGAD process and current dialogue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with UNITAMS, AU, and
IGAD leadership on the ground to provide diplomatic support for
facilitation efforts and ensure the U.S. Government is responsive to
any technical assistance requirements that the facilitation has. I
understand UNITAMS has already augmented its staffing and technical
capacity with support from the U.N. mediation unit. I also understand
both the State Department and USAID are looking to provide coordinated
support to augment areas of need, including legal expertise and
training for civil society, in support of the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD effort.
If confirmed, I will also work closely with key international partners
to ensure that our efforts to support the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD process are
coordinated and complementary. I am committed to continuing to support
effective on-the-ground coordination mechanisms such as the Ad Hoc
Support Group, which I understand our Embassy leadership currently
convenes at the facilitators' request.
Question. In your opinion, is the involvement of the AU and IGAD
helping or hindering the current situation?
Answer. The co-facilitation of the AU and IGAD, which have
relationships of their own with important actors in Sudan, is important
to help ensure the full support of African partners for the process,
which is vital. If confirmed, I will work closely with the facilitators
and, in coordination with the U.S. Mission to the AU and other
colleagues, the AU and IGAD more broadly to align efforts related to
supporting a democratic transition in Sudan.
Human Rights
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), Sudan was upgraded to Tier 2 for overall efforts to meet
the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking, including ceasing to
recruit and use child soldiers, implementing amendments to its national
laws about trafficking, and investigating more trafficking cases.
How will you work with the Sudanese to address these issues if you
are confirmed as Ambassador, particularly given the situation
post-October 25, 2021?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the State
Department's Trafficking in Persons office and others within the
interagency to continue engagements with the Government and with civil
society that seek to encourage improvement of government efforts to
investigate and prosecute trafficking cases, reform laws as needed, and
to identify and support victims. I would also continue engaging the
Government and other forces to ensure the cessation of the recruitment
of child soldiers is sustained.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
Sudan operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained in the
TIP report?
Answer. I understand that Sudan made progress that resulted in its
movement off the TIP watchlist in 2021. If confirmed, I would look to
build on that progress to encourage greater efforts in legal reform and
victim identification and support.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Sudan was identified as lacking societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom.
Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to monitor and report
on religious freedom, and to encourage steps by the Government to
ensure respect for the practice of all faiths.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. The Ambassador-at-Large and the Office for International
Religious Freedom have a long history of engaging the Sudanese
Government and with religious leaders of many faiths representing
Sudan's diversity of belief and practice. If confirmed, I look forward
to maintaining these relationships, to coordinating closely with the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and to
building on previous work to urge progress toward greater religious
freedom in Sudan.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. Yes, I commit to engaging civil society on this issue.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
Sudan increase their societal and governmental respect for religious
freedom?
Answer. If confirmed, I would engage with representative leaders of
Sudan's faith communities and other stakeholders to learn more about
the status of religious freedom and their most pressing concerns about
societal and governmental respect for religious freedom. I would
coordinate with those stakeholders and representatives of international
communities of interest to urge the Government to take specific steps
to address those concerns, including any legal or legislative measures
needed to codify protection of religious freedoms.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Sudan
was identified as having numerous, significant human rights abuses.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government, particularly given the situation
post-October 25, 2021?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus in the near-term on pressing for
respect for freedom of expression and assembly, an end to the use of
violence against protesters, release of individuals unjustly detained,
an end to the State of Emergency, and the protection of civilians in
Darfur and other conflict areas. Improvements in these areas are
urgently needed to create an environment conducive to an inclusive
political dialogue leading to a framework for a civilian-led
transitional government.
Question. How will you direct Embassy Khartoum to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Embassy and Mission to
support efforts by civil society organizations to document and preserve
evidence of human rights abuses needed to facilitate future efforts to
hold those responsible accountable, including through formal and
informal transitional justice efforts. I would also support continued
efforts to provide assistance to civil society groups in areas related
to good governance, anti-corruption and peacebuilding, as well as legal
expertise needed to support those groups' efforts.
Sudan in the United Nations
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.),
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Sudanese Government
and any other counterparts necessary to encourage their support
of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes, I commit to demarching the Government of Sudan and any
other counterparts as appropriate to encourage support for the American
candidate.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organizations and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The appointment and election of qualified and independent
candidates to positions in the U.N. system is critical to ensuring that
the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational
principles and values. Qualified U.S. citizens bring strong technical
and policy skills that enhance the performance and outcomes within the
U.N. system, which in turn bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good
governance. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has
established a new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and
coordinating elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and
likeminded candidates for leadership roles in in the U.N. system. That
office works closely with posts and embassies, such as Embassy
Khartoum, to ensure the United States is well-positioned to identify
and advocate on behalf of interested candidates for key positions
across multiple U.N. organizations and agencies. If confirmed, I will
prioritize engaging our partners and allies to vigorously advocate for
placement of well-qualified applicants and candidates, including U.S.
citizens, at the U.N. and in specialized and technical agencies.
State Department Management and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Khartoum?
Answer. I understand that the challenging environment, including
the security situation, political developments in the host country and
the workload occasioned by them, has put strains on morale at post.
Having served in hardship and danger posts, I recognize the challenge
that the host country environment and security restrictions can pose
for morale and staff recruitment. I also know that morale is often
highest at hardship posts at which people feel they work they do is
uniquely important. If confirmed, I am committed to doing everything I
can to create an environment in which people fully recognize the
importance of the mission in which they are engaged, receive the
support they need to do their jobs effectively, and are able to work in
an atmosphere that is safe, respectful and supportive, and in which
morale is high and performance is rewarded.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Khartoum?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to doing everything that I can
to create an environment in which people fully recognize the importance
of the mission in which they are engaged, morale is high, and
performance is rewarded. That includes focusing on ways in which the
Embassy Front Office can provide support and lift to teammates`
efforts, which in turn depends on ensuring that members of staff
clearly understand the goals the Mission is trying to advance and how
their work fits into those efforts. It also entails understanding and
providing the support they need to do their jobs effectively and
sustaining an Embassy environment that is safe, respectful, and
supportive. Clear, consistent communication and signaling openness to
input and feedback--including in meetings with each member of the
Embassy team--are critical and would be a high priority for me if I am
confirmed. I would also leverage Town Halls to foster conversations
about management, security, and other issues of concern to the Embassy
community.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Khartoum?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make clear from my first day on the
ground the expectation that all agencies at post will function as a
single team. I firmly believe that if properly structured and run, the
Embassy Country Team is one of the most effective interagency
coordination mechanisms in government. I would focus on ensuring that
interagency representatives at post are appropriately included in
Country Team deliberations and that agency and section heads keep their
respective teams closely apprised of those conversations. I would also
prioritize regular meetings with individual offices and sections to
ensure that they clearly understand the goals the Mission is trying to
advance and how their work fits into those efforts, and that they have
opportunity to provide input and feedback. I would leverage Town Halls
to foster conversations about management, security, and other issues of
concern to the Embassy community, emphasizing the importance of
providing people what they need to do their jobs effectively and to
sustaining an Embassy environment that is safe, respectful, and
supportive.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as one that is focused
on clearly and regularly communicating strategic goals, understanding
operational details to understand how leadership can support and give
lift to teammates' efforts, and ensuring that people have what they
need to do their jobs and a safe, respectful, and supportive
environment, all with the overall goal of driving results that advance
U.S. interests. I am a strong believer in what former Secretary of
State Shultz called ``walking around management''--meeting people in
their workspaces to keep a finger on the pulse of the Mission,
understand what concerns people have and what is on their minds, and
build relationships of trust that can be critical in times of crisis. I
prioritize giving clear guidance and establishing high standards for
the quality of the team's work, and emphasizing the importance of
expressing views, especially if they differ from my own.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe that it is ever acceptable or constructive
to berate subordinates, either in public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The relationship between a chief of mission and Deputy
Chief of Mission is essential to the effective operation of any
Embassy. In my experience the best COM-DCM relationships are a
partnership in which there are no publicly perceived differences of
view between the two, in which it is clear that the DCM speaks for the
COM in her/his absence, and in which the DCM is understood to have the
lead on managing Embassy operations as the de facto chief operating
officer. It is also vitally important that there be trust between the
COM and the DCM and that the DCM feel empowered to privately provide
candid counsel to the COM, especially when that advice does not comport
with the COM's views.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would want to assess upon arriving at Post
what specific leadership responsibilities I would entrust to my Deputy
Chief of Mission. I would anticipate that those would include, inter
alia, leading management of Embassy operations as the chief operating
officer-equivalent; counseling, mentoring, and supporting the career
development of entry-level and mid-level staff; fostering collaboration
between interagency representatives at post; and engaging senior host
government, international and U.S. interagency counterparts when I am
unavailable.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I believe that it is very important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward performance. That includes conveying
assessments through employee evaluation reports (EERs) and via the
regular counseling sessions that are prescribed as part of the EER
cycle.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage providing
clear, accurate and direct feedback to employees--including through
employee evaluation reports (EERs) and the regular counseling sessions
that are prescribed as part of the EER cycle--to improve and reward
performance.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Sudan.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I strongly believe that U.S. diplomats must get outside the
walls of the Embassy and outside capital cities to meet with local
actors and establish constructive relationships that inform a
sophisticated understanding of the countries to which they are
assigned. I believe it is important that we provide clear information
on U.S. policy to the foreign publics with whom we engage. If
confirmed, I would prioritize engagement with pro-democracy elements--
including resistance committees, civil society groups, journalists,
human rights activists, and political parties--at all levels to make
clear the values for which the United States stands and our support for
the Sudanese people and their aspirations for civilian rule. If
confirmed, I will also ensure that our condemnation of the military
takeover and the military regime's human rights abuses are clearly
understood. In all of those efforts I would pay particular attention to
Sudan's periphery areas to monitor the peace process and human rights
issues, and to encourage participation in Sudan's political transition
from those in historically marginalized areas. I would encourage our
officers to travel to periphery areas, with the appropriate security
measures, to engage Sudanese interlocutors there directly and to gather
information to inform efforts to advance our objectives in Sudan.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to clearly communicate our policy
goals to members of the Embassy team, explain how their work helps
advance those goals, and work with management and security officials to
assess what further resources might be needed to enable our diplomats
to get outside the Embassy and outside the capital to engage local
interlocutors. I would make it clear that such engagement is a high
priority and would work closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission,
Regional Security Officer, and Management Officer to ensure that
related security and management support is provided to the maximum
extent possible.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Sudan?
Answer. My understanding is that despite years of tense relations
with the Government, the Embassy maintains a robust public diplomacy
platform allowing for regular direct interactions with the Sudanese
public and the development of strong relationships with a range of
stakeholders. The Sudanese people remain interested in the United
States and having a relationship with it at the people-to-people level.
If confirmed, I look forward to further building those relationships.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. Limited internet access and government restrictions on
speech and assembly are primary challenges that Sudanese face,
especially as it relates to U.S. public diplomacy. The United States
can play a significant role in supporting freedom of expression and
countering digital authoritarianism in Sudan. That has to date included
repeated calls to the Sudanese Government to lift its declared state of
emergency and allow full availability of internet and cellular
communications. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the State
Department's newly established Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy,
as well as other interagency partners and Congress, to urge an end to
restrictions on speech and assembly and combat digital
authoritarianism.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I believe it is important that we provide clear information
on U.S. policy to the foreign publics with whom we engage. If
confirmed, I would prioritize direct engagement with pro-democracy
elements--including resistance committees, civil society groups,
journalists, human rights activists, and political parties--to make
clear the values for which the United States stands and our support for
the Sudanese people and their aspirations for civilian rule. If
confirmed, I will also ensure that our condemnation of the military
takeover and the military regime's human rights abuses are clearly
understood. Doing so effectively requires a mix of messaging from
Washington and Embassy Khartoum.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to take these threats seriously
and would do everything in my power to prioritize the health, safety,
and treatment of our Embassy personnel and their families in Sudan.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Khartoum personnel?
Answer. I firmly believe that clear, consistent communication is a
vital component of any well-functioning team. If confirmed, I commit to
talking as openly as I can with Mission Khartoum personnel.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on
AHIs in advance of my anticipated departure for post and have received
a classified briefing on this matter. I will seek further information
in unclassified and classified meetings with the Coordinator of the
State Department's Health Incident Response Task Force as well as
relevant bureaus, including Diplomatic Security and Intelligence and
Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to working with Diplomatic
Security and other interagency representatives in investigating
potential anomalous health incidents, to maintaining detailed records
of the incident(s), and to sharing that information with the State
Department and other embassies to contribute to the assessment of how
these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around the
world.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I would in the case of any anomalous health
incident prioritize the health and safety of our Embassy personnel and
their family members and do everything in my power to ensure that those
impacted receive proper treatment. Communication is critical. If
confirmed, I will keep my team informed, talk with them as openly as I
can, ensure I have a good understanding of their concerns, and do all
that I can--including working with Washington colleagues to get needed
resources--to create a safe environment for them to carry out the
Mission's work.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
john t. godfrey by senator risch
Question. In your response to an initial question, you
stated: ``Questions of accountability for those responsible for
the military takeover lie at the heart of the ongoing Sudanese-
led political process to establish such a framework.''
How can ``the ongoing Sudanese-led political process'' credibly
address ``questions of accountability for those responsible
for the military takeover'' when a significant party to the
``process'' to ``establish a new framework that clearly
establishes a civilian transitional government,'' is the
military--which has and continues to commit atrocities -
and the coup leaders?
Answer. The main goal of the tripartite political process is
to establish an agreed-upon framework among all stakeholders
for a civilian-led transitional government in Sudan.
Discussions about an agreement on the broad framework for
justice and accountability and other core transitional tasks
for the transitional period will need to be an integral part of
negotiations among stakeholders. It will ultimately be the
responsibility of the institutions of a civilian-led
transitional government and future democratically elected
governments to finalize the specifics of and implement
accountability mechanisms. If confirmed, I would work with
international partners and civilian stakeholders to ensure that
any framework agreement for a transition provides future
governments with the space to do so effectively and in line
with the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese people. I would
also coordinate with partners to press the military to ensure
that the tripartite facilitated political process moves forward
in an environment that allows all stakeholders to participate
and freely express their views, without fear of detentions or
violence. Full respect for freedoms of association, expression,
and peaceful assembly is vital.
Question. How will you appropriately balance your full
support for ``the international facilitation efforts designed
to help Sudanese stakeholders address these questions (of
accountability for the coup)'' while also avoiding supporting
``fully'' a process that is heavily dependent on the
acquiescence and endorsement of the same military leaders who
carried out the October 25 coup?
Answer. Broad-based Sudanese-led discussions under the
tripartite-facilitated political process represent the best
foreseeable vehicle to establish a framework for a civilian-led
transitional government in Sudan. As we saw in the initial
stakeholder consultations undertaken by UNITAMS, all
stakeholders recognize that the Sudanese people are demanding
that this new framework be predicated on full civilian control
of transitional government institutions, in contrast with the
civilian-military partnership under the rubric of the previous
transitional government. The tripartite facilitation is working
towards a framework agreement based on that desire for a
civilian-led transitional government, which would undertake
core transitional tasks, such as finalizing the specifics of
and implementing accountability measures. If confirmed, I would
continue to emphasize the importance of proceeding along these
lines. If confirmed, I would also continue emphasizing to
senior military leaders the imperative of fully handing power
over to a civilian-led transitional government, the costs of
failing to do so, and our abhorrence of the violations and
abuses of the human rights of the Sudanese people.
Question. In your answers to earlier questions, you stated
that you understand the Administration's ``notional spend plan
for part of the $700 million in Title IX Economic Support Funds
. . . focuses on technical assistance to the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD
facilitated political process; support to pro-democracy actors;
documenting human rights abuses and economic and political
corruption; supporting peace-building in historically
marginalized areas; and food security and resilience."
Do you support the inclusion of ``food security and resilience''
as part of this spend plan? Please explain your answer.
Answer. Based on my understanding of the proposed spend plan,
I believe that this is a sensible proposal. However, if
confirmed I would want to review the specifics of the proposal
with the Embassy Country Team and interagency partners before
reaching a definitive judgment. I am gravely concerned about
Sudan's deteriorating economy, which I understand has been
characterized by a reduction in household purchasing power,
domestic food shortages, and sharply rising prices. If left
unaddressed, this has the potential to negatively impact
Sudan's pro-democracy movement and further strengthen the hand
of the military. I also recognize the potential for
agricultural development to increase household income and
undercut the economic dominance of Sudan's military,
particularly in historically marginalized communities. If
confirmed, I would want to ensure that the food security and
resilience projects being proposed will have a quick and
meaningful impact that directly advances Sudan's pro-democracy
movement, are distinct from and reach a different target
audience than our critical humanitarian assistance programs,
and appropriately prioritize development of a non-military-
controlled private sector economy.
Question. Given your understanding of the ``notional (ESF)
spend plan,'' and what you understand as the urgent priorities
given the current political context in Sudan, what should be
the top priority for these funds among the many put forward by
the Administration during its consultations with Congress?
Answer. The top priorities should be technical assistance to
the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated political process; support to
pro-democracy actors as they press to establish a civilian-led
transition to democracy; documentation of human rights abuses
and economic and political corruption; and supporting peace-
building in historically marginalized areas. These are all key
elements in supporting the Sudanese people as they seek to
effect change and erode military dominance.
Question. Do you commit if confirmed, to making yourself
available to the committee to discuss the use of the $700
million and other bilateral assistance to Sudan?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to making myself available to
the committee to discuss the use of the $700 million and other
bilateral assistance to Sudan.
Question. In an earlier response, you stated: ``It is also
important that pro-democracy activists engage constructively
and inclusively in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated process.''
Do you agree that the reason many ``pro-democracy activists'' may
not ``engage constructively and inclusively'' in a
tripartite facilitated process is that it includes as
parties to the negotiations leaders of a military junta
that have betrayed the people of Sudan, including carrying
out a coup against the previous civilian-led transitional
government?
Answer. There are a range of reasons why some pro-democracy
activists are hesitant to engage constructively and inclusively
in the political process, including reservations about the
military-led government's sincerity given its takeover of
government on October 25. That is an important part of the
reason why we continue to press military leaders to undertake
further confidence building measures such as ending violence
against protestors, releasing those who have been unjustly
detained and refraining from reimposing the state of emergency.
Doing so would demonstrate the military's commitment to the
tripartite process and political dialogue as well as help
create an environment in which all stakeholders feel they can
safely participate in that process. For this process to succeed
it is vital that it be inclusive. If confirmed, I will urge all
Sudanese political actors to seize the opportunity the UNITAMS-
AU-IGAD facilitated political process offers to establish a
civilian-led transition to democracy and stability.
Question. What specific steps will you take, if confirmed, to
build stronger links with those pro-democracy activists who
still have such a distrust of the leaders of Sudan's military
junta that they cannot and will not bring themselves to
participate ``constructively and inclusively'' in a dialogue
process they view as fundamentally flawed?
Answer. I understand that during the initial UNITAMS
consultations, more than 800 individuals representing a broad
cross-section of Sudanese society, including women, youth, and
members of historically marginalized groups and areas,
voluntarily met with UNITAMS. I believe that maintaining
contacts with as broad a range of actors as possible, including
those who do not participate in formal political processes, is
a critical responsibility of any U.S. ambassador. If confirmed,
I would endeavor to meet regularly with a wide cross-section of
the Sudanese pro-democracy movement, including Resistance
Committees, civil society groups, journalists, human rights
advocates, and political parties. I would continue efforts to
press Sudan's military leaders to create conditions conducive
to dialogue - ending violence against protestors, releasing
activists who have been unjustly detained, and refraining from
reimposing the state of emergency. I would draw on direct
engagement with the Resistance Committees and other pro-
democracy activists to ensure their perspectives are accounted
for in the UNITAMS-AU-IGAD facilitated transition process,
would explore whether specific confidence building measures
could help allays their concerns about participating, and would
urge them to engage constructively and inclusively in it. If
confirmed, I will continue the work that our embassy and the
broader international community have done to support members of
historically marginalized groups, to ensure their views are
reflected in decision making processes, and to consult with
them on and work to advance their equities.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John T. Godfrey by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I have been closely following increased reports of
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees.
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial
seminar that you are required to attend.
If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial
seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with
State Department?
Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar session on
AHIs and a classified briefing on this matter in advance of my
departure for post. If confirmed, the safety and security of embassy
personnel and their families would be a top priority for me.
Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment, and
safety of our diplomats?
Answer. If confirmed, in the case of any anomalous health incident,
I would prioritize the health and safety of our diplomats and their
family members and ensure that those impacted receive the proper
treatment.
Question. The Biden administration rightly prioritized protecting,
improving, and expanding access to sexual and reproductive health care
as one of ten key priorities in the National Strategy on Gender Equity
and Equality. Across Africa, the unmet need for family planning is
significant. Women and families struggle to access modern
contraceptives or basic information to be able to make the right
choices for their health and that of their families.
If confirmed, do you commit to working with the respective USAID
country missions, implementing partners and civil society to
improve access and develop relationships to best administer the
U.S.'s family planning programing?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID and
embassy partners to improve access and develop relationships to
administer U.S. family planning programming.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John T. Godfrey by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. As you know, the previous administration had instituted a
number of policies in 2020 to support the then-transitional Government
of Sudan. This included rescinding Sudan's designation as a state
sponsor of terror, announcing an intention to appoint an Ambassador for
the first time in decades, and hundreds of millions of dollars in
development spending. I'm also aware that the previous administration
had pushed Sudan to normalize its relationship with Israel and join the
"Abraham Accords." Among the consequences of the coup of last October,
the U.S. had paused the nearly $700 million in development assistance
intended for Sudan in fiscal year 2021.
Do you envision the post-coup Government of Sudan to walk back its
commitment to the Abraham Accords if U.S. development spending
is not allowed to proceed to Sudan?
Answer. The commitments made to the Abraham Accords were made by
the Civilian Led Transitional Government led by Prime Minister Hamdok.
Since seizing power, the Sudanese military authorities have taken no
steps to roll back their commitments to improving relations with
Israel.
Question. If confirmed, will you advocate to rescind foreign aid to
Sudan indefinitely if the post-coup government reverses normalization
of relations with Israel?
Answer. The United States strongly supported the efforts of Sudan's
former civilian-led transitional government to improve the country's
relationship with Israel. Since the military's seizure of power, we
have suspended delivery of outstanding U.S. commitments linked to
normalization of relations with Israel until such time as a credible,
civilian transitional government is established. If confirmed, I would
support sustaining that policy.
Question. In his first interview with the media after orchestrating
the October coup, General Burhan choose to speak to Sputnik News.
Sputnik, as we all know is a mouth piece of Vladimir Putin's propaganda
operation. In that interview, he confirmed that Sudan would honor an
agreement made by the former dictator Omar Bashir to establish a
Russian naval base on the Red Sea. As the U.S. Government is stepping
up efforts to secure Europe's energy security, Russian control of the
Red Sea could threaten to cut off a source of natural gas that Europe
could use as an alternative to Russian gas. What is your assessment of
Sudan's relations with Russia, especially since the resumption of
Russia's hostilities against Ukraine in February 2022?
Answer. I am gravely concerned that since the fall of the Bashir
regime in 2019, Russia has consistently pressured successive Sudanese
administrations to provide it access to a naval facility on the Red
Sea, a concern shared by Sudan's regional neighbors. Thus far, Sudanese
Governments have resisted such pressure and have taken no concrete
steps to implement the Bashir-era agreement. Should any Sudanese
Government do so, it would be acting contrary to the interests and
wishes of the Sudanese people and would increase the country's
isolation. I share the dismay that the Sudanese people expressed at the
ill-timed, ill-conceived, and inappropriate decision by Sudanese Rapid
Support Forces Commander LTG Hemedti to visit Russia on the eve of its
unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine. I understand this visit
was sponsored by entities linked to Russian oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin,
whose companies have a long history of destabilizing African states and
governments. LTG Hemedti's relationship with Prigozhin is deeply
problematic, and if confirmed, I would press for the severing of these
relationships and for an end to any connection between Prigozhin
companies and Sudanese Government entities.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to counter the
establishment of a potential Russian base in Sudan?
Answer. If confirmed, I would reiterate to Sudanese leadership the
destabilizing impact that a Russian naval facility on the Red Sea would
have on Sudan, the Horn of Africa, and the Gulf region. I would work
with our international partners to underscore the increased
international isolation that would follow should Sudan implement or
renegotiate establishment of a Russian base or any other form of
security cooperation with Russia. I would also work to ensure the
Sudanese Government and public fully understand the risk of working
with Russia and Russian-backed groups, including and especially Yevgeny
Prigozhin's network, and their history of exploiting Africa's natural
resources and destabilizing its states. These groups exploit
instability to advance Kremlin and private Russian interests across the
continent. I would highlight the prime example of the fact that
countries in which the Wagner Group has deployed find themselves
poorer, weaker, and less secure. If confirmed, I will explain clearly
why partnership with the United States more squarely and sustainably
meets Sudan's strategic objectives and benefits the Sudanese people.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Under the Revitalized Transitional Government of National
Unity, elections were supposed to occur in 2023. Many experts now warn
that, due to the failure of the South Sudanese transitional government
to implement the revitalized peace agreement, elections in 2023 are no
longer possible and could trigger a return to war if held absent the
necessary preparations.
What are the specific legal and legislative and confidence building
steps South Sudan must take, in accordance with the revitalized
peace agreement, to get to credible election? Are these a
priority focus for the U.S. Government?
Answer. Under the terms of the revitalized peace agreement,
credible elections are to be preceded by an inclusive constitution-
making process, updating, and passing key electoral legislation,
carrying out a national census, the development of transparent and
inclusive electoral mechanisms, adequate funding for the election
administration to carry out its duties professionally and
comprehensively, and the formation and training of the Necessary
Unified Forces (NUF). All of these are long overdue.
The South Sudanese people have been clear that they desire a
political and economic transformation in their country that advances
democracy, freedom, peace, transparency, and accountability. The
actions necessary to enable credible elections are, therefore, a
priority for the United States. If confirmed, I would work closely with
international partners and regional actors to bring diplomatic and
other forms of pressure to bear on South Sudan's leaders to ensure that
the people's voices are heard and respected as these decisions are
made. In addition, if confirmed, I would prioritize efforts to empower
civil society and independent media, which provide an essential role in
monitoring the Government, promoting positive policy changes, and
expressing the will and priorities of South Sudanese citizens.
Elsewhere in Africa, the African Union, United States, and
international community have insisted that transitional leaders should
not double as candidates in elections they are charged with organizing.
This principal has been articulated in reference to Mali, Central
African Republic, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and most recently Chad.
Question. Do you agree that this principle--barring transitional
leaders from doubling as candidates--should be applied the leaders of
South Sudan's Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity,
and specifically President Kiir and Vice President Machar?
Answer. I agree that the principle of barring transitional leaders
from doubling as candidates would have been appropriate in South Sudan
and believe this condition should have been included in the 2018
Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic
of South Sudan (R-ARCSS).
The South Sudanese people should be the ultimate arbiters in
determining who their leaders should be through free, fair, and
credible elections. To give them the opportunity to do so, it is
imperative that South Sudan move forward with an inclusive
constitutional drafting process, the adoption of electoral reform
legislation, and the development of transparent and inclusive electoral
mechanisms. These steps will allow the South Sudanese people to set the
ground rules for the country's leadership and create conditions under
which they can select their own leaders.
Question. The United States has not had an Ambassador in South
Sudan since 2018.
How has this interval affected Embassy management and morale in
what is already a difficult overseas assignment? What steps
will you take to support the morale of direct and local hire
staff?
Answer. The long interval since South Sudan last had a confirmed
U.S. Ambassador, as well as frequent changes in Charges d'Affaires, has
made it harder to address management and morale challenges in a tough
working environment. If I am confirmed, improving morale, and taking
care of my colleagues will rank among my highest priorities. I would
immediately work with my team to analyze current challenges and any
management shortfalls and develop strategies to address them. I would
focus on mentoring employees from all of the agencies represented in
the mission and at all stages of their careers. I would also work to
ensure that people have opportunities to pursue and receive rewarding
onward assignments that acknowledge their service in South Sudan. If
confirmed, I would also seek to address the morale issues and
challenges faced by locally employed (LE) staff including by working
closely with the LE staff committee.
Question. Previously, Uganda was one of South Sudan's strongest
allies. In recent years, however, President Kiir seems to have turned
north and strengthened relations with members of the Sudanese junta in
Khartoum.
How do you assess the role and influence of Khartoum on South Sudan
and what steps can the U.S. take to counter this influence?
Answer. As guarantors of the revitalized peace agreement Sudan,
Uganda, and the other member states of the Intergovernmental Authority
on Development (IGAD), have important influence with the parties which
we should continue to urge them to use to press for full implementation
of the peace agreement. Sudan and South Sudan share a long history and
will likely remain politically and economically intertwined. I am very
cognizant of the likelihood that military actors in Sudan seek to
influence events in South Sudan to advance their own political and
economic interests, and, if confirmed, I am committed to working
closely with our Embassy in Khartoum to monitor, understand, and as
needed, work against such self-interested engagement. I would do so
through direct diplomatic engagement with the South Sudanese Government
and civil society to raise awareness of and press against such
problematic behavior, and through engagement with other regional actors
to seek their intervention in more positive directions.
At the same time, I recognize that there have been cases, such as
with the April 3 agreement on sharing command of the Necessary Unified
Forces, in which Sudanese engagement has been useful to help push
through an impasse. I would seek, therefore, to build on such positive
engagement when opportunities occur.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in South Sudan? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I would press South Sudanese leaders to
take the predicate steps necessary to hold free, fair, and credible
elections. These include an inclusive constitution-making process, key
electoral legislation, such as laws allowing for the participation of
political parties and a functioning electoral commission. To secure the
electoral process, South Sudan also needs to complete the unification
of the Necessary Unified Forces. I would work with international
partners, particularly the Troika (U.S., U.K., and Norway), the U.N.
Mission in South Sudan, and IGAD, to press transitional leaders to
complete these steps. Citizens in a democracy must also have the tools
and information necessary to hold leaders accountable for public
financial management and to make ballot decisions based on whether
their leaders have been responsible and transparent stewards in the
proper use and management of public resources for government functions
and ensuring equitable delivery of public services. I would use our
rotating position, along with our other Troika partners, on South
Sudan's public financial management oversight committee to take full
advantage to urge and guide reforms that facilitate economic
transparency and accountability.
To create a lasting democracy, the loudest voice for change must
come from the people of South Sudan. Freedoms of expression and
peaceful assembly are integral parts of a functioning democracy, and if
South Sudan is ever to become a vibrant democracy, it must respect
these and other human rights. If confirmed, I would increase diplomatic
engagement, leverage all public diplomacy tools, and evaluate our
foreign assistance mechanisms to ensure we are providing as much
support as possible for freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly so
that the South Sudanese people can participate fully in the political
process.
The major impediment to progress in building these democratic
institutions is the network of political elites, mostly in Juba, whose
interests are served by blocking further implementation of the peace
agreement and promulgating an environment that permits non-transparent
deals that generate illegitimate income or funnel revenue from national
resources into individual accounts.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I would evaluate the full range of U.S.
Government assistance tools available to support democracy and
governance. I would work closely with USAID to expand and diversify
their funding to promote human rights and bolster civil society,
independent media, and citizens' active participation in democratic
political and peace processes. We should continue support for democracy
and governance programming and engage other donors on their ability to
contribute. The Government of South Sudan must demonstrate the
political will to implement credible elections with U.N. support.
Within the State Department, I would work with the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor to identify all resources available
to African countries to the extent consistent with applicable
restrictions on U.S. assistance, to fund programs that would build the
capacity of the South Sudanese to build and function in a truly
democratic society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in South Sudan? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would commit to meet with civil
society members, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations
in the United States and local human rights NGOs, and other members of
civil society in South Sudan.
It is my view that the South Sudanese people have made clear their
desire for meaningful political and economic transformation in their
country to advance freedom, democracy, peace, accountability, and
transparency. I believe that a sustained diplomatic investment by the
United States, as well as our regional and international partners is
required to assist the South Sudanese people in achieving these goals.
If confirmed, I would seek to press all of South Sudan's leaders to
remove restrictions and other impediments to NGOs and civil society and
to provide a safe and open environment for their activities.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with South
Sudan on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in South Sudan?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would actively engage with South Sudan
on freedom of expression, including for members of the press, and
address any government efforts designed to limit or undermine press
freedom through legal, regulatory, or other measures. I would meet
regularly with independent, local press in South Sudan.
I would work to ensure that Embassy Juba engages frequently with
local journalists. I would also press the Government of South Sudan to
cease any censorship and arbitrary detentions of journalists and
guarantee that journalists and all members of civil society have a safe
space and an enabling environment that allows them to provide accurate
and unbiased information to citizens about government actions.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to South Sudan?
Answer. Yes.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by potential anomalous health
incidents impacting U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
These incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their
country abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, I
will make the health and safety of my staff my top priority, including
contributing to the extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into
the cause of these incidents and how we can best protect our people. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Juba staff and
all those supporting the Mission will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO at Embassy Juba to discuss any reported anomalous health
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Mission
South Sudan and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health
incidents are being followed appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator James E. Risch
South Sudan
Question. What is your perspective on South Sudan's current
leadership--namely President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek
Machar?
Answer. From my perspective, South Sudan's current leadership--
including both President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek
Machar--has failed to act to implement successive peace agreements,
build democratic institutions for the South Sudanese people, use the
nation's vast oil wealth for the benefit of all its citizens, and
ensure peace and respect for human rights. I believe that South Sudan's
leaders have a shared responsibility to act with urgency to advance
progress toward the future the South Sudanese people seek of democracy,
security, and economic prosperity. If confirmed, I would press all of
South Sudan's leaders to maintain the permanent ceasefire, end sub-
national violence, respect human rights, address corruption and other
obstacles to economic growth, and immediately take all predicate steps
necessary to enable the South Sudanese people to select their leaders
through free, fair, and credible democratic elections.
Question. Would you characterize South Sudan's current leadership
as spoiler's to South Sudan's peace, democracy, and development?
Answer. South Sudan's leaders have yet to deliver the peace,
democracy, and development that was expected following their country's
emergence as an independent country in 2011. If confirmed, I will
provide my unvarnished assessment of which elements in the leadership
are most responsible for this delay. It is already clear to me that the
ongoing competition for power in South Sudan, occurring in the absence
of an established democratic process, continues to contribute to
violence and has had a longstanding spoiler effect on efforts to
establish the better future the South Sudanese people deserve and the
United States, along with other major donors, expects. It is also clear
to me, that the South Sudanese people are eager for the political,
economic, and security transformation of their country. For this to
occur, it is imperative that South Sudan move forward with an inclusive
constitutional drafting process, the adoption of electoral reform
legislation, and the development of transparent and inclusive electoral
mechanisms. These steps will ultimately allow the South Sudanese people
to select their own leaders through free, fair, and credible elections.
This is the first key step to establishing the Government's
accountability to its citizenry. If confirmed, I would work closely
with international partners and regional actors to bring diplomatic and
other forms of pressure to bear on South Sudan's leaders to ensure that
the people's voices are heard and respected as these decisions are
made.
Question. Do you regard President Salva Kiir as the legitimate
democratic leader of the Republic of South Sudan? Please explain your
answer.
Answer. Though not democratically elected, Salva Kiir is the
President of the Republic of South Sudan during the transitional period
as agreed by the signatories of the Revitalized Agreement on the
Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan signed on
September 12, 2018. The transitional period originally planned for 36
months has been extended to February 2023.
Question. As discussed in my S.Res.380, which passed the Senate by
unanimous consent on December 9, 2021, the United States spends more
than $1 billion per year on the fallout of the conflict in South Sudan,
mostly for humanitarian assistance and through contributions to the
U.N. peacekeeping mission UNMISS. In 2018, President Trump called for a
review of U.S. assistance to South Sudan, to ensure that U.S. funds are
not contributing to the war economy or inadvertently perpetuating
conflict.
Do you commit to supporting an assistance review for South Sudan,
if confirmed?
Answer. I understand the former administration initiated an
assistance review the results of which have never been finalized. I
further understand that the interagency is reviewing data from this
review, with the intention to provide it to Congress. If confirmed, I
would give my full support to this review, if it remains ongoing, and
would work closely with implementing partners and the broader
international community to ensure that we have effective safeguards in
place to ensure that U.S. assistance goes only to those for whom it is
intended and does not contribute to continuation of conflict.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
michael j. adler by senator risch
My office has been told by State and USAID officials that
there is no active assistance review, but rather that USAID
shared a report with the interagency with no further action was
taken.
Question. Regardless of if ``the interagency is reviewing
data from this (assistance) review'' (initiated under the Trump
administration), do you commit, if confirmed, to supporting and
participating in a renewed and more productive examination of
U.S. assistance that encompasses the current context in South
Sudan?
Answer. Yes, I commit that if I am confirmed, I will support
and participate in such a review of U.S. assistance.
Question. Regardless of the timing of releasing the results
of the current or a future assistance review, will you commit,
if confirmed, to convening your Embassy team to regularly
assess the role of U.S. assistance to South Sudan in countering
or furthering the crisis in the country?
Answer. Yes. I commit to regularly convening the Embassy
country team to consistently assess the role of U.S. assistance
to South Sudan in countering or furthering the crisis in the
country.
Question. What other measures will you take, should you be
confirmed, to ensure ``U.S. assistance goes only to those for
whom it is intended and does not contribute to (the)
continuation of (the) conflict?''
Answer. As a nominee, I commit to making this a priority. If
confirmed, I would act quickly to identify specific steps that
could be taken in this regard by consulting with USAID, other
members of the interagency, and implementing partners to ensure
I had a full understanding of any deficiencies of current
safeguards and the best means to strengthen them. I would make
such consultations a regular practice throughout my assignment
to Juba so that we can assess the effectiveness of the initial
measures we take and ensure that we respond swiftly to any
indications of diversion. I would be prepared to consider
whatever steps are necessary to ensure U.S. assistance does not
contribute to the continuation of the conflict, including
proposing adjustments to aid and expanded use of sanctions,
where available, in response to confirmed indications of
diversion by malign actors. I would also engage with partner
country embassies to encourage a coordinated donor effort to
prevent such diversion. If confirmed, I would welcome the
opportunity to consult regularly with committee staff on the
steps we take in this area.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to be personally
available to the committee to discuss U.S. assistance matters
regarding South Sudan?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to being personally
available to the committee to discuss assistance matters
regarding South Sudan as well as any other topics of interest
to the committee.
Question. As Ambassador, if confirmed, how would you pursue
reducing the need for U.S. humanitarian assistance to South
Sudan due to persistent conflict?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize the sustainment of
the permanent ceasefire and advancing political, economic, and
security sector reforms that would address the root causes of
the need for humanitarian assistance. I would make use of the
U.S. role as co-chair--in rotation with Norway and the United
Kingdom--of South Sudan's Public Financial Management Oversight
Committee to press the South Sudanese Government to use its
resources transparently for the benefit of its citizens,
thereby reducing the need for humanitarian aid.
* * *
Question. As Ambassador, if confirmed, how would you pursue
reducing the need for U.S. humanitarian assistance to South Sudan due
to persistent conflict?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize the sustainment of the
permanent ceasefire and advancing political, economic, and security
sector reforms that would address the root causes of the need for
humanitarian assistance. I would make use of the U.S. role as co-
chair--in rotation with Norway and the United Kingdom--of South Sudan's
Public Financial Management Oversight Committee to press the South
Sudanese Government to use its resources transparently for the benefit
of its citizens, thereby reducing the need for humanitarian aid.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
michael j. adler by senator risch
While South Sudan's Public Financial Management Oversight
Committee is an important tool ``to press the South Sudanese
Government to use its resources transparently for the benefit
of its citizens," the U.S. has an important bilateral role to
play in the oversight of its own humanitarian assistance in
South Sudan.
Question. If confirmed, what other steps would you take as
Ambassador to reduce South Sudan's need and dependency on U.S.
humanitarian assistance?
Answer. I agree that the United States has an important
bilateral role to play in the oversight of our humanitarian
assistance in South Sudan. If confirmed, I would also press the
South Sudanese Government to make clear that they must take the
necessary steps to create the political environment necessary
to foster economic growth and prosperity. The South Sudanese
Government must work with more urgency to take the predicate
actions necessary to hold credible elections, such as
legislation regarding constitutional and electoral processes,
the formation of institutions, the complete unification of
forces, and a safe space for civil participation in politics.
Peace, democracy, and stability are key to South Sudan's
ability to grow its economy. If confirmed, I would consider the
possibility of promoting policy reforms that facilitate the
development of South Sudan's agricultural potential and
decrease its reliance on humanitarian assistance.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that U.S.
humanitarian assistance to South Sudan adheres to the principal
of ``Do No Harm?''
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that U.S.
humanitarian assistance to South Sudan adheres to the principal
of ``Do No Harm.''
Question. As U.S. Ambassador if confirmed, how will you work
with the USAID Mission Director and your interagency colleagues
to ensure U.S. humanitarian assistance is not abused or used by
the South Sudanese Government to lessen its responsibility to
care for its people?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the USAID mission
director and interagency colleagues to evaluate where current
safeguards may be deficient in protecting U.S. humanitarian
assistance from abuse, and to seek to strengthen them. I would
make these consultations a regular practice and incorporate
lessons learned into our assistance plans, including being
ready to adjust aid as appropriate or propose sanctions, where
available, against actors who divert or manipulate U.S.
assistance, as needed. I would also work with partner embassies
to coordinate assistance and share information to prevent
diversion that facilitates the South Sudanese Government
shirking responsibility to provide services to the people of
South Sudan.
* * *
Question. As Ambassador, do you commit to considering novel policy
approaches to South Sudan related to the country's leaders, the peace
agreement (R-ARCSS), and pervasive corruption?
Answer. Yes. The United States, in close consultation with our
international partners, is actively working on a range of policy
initiatives to support the South Sudanese people's demands for
meaningful political and economic transformation in their country. This
includes helping the people in South Sudan establish the necessary
conditions to allow them to choose their leaders freely and to hold
leaders accountable for their actions. If confirmed, I would continue
robust engagement with South Sudan's leadership, both bilaterally and
in concert with the Troika and other allies, to impress upon them the
need to advance the peace process and move towards elections.
Question. Much of your professional experience has been in the Asia
and the Near East regions.
If confirmed as Ambassador to South Sudan, how do you think your
previous experiences can be applied to the complex dynamics of
both South Sudan and the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would draw on my 30 years of experience in
the Foreign Service, including in countries in the midst of transition
under conflict and post-conflict conditions. In particular, my
experiences in Bosnia (1998-2001), Iraq (2003-2004 and 2005-2006), and
Afghanistan (2010-2011) have taught me important lessons about the
challenges of advancing progress toward the establishment of democratic
institutions and the need to hold host country leaders accountable for
lack of sustained progress and tolerance of corruption. My professional
experiences have also taught me the need for Embassy leadership to
encourage continuous, sustained efforts to deepen understanding of
complex societies by broadening Embassy outreach as far as possible
among political actors and civil society. I have also learned the
critical importance, especially in hardship posts, of Ambassadors
clearly communicating policy goals and engaging to ensure the morale
and productivity of the entire interagency team at post.
Question. How do you plan to engage with civil society and
stakeholders to become grounded in the intricacies and challenges of
working in South Sudan?
Answer. If confirmed, prior to departing for post, I would
immediately seek meetings with the broad range of South Sudan experts
in the United States, including from the diaspora community, with
active ties to South Sudanese civil society. Following my arrival at
post, I would meet with the country team to examine ways that I, as
Ambassador, and the entire Embassy staff can amplify our outreach to
civil society to improve our understanding of the dynamics driving
political, economic, and security challenges in South Sudan. If
confirmed, I would also prioritize travel by Embassy officials outside
of the capital city of Juba, as security conditions permit, to ensure
that our perspective and policy advice take into account the full
complexity of the country.
Question. What will be your approach to collaborating with the
Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, if one is nominated and appointed,
to ensure that a cohesive and effective South Sudan strategy is
developed and implemented?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to work closely with the Special Envoy
to the Horn of Africa if one is appointed. I would view our roles as
complementary to one another and would seek to use the Special Envoy's
office's ongoing engagement with key regional actors to advance the
required political and economic transformation in South Sudan, should
that be in the envoy's remit. I would seek to establish clear channels
of communication with any Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa if one is
appointed and would work closely with that individual to develop and
implement a cohesive and effective South Sudan strategy.
Question. South Sudan presents many operational challenges for
humanitarian agencies, including bureaucratic impediments, difficulty
reaching communities in need due to poor infrastructure, and attacks
against aid workers and assets. South Sudan is one of the most
dangerous places in the world for humanitarian workers seeking to help
the more than 8 million South Sudanese in need of assistance.
How will you work with the Government of South Sudan to reduce
these barriers to aid delivery and end impunity for attacks on
humanitarian workers?
Answer. It is a tragedy that so many aid workers have died trying
to assist the people of South Sudan. The failure of the South Sudanese
Government both to ensure the safety and security of humanitarian
workers and to hold accountable those who are responsible for violence
against them is inexcusable. If confirmed, I will consistently
underscore the urgent need for the Government to strengthen its efforts
to work with the international community to ensure the protection of
aid workers and will press the Government to investigate and prosecute
all those responsible for violence against them. I would also work
closely with the United Nations Mission in South Sudan and the broader
international humanitarian community to review risk management
procedures and to ensure that we are all taking sensible steps to
provide critically needed humanitarian assistance in as safe and secure
an environment for humanitarian workers as possible.
In addition to the security threat, it is unacceptable that those
who seek to provide assistance to the South Sudanese continue to
encounter bureaucratic impediments and harassment. I will work with all
U.S. Government agencies and their implementing partners as well as
agencies responsible for delivering humanitarian aid (especially U.N.
agencies, the World Food Program in particular) to hear their concerns,
share information, and identify ways to support the safety of their
staff through continued engagement with the Government of South Sudan.
Question. The U.S. played a critical role in South Sudan achieving
independence in 2011. Plans for elections to be held in February 2023
are moving forward despite the current conditions not being conducive
for free, fair, and transparent elections.
What benchmarks do you believe must be met to create an environment
conducive to conducting free, fair, and transparent elections
in South Sudan? What role should the U.S. play to support such
conditions?
Answer. It is important that the leaders of South Sudan abide by
the commitments they made in the peace agreement. Under the terms of
the revitalized peace agreement, free, fair, and credible elections are
to be preceded by an inclusive constitution-making process, updating,
and passing key electoral legislation, the development of transparent
and inclusive electoral mechanisms, and the formation and training of
the Necessary Unified Forces. All of these are overdue.
The South Sudanese people have been clear that they desire a
political and economic transformation in their country. The actions
necessary to enable free, fair, and credible elections are, therefore,
a priority for the United States. If confirmed, I would work closely
with international partners and regional actors to bring diplomatic and
other forms of pressure to bear on South Sudan's leaders to ensure that
the people's voices are heard and respected as these decisions are
made. In addition, if confirmed, I would prioritize work to empower
civil society and independent media, which provide an essential role in
monitoring the Government, promoting positive policy changes, and
expressing the will and priorities of South Sudanese citizens.
Question. Despite international pressure, implementation of the
2018 peace agreement by the Revitalized Transitional Government has
been incredibly slow. While politicians delay reforms, South Sudanese
face insecurity in many parts of the country. What the people of South
Sudan ultimately need is sustainable peace, which requires a political
solution.
What do you see as the path for that solution, and what steps will
you take to help the country achieve it?
Answer. The 2018 revitalized peace agreement is a flawed document,
but it has tempered large-scale violence and lays out important
political commitments for signatories that, if implemented, could lay
the groundwork for meaningful political, economic, and security sector
reform. If confirmed, I would support continuing to use the agreement
as appropriate to advance our policy objectives. I believe that a
sustained diplomatic investment by the United States, as well as our
regional and international partners, is required to assist the South
Sudanese people in achieving their goals to advance freedom, democracy,
peace, accountability, and transparency. I would seek to press all of
South Sudan's leaders to advance the demands of the South Sudanese
people, including through focusing on providing a safe and open
environment for the work of civil society and political actors, an
inclusive constitution drafting process, the establishment of
democratic institutions, progress on public financial management
reform, the unification of security forces, and an effective
transitional justice framework. This would serve as a foundation for
subsequent, better governing administrations. In addition, I would
carefully evaluate and be prepared to recommend the use of other tools
at our disposal--including targeted sanctions--to impose costs on those
responsible for delaying implementation of the peace process.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
michael j. adler by senator risch
In your response to a previous question, you stated the
``2018 revitalized peace agreement is a flawed document'' that
``if implemented'' could ``lay the groundwork for meaningful
political, economic, and security sector reform." However, this
agreement's implementation is also flawed, and the hope of
laying such a groundwork for ``meaningful" reform seems empty.
In fact, the flawed implementation of this flawed agreement is
occurring as South Sudan gets more dangerous by the day. You
also mentioned the importance of ``sustained diplomatic
investment by the United States . . . is required to assist the
South Sudanese people in achieving their goals to advance
freedom, democracy, peace, accountability, and transparency.
Question. What are the Administration's current U.S. policy
objectives for South Sudan?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to
empowering the South Sudanese people to achieve a peaceful
transition to an elected government in South Sudan that is
built on strong democratic institutions, is characterized by
leadership that is responsive to the desires of the South
Sudanese people, and is committed to necessary political,
economic, and security sector reforms that contribute to peace,
improved governance, and transparent use of the country's
natural resources for the benefit of all South Sudanese. This
includes using our diplomatic influence and foreign assistance
resources to press for and facilitate the predicate actions the
South Sudanese Government needs to take to allow for an
inclusive constitution-drafting process, necessary electoral
mechanisms, unified security forces, and economic transparency.
U.S. policy is to promote public financial management reform
to combat corruption and improve transparency in the management
of national resources to create the economic climate necessary
for growth and to attract investment. The United States is also
committed to addressing the drivers of sub-national violence
and pressing the Government to hold perpetrators of violence
accountable. Our policy strives to improve South Sudan's
resilience to environmental, conflict-driven, and economic
shocks and reduce dependence on humanitarian assistance.
Question. If the ``2018 revitalized agreement is a flawed
document'' and its implementation remains seriously flawed, how
does your support to ``continuing to use the agreement as
appropriate'' actually advance U.S. policy objectives?
Answer. One of the primary flaws in the text of the 2018
peace agreement is its failure to include a provision stating
that transitional government officials should not be eligible
to run for office in the country's post-transition elections.
The South Sudanese people will need to determine how best to
address this key omission, as they embark on an inclusive
constitution drafting process and establish the legal and
institutional framework for eventual elections. I am also
concerned that the revitalized peace agreement has lacked
robust mechanisms to ensure that all parties live up to its
timelines and political, economic, and security sector reform
commitments. Addressing this will require robust diplomatic
engagement from the United States to which I am committed
should I be confirmed. The revitalized peace agreement has
prevented a return to large-scale violence, but its oversight
mechanisms have paid insufficient attention to addressing the
drivers of localized violence--an area in which I would also
place diplomatic effort, if confirmed.
Despite these key obstacles which need to be addressed, the
revitalized agreement enumerates and commits the parties to
many of the key predicate actions that are necessary, if not
fully sufficient, to lay the groundwork for the political and
economic transformation of the country demanded by the South
Sudanese people and which U.S. policy is committed to
supporting. If confirmed, I would propose to use the document
to press parties to live up to such commitments, while
simultaneously pressing them to go further in addressing the
reform demands of the South Sudanese people.
Question. Do you believe the current administration's
approach to South Sudan reflects a ``sustained diplomatic
investment by the United States?'' If so, how?
Answer. U.S. diplomatic investment in South Sudan continues
to put pressure on the Government to take the predicate actions
needed to implement the 2018 peace agreement, support South
Sudan's democratic transition, and hold free, fair, and
credible elections. Some recent signs of progress include the
announcement of a command sharing agreement for Necessary
Unified Forces, legislation on the participation of political
parties, and the introduction of legislation on constitution
drafting. Much more progress is needed. If confirmed, I will
give my utmost in support of U.S. diplomatic engagement and
investment to reflect the urgency of progress needed in South
Sudan.
Question. Aside from South Sudan's political elites and
official parties to the conflict, do you believe the South
Sudanese people have faith in the future implementation of the
``flawed'' 2018 revitalized agreement as a path to a
sustainable peace?
Answer. The South Sudanese people have lived with conflict
and suffering due to political and environmental causes for
many years. It is easy to understand that they are skeptical
that needed progress will take place to reach sustainable
peace. At the same time, I believe that the population of South
Sudan does not want to continue to live with current levels of
violence that infects their communities and makes it difficult
or impossible to feed and care for their families. They
continue to make known their demands for democracy, peace, and
responsible economic management. If confirmed, I will support
the voices of members of civil society, so that the South
Sudanese people have a mechanism through which they can
effectively engage government institutions and press for the
changes they believe will best improve accountability of
officials and advance their democratic aspirations. If
confirmed, I am committed to using our diplomatic influence to
advocate for a safe space in which civil society actors can
carry out this important work and to supporting policy reforms
that contribute to the transition to an elected government in
South Sudan that is accountable to its people and delivers
results for all of them in a transparent fashion.
* * *
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report (TIP), South Sudan remained Tier 3 for failing to make
significant efforts to meet the minimum standards to eliminate
trafficking.
How will you work with the South Sudanese to address these issues
if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with South Sudanese officials,
including the Ministries of Justice and Immigration, to advocate for
establishment of a legal framework to address trafficking in persons
and ratification of the Palermo Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and
Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children. I would
also seek to establish appropriate connections among regional
immigration authorities to address South Sudan's border security so
that the country becomes less open to trafficking.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps could you take to help
South Sudanese operationalize the prioritized recommendations contained
in the TIP report?
Answer. I would press South Sudanese officials to cease immediately
the unlawful recruitment and use of child soldiers and release any that
are under the command of government forces. If confirmed, I would also
engage regularly with senior officials and cabinet officials to urge
that necessary legislation to address trafficking in persons moves
forward. I would look for opportunities to foster discussion and
information sharing between South Sudanese officials and U.S. law
enforcement to discuss ways to build training programs for immigration
officials and police to identify trafficking victims and to investigate
and prosecute traffickers. Public diplomacy is another strong tool that
I would leverage to offer programs that educate the broader population
about the dangers and detrimental impact of trafficking in persons on a
society.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, South Sudan was identified as lacking societal and
governmental respect for religious freedom.
Answer. If confirmed, I would advocate strongly for the Government
to respect religious freedom including by thoroughly investigating all
reports of violence against members of religious groups, whether
allegedly perpetrated by the South Sudan People's Defense Forces, other
armed groups, or separate societal elements. I would press for the
arrest and prosecution of all those found to be responsible for such
violence. I would also engage with the heads of religious communities
and other partners to demonstrate United States support for religious
freedom in South Sudan.
Question. What is you assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. U.S. support for religious freedom, along with human rights
more broadly, was a driving factor behind years of U.S. Government and
civil society engagement in support of the South Sudanese people prior
to the country's independence in 2011. The United States must lead the
international community in pressing the South Sudanese leadership to
respect religious freedom and to ensure that no groups, religious or
otherwise, are subjected to violence. I would draw on the support of
the Ambassador-at-large for International Religious Freedom as well as
other senior Department officials to amplify this message, as required.
In my advocacy efforts on this subject, as well as on human rights more
broadly, I would underscore the importance of this issue to both the
executive and legislative branches of the U.S. Government.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to personally engaging with
civil society on this issue?
Answer. I commit to personally engaging with civil society on
religious freedom.
Question. If confirmed, what concrete steps can you take to help
South Sudan increase their societal and governmental respect for
religious freedom?
Answer. I would make clear to South Sudanese leaders and all
audiences that respect for religious freedom, along with human rights
more broadly, is a foundational element in our bilateral relationship.
If confirmed, I will work with my team to assess the political will of
the South Sudanese leadership and other societal actors to improve
respect for religious freedom. Should that assessment identify specific
individuals and groups most responsible for harming others based on
religion, I will work with Washington colleagues to identify
appropriate actions the United States should take in response,
including, as appropriate, in coordination with other partners.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, South
Sudan was identified as having systemic, significant human rights
abuses.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I would press South Sudanese leaders to take
a strong stance to jointly condemn human rights violations and abuses,
prevent their occurrence, and hold perpetrators accountable. I would
underscore that tolerance of human rights violations and abuses will
have long term consequences for South Sudan's international standing as
well as for its stability and future political and economic trajectory.
I would make clear to the country's leadership the need to do
everything possible to immediately address abuses when they happen and
hold the perpetrators accountable.
The United States has sanctioned individuals in South Sudan in
connection with serious human rights abuse, and supports the U.N.
sanctions regime, including targeted sanctions and the arms embargo,
and is committed to promoting full implementation. If confirmed, I will
examine whether expanded use of sanctions is warranted if the human
rights situation does not improve.
Question. How will you direct Embassy Juba to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I would lead my team in conveying a
consistent message of partnership and engagement with civil society
organizations committed to improving human rights in South Sudan. In
particular, we would work with organizations positioned to collect data
on human rights violations and abuses when they occur, in coordination
with the U.N. Mission in South Sudan, the U.N. Commission on Human
Rights in South Sudan, the State Department's Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor, and the peace agreement ceasefire monitoring
mechanisms. This information is critical to document atrocities on the
ground and ultimately to hold perpetrators accountable.
Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP)
in the State Department's Bureau of International Organizations is
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install
qualified, independent personnel at the United Nations (U.N.),
including in elections for specialized bodies like the International
Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen
Bodgan-Martin, who if elected would be the first American and first
woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough race that will require early,
consistent engagement across capital and within the U.N. member states.
If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the South Sudanese
Government and any other counterparts necessary to encourage
their support of Ms. Bogdan-Martin?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, how can you work with the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs and other stakeholders to identify,
recruit, and install qualified Americans in positions like the Junior
Program Officer (JPO) program at the U.N.?
Answer. The Junior Professional Officer program is one of the key
opportunities offered by the U.N. to encourage young professionals
interested in serving in international organizations, and it provides
them with hands-on experience across various U.N. agencies. If
confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues in the Bureau
of International Organization Affairs and other stakeholder bureaus and
agencies and consult with Congress to ensure we have sufficient
resources, tools, and staffing to support more positions for American
citizen JPOs in the U.N. system. With these resources, we can work
strategically to increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the
U.S. Government into key agencies and bodies that work on U.S.
priorities, expand our recruitment and outreach activities to ensure
these opportunities are widely known and available to interested U.S.
citizens, and provide tools and services to strengthen our
competitiveness in placing qualified American citizens into the U.N.
system.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Juba?
Answer. I understand that the challenging work environment,
including both the security situation and the condition of the Embassy
compound, has placed strains on morale at post. If confirmed, I would
prioritize steps to improve morale and support the entire Mission Juba
team.
For U.S. direct hire employees, I would immediately take steps to
understand any current challenges or management shortfalls and address
them. I would focus on mentoring employees from all of the agencies
represented in the mission and at all stages of their careers. I would
also actively seek to work with senior colleagues in Washington and at
other U.S. embassies to ensure that service at Embassy Juba is
appropriately rewarded. Locally Employed (LE) staff face the same
morale issues as U.S. direct hires plus a myriad of other challenges
related to working at a U.S. mission in the country where they live. If
confirmed, I would commit to working closely with the LE staff
committee and addressing these unique challenges.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Juba?
Answer. I will meet with every member of my team within my first
weeks at post to hear directly their views about their satisfaction
with their roles at the mission, challenges to morale, and any
obstacles to their ability to perform their missions in support of
United States policy objectives. I would conduct a climate survey.
Based on responses and my discussions with members of the team, I would
formulate a plan with specific steps to improve morale at post, in
consultation with the DCM, USAID Mission Director, and other members of
the country team.
I will also hold regular country team meetings, Embassy all hands
town halls, and other regular meetings with Mission personnel, if
confirmed. I would consistently communicate that I have an open door to
any member of the team who wishes to raise issues with me related to
morale. I will make a practice of visiting offices of all members of
the team on a regular basis, giving particular priority to the work
areas of personnel who are not on the country team and who may not
otherwise be in daily contact with the front office.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision at Mission
Juba?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make clear from day one my
expectation that all agencies at post will function as a single U.S.
Government team. I will ensure that all agency perspectives are
represented in all significant discussions of policy and management
issues. I will share with the country team my draft list of priorities
for Mission Juba in order to seek their input so that a document that
fully integrates all agency interests can be shared with the broader
team and incorporated into the Mission Juba strategy. Believing that
successful management is a continuous process, I would dedicate myself
to sustained communication in support of mission unity throughout my
assignment.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I take a consultative approach to managing teams. Before
making a decision, I ensure that I have heard and understand all
relevant perspectives from members of my team. I encourage open
expression of views differing from my own. Once I have made a decision,
I prioritize clarity in the guidance I provide, but I welcome continued
consultation as implementation moves forward. I seek to convey on a
sustained basis what the team's priorities and objectives are. I make
clear that any member of the team is welcome to meet with me directly
to raise issues related to morale and performance, including when we
have to adjust deadlines given limited resources. I believe and
communicate to my teams that we must all hold ourselves accountable to
adhere to the highest professional standards and to achieve results for
the United States.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I do not believe that it is ever acceptable to berate
subordinates, either in public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would partner with the Deputy Chief of
Mission to help ensure that I hear all perspectives at post on policy
and management issues. While I would actively seek views from all
components of the Mission, I am aware that it is sometimes challenging
at embassies for personnel to express new ideas if they assess that the
Ambassador has a different point of view. I will make clear to the
Deputy Chief of Mission that we must prioritize establishing and
maintaining an inclusive interagency team in which candor is respected
and valued.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As I do at the start of all new working relationships, I
would first want to assess dynamics at post before assessing how to
form an effective Embassy leadership team. Drawing on the most
successful Embassy front offices I have observed during my career, I
anticipate that I would look to the DCM to mentor staff, conduct
performance counseling as needed, and foster interagency collaboration
and a strong spirit of a single Mission team. I would also seek to
enable the DCM to fill in for me with external contacts, both South
Sudanese and in the international community, when I am out of the
country. However, I would remain fully engaged in and hold myself
ultimately responsible for the internal management and external
engagements of Mission Juba.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I believe that it is essential to provide constructive
feedback on a regular basis, to address areas where improvement is
needed swiftly and transparently, and to reward those who have
succeeded in their roles. With respect to the latter, it is
particularly important for both the Ambassador and the DCM to
demonstrate commitment to support successful employees' efforts to
obtain onward assignments that accelerate their ability to achieve
their professional objectives. I strongly believe that Embassy leaders
must be fully committed to the professional development of all
employees, both by addressing deficiencies and by helping high
performers continue to succeed and move up to the next level.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize mentoring, as I have
throughout multiple leadership roles.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
South Sudan.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I think that U.S. diplomats must consistently strive to
increase and expand their external outreach to advance U.S. policy
objectives. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Sudan, I would consider
it my responsibility to work consistently to maintain an appropriate
risk management approach to enable personnel to get off compound as
often as possible or practical in order to fulfill the mission, while
giving appropriate consideration to security concerns.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. South Sudan's security environment has placed constraints
on Embassy external outreach. If confirmed, I would work with the DCM,
the Regional Security Officer, the USAID Mission Director, and the
other members of the Emergency Action Committee (EAC) to identify ways
to support the ability of Embassy personnel to increase external
engagements safely, especially outside of Juba. I would lead my team in
maintaining good relationships with the U.N. Mission in South Sudan and
other diplomatic missions to ensure we have information and additional
resources to increase our capacity for safely visiting additional sites
in South Sudan. I would also work with my public diplomacy team to
pursue new networks and platforms to reach a broader range of the South
Sudanese population.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
South Sudan?
Answer. The United States' stature as the country's largest donor
and a key international supporter of the process which led to South
Sudan's independence in 2011 gives us a strong basis to advocate
publicly for U.S. objectives and values with the South Sudanese media
and civil society. If confirmed, I commit to making full use of all
appropriate public diplomacy tools to advocate for progress toward
urgently needed political, security and economic reforms. This includes
exploring new ways to strengthen the capacity of independent media and
civil society organizations.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. U.S. diplomats face myriad challenges conducting public
diplomacy in South Sudan. The security situation makes in-person
outreach difficult. There is also a very low rate of penetration of
internet access and social media use, making some of the tools
available to our public diplomacy officers in other countries
ineffective in South Sudan. In addition, the Government's past behavior
to shut down meetings and media access for civil society actors makes
it difficult for us to engage for fear of making them a target for
harassment or even unjustified detention. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Public Affairs Officer at post and the broader country
team to overcome these challenges.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. In my experience, the right balance varies from country to
country. In the South Sudan context, where it is imperative that we
amplify our message about the urgent need for movement on political,
economic, and security reform, I view public messaging about U.S.
policy priorities as a core Embassy responsibility. However, I
anticipate that there will be occasions when statements from Main State
will be appropriate to reinforce key points. I would seek to identify
and maintain the right balance through frequent consultations with the
Department of State about developments on the ground in South Sudan,
particularly in the public diplomacy sphere, and junctures where
Washington-based statements would be timely.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to take these threats seriously
and would do everything in my power to prioritize the health, treatment
and safety of our diplomats and any USG personnel in South Sudan.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Juba personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will exercise and maintain open
communication with Mission Juba personnel.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar, which
included an unclassified briefing on AHIs. Prior to my departure for
post, I will seek further information in a classified setting from the
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and
Intelligence and Research.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining detailed records of
any anomalous health incidents that may occur, sharing that information
with the State Department and other embassies, and to engaging
constructively in the ongoing global investigation into circumstances
surrounding unexplained health incidents. The Department continues to
work to determine what has happened to our staff and their families and
to ensure their well-being and health going forward. There is no higher
priority than the safety and security of our U.S. personnel, their
families, and U.S. citizens.
Question. Whether or not anomalous health incidents occur at your
Embassy, how will you work to restore and preserve morale that may be
lost due to the knowledge these attacks have been occurring at posts
around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I would in the case of any anomalous health
incident prioritize the health and safety of the Embassy community and
ensure that those impacted receive the proper treatment. I will keep my
team informed, talking with them as openly as I can, and work to
understand their concerns and create a safe environment for them to
carry out our mission.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I have been closely following increased reports of
directed energy attacks that have affected U.S. Government employees.
As nominees to a role of Ambassador, I want to ensure that you are
sufficiently prepared to respond accordingly if an unexplained health
incident is reported in your mission. I understand that the State
Department includes a briefing on this as part of the Ambassadorial
seminar that you are required to attend.
If confirmed, will you commit to attending the Ambassadorial
seminar session on AHIs and seek a classified briefing with
State Department?
Answer. Yes. I have attended the Ambassadorial seminar, which
included an unclassified briefing on AHIs. Prior to my departure for
post, I will seek further information in a classified setting from the
Coordinator of the State Department's Health Incident Response Task
Force as well as relevant bureaus including Diplomatic Security and
Intelligence and Research.
Question. If an incident occurs, please assure that you will do
everything in your power to prioritize the health, treatment, and
safety of our diplomats?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to South Sudan, I will make the
health and safety of my staff my top priority. If confirmed, I will
also commit to ensuring all reported incidents at Embassy Juba are
treated seriously and quickly reported through the appropriate
channels. I will ensure that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to treatment and medical care.
Question. The Biden administration rightly prioritized protecting,
improving, and expanding access to sexual and reproductive health care
as one of ten key priorities in the National Strategy on Gender Equity
and Equality. Across Africa, the unmet need for family planning is
significant. Women and families struggle to access modern
contraceptives or basic information to be able to make the right
choices for their health and that of their families.
If confirmed, do you commit to working with the respective USAID
country missions, implementing partners and civil society to
improve access and develop relationships to best administer the
U.S.'s family planning programing?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID,
implementing partners, and civil society to improve access and develop
relationships to best administer family planning programming and health
services, and to advocate strongly on behalf of the rights of women.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Adler by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. As we see with almost all African countries, the Chinse
Communist Party is the major player in South Sudan's oil sector, which
it protects with the largest presence of Chinese peacekeepers overseas.
After civil war broke out in the country in 2013, Beijing played a
significant role in increasing the UNMISS authorized troop strength and
modifying the U.N. Mission in South Sudan's (UNMISS) mandate to include
a broader interpretation of the U.N.'s nonintervention policy. In this
expanded mandate, Beijing successfully lobbied for a provision to
include the protection of workers on oil installations. Although the
provision initially encountered resistance from officials in the U.N.
Department of Peacekeeping Operations, who argued the change would
undermine the U.N.'s neutrality and place peacekeepers on the side of
the South Sudanese Government and the oil industry, the mandate
expansion was ultimately adopted unanimously by the U.N. Security
Council in 2014. This effectively aligned peacekeepers with Beijing's
economic interests. It's pretty clear that the CCP is looking ahead to
a future conflict with the United States, during which it will need to
secure reliable sources of oil, for when the U.S. and its allies stop
exporting oil to China.
What is your assessment of China's involvement in South Sudan's oil
sector?
Answer. It is indisputable that the People's Republic of China is a
major player in South Sudan's oil sector. In addition to any
prepositioning the PRC might be doing to secure sources of oil, the
PRC's approach to human rights and transparency is diametrically
opposed to our own. China's purchases of crude oil and its investment
in the sector without questioning the corruption involved provides
cover for the diversion of resources from providing services to the
South Sudanese people. If confirmed, I would pursue all opportunities
to call attention to this unhealthy relationship.
Question. How will you push back on Chinese attempts to use the
U.N. Peacekeeper system to further its own economic interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with my colleagues in the Bureau
of International Organization Affairs and the U.S. Mission to the
United Nations to ensure U.N. peacekeeping remains impartial and to
counter any attempts to manipulate peacekeeping mandates for the
benefit of the PRC's economic interests.
Question. Do you support the United States competing with Chinese
influence in south Sudan's oil sector?
Answer. South Sudan's oil sector is currently not suitable for U.S.
investment due to rampant corruption that would put U.S. companies at
risk of violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and fueling
economic crimes that harm the South Sudanese people. Reflecting this,
in 2018, the United States added 15 South Sudanese companies operating
in South Sudan's oil sector to the U.S. Department of Commerce's Entity
List. If confirmed, I will prioritize engagement and advocacy in
support of reforms and action against corruption that, if successful,
would create an environment in which U.S. companies could compete
successfully in the oil sector.
More broadly, the best way to help South Sudan reach a point where
it can attract U.S. investment is through U.S. diplomatic engagement in
South Sudan and the region to urge South Sudan's leaders to speed up
the pace of political, economic, and security sector reforms demanded
by the South Sudanese people, including implementation of their
commitments regarding establishment of conditions and institutions for
a free and fair electoral process, public financial management reform,
the unification of security forces, and the establishment of
transitional justice mechanisms.
Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for a change in U.S.
policy towards supporting investments in fossil fuel projects?
Answer. If confirmed, once South Sudan reaches a point where it is
conducive to U.S. investment in its oil sector, I would work hard with
colleagues in the Departments of Energy and Commerce to attract U.S.
oil exploration and production companies to bring their tremendous
expertise and best practices to improve the way oil is extracted in
South Sudan. I would support investment by U.S. companies in both
fossil fuel and renewable energy sources.
__________
NOMINATION
----------
TUESDAY, JUNE 7, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:03 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Menendez, Schatz,
Portman, and Barrasso.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Good afternoon.
The hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
now come to order.
We are here to consider an important nominee, Amanda
Bennett, to be Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. Agency for
Global Media.
Ms. Bennett, I want to congratulate you on the nomination
and I want to thank you for your willingness to serve and also
thank you especially to members of the family who will also
bear the burdens and sacrifices of your service.
Let me begin by introducing our nominee. Amanda Bennett is
an author, investigative journalist, and editor. Most recently,
she served as director of Voice of America.
Prior to her service at Voice of America she had a lengthy
career in journalism, including as executive editor of
Bloomberg News, editor of the Philadelphia Inquirer. She also
served as a Wall Street Journal reporter for over two decades
and a contributing columnist for the Washington Post.
Ms. Bennett shared the 1997 Pulitzer Prize for her
reporting with Wall Street Journal colleagues. She is a
graduate of Harvard College.
I want to congratulate you again on the nomination.
Representing the U.S. and the American people is an honor,
privilege, and I am sure, based on your impressive professional
background, you will serve with distinction.
I am pleased to be asked to chair this nomination hearing
for the CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global Media, which is an
important post that is only gaining more importance in a world
where information and disinformation is so important.
The U.S. Agency for Global Media has undergone great change
over the last decade, most notably through the creation of a
permanent CEO position at the head of the agency.
Meanwhile, global media consumption has changed rapidly
with the rise of social media and messaging technology, while
traditional media institutions have experienced a loss of
audience and a loss of influence.
Regardless of how the agency is structured, it is clear
that its mission of providing balanced and objective media to
societies without a free press has never been more important.
The current crackdown in Russia on voices opposing the
illegal invasion of Ukraine demonstrates how fragile the right
to free expression is in so many parts of the world and how
quickly the flow of free information can be stopped by
governments.
How the U.S. Agency for Global Media balances its mission
with other directives, broadly advancing U.S. foreign policy
objectives, is an enduring challenge for the agency and I hope
we can explore that today.
The committee looks forward to hearing from you today, Ms.
Bennett. I look forward to working with you, and I want to now
turn to the ranking member of this committee, Senator Barrasso,
for his opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN BARRASSO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WYOMING
Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman. Thanks for
holding this very important committee hearing today. The
committee is going to examine the nomination of Amanda Bennett
to be the Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. Agency for Global
Media.
I want to congratulate you on the nomination for this
important position and extend a warm welcome to your friends as
well as your family.
Amanda has a long and distinguished career in journalism,
as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, over 20 years served as a
reporter at the Wall Street Journal, editor of the Philadelphia
Inquirer in Philadelphia, the Herald Leader in Lexington,
Kentucky, the Oregonian in Portland, and the Bloomberg News in
New York City.
She is a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and investigative
journalist and an editor. She also has experience working at
the agency as the director of the Voice of America for over
four years. With her background and experience, Amanda will add
value and much needed direction to the U.S. Agency on Global
Media.
At a time when press freedom and democracy are starting to
decline, U.S. international broadcasting has a very important
role to play. With authoritarian governments shut down the news
and censor their people, this agency can give credible and
timely and accurate information.
There is a need to provide the international community with
balanced and objective information. This is especially true in
areas of the world where disinformation, propaganda, and
terrorist ideology dominate the news.
It is also important to remember this agency is tasked with
promoting foreign policy goals and national security interests
of the United States. This position has an impact on our
nation's interests across the globe.
The U.S. Agency for Global Media supervises and oversees a
global broadcast network reaching over 350 million people. Its
programming is distributed via radio, television, internet, and
other news media broadcasts in 62 languages.
Should you serve our nation in this important position, it
is critical that you continue to provide strong leadership and
stewardship of American taxpayer resources, demonstrate
professionalism and good judgment, and vigorously work to
advance the priorities of the United States.
During your testimony, I hope you will lay out your plan
for the efficiencies, improvements, and strategic direction for
the agency.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Barrasso.
We will now proceed with Ms. Bennett. I would ask you to
provide your opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF AMANDA BENNETT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF THE UNITED STATES
AGENCY FOR GLOBAL MEDIA
Ms. Bennett. Thank you so much, Chairman Kaine and Ranking
Member Barrasso, and members of the committee for welcoming me
here today.
It is such an honor to be considered by this committee for
the position of Chief Executive Officer for the U.S. Agency for
Global Media, and I thank members and their staff for taking
the time to meet with me.
I would like to take a moment to recognize behind me my
husband, Don Graham, and my son, Terry Foley, as well as to
acknowledge my daughter, Georgia Foley, stepchildren Liza,
Laura, Will, and Molly, my late husband, Terence Foley, and my
mentors, Sandra Mims Rowe and Chuck Camp, and I am so grateful
for their generosity, their support, and their encouragement.
We are at a critical moment in history. Journalism and
public diplomacy alike are targeted as never before by
authoritarian regimes using myths and disinformation to
undermine those seeking credible, fact-based, and unbiased
coverage of the world around them.
Journalism has been my life. At 11 years old, I published
my first newspaper story about the day my father told me that
my newborn sister had Down syndrome. Yesterday, she turned 60.
I began my professional career as a French-speaking
journalist in Ottawa, Ontario. I spent 23 years at the Wall
Street Journal, where I became only the second Wall Street
Journal correspondent in China and, thus, experiencing life in
an authoritarian state where journalists and sources were
watched and detained.
I went on to lead newsrooms in Oregon and in Kentucky and
in Pennsylvania, where I became the top editor before returning
to financial journalism at Bloomberg News. I have been a
reporter, an editor, a manager, and a news organization leader.
I shared two Pulitzer Prizes, including the much coveted
Public Service Prize. I have also spent significant time
contributing to nonprofit and journalistic and foreign policy
institutions as well as mentoring the next generation of news
leaders.
Most recently during my four years in public service as the
director of Voice of America, I witnessed extraordinary passion
and devotion to mission. I saw how much can be accomplished,
yes, even in government by harnessing that passion to surmount
obstacles.
I am a pragmatic leader and I believe organizations work
best when things around them work well. At VOA, I traveled to
22 countries, witnessing the depth of China, Russia, and Iran's
misinformation around the world.
But more importantly, I saw people's hunger for believable,
trustworthy information and I realized that the BBC and USAGM
networks were, for all practical purposes, the only free press
in a huge part of the world.
If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I would emphasize
the strong, nonpartisan nature of this agency and focus on the
following priorities.
I would work to ensure that everything that USAGM does
supports its mission as a stable, coordinated, efficient, and
transparent organization serving its broadcasters and creating
conditions in which truthful journalism can be most effectively
practiced.
I would seek to accelerate the advances in technology to
ensure that information can be seen and heard by the people who
need it the most. Authoritarian regimes are increasingly
sophisticated in blocking information and USAGM needs to become
even more sophisticated in breaching those barriers. Playing
catch up can no longer be our only option.
We need to look ahead to protect truthful, believable, free
news and information from the increasingly rigorous attempts to
block it. The best journalism and news is of no use if people
cannot see and hear it.
And I would reaffirm both the mission and the firewall that
underpins the worldwide credibility that USAGM broadcasters all
enjoy. The firewall is essential to that credibility, ensuring
editorial independence and protecting USAGM and its journalists
from outside influence.
As my personal experience confronting state-controlled
media taught me, there is nothing more important to USAGM than
its independence. Celebrating successes is crucial as is the
freedom to expose and explore flaws.
Audiences see our example of candor in exercising press
freedom in a democratic society as a proof of our credibility.
In so many countries people yearn for that truth, even if it is
a painful truth.
I do not take this opportunity lightly nor underestimate
its challenges. I am also grateful to the dedicated people at
USAGM and its entities who work tirelessly in support of its
mission.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with them to uphold the
highest journalistic standards and work persistently to protect
the safety and the privacy of both journalists and audiences
worldwide.
I also commit to being accessible and transparent, and to
work collaboratively within government, external stakeholders,
with this committee, and all of Congress in a bipartisan
fashion to ensure that USAGM has the support and resources
necessary to fulfill its mission and that the agency is held
accountable to its obligations.
I am grateful to the committee for considering my
nomination and I look forward to answering your questions.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bennett follows:]
Prepared Statement of Amanda Bennett
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of
the committee for welcoming me here today.
It is an honor to be considered by this committee for the position
of Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the U.S. Agency for Global Media
(USAGM), and I thank its Members and their staff for taking the time to
meet with me.
I would like to take a moment to recognize my husband, Don Graham,
and my son, Terry, here with me today, as well as acknowledge my
daughter Georgia, stepchildren Liza, Laura, Will, and Molly, my late
husband Terence Foley, and mentors Sandra Mims Rowe and Chuck Camp. I
am grateful for their generosity, support, and encouragement.
We are at a critical moment in history. Journalism and public
diplomacy alike are targeted as never before by authoritarian regimes
using mis- and disinformation to undermine those seeking credible,
fact-based, and unbiased coverage of the world around them.
Journalism has been my life. At 11 years old, I published my first
newspaper story--about the day my father told me my newborn sister had
Down Syndrome (she's now 60). I began my professional career as a
French-speaking journalist in Ottawa, Ontario. I spent 23 years at The
Wall Street Journal where I became only the second WSJ correspondent in
China, experiencing life in an authoritarian state where journalists
and sources were watched and detained. I went on to lead newsrooms in
Oregon, and in Kentucky and Pennsylvania where I became the top editor,
before returning to financial journalism at Bloomberg News.
I have been a reporter, editor, manager, and news organization
leader. I shared two Pulitzer Prizes, including the much-coveted Public
Service prize. I have also spent significant time contributing to
nonprofit and journalistic and foreign-policy institutions, as well as
mentoring the next generations of news leaders.
Most recently, during my four years in public service as the
Director of Voice of America (VOA), I witnessed extraordinary passion
and devotion to mission. I also saw how much can be accomplished--even
in government--by harnessing that passion to surmount obstacles. I am a
pragmatic leader and believe organizations work best when things around
them work well.
At VOA, I traveled to 22 countries witnessing the depth of China,
Russia, and Iran's misinformation around the world. But more
importantly, I also saw people's hunger for believable, trustworthy
information. I realized that the BBC and USAGM networks were, for all
practical purposes, the only free press in a huge part of the world.
If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I would emphasize the
strong nonpartisan nature of this agency and focus on the following
priorities. I would work to ensure that everything USAGM does supports
its mission--as a stable, coordinated, efficient, and transparent
organization serving its broadcasters and creating conditions in which
truthful journalism can be most effectively practiced.
I would seek to accelerate advances in technology to ensure
information can be seen and heard by the people who need it most.
Authoritarian regimes are increasingly sophisticated in blocking
information, and USAGM needs to become even more sophisticated in
breaching those barriers. Playing catch-up can no longer be our only
option. We need to look ahead to protect truthful, believable, free
news and information from the increasingly rigorous attempts to block
it. The best journalism is of no use if people cannot see or hear it.
And I would reaffirm both the mission and the firewall that
underpins the worldwide credibility that USAGM's broadcasters all
enjoy. The firewall is essential to that credibility, ensuring
editorial independence and protecting USAGM and its journalists from
outside influence. As my personal experience confronting state-
controlled media taught me, there is nothing more important for USAGM
than this independence. Celebrating successes is critical--as is the
freedom to expose and explore flaws. Audiences see our example of
candor in exercising press freedom in a democratic society, as proof of
our credibility. In so many countries, people yearn for the truth--even
painful truth.
I do not take this opportunity lightly, nor underestimate its
challenges. I am also grateful for the dedicated people at USAGM and
its entities who work tirelessly in support of its mission. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with them to uphold the highest
journalistic standards and work persistently to protect the safety and
privacy of both journalists and audiences worldwide.
I also commit to being accessible and transparent and to work
collaboratively within government, with external stakeholders, with
this committee and all of Congress in a bipartisan fashion, to ensure
USAGM has the support and resources necessary to fulfill its mission
and that the agency is held accountable to its obligations.
I am grateful to this committee for considering my nomination, and
I look forward to answering your questions.
Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Ms. Bennett, thank you very much for that
testimony.
I have a few housekeeping questions that we ask of all
nominees and I want to begin there before moving to five-minute
rounds of policy questions.
So first, do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Ms. Bennett. I do.
Senator Kaine. Do you agree--do you commit to keep this
committee fully and currently informed about the activities
under your purview?
Ms. Bennett. I do.
Senator Kaine. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator, I do.
Senator Kaine. And finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
Ms. Bennett. Yes, I do.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Bennett.
Let me begin with a topic I wish I did not have to begin
with. I would like to talk about campaigns against
disinformation and how we objectively promote journalism and
our own foreign policy ideas.
But I want to start off with talking about the murder of
journalists. This is not something that we should have to talk
to.
Jamal Khashoggi was a Virginia resident who was murdered in
a state-sponsored assassination by the Saudi Arabian
government. There still has not been accountability for that
murder.
I read accounts that the President may meet with the
leaders of Saudi Arabia, who have thus far escaped
accountability. Within the last month, a prominent Al Jazeera
journalist, Shireen Abu Akleh, was killed by Israeli Defense
Forces in Palestine. There have been significant murders of
journalists in Mexico.
We could go country after country. This is not unique to
any particular left or right or kind of government. It is not
unique to any continent, sadly.
But we are seeing journalists increasingly under pressure,
not just having their stories suppressed or editorial content
blocked but actually at risk for their very lives.
What could the U.S. Agency for Global Media do to either
provide some security or at least elevate this topic in the
eyes of Americans and those around the world so that we might
be able to protect people practicing the craft that you have
been about for your entire professional career?
Ms. Bennett. Thank you very much for that question,
Senator, and I, too, wish it was something that we did not have
to lead this committee with because it is clear that the
situation--the security situation and the safety situation for
journalists around the world is becoming just increasingly
fraught, increasingly dangerous, and protecting those
journalists and not only those journalists but also the
audiences and sources that work with them has got to be a high
priority, and there is many things that are already being done
to try and protect their security. But there are also many
other things that can be done, including working on
notification and digital security, and making sure that we have
the most up-to-date policies and practices.
Senator Kaine. I appreciate that, and I also believe that
even in the selection of content, factually accurate but
scrupulously focused attention to the situation of journalists
around the world who are under any kind of pressure, certainly,
under any threat to their life, can have a way of elevating
this in the mind's eye of the public in ways that could be
helpful and I would encourage you in that way.
I do not need to kind of cite chapter and verse of
challenges but I will say--and you are certainly aware of this
because of your recent service on the VOA, which is one of the
things, I think, makes you very, very well suited to this
position--there have been challenges in morale in the employees
within the USAGM.
What steps would you take, using your background not only
as a journalist but as a manager--what steps would you take to
slowly improve morale among leadership and staff within the
agency?
Ms. Bennett. Yes, thank you. Thank you, Senator. And I take
very, very seriously not just the safety of the staff but also
their morale, and one thing I found is even during the periods
of the most deep, profound morale issues there was still this
hunger and passion for the mission.
The first thing I would do is make sure they understand
that I share that hunger and passion and that I understand what
they are doing and I want to help them do it the best possible
way.
And the second thing I would do is to make sure that the
conditions at USAGM support them in their mission and that
everything we do at USAGM is used to advance the incredibly
important work that they do.
Senator Kaine. Let me ask you this question. How do you
approach--and again, your VOA experience is very valuable
here--how do you approach these twin missions of USAGM being
completely independent, trustworthy in delivering information,
also advancing U.S. foreign policy interests?
We want to do both. But we, certainly, cannot sacrifice
objectivity and accuracy for the latter goal. How do you--what
is your philosophy about how you accomplish both those goals?
Ms. Bennett. Thank you, Senator.
I have never seen those goals as being in opposition. I
feel that they are very similar and that modeling the values
that we hold as Americans in a democratic society of free press
is really an extremely powerful message about the freedoms of a
democratic society.
I find that modeling these messages and also bringing
truthful news and information about the world and also about
American foreign policy--we are, in some parts of the world,
the only source of truthful and objective news about American
foreign policy, about many subjects.
I think that those two things are really very important and
will continue to be so.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Bennett.
Before I hand you over to Senator Barrasso for questions, I
will just reflect to a time earlier in my life. It was
Christmas of 1980, Christmas Eve, and I was on my way to what I
thought was going to be a celebration of Christmas with Jesuit
missionaries in Honduras where I was working. But instead, our
car broke down and the person I was with me said that we had to
spend the night sleeping on a dirt floor in a one-room
schoolhouse high in the mountains of Honduras.
But we had a radio and we could turn on Voice of America
and listen to their Christmas programming. Other than
everything else it was the worst Christmas Eve of my life
because we only had a can of peanuts to share rather than the
dinner we hoped to enjoy with others.
But Voice of America was the one bright spot of that very
grim Christmas evening and I will never forget that even though
it was 42 years ago.
With that, I will hand it over to Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman.
Again, congratulations on the nomination. I have a couple
of questions, and I want to get into the issue of Russia and
Ukraine and not just the unprovoked military attack on innocent
people but also the propaganda that I see being used by Russia
targeting specific populations around the world.
It is a fascinating thing that I was not aware of until I
really dug into this and, you know, Russia is attempting to
influence and persuade African nations, interestingly enough.
Evidence of its impact, clearly, shown during the vote at the
United Nations on March 2nd of this year.
The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution
condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The vote was 140 to 5
demanding that Russia immediately cease its use of force
against Ukraine, refrain from other--any further unlawful
threat, condemned the violations, all of that.
Yet, over half of the African countries did not vote to
support it. On the vote to condemn Russia's invasion, 28
African nations backed the resolution. Seventeen abstained,
eight were no shows, and one nation opposed it.
We know that Russia has had an extensive propaganda
operation. When I met with President Zelensky in his office in
Kyiv a number of weeks ago and asked what is the
disappointment, he said, we expected more support out of Africa
in terms of the amount of food that goes to Africa and the
relationship and the friendship.
It does seem that Russian-controlled media is pushing the
false narrative that Putin is the hero versus telling the truth
about his brutality, his military aggression in Ukraine.
How can the United States better shed light on the
atrocities and the coercive practices that are committed by
countries like Russia?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, that is an incredibly important
question and one that focuses on the strength that USAGM can
bring to those questions.
First off, the Russian invasion of Ukraine highlights as
never before the power of information, both false information
and true information.
The true information about the way that Ukraine has
responded to these aggressions is very, very powerful in
underlining another nation's support for it and the false
information is also very important in helping maintain the
aggression the way it is.
And so information is our most important asset in helping
combat this.
And, Senator, I thank you for underlying the fact that the
mis- and disinformation that come out of Russia, out of China,
and Iran do not affect only those populations and the
populations around them.
They are also, as I discovered in my travels, absolutely
endemic, shockingly endemic, both in Africa and in South and
Latin America, and we need to draw on our global capabilities
and enhance our global capabilities to push back at this
disinformation by flooding the zone with accurate information
and I look forward to helping USAGM do that.
Senator Barrasso. Mr. Chairman, you may have seen this
yesterday.
Ms. Bennett, yesterday the State Department spokesperson
Ned Price stated this. He said, ``The Kremlin is engaged in a
full assault on media freedom, access to information, and the
truth.''
He went on to say the Russian Government fundamentally and
willfully disregards what it means to have a free press as
evidenced by them blocking or banning nearly every independent
Russian outlet seeking to report from inside the country.
Putin is taking over complete control of news and
information through censorship, attacks on the press. Russia is
labeling media outlets as extremist. You may have seen that.
Reading and sharing this--their content on social networks
subjects individuals to criminal prosecution.
Russia passed a law imposing 15 years in jail for sharing
information that goes against Putin's narrative on Ukraine,
basically, against the truth, and Western media is attempting
to push back on the disinformation and efforts by leaders such
as he to control the news.
How has Russia's actions against the press and journalists
impacted what you will be asked to do it at U.S. Agency for
Global Media?
Ms. Bennett. Thank you, Senator.
It impacts in a couple of different ways. One, as you
mentioned, the crackdown on the ability of ordinary citizens to
receive information and for journalists inside the country to
report information makes it increasingly important that our
efforts to make sure that we keep ahead of the circumvention
tools that we have at our disposal right now and advance them
so that we can increasingly get into these closed societies.
We have lots of evidence in Russia, in China, and Iran that
the people there, when given the opportunity, will seek out
this information and we need to make it available to them.
And I would also underscore for you that the issues--the
very dreadful issues that you have just talked about, about the
security and safety issues going on affecting journalists
there, I think, does help underscore the role that the passion
and mission of journalists play in continuing to do this
valuable work.
Senator Barrasso. That leads into my final question, Mr.
Chairman. Thank you for allowing me to go over my time.
What steps can the agency take to get accurate information
and news to the Russian people about what their government's
actions really are in Ukraine?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, there are many different ways we can
do that. Some of them are technological and some of them are
social. But we can see right now that Voice of America and
Radio Free Europe are right now getting record traffic from
both inside and the Russian periphery. People who are offered
the opportunity to get this information seek it out.
We need to make their tools that help them seek it out more
available to them, safer, and we also need to get ahead of the
technology so that as the Russians and the other authoritarian
regimes seek to shut down these countries that we are equally
capable in bypassing those barriers.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you for your helpful answers. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Absolutely. Thanks, Senator Barrasso.
By WebEx we have Senator Van Hollen now joining us.
[No response.]
Senator Kaine. I will turn to Senator Portman, who, I
believe, is also here via WebEx.
Senator Portman. Thank you very much, Chairman Kaine and to
Ranking Member Barrasso.
Thank you all for having this hearing and, Ms. Bennett, I
appreciate your willingness to step up and serve our country
again after your service at the Voice of America, and welcome
to your family, including your husband, Don Graham, who I see
back behind you somewhere lurking.
I want to talk a little about my concern about what has
happened to the U.S. Agency for Global Media. Without having
leadership in place it has been kind of adrift. It is my sense
that the staff has had some morale challenges and that stable
leadership is really needed right now.
I think you probably know better than most, having been
director of the Voice of America, the importance of USAGM's
reliability and consistency in terms of the foreign audience
that trusts them and that, therefore, sets them apart from
other news sources.
My question to you is, if confirmed, it would be up to you
to reestablish that trust and, by the way, with Congress and
the American people as well, but certainly the foreign
audiences.
What are your plans and how would you empower the networks
to protect freedom and democracy in countries that are
increasingly, as we have heard today, under threat from Russia,
from China, from other authoritarian regimes?
Ms. Bennett. Thank you, Senator, and I am glad you used the
word trust because one of the hallmarks of my leadership
throughout my career has been the fact that I want to cultivate
trust with everyone that our news organization touches.
With the staff, with its stakeholders, with its audiences,
trust is one of the most important things. Without it, you
cannot do anything, going forward.
So going in and reestablishing the trust inside USAGM, I
hope, will go a long way towards helping improve the morale
there because I saw that even under the most difficult
circumstances, even when the morale was the lowest, no one
ever, ever, ever abandoned their faith in the mission or their
passion for the mission.
And so helping people get the tools and the processes and
the support that they need to do that mission, I think, will go
a long way towards restoring trust and restoring a morale that
is essential to operating effectively.
Senator Portman. Thank you, Ms. Bennett.
I think you will have your hands full and, again, with your
background I think you will come in with some credibility with
the other journalists there, and I hope that we can at this
critical time have a very effective message countering the
disinformation and propaganda that is increasing out there in
every format, particularly online.
I want to ask you a specific question, if I could, with
regard to North Korea. Along with Senator Brown and Senator
Coons and others, I wrote and introduced what is called the
Otto Warmbier Countering North Korea Censorship and
Surveillance Act.
It passed this committee, actually, in October and we are
hoping to get a vote on the floor soon. It seeks to combat the
North Korea regime's repressive information environment, which
is flooded entirely with regime-sponsored propaganda, as you
know, and it actually censors outside news.
What is your understanding of Radio Free Asia's and Voice
of America's programming to the North Korean audiences?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, thank you very much, and my
understanding, based on my time there, is that there is
substantial programming that helps the people in North Korea
see and understand what is happening in a truthful way that
they cannot access any other way and also gives them a look at
what life is like in other parts of the world that--an insight
that they are, largely, forbidden to have.
And I think I would like to say that even right now there
is a surprising audience inside North Korea for truthful news
and information. I have been lucky enough to read some reports
that really surprised even me about the extent to which Voice
of America and Radio Free Asia's content is available.
And I wonder if I might be permitted--I carried--I was so
struck by this that I carry this statement with me. I had it
laminated. I put it in my purse, carried it with me and read it
to anyone who would listen.
It is about North Korea, and it is a statement that says,
``My name is Thae Yong-ho. I am the former deputy ambassador of
North Korea to the United Kingdom, and today I would like to
say that the Voice of America has been playing a very important
role to bring back the human rights to every citizen of the
world and, so far, VOA has played a very important role to push
the world to a better world.''
And when I was in North Korea as a diplomat in the foreign
ministry, I read every morning and afternoon the materials. We
called them radio reference materials of VOA, and the North
Korean regime also pays great attention to the context of VOA.
I think it is very important that VOA should strengthen its
activity and also its contents so that one day, I hope, VOA is
remembered by the North Korean people as kind of the main
player who contributed a lot for the reunification of the
Korean Peninsula.
Now, he was speaking on VOA broadcasts. Therefore, the
emphasis on VOA. But Radio Free Asia also has the same kind of
impact inside North Korea and I think it is one that we can
build on and accentuate, going forward.
Senator Portman. Great. Thank you very much.
We also understand that there is some damage to some of the
antennas that have been used in the past to be able to
broadcast into North Korea and there is a need to repair those
antennas.
Should you be confirmed, I would love to work with you on
that, and also the Open Technology Fund has some tools to be
able to circumvent some of the censorship and I want to be sure
that you are working with them as well, who could benefit from
our legislation.
Do you have any exposure to that group--to the Open
Technology Fund?
Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator, I do.
I have met with and talked to the people on the Open
Technology Fund. I have nothing but respect and admiration and,
frankly, great excitement about the possibility of going there,
working with them and helping develop those essential tools.
Yes, Senator, and I will welcome discussions and support
from anyone in helping achieve that mission.
Senator Portman. Great. What is your assessment of RFE and
Radio Liberty's coverage of the war in Ukraine?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, I think that the entire U.S. Agency
for Global Media are doing just an extraordinary job of
covering that conflict and providing useful information to the
people there and also to the people around the world.
As we mentioned earlier, it is very, very important to make
sure the rest of the world also knows this, and I think that
there is so much more that can be done to build on the work
that is being done right now to make sure that more people see
it, more people hear it, a bigger audience around the world
gets that news and information.
I really look forward to working to build on the wonderful
work that is being done currently and make it even more
available.
Senator Portman. Do you think that Radio Free Europe and
Radio Liberty should recommence its physical operations in
Russia? Has that been an issue in terms of, as Senator Barrasso
asked, allowing the Russian people to get the facts as to what
is really going on in Ukraine?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, I apologize, but I am not very
familiar with that particular issue right at the moment. But I
look forward to looking into it and getting back to you if you
would like.
Senator Portman. That would be great. I think broadcasting
news to our Russian audience is really important right now and
that is something to think about is whether we should try to
recommence our physical operations there.
Thank you very much for your testimony today and, again,
your willingness to step up and be involved in another
leadership role, helping to spread truth and, frankly, allowing
people around the world to know what America is really up to,
which is we are involved in liberating people and helping
people and, in Ukraine, trying to avoid atrocities from
occurring from Russia, thanks to an unjustified, illegal,
unwarranted invasion of that country.
And so my hope is that you will be able to help to
communicate that message and that is such a critical message
right now, particularly, again, with all the disinformation and
propaganda out there, particularly on social media.
So thank you, and best of luck.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Portman.
I let you exceed your time because I was told that Senator
Schatz was on his way and he is here.
And so, Senator Schatz, you are next.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and
thank you, Ms. Bennett, for being willing to serve again.
I want to start with internet freedom. What lessons did you
learn at VOA about the importance of open and reliable internet
access in authoritarian countries in particular?
Ms. Bennett. Senator Schatz, that is a--thank you for that
question because that is a very, very important question, and
making sure that we stay technologically not just catching up
but advanced in providing internet access to people around the
world is really critical to making sure that the best work that
is being done there gets made available to people around the
world because that is increasingly the way people are obtaining
their information and is very important, and as authoritarian
regimes get better at locking down and closing down those
systems we need to get better at breaking them down.
Senator Schatz. Tell me about the Open Technology Fund. You
do not have to summarize it for me at the more basic level, but
how do you think OTF can fill some of these new gaps and, like
you say, stay a little bit ahead of the curve of the
authoritarians?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, I am looking forward to diving into
that issue and making sure that the good work and research that
is being done there we can draw on that to move forward.
One of the most important things that the Open Technology
Fund does right now is support and develop and distribute
circumvention tools that enable people--audiences--safely to
access the content provided by USAGM around the world even when
it is denied to them through their own countries' mechanisms.
Senator Schatz. And I assume there is an opportunity for
private sector partnership here, as some of these
circumvention--most of these circumvention tools, I would
venture to guess, are developed outside of the four corners of
the government.
Ms. Bennett. It is one of the strengths, I think, of the
Open Technology Fund is its ability to see and use those
partnerships, and I look forward to expanding them as much as
possible.
Senator Schatz. I do not want to get you in trouble here.
But I am going to say that USAGM was politicized in a way that
was deeply unfortunate and has to be reversed, and so I would
just like for you to talk through how we are going to maintain
the reputation of USAGM and restore the sense among people on
both sides of the aisle and across the planet that you are not
doing anybody's bidding other than the bidding of fair and
accurate information and the dissemination of facts across the
planet.
Can you speak to that for me?
Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator. Thank you for that question
because I think that my nearly 50-year career in journalism I
have striven to make sure that I always uphold the principles
of neutrality, nonpartisanship, unbiased reporting in
journalism and I intend to keep on fulfilling those principles
and those are the principles that USAGM wants at its very heart
and soul to maintain.
There is no room for partisanship inside the Voice of
America. It is a nonpartisan unbiased operation without the
ability to act independently and to present news of all kinds.
It is of not the greatest use it could possibly be. There is no
room for partisanship, Senator.
Senator Schatz. Thank you. This question may be a little
more challenging, not in a political sense but I am sort of
puzzling through this as I think about the Voice of America and
Radio Free Asia.
You are producing content and you are putting it on the
airwaves. I am not one of these people who thinks that every
time there is a new medium for communication the other ones
become irrelevant. Radio is still a very powerful tool and we
ought to fund it and we--and what they are doing is essential.
And, yet, people are getting their information in lots of
new ways. How do you kind of envision--other than or in
addition to OTF and kind of the convening authority that you
have and the ability that you have to distribute dissemination
tools, what does VOA look like in 50 years? Is it still radio?
What does the future look like?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, I wish I could see ahead 50 years.
But what I can say is that I am a very pragmatic leader. What I
care about is what works.
If people are receiving their news and information on their
cell phones then we should provide news and information on
their cell phones. If they are providing--if they are accessing
news and information through shortwave radio we should be
providing information and news to them via shortwave radio.
We need to use the tools that work and it needs to be a
fact-based decision on how we deploy our resources to do that
and I think it is a very exciting opportunity to be able to
continue to focus our resources where they can be most
effectively used.
Senator Schatz. Just one final question, though.
Is there someone doing analysis of sort of the mix of
mediums, right? When you do any kind of communications campaign
you say, well, there is going to be 10 percent for print and 20
percent for web and 10 percent for radio and the rest for
television.
Are you thinking through what the mix is? Because the
government funding lines do not necessarily--they are not so
anticipatory and they are probably not so flexible. I am just
wondering if at least we can be in a dialogue about what that
mix is over what period of time.
And you do not necessarily--you are not in charge of
precipitating the transformation but you, I think, are in
charge of writing it, understanding it, and remaining effective
in a changing landscape.
Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator. I think there is--I think that
is a very exciting challenge and I think it is one that we can
continue to do most not only effectively but more effectively,
and it is a very interesting challenge because that mix is
different in different parts of the world and in different
countries.
And so doing deep analyses of who the audience is, what
they need, what they are looking for, is really critical to
making those decisions. The more information we have like that
and the more attention we pay to it, the better decisions we
are going to make on that subject in the future.
Senator Schatz. Sure. As a perfect example, shortwave radio
is not something that comes top of mind in the United States
and is still an enormously powerful tool elsewhere.
Ms. Bennett. Yes, Senator. May I give you an example?
Because at my time at Voice of America, I am sure you
remember the tremendous tragedy inside Myanmar when the
Rohingya were chased from their homes and were forced to
resettle in Bangladesh.
Shortly after that happened, people were still coming
across the river. I went to the refugee camps in Bangladesh to
see the Rohingya refugees and discovered that even if they had
just been chased from their homes, their hunger for information
was just as strong as in any other part of the world, and very
quickly, very flexibly, very nimbly, we were able to set up a
Rohingya language broadcast using shortwave into those camps
and we created--back at Voice of America created a model that
is replicable into other refugee camps around the world.
So yes, I agree with you, Senator.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Schatz.
Ms. Bennett, one last question for me and then I will see
if others here have questions. Senator Barrasso is introducing
a witness at another committee hearing and will return.
The question I want to ask is I sometimes worry about the
silo effect of federal government or any institution that
everybody has got their little piece, and instead of looking
comprehensively we sort of get into our silos.
USAGM is an important element of global--sort of global
engagement, public diplomacy, but there is other agencies,
institutions, and bureaus within the U.S. government that are
also in that public diplomacy space.
Talk a little bit about how you see USAGM kind of in that
array of other actors and what are the appropriate
relationships to build and nurture among the network without
compromising the journalistic objectivity that USAGM needs to
maintain.
Ms. Bennett. Absolutely, Senator. Thank you for asking that
question.
And I hate silos. I hate silos. They are--they impede
people doing their best work. And so I think that there are
many, many tools in the information space that USAGM occupies,
and making sure that USAGM is a willing and open and
transparent and trustworthy partner to help look at the
different ways that people are accessing information and the
different lanes that people fulfill in doing that mission, I
think, is incredibly important and I really commit to making
sure that we avoid silos of all kinds in our work.
Senator Kaine. Senator Menendez is on the way here so I am
going to keep asking questions until he arrives.
Let me ask you this. In your VOA experience, did you kind
of--did you have the feeling as you looked at what other
nations were doing, wow, we are out resourced, or we are
getting the right amount of resources?
I am assuming you did not feel like you were getting too
many. So what has been your sense in the recent iteration of
USAGM and Voice of America about the degree of resources that
the U.S. is committing to this--these important goals vis-a-vis
other nations?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, we appreciate the financial support
that the Senate gives to us at any amount and, yet, I can say
that looking out over the globe we are vastly out resourced by
our competitors and our adversaries.
Whatever the funding level we get, Voice of America, Radio
Free Europe, Radio Free Asia, Office of Cuba Broadcasting, and
the Office of Middle East Broadcasting will all continue to do
our best.
However, we are facing an extremely well resourced,
professional, and very impressive infrastructure around the
world, and whatever resources we can be given in the future
will be put to good use.
Senator Kaine. And those adversaries are, principally,
Russia and China but not exclusively. I think Iran has Spanish
language broadcasting capacity.
Are there other nations than those that I have mentioned
that are really active in this area that we need to pay
attention to as we make our own resource decisions?
Ms. Bennett. Those three nations are the primary sources of
that kind of competition. The thing that I think people find
surprising is that this kind of--these three adversaries are
operating not just in their own countries and their neighboring
countries but all over the world, and so it is equally
important to be aware of the incredible inroads they are making
in Africa and Latin and South America, as well as the rest of
the globe.
Senator Kaine. Ms. Bennett, thank you.
I will now turn to Senator Menendez for his questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Bennett, congratulations on your nomination. I am sorry
that other obligations kept me away from hearing the totality
of your testimony so you will excuse me if something I ask you
may have been asked already.
When a foreign country like China goes ahead and puts a
couple of million Uyghurs in concentration camps--and we know
that to be true--when Cuba goes ahead and represses its
citizens for peacefully protesting and recently passed a law
that actually makes for what we would consider free speech
rights a punishment by death--and we know that to be true--it
is publicly reported--what is the--what is our obligation?
I use those by ways of example. It can be--I can go to
Africa. I can go to a whole bunch of places. What is our
obligation, from your perspective, with the U.S. Agency for
Global Media to do as it relates to reporting about those
instances and those challenges in the world?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, thank you very much. That is--that
kind of obligation is at the heart of the mission of USAGM
because reporting truthfully and factually the kind of
information that the repressive regimes such as the ones you
named are trying to keep from the world and from their own
people is really a key component of what USAGM does.
And I also think that reporting on repressive regimes and
human rights such as the ones that you just mentioned are felt
by journalists in their very soul. It is what they want to do.
They want to make sure that these unseen and unheard people are
able to bring their stories to the world and that information
is a powerful tool.
The Chairman: And, especially, I would assume, that since
that information, especially in closed societies where the
state is the only actor in terms of providing information to
its people to the extent that others can get in from--people
within those countries can get information by circumvention
tools or by the internet to the access--to the extent that they
have access to the internet or in other forums, it seems to me
that it is one of the critically important elements of what we
do in surrogate broadcasting in the world is to give a window
of information to closed societies and people who do not
otherwise have--because of the nature of their repressive
regimes do not have that open window.
So is that a fair statement of your view of policy?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, it is an absolutely fair statement.
The Chairman. Because there have been suggestions in the
past that your previous roles suggests that that is not the
view that you had, that in fact that you were, ``advocates''
for some of the views of these regimes, and I just wanted to
set the record straight since not too many may attend the
hearing but when it comes time for a business meeting we will
hear a chorus of things from some people.
Ms. Bennett. Senator, I appreciate that, and my entire
journalistic career has been devoted to giving truthful news
and information and not advocating for any position whatsoever,
especially not that of a repressive regime.
The Chairman. And one last thing. As you are probably
aware, Congress has legislated a series of reforms to the
board, as we would refer to it, following the dissolution of
the Broadcasters Board of Governors model.
In all these changes, Congress has made clear that an
advisory board comprised of experienced professionals who are
not otherwise employed by the U.S. government is critical to
protecting the firewall that we have sought to establish.
If confirmed, do you agree and how would you expect to
utilize that advisory board?
Ms. Bennett. Senator, I agree that boards can and should be
an important partner in making the kinds of decisions that you
need to make inside an agency like this, and I will commit to
working collaboratively, openly, truthfully, and on a
nonpartisan basis with such an advisory board.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Ms. Bennett, I thank you for your testimony.
Again, congratulations on your nomination.
I am going to ask that the committee record on this hearing
be open until 5:00 p.m. on Thursday, the 9th of June.
If any colleagues either who have been here or who were not
unable to attend submit questions before that time, I would
encourage you to answer them fully and promptly.
And with that, the committee hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:53 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator Robert Menendez
Grantees vs. Broadcasters
Question. You have experience running Voice of America, which has a
unique mission among the various surrogates under USAGM's mandate.
How will you work to ensure that each of the surrogates can fulfill
its unique mandate?
Answer. If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I would work to
ensure that everything USAGM does supports its mission as a stable,
coordinated, efficient, and transparent organization serving its
surrogates and to create conditions in which truthful journalism can be
most effectively practiced. I would work to ensure coordination and
cooperation among networks to make the most efficient use of all the
agency's assets. And I would reaffirm both the mission and the
editorial independence that underpins the worldwide credibility that
USAGM surrogates all enjoy.
Imbalance of Resources
Question. Despite Congressional efforts to boost resources across
the U.S. Government to counter misinformation, , malign actors like
Russia and China continue to invest significant amounts in their
disinformation and propaganda efforts.
What specific efforts through the broadcasters and grantees do you
believe are the most valuable in countering misinformation?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to accelerate across all USAGM
broadcasters and grantees advances in technology and effective
implementation, including circumvention tools and other emerging means,
to ensure that information can be seen and heard by the people who need
it the most, especially those in closed societies where people do not
otherwise have access. This requires USAGM to become even more
sophisticated in its efforts to break down information-blocking
barriers from repressive authoritarian regimes, like Russia and China,
and to be maximally and strategically prepared to flood the zone with
fact-based, truthful reporting to the largest global audiences and in
as many easily accessible means as possible.
Question. What role do you see for USAGM in growing audiences for
fact-checking and combatting disinformation?
Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work
within USAGM and its entities and with interagency partners, Congress
and stakeholders on this matter.
Question. Do you commit to engage constructively with
representatives of organized labor on behalf of any employees of USAGM
or its affiliates?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed.
Question. Do you commit to convene promotion boards for any
eligible Foreign Service Officers at USAGM or its affiliates?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed.
Question. During your time as head of VOA, did you convene
promotion boards for eligible Foreign Service Officers at VOA?
Answer. To my knowledge, boards for eligible Foreign Service
Offices were convened during my tenure.
Question. What is your view on the role of Foreign Service Officers
as journalists for USAGM or its affiliates?
Answer. I respect the role of Foreign Service Officers as
journalists for USAGM and its affiliates in support of its mission, and
if confirmed, I pledge to carefully balance various agency equities,
including best use of resources and avoiding duplication.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator James E. Risch
Management and Operations
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout the U.S.
Agency for Global Media (USAGM)?
Answer. While I am not at USAGM and cannot speak with certainty, I
can appreciate that the past few years have likely been stressful for
the agency and staff due in large part to the global pandemic and its
impacts, as well as the fact that there have been four different heads
of agency over the past three years. Furthermore, threats to freedom of
the press and journalist safety are at an all-time high. This prolonged
strain, uncertainty, and insecurity has no doubt taken its toll on
morale overall. That said, I have deep respect and admiration for this
agency's workforce and experienced first-hand their hunger and passion
for the mission despite possible morale shortcomings.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at USAGM?
Answer. If confirmed, I would take morale very seriously and devote
attention to achieving significant positive impacts, like what we were
able to accomplish during my tenure at VOA as shown by annual
improvements to its FEVS ratings during my tenure. If confirmed, the
first thing I would do is make sure agency staff understand that I
share their hunger and passion for the mission, that I understand what
they're doing, and that I would do my best to help them achieve
success. The second thing I would do is to make sure that the
conditions at USAGM support them in their mission and that everything
at USAGM will be used to advance the incredibly important work that
they do.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at USAGM?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that everything that
USAGM does supports its mission as a stable, coordinated, efficient,
and transparent organization serving its broadcasters and creating
conditions in which truthful journalism can be most effectively
practiced.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Over my nearly 50-years long career, I have done my best to
lead by example, to set expectations regarding the highest journalistic
standards, and to communicate clearly about those expectations. If
confirmed, this is the approach I would continue to take as CEO. I am a
pragmatic leader. I want to do what works best. I make decisions based
on facts and with input from relevant stakeholders. I have a history of
producing and leading the production of fact-based, nonpartisan news
coverage.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. To the extent a leader must deliver constructive feedback
to subordinates, my strong preference, if confirmed, would always be to
do so in a respectful manner and in private.
Question. Was bullying tolerated at VOA during your tenure?
Answer. No, bullying was not and should not be tolerated, and if
confirmed, I would not tolerate bullying or any other form of
harassment.
Question. What is the appropriate leadership response upon learning
that a supervisor is bullying employees?
Answer. The appropriate leadership response, and one I would adhere
to if confirmed, would be to alert agency officials and to follow all
required policies and procedures.
Question. Is it appropriate to mislead or lie about one's
background on a resume? If not, what is the appropriate remedy to such
a situation?
Answer. No, it is never appropriate to be intentionally deceptive
on a resume, including to mislead or lie. The appropriate remedy, and
one I would adhere to if confirmed, would be to alert agency officials
and to follow all required policies and procedures.
Question. In your opinion, when is it appropriate for a federal
employee of USAGM or a USAGM affiliate to participate in the activities
of another U.S. government entity or initiative? When is it not
appropriate?
Answer. To my knowledge, there are rules and regulations regarding
federal employee participation in the activities of another U.S.
government entity or initiative which, if confirmed, I commit to
continuing to follow.
Question. When leading an organization, is it appropriate to hire
personal acquaintances to senior positions? In what instances would it
be appropriate?
Answer. If confirmed, I would look forward to bringing a deep and
broad knowledge of industry and government wide expertise to my role as
CEO to attract the best talent while as I have done in the past,
committing to continuing to follow all required policies and procedures
related to attracting, recruiting, and retaining top talent in service
to our country.
Question. Are you aware of flaws in USAGM's security processes that
were identified by the Office of Personal Management as well as the
Office of the Director of National Intelligence? If yes, what do you
intend to do to address those flaws, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, I am aware that there are security processes USAGM has
been working to improve, and if confirmed, I commit to immediately
focusing on all aspects of USAGM's security processes, as well as
agency actions taken or underway.
Question. Are USAGM networks and grantees higher priority targets
than other news organizations due to its connections to the U.S.
government?
Answer. Yes, the safety and security of journalists (and in some
cases also their families) is at higher risk because of the agency's
commitment to providing factual news and information to people under
authoritarian regimes who have no other access to do this. The safety
and security of journalists is of utmost priority as risks to reliable,
fact-based reporting increase at historic rates.
Question. Is it important for USAGM to do its best to ensure that
the employees of networks and grantees are not in any way influenced by
foreign governments?
Answer. Absolutely.
Grantees
Question. Should USAGM have control over not just funding for the
grantees--Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, Middle East
Broadcasting Networks, and the Open Technology Fund)--but also
operational or editorial control? Should they have more autonomy?
Answer. If confirmed, I would abide by all statutory authorities
and provisions provided by Congress to the CEO of USAGM and would
welcome engagement with Congress on these topics or any proposed
changes.
Question. Should USAGM control the make-up of the grantee boards?
Answer. If confirmed, I would abide by all statutory authorities
and provisions provided by Congress to the CEO of USAGM and would
welcome engagement with Congress on these topics or any proposed
changes.
Voice of America (VOA)
Question. What is VOA's mission and would you change it in any way,
if confirmed?
Answer. Enacted in 1976, Congress enumerated in Public Law 94-350
(also known as the VOA Charter) three principles to define the
organization's mission (PL 94-350), and if confirmed, I commit to
following Congress' mandate and would welcome engagement with Congress
on any proposed changes.
Question. Is one of VOA's primary responsibilities covering U.S.
news, including actions and statements by the U.S. government?
Answer. Yes, according to Congress, two of PL 94-350's (also known
as the VOA Charter) guiding principles expressly state that VOA will
cover America, and if confirmed, I commit to following Congress'
mandate.
Question. How is VOA different from CNN/CNN International? From BBC
and its language services?
Answer. CNN/CNN International is different from VOA in many ways.
CNN/CNN International is a for-profit, commercial-driven model; while
its broadcasts are occasionally available in locations such as
international airports and hotels frequented by international business
travelers, they have almost no audience in USAGM markets outside such
high-end venues. CNN/CNN International provide news and information
geared mainly to U.S. and international travelers. Unlike USAGM
networks, CNN/CNN International provide almost no coverage of
international or local news geared toward audiences with no other
access to fact-based information, nor are they required to share news
and information about the U.S., its people and policies to the world.
Unlike USAGM networks, which provide news and information in (62) local
languages, CNN/CNN International provides news and information in seven
languages, including such languages as English, German, and Japanese,
aimed at economically developed and largely free markets. While CNN/
CNN International is typically available to audiences via costly
satellite subscription and high-bandwidth services, USAGM's networks
are distributed free via satellite, social media, our websites, OTT
applications, FM radio, medium wave radio, shortwave radio, always
catered to the viewing and listening preferences of its target
audiences in each market. While the BBC operates in 22 fewer languages
than does USAGM, its journalism is similar to VOA and USAGM's other
networks in that it does a good job in hard-to-reach places and is able
to reach audiences inside authoritarian regimes where there is no other
access for truthful, fact-based information. USAGM works closely with
the BBC to ensure that, in markets where both are operating, efforts
are co-productive and not redundant.
Question. Who are VOA's most important audiences?
Answer. VOA's most important audiences are those inside
authoritarian regimes where there is no other access for truthful,
fact-based information.
Question. Should VOA journalists be forward deployed to report on
non-U.S. news?
Answer. As circumstances warrant, there may be value in support of
USAGM mission for this to happen, and if confirmed, I would require
collaboration and coordination across entities to ensure best use of
resources and to avoid duplication.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Earlier this year, USAGM notified Congress of its intent
to explore a reduction in force (RIF) for the Office of Cuba
Broadcasting (OCB). Following through on this action would mean letting
go of dozens of OCB staff. This RIF seems like a counterintuitive plan
given that Cuba experienced historic protests on July 11, 2021. These
protests demonstrated the demand for uncensored information is higher
than ever on the island.
Do you agree with the decision to reduce the size of OCB in light
of recent events in Cuba?
Answer. While I am not privy to USAGM's current internal budget
considerations, I am aware that OCB's appropriation has taken a
significant cut and one that would present notable challenges for any
organization. I commit that, if confirmed, I will review this issue
closely and work to ensure that OCB creates the greatest impact for
every dollar Congress provides the network and seek additional funding
wherever possible to assist OCB in fulfilling its mission.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting an increase to
OCB's budget and role in countering the Castro/Diaz-Canel regime?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Are you supportive of the efforts to relocate OCB from
Miami to Washington, D.C., even though most of the Cuban American
community supports it remaining in Miami?
Answer. Though I do not have a full sense of what USAGM may have
under consideration regarding changes to its footprint in Florida or
elsewhere, I recognize that OCB has a strong historic connection to the
Cuban American community in Miami, and if confirmed, I would be very
mindful of the importance of those connections.
Question. USAGM must do more to counter and balance the narratives
amplified by China and Russian state media, which are increasingly
sophisticated in their international offerings. In some cases, Russia
Today (RT) and Chinese Global Television Network (CGTN) affiliates are
among the most popular news sources in Latin America, Africa, and
Southeast Asia. In short, Russia and China are starting to win the war
for hearts and minds in the countries we need to support the U.S.
If confirmed, how will you enhance USAGM's efforts to provide media
offerings that can compete with RT and CGTN, as well as other
versions of our adversaries' state-run media?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to doing all I can to enhance
USAGM's efforts to provide media offerings that can compete with Russia
Today (RT) and Chinese Global Television Network (CGTN) to audiences
who need it the most. USAGM also must become more sophisticated and
strategic than its adversaries and be maximally prepared to flood the
zone with fact-based, truthful reporting to the largest global
audiences--including in Latin America, Africa, and Southeast Asia--and
in as many more easily accessible means as possible.
Question. While you led Voice of America, you faced criticism from
Chinese and Cuban diaspora communities who accused VOA of glorifying
communist leaders like Fidel Castro and Che Guevara and for repeating
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) talking points without offering other
views. In particular, an April 7, 2020 article documents the end of the
lockdown in Wuhan without clarifying that the CCP implemented the
lockdown with brutal severity--and in some cases, welding people shut
into their apartments.
Why did VOA articles, including the April 7 article, consistently
not provide additional information countering Chinese
Government statements about the lockdown?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue my 50-year commitment to
unbiased, fact-based, truthful, believable reporting and protecting
news and information from the increasingly rigorous attempts to block
it.
Question. Is it appropriate for VOA to implicitly endorse the
policies of our top strategic competitor?
Answer. No.
Question. In April 2017, USAGM broadcasted an interview with Guo
Wengui, a well-known critic of General Secretary Xi Jinping. Mid-
interview, the broadcast was cut off. According to some critics, this
was at the behest of the People's Republic of China embassy in D.C.
Can you confirm if VOA personnel, under your watch, cut off the
interview due to pressure from the Chinese embassy? If not, why
was the interview abruptly ended?
Answer. Respectfully, the interview was not cut off due to pressure
from the Chinese embassy. VOA leadership ended the interview when it
was clear that required journalistic ethics and professional standards
were not being followed.
Question. Did the agency acknowledge, in a timely way, that the CCP
raised objections to the interview?
Answer. I am not entirely clear what this question is asking, but
my experience was that in all appropriate venues, including in
discussions with Congress, the agency acknowledged the objections
raised by the CCP and the fact that these objections did not influence
content. The agency routinely received objections related to its
programming (from CCP, as well as other governments and stakeholders),
and did not bow to pressure or influence from foreign governments in
its decision-making or in its production of full, fair, and balanced
journalism in the face of even the most extreme pressures.
Question. Were agency employees disciplined in this matter, and if
so, to what extent?
Answer. Yes, agency employees were disciplined in this matter, but
respectfully, my understanding is that privacy rules may prevent me
from discussing details in employee personnel files.
Question. There are reports that a new China Branch director
ordered employees to ``balance'' the ``anti-China'' tone with more
``pro-China'' voices in their reports.
Given the Chinese record of human rights violations and its
significant anti-US propaganda effort, what is your view of
this?
Answer. To be clear, there is absolutely no place for biased
coverage in favor of China or any other regime. Over my nearly 50-year
career in journalism, I have striven to make sure that I always uphold
the principles of unbiased reporting in journalism, neutrality, and
nonpartisanship. During my tenure at VOA, I took every allegation of
bias coverage seriously and scrupulously looked into them. I also have
a strong track record as an open, accessible, and transparent leader
who routinely engaged with Congress and stakeholders. If confirmed, I
commit to continuing this approach on behalf of USAGM.
Question. Reports indicate that USAGM/VOA has experienced a loss of
55 million people of VOA's audience in China. This information emerged
in a program review meeting that included the entire China branch, in
which VOA's program review office informed staff of the audience
survey. By some calculations, that translated to an 85-90 percent
audience loss for VOA's Mandarin Service.
Can you confirm that VOA's Mandarin service experienced this loss
in viewership in China?
Answer. Respectfully, I am unfamiliar with these reports and cannot
confirm; rather, I recall an increase in the Chinese audience thanks in
part to online access.
Question. What are the reasons for this loss in viewership?
Answer. Again, I am not aware of this loss in Chinese viewership
and question whether something may have been misunderstood about the
information presented at the time.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to reverse this
loss?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that information can be
seen and heard by the people who need it the most.
Question. What is your response to other claims that VOA has not
sufficiently covered human rights abuses in Cuba, Iran, and China?
Answer. At the heart of the mission of USAGM is the responsibility
to report truthfully and factually the kind of information and human
rights abuses that the repressive regimes are trying to keep from the
world and from their own people. Making sure that these unseen and
unheard people can bring their stories to the world is a key component
of what USAGM does, and if confirmed, one I intend to uphold.
Question. In light of these claims, how can the committee be
confident of your ability to lead USAGM to counter Chinese and Russian
propaganda, if you are confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I would intend to lead by empowering USAGM
and its entities to model the values of a free press that we hold as
Americans in a democratic society. This is an extremely powerful
message to send to authoritarian regimes intent on undermining
credible, fact-based, and unbiased coverage around the globe. If
confirmed, I look forward to helping USAGM draw upon and enhance our
global capabilities to push back at Chinese and Russian propaganda, to
amplify its capacity and to flood the zone with accurate information.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Amanda Bennett by Senator Ted Cruz
VOA/China
Question. In May 2017, Sasha Gong--then the Voice of America's
Mandarin Service Chief--suggested that VOA's top management caved to
pressure from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to censor a broadcast
built around allegations made by CCP critic Guo Wengui. Specifically,
Ms. Gong wrote in the Wall Street Journal that ``On April 13, six days
in advance, VOA began promoting the interview to audiences on all of
its platforms. On April 17 the Chinese Government issued an arrest
warrant for Mr. Guo without making public any details of his alleged
crimes. That same day, the Chinese Foreign Ministry summoned VOA's
Beijing correspondent and complained that the interview constituted
interference in China's internal affairs. Specifically, the Chinese
said the interview would disturb the 19th Communist Party Congress,
which is scheduled to be held later this year. The Chinese threatened
to `respond seriously' if the interview went forward. A few hours
later, the VOA's top management in Washington asked me to cancel the
live interview.'' The interview was ultimately aired in a limited
version. Ms. Gong was subsequently fired by VOA management in 2018.
Were you contacted by any officials of the CCP or the People's
Republic of China (PRC) regarding VOA's plans to air the
broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations? If so, please
identify the names and titles of those CCP or PRC officials,
and describe their requests. For each case, please be specific
whether the officials requested that you in any way change the
broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations, and if so in what
way?
Answer. No, I was not personally contacted by officials of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Question. Were you contacted by any officials from Chinese news
organizations regarding VOA's plans to air the broadcast related to Mr.
Guo's allegations? If so, please identify the names and titles of those
CCP or PRC officials, and describe their requests. For each case,
please be specific whether the officials requested that you in any way
change the broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations, and if so in
what way?
Answer. No, I was not personally contacted by officials from
Chinese news organizations.
Question. To your knowledge, were any other VOA officials contacted
by any officials of the CCP or the PRC regarding VOA's plans to air the
broadcast related to Mr. Guo's allegations? If so, please identify the
names and titles of those CCP or PRC officials, and describe their
requests. For each case, please be specific whether the officials
requested that you in any way change the broadcast related to Mr. Guo's
allegations, and if so in what way?
Answer. To my knowledge, VOA officials were contacted by CCP or PRC
officials. I recall that the Chinese Foreign Ministry contacted the VOA
Beijing Bureau Chief to raise concerns about going forward with the
interview and that the VOA Deputy Director took a call demanding that
VOA not air the proposed broadcast. I am not aware of names or titles.
This is not uncommon when journalists and news organizations receive
threats from authoritarian regimes; they often do not identify
themselves.
Question. Since the decision to limit Mr. Guo's interview, have you
met with either CCP or PRC officials in a personal or professional
capacity? If so, did you discuss with those officials, at those
subsequent meetings, the circumstances around Mr. Guo's interview and
its ultimate airing?
Answer. No, I have not met with either CCP or PRC officials in a
personal or professional capacity.
VOA/Iran
Question. The management of VOA's Persian News Network (VOA
Persian) before and during your tenure was deeply controversial. In
2020, U.S. special representative for Iran Brian Hook--who according to
public reports continues to be targeted for murder by the Iranian
regime for his service--wrote that ``Iranian viewers say its American
taxpayer-funded programming often sounds more like the `Voice of the
mullahs' than the `Voice of America.' '' Hook noted that the outlet's
reputation for pro-regime propaganda and bias went back years: ``In
2014, a group of congressional representatives from both sides of the
aisle called for an investigation into VOA Persian after allegations
that it deliberately papered over the regime's brutal human rights
record.''
VOA Persian has also faced sustained scrutiny, including recent
Congressional inquiries sent to the USAGM, regarding the on-again-off-
again employment of Setareh Derakhshesh Sieg. During your tenure at
VOA, VOA Persian was headed by Ms. Sieg. She was reportedly fired in
2021 for misusing official funds and falsifying her resume. The culture
she had established at VOA Persian during your tenure was corrosive,
according to government investigations and whistleblower accounts. A
2016 OPM investigation reportedly uncovered a culture in which more
than half of employees at VOA Persian believed that arbitrary action,
personal favoritism, and coercion for partisan political purposes were
tolerated. Last year Ms. Sieg was reinstated.
What steps did you take during your tenure to counter the broadcast
and publication at VOA Persian of materials biased in favor of
the Iranian regime?
Answer. To be clear, there is absolutely no place for biased
coverage in favor of Iran or any other regime. Over my nearly 50-year
career in journalism, I have striven to make sure that I always uphold
the principles of unbiased reporting in journalism, neutrality, and
nonpartisanship. During my tenure at VOA, I took allegations of biased
coverage seriously and scrupulously looked into them. I also have a
strong track record as an open, accessible, and transparent leader who
routinely engaged with Congress and stakeholders.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to take
to counter the broadcast and publication across all of USAGM of
materials biased in favor of the Iranian regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that everything that
USAGM does supports its mission as a stable, coordinated, efficient,
and transparent organization serving its broadcasters and creating
conditions in which truthful journalism can be most effectively
practiced.
Question. Do you agree with the characterization made by Special
Envoy Hook? If not, why not?
Answer. No, I respectfully do not agree with that characterization.
At the heart of the mission of USAGM is the responsibility to report
truthfully and factually the kind of information and human rights
abuses that the repressive regimes, including Iran, are trying to keep
from the world and from their own people. Making sure that these unseen
and unheard people can bring their stories to the world is a key
component of what USAGM does, and if confirmed, one I intend to uphold.
Question. Were you aware of Ms. Sieg's false credentials when she
served during your tenure at VOA? What role did you play in hiring or
supervising her?
Answer. During my tenure, I recall being made aware of allegations
like these and referring them to the appropriate USAGM officials for
handling in accordance with all required agency policies and
procedures. I did not play a role in hiring Ms. Sieg; she was already
employed by VOA prior to my arrival. I did not directly supervise Ms.
Sieg; she was a direct report to the VOA Program Director.
Question. If confirmed, what role do you envision in USAGM or VOA
for Ms. Sieg? What steps do you intend to take to insulate USAGM
employees from political pressure, including and especially to produce
coverage biased in favor of the Iranian regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I would arrive without a predetermined vision
regarding any agency staff absent first conducting a review in
accordance with that agency's editorial independence to better
understand USAGM resources and needs to best serve its mission. Over my
nearly 50-year career in journalism, I have strived to make sure that I
always uphold the principles of neutrality, nonpartisanship, unbiased
reporting in journalism. If confirmed, I intend to keep on fulfilling
those principles.
DREAMer advocacy/conflicts of interest
Question. You are a co-founder of TheDream.US, which is a project
of the New Venture Fund, a leftwing 501(c)(3). The group describes
itself as, ``the nation's largest college access and success
scholarship program for DREAMers,'' i.e. those who have lived in the
United States illegally since coming to the country as a minor.
According to TheDream.US, ``supporters of TheDream.US nationally
include the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Pershing Square
Foundation, Bloomberg Philanthropies, Bill and Steve Graham and the
Omidyar Network.''
You have allegedly engaged in these and similar advocacies in your
official capacity at VOA. In July 2016 you reportedly sent an internal
email urging readers to ``check out this week's highlights'' which
included you highlighting that ``VOA Spanish interviewed two
undocumented immigrants who are high school valedictorians in Texas.
Larissa Martinez of Dallas, who received a full scholarship to Yale
University, said that many illegal immigrants like her live in fear.
She called Republican presidential hopeful Donald Trump's immigration
plan one of `hate and prejudice.'''
Is it accurate that you sent the email describing then-candidate
Donald Trump's immigration plan as one of ``hate and
prejudice''? If so, to what extent do you consider that to have
been a lapse in personal judgment?
Answer. While I am not entirely clear what is being referred to
here, I do recall compilation emails consisting of multiple news items
chosen by its services were periodically sent to staff and were in no
way intended to represent advocacy by me in my official capacity. To be
clear, I served in no advocacy role at VOA, and if confirmed, I would
not serve in any advocacy role at USAGM.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to take
to insulate the USAGM from your personal political advocacy, including
on issues related to immigration?
Answer. Prior to joining VOA in 2016, I resigned from any and all
roles and responsibilities as co-founder of TheDream.US. In
anticipation of this confirmation process, I also resigned from my
positions on all remaining external organizations. If confirmed, I
would comply with all aspects of my required ethics agreement with the
Office of Government Ethics.
Question. How much funding has TheDream.US received from each of:
the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Pershing Square Foundation,
Bloomberg Philanthropies, Bill and Steve Graham and the Omidyar
Network?
Answer. Respectfully, I am responding in my personal capacity as a
nominee; as stated above, I resigned from TheDream.US and do not have
access to this information.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to take
to insulate USAGM from influence related to each of the Bill & Melinda
Gates Foundation, the Pershing Square Foundation, Bloomberg
Philanthropies, Bill and Steve Graham and the Omidyar Network?
Answer. As stated above, if confirmed, I would comply with all
aspects of my required ethics agreement with the Office of Government
Ethics.
Question. Please list any other donors to TheDream.US who have
contributed in excess of $1000 and describe the specific steps you
intend to take, if confirmed, to insulate USAGM from influence related
to those funders.
Answer. Respectfully, I am responding in my personal capacity as a
nominee; as stated above, I resigned from TheDream.US and do not have
access to this information. Further, if confirmed, I would comply with
all aspects of my required ethics agreement with the Office of
Government Ethics.
Question. Please list any foreign donors to TheDream.US who have
contributed any amount of funding and describe the specific steps you
intend to take, if confirmed, to insulate USAGM from influence related
to those funders.
Answer. None, to my knowledge. However, I am responding in my
personal capacity as a nominee; as stated above, I resigned from
TheDream.US and do not have access to this information.
Question. Has TheDream.US received funding for the U.S. Federal
Government, and if so how much?
Answer. None, to my knowledge. However, I am responding in my
personal capacity as a nominee; as stated above, I resigned from
TheDream.US and do not have access to this information.
Spending/Oversight
Question. USAspending.gov, the official source for spending data
for the U.S. Government, shows a completed delivery order--PIID
95170018F1222--from USAGM to Mobomo, LLC in 2018. The obligated amount
was listed as $10.8 million and the potential award amount was $16.5
million. According to documentation on Mobomo's site, they developed
for VOA a Content Management System (CMS) named ``Voltron.'' The
development would have moved VOA away from its long-time reliance on
the Pangea CMS platform.
USAGM's FY 2021 ``Performance and Accountability Report,'' however,
notes that ``In FY 2021, USAGM completed an enterprise audit of content
management systems across all of its networks. As a result of this
review, the decision was made to bring all networks to a common CMS
platform and VOA began transitioning all of its services back to the
common Pangea system.''
How much money was spent on the failed transition from Voltron to
Pangea, to your knowledge?
Answer. I left VOA in June 2020, and to my knowledge, Voltron had
only been partially completed. Respectfully, I would defer to the
agency on costs associated with any subsequent transition from Voltron
to Pangea.
Question. What was the justification for transitioning to a new
CMS?
Answer. When I arrived at VOA, the agency needed significant
upgrades across a wide range of technologies. I focused on improvements
to a content management system to better equip the agency and its staff
to fulfill its mission.
Question. Why and how was Mobomo chosen to be the vendor for
developing a new CMS?
Answer. My understanding is that this vendor would have been
selected pursuant to an independent procurement process conducted by
USAGM's Office of Contracts in accordance with federal acquisition
regulations and agency policies on procurement.
Question. In your understanding, why did the transition to a new
CMS fail?
Answer. Voltron was still in its early stages of implementation at
the time I left VOA. Since I am no longer at VOA, I do not have
visibility on why the transition to a new CMS ultimately failed.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps do you intend to ensure
that future digital projects and transitions are not subject to such
failures?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek government-wide best practices
in contracting, designing, and implementation and understanding of
lessons learned related to Voltron.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, JUNE 16, 2022
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:19 a.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L.
Cardin presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Shaheen, Schatz, Van
Hollen, Rubio, Romney, Portman, Young, Cruz, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
We are here today to consider several important
nominations: Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes to be an Assistant
Administrator of the United States Agency for International
Development in the Middle East; Mr. Michael Alan Ratney to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; Mr. Timothy T. Davis
to be Ambassador to the State of Qatar; and Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta
to be Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues.
Congratulations to all of you and we thank you very much
for your public service and your willingness, in many cases, to
continue in public service.
You are all eminently qualified for the positions that you
have been nominated for, and we thank you for being willing to
serve at this challenging time in public service and we also
thank your families.
We would ask when you have an opportunity to address the
committee, if you have family members that are present we would
welcome your introduction of your family members.
Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes currently is working at the State
Department as a senior advisor in the Office of the Ambassador-
at-Large for Sanctions Policy. She was for more than a decade a
senior fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy at the
Brookings Institution where she directed research and
publications on U.S. policies in the Middle East.
Dr. Wittes previously served as Deputy Assistant Secretary
of State for Near Eastern Affairs from November of 2009 to
January 2012 and was one of the first recipients of the Rabin/
Peres Peace Award established by President Bill Clinton in
1997.
Dr. Wittes is well known as one of our country's leading
experts on the politics and development challenges in the
Middle East region.
The Middle East is, obviously, a critically important area
for U.S. national security, as the President just recently
announced he will be visiting that region next month.
Michael Alan Ratney is a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service with the rank of Minister-Counselor and is
currently the acting Deputy Director of the Department of
State's Foreign Service Institute.
Mr. Ratney recently served as charge at the U.S. Embassy in
Jerusalem where I had a chance to visit him and see firsthand
his incredible talent as a diplomat and the respect that he
earned not just with the Israelis but with the Palestinians and
with the major players in the region.
If confirmed, Mr. Ratney would serve at a critical time in
U.S.-Saudi affairs as relations have been strained, given the
kingdom's human rights abuses, particularly its involvement in
the brutal murder of U.S. resident and Washington Post
columnist Jamal Khashoggi and its controversial military
campaign in Yemen.
President Biden is scheduled to visit Saudi Arabia in July.
The administration has looked to Saudi Arabia and others to
step up oil supply amid rising gas prices after the U.S. banned
Russian oil imports over Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This
will be a critically important assignment and we look forward
to hearing from Mr. Ratney how he will deal with those
challenges.
Timothy T. Davis is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service with the rank of counselor who most recently served as
the executive assistant to the Secretary of State.
Prior to that, Mr. Davis served as the U.S. counsel general
for Basra and southern Iraq. He served in the United States
Marine Corps for nearly a decade, I understand, following in
your father's footsteps, who is here, who is a master sergeant.
It is an honor to have both of the Davises here today, and
you served including in operations in the Horn of Africa and
Iraq before joining the Foreign Service.
The Government of Qatar played a leading role in addressing
the crisis in Afghanistan, assisting with the evacuation last
August, providing diplomatic support and housing more than
58,000 Afghans during the noncombatant evacuation operations
from Kabul.
On the other hand, I am deeply concerned about the
exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in Qatar, with
workers exposed to forced labor, unpaid wages, and excessive
working hours as the country prepares for the World Cup in
November.
Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta is currently a senior fellow at the
United Nations Foundation and senior advisor to Co-Impact.
While at the United Nations Foundation, Dr. Gupta founded and
served as the executive director of the 3D Program for Girls
and Women.
She currently serves as co-chair of the WHO Independent
Oversight and Advisory Committee for Health Emergencies and
chairs the Global Advisory Board of WomenLift Health, a new
initiative to promote women's leadership in global health. Dr.
Gupta is well qualified for this key position for U.S. foreign
policy advancement of equality for women.
The position for which you have been nominated are all
highly important, each requiring specific skills and
experience.
Once again, I thank you very much for your willingness to
serve, and I will now yield to my colleague and friend, Senator
Young.
STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
I, too, want to thank our four nominees today for their
willingness and, in some cases, their continued willingness to
serve the United States of America in these important
positions.
As the ranking member of this committee's Near East panel,
I am hopeful to hear from all of our nominees today on how they
will advance American leadership and interests in this pivotal
region of the world.
While we cannot predict how the face of U.S. relations with
the Middle East will change over the coming years, now is a
crucial moment for the United States to embrace the collective
capabilities of our allies and partners in the region as we
turn our attention to strategic great power competition.
While many are justifiably focused on the war in Ukraine,
the looming crisis in Taiwan, and the South China Sea, this
competition is also taking place in the Middle East.
If we want to succeed in this competition, we must find the
best way forward to balance our interests while remaining the
partner of choice for those in the Middle East.
Unlike in years past, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Qatar,
and others in the region have options for security
partnerships.
Our task must be to enforce and uphold our standards while
recognizing the fact that if we move goalposts or set
unattainable goals we will risk pushing them closer to China
and Russia instead of keeping them in our corner.
As the regime in Tehran marches towards a nuclear weapon
and foments terror in Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, and throughout the
Gulf, we must employ some empathy in understanding the threat
that our partners in the region are facing, and the urgent task
of hardening their countries to defend their people.
At the same time, we must not ignore the need to advance
real development, diplomatic, and humanitarian priorities.
But, again, if our policy actions drive them into the arms
of Russia and China we will be undercutting these very
priorities.
Our witnesses will be approaching all of these challenges
from different perspectives and I look forward to hearing their
views on this conversation.
Thank you again to our nominees for their willingness to
serve the United States in their respective roles. I look
forward to our discussion today.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Young.
I am going to ask consent, without objection, to put into
the record the introductory comments of Senator Shaheen for Dr.
Gupta.
Senator Shaheen is in the markup of the Senate Armed
Services Committee on their National Defense Authorization Act.
So that is the reason why she could not be here.
I read her introductory comments and it is a glowing
introduction on Dr. Gupta. She says, ``I cannot think of a more
qualified candidate and I look forward to working with you once
you have been confirmed.''
So without objection, that will be made part of the record,
and without objection, I am going to enter into the record the
letter from the American Jewish Committee in support of Dr.
Wittes.
[The information referred to above follows:]
Statement for the Record Regarding Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta
Submitted by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
I am pleased to finally get to introduce to this committee Dr.
Geeta Rao Gupta, President Biden's nominee to be Ambassador-at-Large
for Global Women's Issues.
Having spent her career in service to gender equality and women's
empowerment, Dr. Gupta is eminently qualified for the role to which she
has been nominated. For more than 20 years, she has worked to advance
women's and girls' rights at every stage of life.
She has researched and implemented strategies to promote gender
equality and development issues, including poverty reduction and
economic empowerment.
As Deputy Executive Director for Programs at UNICEF, Dr. Gupta
oversaw programs that provide fundamental services to the world's most
underserved communities and address the factors that contribute to
gender inequality from birth.
While with the International Center for Research on Women, she
studied the intersection of health outcomes and gender equality,
particularly where women and girls are impacted by HIV/AIDS and other
infectious diseases. Her devotion to the subject resulted in a landmark
10-year program to understand women's vulnerability to HIV/AIDS in
order to tailor international interventions to help women.
She knows better than most the impact that gender norms and
inequalities have on economic opportunities and health outcomes for
women. This is why I am thrilled to finally have her nomination
considered by this committee.
The Office of Global Women's Issues is an integral part of the
Department of State's implementation of a whole-of-government devotion
to women's equality and empowerment. And we know that women must be
involved in the process of policy and decision making. With the Women,
Peace and Security Act, it's a requirement that the U.S. Government
promote women's involvement abroad but also within our own Government.
The Office of Global Women's Issues is important to achieving both of
these aims.
I also want to take a moment to recognize the devoted staff at the
Office of Global Women's Issues. For three years under the previous
administration, the office went without an Ambassador. Now, because of
delays by this committee, it has sat without a head for over a year.
Despite this, the staff of the GWI continue to work hard to promote
women's rights around the world.
We must now support them by confirming Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta to be
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues. I cannot think of a more
qualified candidate, and I look forward to working with you once you've
been confirmed, Geeta.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. With that, Dr. Wittes, glad to hear from
you.
STATEMENT OF DR. TAMARA COFMAN WITTES OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE
UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Wittes. Thank you, Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member
Young, distinguished members of the committee. I am so grateful
for your consideration today.
I am deeply honored by the trust placed in me by the
President and the Vice President, and by the support of USAID
Administrator Samantha Power, and I can never sufficiently
express my thanks to my husband, Ben, who is here today, and my
sons, Gabe and EJ.
I was born at a U.S. Army hospital in Ankara, Turkey, where
my father was serving at our Embassy on behalf of the U.S.
Information Agency. As a young adult, I lived in Israel on
kibbutz and then again while studying at Tel Aviv University.
I have spent over 20 years working on Middle East policy
and traveled through nearly every country of the region, and I
was also privileged to serve the American people in the Near
East Affairs Bureau at the State Department, where I worked
with our embassies across the region to support civil society
and democratic reforms, and I organized the first wave of U.S.
assistance to Tunisia after the uprising in 2011.
Engagement with the governments and peoples of the Middle
East has been part of my entire personal and professional life
and that is why I am so excited at the prospect of leading
USAID's Middle East Bureau and so grateful for your
consideration.
The region today presents tremendous challenges and human
suffering, as well as opportunities to build greater human
security, stability, and prosperity. Stabilizing the Middle
East and strengthening our partnerships there will advance
American interests and values while enhancing U.S. national
security.
The people of this region are overwhelmingly young and seek
a better future. So lasting stability demands human security
and governments that are transparent, responsive, and
accountable to their people.
It is essential that America's civilian engagement in this
region, our diplomatic and economic engagement, and especially
our development assistance be robust and persistent.
All of Administrator Power's priorities for USAID globally,
including COVID response, fighting corruption, advancing
democracy and diversity frame the work ahead in the Middle
East.
Many states in the region, including key American partners,
have been hit hard by COVID-19, a health crisis and an economic
contraction layered on top of existing crises in governance and
security.
Social and political and economic progress will be
absolutely key to regional stability, and USAID's development
work is a central tool in that effort.
Administrator Power is also focused on pushing back on the
People's Republic of China's predatory model of development,
combating corruption and supporting democratic progress, and if
I am confirmed that will be a focus of my work as well.
Iran's destabilizing influence around the region, bitter
conflicts in Syria and Yemen, and a tough political environment
in Libya all present obstacles to promoting stability and
prosperity in the region.
USAID provides life-saving support now and can play a key
role down the road in securing the peace.
Despite all these challenges, I also see opportunities for
the United States. I am grateful for this committee's
bipartisan support for the Abraham Accords.
As I said when they were first announced, they relieve
Israelis' sense of isolation and they reflect shared interests
between Israel and her neighbors. The Accords offer a
foundation for more cooperation between Arab states and Israel
on shared interests, including on development.
And so if I am confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
you on how we can build on the Abraham Accords to bolster
positive engagement across the region on issues like energy,
environment, water, and health.
Another opportunity is MEPPA, the Nita Lowey Middle East
Partnership for Peace Act. I believe strongly in the power of
people-to-people engagement. It can encourage leaders to take
difficult steps and it can rebuild Israelis' and Palestinians'
hope in the possibility of coexistence.
If I am confirmed, I look forward to working with you on
this exciting new initiative. I understand that advancing
stability in the Middle East in the face of crisis, conflict,
and challenge is no simple task. I want to emphasize to you
that I see no monopoly on wisdom on these issues.
My commitment to you is to open and honest engagement,
transparency, dialogue with Congress with the shared goal of
advancing American interests.
I am so grateful for your consideration and look forward to
your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Wittes follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, and distinguished members of
the committee: I am deeply honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to serve as Assistant Administrator for the Middle
East at the U.S. Agency for International Development. I also want to
thank Administrator Power for her support, and I can never sufficiently
express my gratitude to my husband Ben, and my sons, EJ and Gabe.
I was born at a U.S. Army hospital in Ankara, Turkey, where my
father was serving at our Embassy with the U.S. Information Agency. I
spent my childhood summers in and around the Middle East as he served
in Riyadh, Tel Aviv, and several other posts. As a professional, I have
spent over twenty years working on Middle East policy and traveled
through nearly every country in the region. I was also privileged to
serve the American people in the State Department's Near Eastern
Affairs Bureau. In that position, I worked with our embassies across
the region to support civil society and democratic reforms, and I
organized the first wave of U.S. assistance to Tunisia after the 2011
Uprising.
Engagement with the governments and peoples of the Middle East has
been part of my entire personal and professional life, which is why I'm
so honored to be considered to lead USAID's Middle East Bureau and so
grateful for your consideration.
The Middle East today presents tremendous challenges and human
suffering, as well as opportunities to build greater human security,
stability, and prosperity. Stabilizing the Middle East and
strengthening our partnerships there will advance American interests
and values while enhancing U.S. national security.
The peoples of the region are overwhelmingly young and seek a
better future. Lasting stability demands human security and governments
that are transparent, responsive, and accountable to their people. It
is essential that America's civilian engagement in this region--our
diplomatic and economic engagement, and especially our development
assistance--be robust and persistent.
Administrator Power's priorities for the Agency for International
Development globally--COVID-19, People's Republic of China (PRC),
corruption, democracy, and diversity--frame the work ahead in the
Middle East.
Many states in the Middle East, including key American partners,
have been hit hard by COVID-19--a health crisis and economic
contraction layered atop existing crises in governance and security.
Social, political, and economic progress will be absolutely key to
regional stability. USAID's development assistance is a central tool in
that work.
Administrator Power is also focused on pushing back on the PRC's
predatory model of development, combating corruption, and supporting
democratic progress--and if I am confirmed, these will be a focus of my
work as well.
In addition, Iran's destabilizing influence around the region,
bitter conflicts in Syria and Yemen, and a challenging political
environment in Libya present major challenges to promoting stability
and prosperity in the region. The U.S. Government is working with
regional and international partners to resolve these conflicts. USAID
provides life-saving humanitarian support now and can also play a key
role in securing peace for the future.
While the region presents many challenges, the Middle East also
presents opportunities for the United States. One that most drives me
is the Nita M. Lowey Middle East Partnership for Peace Act. I believe
in the power of people-to-people engagement. It can grow the
constituency for peace, encourage leaders to take difficult steps
towards peace, and rebuild Israelis' and Palestinians' hope in the
possibility of coexistence. If I am confirmed, I look forward to
working with Congress on this exciting initiative.
There are also opportunities for regional cooperation on shared
issues like energy, water security, and health. In marking the
anniversary of the Abraham Accords, Secretary Blinken said that ``We
want to widen the circle of peaceful diplomacy.'' I am grateful for
this committee's strong bipartisan support for the Abraham Accords and
look forward to engaging with each of you on how we can bolster
positive engagement across the region.
In closing, I want to emphasize that advancing stability in the
Middle East in the face of crisis, conflict, and challenges from malign
actors is no simple task. There is no monopoly on wisdom about these
issues. My commitment to you is to maintain open and honest engagement,
transparency, and dialogue with Congress, with the shared goal of
advancing American interests.
I am grateful for your consideration of my nomination and look
forward to your questions. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony.
Mr. Ratney?
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL ALAN RATNEY OF MASSACHUSETTS, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINSTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM
OF SAUDI ARABIA
Mr. Ratney. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young,
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia.
I would like to thank the President and Secretary Blinken
for the confidence they have shown in me with this nomination.
If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this committee
and with the U.S. Congress, more broadly, on our country's
critical national security interests in Saudi Arabia.
I have spent more than 30 years in the Foreign Service,
much of that in the Middle East, and I found that Saudi Arabia
represents so much of what is compelling and at the same time
challenging about working in the region and advancing U.S.
interests there.
The prospect of being confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Saudi
Arabia is very exciting and I would like to take a moment to
thank my wife, Karen Sasahara, who is also a Foreign Service
Officer and is with us today, as well as my father and my
family, for all their support.
If confirmed, I am committed to a strong and sustainable
U.S.-Saudi partnership that advances U.S. interests and
reflects U.S. values.
We have so much at stake in this relationship: encouraging
the modernization project underway, including on interfaith
tolerance, building on our vital counterterrorism cooperation,
working to help Saudi Arabia defend its territory and deter
Iran's aggressive behavior, helping to end the horrific war in
Yemen, stabilizing global energy markets, deepening our
engagement on human rights, and solidifying links with the many
thousands of young Saudis, men and women, building their
country's future.
My top priority will be the protection of U.S. citizens.
The Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen launched more than 400 cross-
border attacks last year alone on infrastructure, schools,
mosques, and workplaces, endangering the 70,000 U.S. citizens
there, along with the Saudi population.
If confirmed, I will work to strengthen Saudi defenses
through security cooperation and training, demonstrating the
durable American commitment to our partners and allies and to
our values.
The U.S. has a powerful interest in ending the war in
Yemen, a tragic conflict that has left many lives and families
destroyed and the Yemeni population impoverished.
To that end, the President ended U.S. support for offensive
operations in Yemen, even as we remain committed to helping
Saudi Arabia defend its people and territory.
Fortunately, over the last two months, the warring parties
have accepted and recently extended a truce, bringing a measure
of relief to millions of Yemenis. This truce would not have
been possible without Saudi Arabia's support.
I look forward to working closely with our U.S. Special
Envoy for Yemen to support U.N.-led efforts to transform that
truce into a durable and inclusive resolution to the conflict.
Iran poses a significant threat to U.S. and Saudi
interests, as well as to those of our other regional allies and
partners. We must work with our Saudi partners to counter
Iranian threats to global energy flows, regional stability, and
the lives of our fellow U.S. citizens in the region.
If confirmed, I will prioritize working with Saudi leaders
on mitigating and containing Iranian threats to these
interests.
The President and the Secretary have rightly made human
rights a key pillar of our foreign policy. This was a key
aspect of the Administration's reorientation of the U.S.-Saudi
bilateral relationship and we consistently have made clear to
Saudi officials that progress on human rights will help
strengthen the bilateral relationship and make it more
sustainable over the long term.
The Saudis have made important reforms already, including
concrete steps to integrate women into the workplace and
economy. But these reforms are incomplete.
If confirmed, I will continue to make that a priority.
The United States and Saudi Arabia have extensive economic
ties and, if confirmed, my team and I will work hard to support
American businesses in the Saudi market, especially as Saudi
Arabia's Vision 2030 economic program presents new
opportunities for Americans to compete.
Saudi Arabia is, of course, a major player in global
energy. Recently, the OPEC+ ministers endorsed a recommendation
to increase production quotas in July and August.
This will, hopefully, contribute to providing relief to
Americans struggling with high gas prices, though it does not
necessarily address the broader factors now destabilizing
global energy markets, particularly Russia's unprovoked and
unjustified war against Ukraine.
Energy supplies and encouraging a Saudi energy policy that
aligns with U.S. priorities will be a major focus of my
discussions with the Saudi Government.
The United States and Saudi Arabia established diplomatic
relations back in 1931. Over the years, as our relationship has
become more complex and multifaceted, it has remained key to
U.S. national security.
If confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that the U.S.-
Saudi partnership serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S.
values.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Ratney follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michael Alan Ratney
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I would like to thank the President and
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me with this
nomination. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with this
committee, and the U.S. Congress more broadly, on our country's
critical national security interests in Saudi Arabia.
I have spent more than 30 years in the Foreign Service, much of
that in the Middle East. I have found that Saudi Arabia represents so
much of what is compelling, and at the same time challenging, about
working in that region and advancing U.S. interests there. The prospect
of being confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia is very exciting,
and I would like to take a moment to thank my wife, Karen Sasahara, who
is also a Foreign Service Officer, as well as my father and family for
all their support.
If confirmed, I am committed to a strong and sustainable U.S.-Saudi
partnership that advances U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values. We
have so much at stake in this relationship--encouraging the
modernization project underway, including on interfaith tolerance;
building on our vital counterterrorism cooperation; working to help
Saudi Arabia defend its territory and deter Iran's aggressive behavior;
helping to end the horrific war in Yemen; stabilizing global energy
markets; deepening our engagement on human rights; and solidifying
links with the many thousands of young Saudis, men and women, building
their country's future.
My top priority will be the protection of U.S. citizens. The Iran-
backed Houthis in Yemen launched more than 400 cross-border attacks
last year on infrastructure, schools, mosques, and workplaces,
endangering 70,000 resident U.S. citizens, along with the Saudi
population. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen Saudi defenses
through security cooperation and training, demonstrating the durable
American commitment to our partners and allies and to our values.
The U.S. has a powerful interest in ending the war in Yemen, a
tragic conflict that has left many lives and families destroyed, and
the Yemeni population impoverished. To that end, the President ended
U.S. support for offensive operations in Yemen, even as we remain
committed to helping Saudi Arabia defend its people and territory.
Fortunately, over the last two months the warring parties have
accepted, and recently extended, a truce, bringing a measure of relief
to millions of Yemenis. This truce would not have been possible without
Saudi Arabia's support. I look forward to working closely with our U.S.
Special Envoy for Yemen to support U.N.-led efforts to transform that
truce into a durable and inclusive resolution to the conflict.
Iran poses a significant threat to U.S. and Saudi interests, as
well as those of our other regional allies and partners. We must work
with our Saudi partners to counter Iranian threats to global energy
flows, regional stability, and the lives of our fellow U.S. citizens in
the region. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with Saudi leaders
on mitigating and containing Iranian threats to these interests.
The President and the Secretary have rightly made human rights a
key pillar of our foreign policy; this was a key aspect of the
Administration's reorientation of the U.S.-Saudi bilateral
relationship, and we consistently have made clear to Saudi officials
that progress on human rights will help strengthen the bilateral
relationship and make it more sustainable over the long term. The
Saudis have made important reforms already, including concrete steps to
integrate women into the workplace and economy. But these reforms are
incomplete. If confirmed, I will continue to make this a priority.
The United States and Saudi Arabia have extensive economic ties,
and if confirmed, my team and I will work hard to support American
businesses in the Saudi market, especially as Saudi Arabia's Vision
2030 economic program presents new opportunities for Americans to
compete. Saudi Arabia is of course a major player in global energy.
Recently, the OPEC+ Minsters endorsed a recommendation to increase
production quotas in July and August. This will hopefully contribute to
providing relief to Americans struggling with high gas prices, though
it does not necessarily address the broader factors now destabilizing
global energy markets, particularly Russia's unprovoked and unjustified
war against Ukraine. Energy supplies and encouraging a Saudi energy
policy that aligns with U.S. priorities, will be a major focus of my
discussions with the Saudi Government.
The United States and Saudi Arabia established diplomatic relations
back in 1931. Over the years, as our relationship has become more
complex and multifaceted, it has remained key to U.S. national
security. If confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that the U.S.-Saudi
partnership serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values. I welcome
your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
We will now go to Mr. Davis.
STATEMENT OF TIMMY T. DAVIS OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF QATAR
Mr. Davis. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young,
distinguished members of this committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be United States Ambassador to the State of Qatar.
I am honored by this nomination and grateful to the
President and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have
shown in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely
with this committee and Congress to advance U.S. foreign policy
and national security interest in Qatar.
I want to thank my family, Patti and Parker, who are here
today. I am so grateful for their support and sacrifice.
Patti, in particular, has carried the burden of being both
parents with grace and has helped create a smart, thoughtful
young man in Parks. They exemplify the dedication and service
of all of our Foreign Service families.
I want to also recognize family members lost, Robbie and
Jim. My father, Carlie, served as a U.S. Marine for over 30
years with service from Vietnam to Lebanon, and my mom, Eddie,
has been the foundation of a family of Marines. They are both
with us today.
The family of Marines include my sister, Yolanda, her
husband, Marc, and two of my uncles, Isaac and Woody. My
sister, Tammy, is a university research nurse.
My grandparents, Clotee and Jack Davis, Edna and Reverend
Arthur Johnson, built a foundation in Mississippi out of hard
work and faith.
That I sit before you today is a testament to their belief
in an America of great possibility. If confirmed, I would be
only the eighth African-American Ambassador to be posted to the
Middle East.
My son, Parker, asked last week if my nomination was a big
deal for the Davis family. I told him his great grandparents
would not believe it but they had worked hard every day of
their lives to make it possible.
As a New Orleanian, I know firsthand the benefits of a
strong bilateral relationship with Qatar. When Katrina
destroyed communities and killed thousands in 2005, Qatar
donated $100 million in humanitarian aid for medical care,
reconstruction of homes and places of worship, and educational
scholarships.
I have stood in the Boys and Girls Club in Pass Christian,
Mississippi, that was rebuilt with Qatari funds. Their
generosity, quite simply, helped rebuild lives.
Our partnership with Qatar again yielded dividends when the
United States withdrew from Afghanistan and Qatar opened its
doors as a critical transit site for over 75,000 U.S. citizens,
lawful permanent residents, and Afghans.
Qatar is still helping with our efforts to resettle Afghans
and, if confirmed, I would work to deliver on President Biden's
commitment to take on Afghans who worked side by side with U.S.
forces by continuing that cooperation.
Mr. Chairman, I know from my decade of service as a Marine,
including overseas deployments in Iraq and the Horn of Africa,
that we cannot defend our country without support from our
allies and partners.
Security and defense cooperation is vital to our strong
relationship with Qatar. Since 1996, Qatar has hosted Al Udeid
airbase, our largest base in the region, and home of U.S.
CENTCOM's forward operating headquarters.
Qatar is a safe, secure, and welcoming home to 8,000 U.S.
military personnel. President Biden designated Qatar as a major
non-NATO ally earlier this year as a testament to our
longstanding strategic partnership.
The President and the Secretary have been clear that human
rights are a pillar of our foreign policy. If confirmed, a
primary focus for our bilateral engagement will be to advance
human rights and encourage full implementation of labor reforms
Qatar has made in previous years. I believe honest
conversations about human rights will make our relationship
stronger and more resilient.
Qatar plays an important role in bolstering global energy
security and as our European partners look to reduce their
dependence on Russian oil and gas in the wake of Russia's
brutal and unprovoked war in Ukraine.
If confirmed, I would encourage Qatar's positive
contributions. I also would make it a priority to continue
working to address--together to address the climate crisis,
including by working with Qatar to continue its progress on
reducing domestic methane emissions.
Qatar's economic assistance to and diplomatic engagement
with the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza helps reduce
tensions in the region. If confirmed, I would work to further
develop the pragmatic relationship between Qatar and Israel and
further regional stability and security underpinned by the
Abraham Accords.
Our commercial relationship with Qatar directly benefits
the American people and, if confirmed, I would seek to deepen
commercial ties.
Qatar has already invested tens of billions of dollars in
the U.S. economy and wants to increase that, including through
engagement with state governments.
Finally, as Qatar hosts the FIFA Men's World Cup tournament
this year, my highest priority will be ensuring the safety,
security, and dignity of visiting U.S. fans.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to testify
today and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Davis follows:]
Prepared Statement of Timmy T. Davis
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, distinguished members of
this committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador
to the State of Qatar.
I am honored by this nomination and grateful to the President and
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee and
Congress to advance U.S. foreign policy and national security interests
in Qatar.
I want to thank my family, Patti and Parker; I am so grateful for
their support and sacrifice. It exemplifies the dedication and service
of all our Foreign Service families. My father, Carlie, served as a
Marine for over 30 years, with service from Vietnam to Lebanon, and my
mom, Eddie, has been the foundation of a family of Marines, including
my sister, Yolanda, her husband, Marc, and two of my uncles. My sister,
Tammy, is a university research nurse. My grandparents, Clotee and Jack
Davis; Edna and Reverend Arthur Johnson built a foundation in
Mississippi out of hard work and faith. That I sit before you today is
a testament to their belief in an America of great possibility. If
confirmed, I would be only the 8th African American Ambassador posted
to the Middle East. My son, Parker, asked last week if my nomination
was a big deal for the Davis family. I told him his great grandparents
would not believe it, but they worked hard every day to make it
possible.
As a New Orleanian, I know firsthand the benefits of a strong
bilateral relationship with Qatar. When Katrina destroyed communities
and killed thousands in 2005, Qatar donated $100 million in
humanitarian aid for medical care, reconstruction of homes and places
of worship, and educational scholarships. I have stood in the Boys and
Girls Club in Pass Christian, MS that was rebuilt with Qatari funds.
Their generosity helped rebuild lives.
Our partnership with Qatar again yielded dividends when the United
States withdrew from Afghanistan and Qatar opened its doors as a
critical transit site for over 75,000 U.S. citizens, Lawful Permanent
Residents, and Afghans. Qatar is still helping with our efforts to
resettle Afghans, and if confirmed, I would work to deliver on
President Biden's commitment to take on Afghans who worked side-by-side
with U.S. forces by continuing our cooperation.
Mr. Chairman, I know from my decade of service as a Marine,
including overseas deployments, that we cannot defend our country
without support from our allies and partners. Security and defense
cooperation is vital to our strong relationship with Qatar. Since 1996,
Qatar has hosted Al Udeid Air Base, our largest base in the region and
the home of USCENTCOM's forward operating headquarters. Qatar is a
safe, secure, and welcoming home to 8,000 U.S. military personnel.
President Biden designated Qatar as a Major Non-NATO Ally earlier this
year as a testament to our long-standing strategic partnership.
The President and the Secretary have been clear that human rights
are a pillar of our foreign policy. If confirmed, a primary focus of
our bilateral engagement will be to advance human rights and encourage
full implementation of labor reforms Qatar has made in previous years.
I believe honest conversations about human rights will make our
relationship stronger and more resilient.
Qatar plays an important role in bolstering global energy security
as our European partners look to reduce their dependence on Russian oil
and gas in the wake of Russia's brutal and unprovoked war in Ukraine.
If confirmed, I would encourage Qatar's positive contributions. I also
would make it a priority to continue working together to address the
climate crisis, including by working with Qatar to continue its
progress on reducing domestic methane emissions.
Qatar's economic assistance to and diplomatic engagement with the
Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza helps reduce tensions in the
region. If confirmed, I would work to further develop the pragmatic
relationship between Qatar and Israel, and further regional stability
and security underpinned by the Abraham Accords.
Our commercial relationship with Qatar directly benefits the
American people, and if confirmed, I would seek to deepen commercial
ties. Qatar has already invested tens of billions of dollars in the
U.S. economy and wants to increase, including through engagement with
state governments. Recent deals between Qatari and Americancompanies
like Boeing's sale of cargo planes to Qatar Airways have created tens
of thousands of American jobs. I would also advocate on behalf of
American companies pursuing opportunities in Qatar.
Finally, as Qatar hosts the FIFA Men's World Cup tournament this
year, my highest priority would be ensuring the safety, security, and
dignity of visiting U.S. fans.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to testify today and I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Davis, thank you for your testimony.
We do note that there are three generations of your family
here with your parents and your son.
And, Parker, we want you to know your father's appointment
is a very big deal and that he has made an incredible
contribution to the progress in peace globally.
So it is wonderful to have your family present with us.
Mr. Davis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. With that, Dr. Gupta?
STATEMENT OF DR. GEETA RAO GUPTA OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES
Ms. Gupta. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Young, and
members of the committee, it is an honor to be before you as
President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador-at-
Large for Global Women's Issues at the Department of State.
Here with me today are my husband, Arvind, and our
daughter, Nayna, whose commitment to justice inspires me every
day. I want to underscore how much their love and support mean
to me as well as that of all my friends and family who are
probably watching online, particularly my late parents, Sarah
and Srini Rao, who modeled for me the value of public service.
I am grateful for the trust placed in me by the President
and Secretary Blinken to serve the American people and advance
the economic rights, leadership, and safety of women and girls
around the world.
If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the
Administration and Congress in a bipartisan way to lead the
Secretary's Office of Global Women's Issues and the integration
of gender equality across the work of the department.
Research suggests countries are more prosperous and
peaceful when women have economic security and are fully able
to participate in their societies. Investing in women and
advancing their human rights, as the Office of Global Women's
Issues is mandated to do, is one of the most powerful ways to
advance U.S. foreign policy interests and national security
priorities.
Mr. Chairman, I am proud to be a U.S. citizen and a first-
generation immigrant. I belong to a family of professional
women, each of whom dedicated their lives to serving their
communities, and from a family of men who supported them fully.
I was aware that the opportunities available to me and the
roles exemplified by the women in my family were not the same
as those available to the majority of women globally.
This led me to focus my doctoral research on understanding
the barriers that women face in pursuing a career and,
ultimately, propelled me toward a career focused on rectifying
the inequities experienced by women, and that became both my
passion and my profession.
Over the past three decades as the leader of a gender and
development research institution, a senior executive of a
multilateral organization, and as an adviser to philanthropies,
I have learned that economic security and the guarantee of
health and personal safety are critical ingredients for women
to thrive and prosper, and when they do so do their families,
communities, and nations.
It is for this reason that I have dedicated myself to
advocating for evidence-based policies and programs to allow
women and girls to fulfill their economic and leadership
potential and conduct their lives with dignity, without fear of
violence or discrimination.
Through that work, I witnessed the courage,
resourcefulness, and resilience of women in the face of
seemingly insurmountable challenges, such as in the Zaatari
camp for Syrian refugees in Jordan or in the Rohingya camps in
Bangladesh.
From the women entrepreneurs in Kenya and India who sustain
small businesses despite limited access to financial services,
to the brave women in Liberia, who mobilized against great odds
to demand peace for their families and communities, I have seen
women use the limited resources they have to provide for their
families and protect others.
Mr. Chairman, the status of women and girls has improved
since I began my career. However, the pace of change has been
slow and the gains are vulnerable to backsliding. COVID-19 has
forced many women to leave their jobs and countries across the
globe report sharp increases in violence against women and
girls.
The pandemic, however, is not the only threat facing women
globally today. They are uniquely affected by the climate
crisis, the weakening of democratic institutions, and the
conflict, political instability, and fragility that
characterize more countries today than ever before.
Today, in real time, we are all witnessing the courage and
resilience of Ukrainian women as they fight alongside men and
seek safety for their children and families.
Simultaneously, we watch in awe and determination the
Afghan women who, despite the threat of imprisonment and
torture, are protesting increasingly stringent limits that have
been placed on their rights by the Taliban. Those brave women
need their voices amplified and championed.
Women's equality is a moral and economic imperative of U.S.
foreign policy. It has transcended both Democratic and
Republican administrations. Ever since the position of
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues was established
in 2009 with bipartisan congressional support, the issue has
been a foreign policy priority.
If confirmed, I will continue this bipartisan tradition and
work closely with interagencies, civil society, government, and
private sector partners, and especially with Congress to
advance the mandate of the office to integrate gender equality
throughout foreign policy.
I confess that I can almost hear my parents say now enough
with the talk; go get the job done. So should I be confirmed, I
reaffirm to you I am ready to get the job done.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Gupta follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee: It is
an honor to be before you as President Biden's nominee to be the U.S.
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues at the Department of
State.
My husband, Arvind and our daughter, Nayna are here with me today.
I want to underscore how much their love and support mean to me, as
well as that of all my family members, particularly my late parents,
Sarah and Srini Rao.
I am grateful for the trust placed in me by the President and
Secretary Blinken to serve the American people and advance the economic
rights, leadership and safety of women and girls around the world. If
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the Administration and
Congress, in a bipartisan way, to lead the Secretary's Office of Global
Women's Issues and the integration of gender equality across the work
of the Department.
Research suggests countries are more prosperous, peaceful, and
stable when women have economic security and are fully able to
participate in their societies. Investing in women and advancing their
human rights, as the Office of Global Women's Issues is mandated to do,
is one of the most powerful ways to advance U.S. foreign policy
interests and national security priorities.
I am proud to be a U.S. citizen and a first-generation immigrant. I
belong to a family of professional women, each of whom dedicated their
lives to serving their communities--and from a family of men who
supported them fully.
Inspired by the values of my family, I was aware that the
opportunities available to me and the roles exemplified by the women in
my family were not the same as those available to the majority of women
globally. This led me to focus my doctoral research in India on
understanding the barriers that women face in pursuing a career, and
ultimately, propelled me toward a career focused on rectifying the
inequities experienced by women--that became both my passion and my
profession.
Over the past three decades, as the leader of a gender and
development research institution, a senior executive of a multilateral
organization, and as an adviser to philanthropies, I have learned that
economic security and the guarantee of health and personal safety are
critical ingredients for women to thrive and prosper--and when they do,
so do their families, communities and nations. It is for this reason
that I have dedicated myself to advocating for evidence-based policies
and programs to allow women and girls to fulfill their economic and
leadership potential and conduct their lives with dignity, without fear
of violence or discrimination.
Through that work, I witnessed the courage, resourcefulness and
resilience of women in the face of seemingly insurmountable challenges,
such as in the Zaatari camp for Syrian refugees in Jordan or the
Rohingya camps in Bangladesh, or in Northern Nigeria. From the women
entrepreneurs in Kenya and India who sustain small businesses despite
limited access to financial services, to the brave women in Liberia who
mobilized against great odds to demand peace for their families and
communities, I have seen women use the limited resources they have to
provide for their families and protect others.
The status of girls and women has improved since I began my career.
However, the pace of change has been slow, and the gains are vulnerable
to backsliding. COVID-19 has forced many women to leave their jobs, and
countries across the globe report sharp increases in violence against
women and girls. The pandemic, however, is not the only threat facing
women and girls today. They are uniquely affected by the climate
crisis, the weakening of democratic institutions, and the political
instability and fragility that characterize more countries today than
ever before.
Today, in real time, we are all witnessing the courage and
resilience of Ukrainian women as they fight alongside men and seek
safety for their children and families. Simultaneously, we watch in
awe, the determination of Afghan women who despite the threat of
imprisonment and torture, are protesting the increasingly stringent
limits that are being placed on their rights by the Taliban. Those
brave women need their voices amplified and championed.
Women's equality is a moral and economic imperative of U.S. foreign
policy. It has transcended both Democratic and Republican
administrations. Ever since the position of Ambassador-at-Large for
Global Women's Issues was established in 2009 with bipartisan
Congressional support, the issue has been a foreign policy priority.
If confirmed, I will continue this bipartisan tradition and work
closely with interagency, civil society, government and private sector
partners, and especially with Congress, to advance the mandate of the
Office to integrate gender equality throughout U.S. foreign policy.
I confess that I can almost hear my parents say: Enough with the
talk--go get the job done! Should I be confirmed, I reaffirm to you: I
am ready to get the job done.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Dr. Gupta, for listening to your
parents.
[Laughter.]
Senator Cardin. This committee has a great tradition of
working across party lines and working with the executive
branch on foreign policy.
We pride ourselves in the unity that we can have between
the Congress and the executive branch but maintaining the
separation of branches. That depends upon the cooperation of
our confirmed representatives.
We have four questions that we are going to ask you, each
one of you to answer by a simple yes or no. That is extremely
important for this committee to be able to carry out its work
on behalf of the American people.
I am going to ask all four of you. You will respond to each
question individually.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited? That is assuming you all are
confirmed. Do you agree to do that?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation when policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee or its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Cardin. Congratulations. You passed the first test.
I want to ask--we will have five-minute rounds and we will
probably be able to get to a second round.
Let me start on the human rights front and I will start
with Dr. Gupta.
Each one of you have major roles to play in regards to
advancing American human rights. Women are under attack
globally, as you pointed out in your testimony, but they are
particularly vulnerable in Ukraine.
As we know the men, because of the policy, many women have
been separated from their--the men have been separated from
their families. They are subject to being abused. They are
subject to trafficking, et cetera.
In Afghanistan, we invested a great deal and part of the
reason for our investment was to help and respect the rights of
women in Afghanistan. Now that we are no longer physically
present it is much more challenging.
Tell me how you are going to deal with those two concerns
that we have in regards to the welfare of women in Ukraine and
in Afghanistan.
Ms. Gupta. Thank you, Senator.
I agree with you Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine has
had severe impacts on the health, safety, and rights of women
there, just as the women left behind in Afghanistan are
suffering the rollback of their rights under the rule of the
Taliban.
The majority of women displaced in Ukraine, as we have all
seen, are women, children, and the elderly, and I think, if
confirmed, as part of the women, peace, and security agenda in
Ukraine I would like to see three streams of work move forward.
One is to have methods for documentation, but documentation
that is survivor centered and that is trauma informed to be
able to document acts of sexual violence, in particular.
I was very disturbed recently to hear the report from the
SRSG Patten after her visit to Ukraine where she got credible
reports of rape--gang rape--being used as a weapon of war, and
I would like to see that being documented and perpetrators
being brought to account.
Obviously, humanitarian assistance should still be targeted
to women and children who are most in need or seeking refuge in
other countries but also those who are trapped, seeking shelter
within Ukraine.
And I would like to establish--would like to see if
communication can be established with high-level women still in
Ukraine so that we can know what the situation is and continue
to monitor it regularly.
In Afghanistan, it is sad to see that the greatest gains
that have been made--I visited there, Senator, many years ago
and met many of the brave women rights leaders and I could see
the gains that they had made. So to see those roll back now is
particularly traumatic.
I have been involved in a neighborhood effort to help
resettle Afghan families in northern Virginia, and the family
that I am taking care of I get firsthand reports of the trauma
they went through because of the takeover by the Taliban.
If confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Amiri, who has
been appointed by Secretary Blinken to be placed in the office
of GWI, and I will work closely with her to pursue two lines of
effort--one, to make clear to the Taliban through our
international partners that normalization and any relaxation of
the sanctions is contingent upon women's rights being upheld,
and to find ways to continue to assist Afghan people through
multilateral organizations so that the money is safeguarded and
does not fall into the wrong hands.
So that is what I hope I will be able to do if confirmed.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Mr. Ratney, I heard your priorities, which are important
for the United States. We, certainly, need the Saudis to be
more sensitive on the oil prices. We want them to be more
engaged in regards to Russia and Ukraine. We, certainly, would
like to see progress made to normalization between the Saudis
and the Israelis.
But this all needs to be wrapped within our values. The
outstanding lack of accountability on the tragic death of
Khashoggi is an issue that America cannot ignore.
Tell me how you establish the clear message to the Saudis,
if you are confirmed, that the human rights abuses in that
country are ones that we are going to continue to put a
spotlight on and have consequences in our relationship.
Mr. Ratney. Thank you, Senator.
And let me say at the outset that the murder of Jamal
Khashoggi was just a heinous act. I cannot say that I knew him
well, but I met him a few times and he was a decent man, and no
decent person deserves what happened to him.
The administration has taken some steps in that regard,
including declassifying and publishing the intelligence
community's assessment of responsibility for his murder.
Numerous sanctions from State and Treasury have been
issued, including against the members of the unit that was
responsible for the murder, and we have used statutory
authority to implement what we have called the Khashoggi ban,
which is, essentially, to say that those who would reach out
across borders to suppress dissent will face consequences,
including an inability to travel to the United States.
Those are consequential measures and I think they would
have a powerful dissuasive impact on those who would
contemplate that sort of act in the future.
More broadly than that, the President has made clear that
he has elevated human rights as a pillar of U.S. foreign policy
globally, and Saudi Arabia is no different, and, clearly, if
confirmed, that would be a major element of my discussions with
the Saudi leadership and, more broadly, with Saudi society.
We have seen a bit of progress there in certain areas,
including things like freedom of expression and the rights of
women, judicial transparency. These are areas where we have
emphasized in our conversations with Saudi leaders and would
most assuredly continue to be prominent on our agenda--my
agenda, if confirmed, certainly, the President's agenda during
his upcoming trip.
I think it is important that we have these
straightforward--these forthright conversations with the Saudi
Government. I take your point, absolutely, that it is--
continues to be a mixed picture.
Even the advances, which I think the Saudi Government has
achieved, there are instances. There is a lot of work left to
be done before we can call it systemic change.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
Congratulations, again, to all of our nominees for your
nominations.
Dr. Wittes, in 2020 you indicated that you were not in
favor of the Abraham Accords. On social media you said you
agreed with an article that called the deal a triumph for
authoritarianism.
You suggested the deal was, quote, ``oversold,'' unquote,
and that Middle Eastern countries normalizing relations with
Israel was a, quote, ``betrayal of Palestinian interests,''
unquote.
I am curious to hear if your views have changed in the two
years since.
Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you for the opportunity to be
very clear about my views.
I support the Accords. I support the profound
transformation that they have wrought in the region, and I said
publicly when they were signed that they are a boon to the
Israeli Government and to Israelis, who have long felt isolated
in their neighborhood.
That is the profound transformation we see not just at the
government-to-government level but at the people-to-people
level, and it is very meaningful.
I have written that they strengthen the pro-American
coalition in the region, and before I was nominated I
encouraged the Biden administration to follow up on the Accords
to promote regional cooperation that would advance peace and
stability.
So I think my record is clear.
Senator Young. Not to me.
How do we reconcile all those statements, which were just
crystal clear with the statement that the deal was a triumph
for authoritarianism and that the deal was oversold?
If your views have changed, that would be helpful to me,
quite easy to reconcile. If, instead, it is my job to reconcile
the previous statements with the current views, I am having
difficulty. So help me out.
Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you.
I will say I was skeptical that other countries would join
the UAE in the Accords when the UAE first made its announcement
in August of 2020, and I was wrong about that.
We have seen Morocco, we have seen Sudan, we have seen
Bahrain come in, and that, I think, creates tremendous
opportunity that we need to seize.
Senator Young. Thank you. I do appreciate that.
Doctor, last week it was reported that the now resigned
president of the Brookings Institution was an unregistered
foreign agent on behalf of one of Brookings' donors. He is not
a nominee before the Senate for consideration. I want to be
crystal clear about that.
But we, as policymakers who often refer to Brookings
material, must ask the uncomfortable question about whether or
not Brookings remained impartial in its scholarship, especially
that which focused on the Middle East.
Do you believe that we can trust the scholarship and
independent views presented by a think tank that receives
foreign funding?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you. Let me speak to Brookings
and my work at Brookings.
Every grant agreement that supported my work and the work
that I supervised included strong language guaranteeing the
independence of that work. I have absolute confidence that that
work was conducted with independence from donors and that it
stands on its own merits.
I had no knowledge of any of these disturbing allegations
regarding General Allen. I never discussed research on Qatar
with General Allen. I never participated in fundraising from
foreign governments with General Allen.
Senator Young. Thank you. I think it is important that you
got that on record. Thank you so much.
Doctor, are you willing to urge Brookings to voluntarily
work with this committee so that we can have a full accounting
of foreign donations to the institution, especially funding
that supported the work at the Center for Middle East Policy?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, all nonprofits, I think, have to
demonstrate their independence from donors. I think Brookings
has strong policies on transparency, on conflict of interests,
on research independence.
I am no longer employed there, as you know. I, certainly,
hope that they will live up to their values and their policy.
Senator Young. Would you be willing to urge them to
voluntarily work with the committee in furtherance of living up
to their values as you have characterized it?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, I would like them to be as transparent
as possible.
Senator Young. Okay.
Ms. Wittes. I think the work stands on its own.
Senator Young. I would, too.
While director of the Center, did you, Doctor, advocate,
including informally, to any federal employee on issues
relating to the region, especially relating to the affairs of
the Gulf Cooperation Council or member states?
Ms. Wittes. Did I advocate?
Senator Young. Yes.
Ms. Wittes. No, Senator. My job was to put forward policy
recommendations to the public and that is what I did.
Senator Young. Doctor, thank you for your answers to my
questions.
Chairman?
Senator Cardin. Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking
Member.
Thank you to all of you and your families for your
willingness to serve, and, in many cases, continue to serve.
Mr. Ratney, OPEC countries are producing oil at levels well
below their collective quota due in large part to the sanctions
related to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
The administration has made very reasonable requests of the
Saudis to ramp up oil production and make up for the shortfall.
And just to be clear, this is not some huge favor we are
asking. Saudi Arabia has spare capacity that it could drawn on
to quickly make up for the under producers in the group.
If stable energy markets are a key goal of U.S.-Saudi
relations and the Saudis are not holding up their end of the
relationship, why make concessions on other key objectives like
human rights?
Mr. Ratney. Thank you, Senator.
At the outset, let me say I do not think we are making
concessions on human rights. I think it will remain--has been
and will remain a forthright element of our dialogue with the
Saudi Government.
On the specific issue of energy, you mentioned--and I think
we need to start by pointing the finger directly at the
immediate cause of the global instability in energy markets and
that is Russia's utterly unjustified invasion of Ukraine and
all of the implications of that war that has taken place.
Dealing with----
Senator Schatz. Let me ask the question another way. Part
of our relationship with Saudi Arabia has to do with oil
production. Is that fair?
Mr. Ratney. Yes.
Senator Schatz. And a reasonable expectation is that during
a global crisis, when necessary to stabilize prices they would
step up and do so, especially when they do not have to do much
other than just make the choice.
Is that a reasonable expectation?
Mr. Ratney. Sure. I was actually getting to that point
because, in fact, this has been a major topic of discussion
with the Saudi Government and we are gratified to see that
OPEC+, this larger group in which Saudi plays a leadership
role, made a decision to increase their quotas for July and
August considerable--something like a 50 percent increase in
their quotas--which should have some impact on global oil
supplies and, ultimately, gas prices.
It is not a silver bullet. It is not the answer to all of
that. The administration, the U.S., and some of our partners
have also made the strategic decision to release stocks of our
global oil reserves.
There is a lot more diplomacy to be done on this, and I
think conversations--forthright conversations about the Saudis'
contribution to stability of global energy markets has to be a
part of our conversations with the Saudis and, if confirmed,
that would, certainly, be a part of my dialogue.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Let us talk a little bit about arms sales. You know the
Administration has to notify Congress in advance of major arms
sales. Given what we all know about actions in Yemen and human
rights violations, what kinds of weapons are appropriate to
sell to Saudi Arabia and what kinds are inappropriate?
Mr. Ratney. There is a technical element to that answer,
and I want to be careful because it is not something that I
have been heavily involved in or involved in at all with
respect to Saudi prior to my preparations for this confirmation
hearing.
I will say, as part of the President's commitment to
solving--ending the war in Yemen through principled diplomacy,
he also made a decision to end support for offensive military
operations in Yemen.
At the same time, he also made a commitment to ensure that
Saudi Arabia had the ability to defend itself and Saudi Arabia
was also facing an onslaught, really, of rockets and drone
attacks from the Iranian-supported Houthis directed at people
and infrastructure and others in Saudi Arabia.
So it is a balance we need to strike. The decisions on what
constitutes support for offensive military operations and the
specific weapon systems associated with that, that has to get
considered on a case by case basis.
My colleagues at the State Department look at a variety of
factors, including how those weapon systems have been used in
the past.
Senator Schatz. I would just offer that some of this is
about end use monitoring, some of this is about transparency in
the country, and some of this is a judgment for Congress to
make because whether a weapon system or a weapon is defensive
or offensive depends on the circumstances, right, and that--
this is the hard part.
Mr. Ratney. I agree. It is--it is a hard--it is a judgment
that has to get made and it is one that I think we are
committed to doing in full transparency and consultation with
Congress.
Senator Schatz. Final question. According to media reports,
China is helping Saudi Arabia manufacture its own ballistic
missiles. The Saudi Government has government ministry linkages
to Huawei and has explored the possibility of selling oil in
yuan.
How, specifically, would you address PRC policies that
undermine regional security with the United States vis-a-vis
Saudi Arabia?
Mr. Ratney. Thank you for the question.
As Secretary Blinken made clear in a speech he gave at
George Washington University just a couple of weeks ago, the
challenge--the U.S. challenge of dealing with China it is a
global competition. It is not restricted to Asia or any one
country and, certainly, Saudi Arabia is no exception.
I do not know--China has--and Saudi Arabia have a
significant trade relationship. I think that China is probably
the largest purchaser of Saudi oil. There is a bit of Chinese
investment in Saudi Arabia.
I do not know that there are significant defense
relationships. The report you cite is one that I have seen in
the media. But I know nothing more than that, and I think--I
would suggest a briefing in a different setting from some of my
colleagues.
But let me just say that this challenge of dealing with
China, the risks of dealing with China, particularly a China
that pursues policies that are utterly antithetical to our own
values and the values of even Saudi Arabia, including genocide
in Xinjiang, for example, that is something that we have to
make clear to our Saudi partners to all our partners globally.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. I understand Senator Portman is available
through WebEx.
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks to the
nominees for stepping up to serve. Again, many of you have
already been in public service. We appreciate your continued
service, as I have talked to Mr. Ratney about.
I have listened with great interest to the back and forth,
Dr. Wittes, with you and Senator Young. I am the co-author of
what is called the Israel Relations Normalization Act, which is
now law. It was signed into law in March and it promotes the
so-called Abraham Accords and their expansion.
And the one question I would have in addition to the ones
that you have already answered regarding your previous comments
about the Abraham Accords is whether you are committed to this
and committed to pursuing a policy agenda which would be
deepening the existing Abraham Accords agreements and expanding
to other countries, including some countries whose Ambassador
nominees are with us today, like Saudi Arabia.
Would you be committed to expanding it and would you be
committed to deepening existing relationships?
Ms. Wittes. Senator Portman, thank you, and the answer is
yes, absolutely.
Senator Portman. I will not prolong this, and it does seem
counter to your previous comments but I am glad that you have
had a change of heart and I think it is incredibly positive in
terms of peace in the Middle East, not just for Israel, as you
noted, but for those countries that choose to connect in that
way.
Mr. Davis, Qatar has become a significant producer of
liquefied natural gas, as you know, including for export. Last
month, they signed an energy cooperation deal with Germany,
which I was glad to see. They need new sources of energy in
Germany, obviously, and other parts of Europe to get away from
their dependency on Russia.
Can you talk a little about that and what role you expect
to play in expanding that U.S. cooperation with Qatar with
regard to energy production and particularly with regard to
exports that relate to the Ukraine-Russia war?
Mr. Davis. Senator, I appreciate the question.
In fact, you make a good point about Russia's aggression in
Ukraine. Qatar has been very clear about their view that
Russia's aggression in Ukraine was--is unjustified.
As you note, they have signed a deal with Germany. They
have worked with the European Union to provide whatever
capacity they have to the EU. They have also made clear that
countries in Asia and around the world cannot, during this war,
outbid European countries on current contracts.
The truth is that Qatar is leading the way on liquid
natural gas and working to build capacity through a couple of
deals that they have in the United States--the Golden Pass LNG
terminal in Texas and at petrochemical plants in which they
have invested $8 billion, also in Texas.
But the Qataris have made clear that they want to be a
resource for the Europeans during this time and, if confirmed,
it will be a priority for me to work with the Qataris to ensure
that we identify areas of cooperation and opportunities for
helping alleviate the energy crisis in Europe.
[Technical issue.]
Senator Cardin. Senator Portman, we are not hearing you.
Senator Portman. Sorry about that. Can you hear me now?
Senator Cardin. Yes, you are on.
Senator Portman. We had a technical issue here with the
mute button.
Mr. Davis, I was just saying I appreciate so much your
response to that. I was recently with Sheikh Mohammed, who is
the Foreign Minister and--of Qatar and he made it very clear to
me that they are taking a proactive approach here both with
regard to Russia's brutal attack on Ukraine and also with
regard to this issue of helping Russia to wean itself from
Russian sources of energy.
I think you can play a very important role there and,
again, thank you for your previous service and your willingness
to step forward. I think you will find that Qatar wants to
deepen our relationship and wants to be an active player in
this current problem.
Dr. Gupta, just quickly--my time is running out here--you
have expressed strong support for access to abortion as a
reproductive right. You have publicly opposed the Mexico City
policy. You have urged the World Health Assembly to classify
sexual reproductive health services as essential services.
My question for you is are you aware of all the statutory
restrictions on the use of taxpayer money to perform abortions
or to advocate for or against them. That would include the
Leahy amendment, the Helms amendment, the Siljander amendment,
the Biden amendment.
Do you, if confirmed, commit to uphold these restrictions
in law?
Ms. Gupta. I do, Senator. Thank you for the question.
I am very aware of those legal restrictions on the use of
foreign assistance funds and, if confirmed, I will follow the
letter of the law.
Senator Portman. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. We now have Senator Van Hollen by WebEx.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to all of you on your nominations. As Senator
Cardin said at the outset, you all are immensely qualified and
I look forward to supporting your nominations.
Mr. Ratney, I do want to press you a little more on some of
the issues that Senator Cardin and Senator Schatz raised. You
are--the last line of your testimony today reads, quote, ``If
confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that the U.S.-Saudi
partnership serves U.S. interests and reflects U.S. values.''
I want to focus on the U.S. values for a part because I see
you did not mention Khashoggi in your testimony. It is a fact,
is it not, that U.S. intelligence determined that the Crown
Prince did mastermind the Khashoggi murder?
Mr. Ratney. Senator, thank you.
The President made a decision early in the Administration
to release the intelligence community assessment of
responsibility for that and I have no reason to differ with
that assessment.
Senator Van Hollen. And I have also got an article here in
my hand about a Saudi Arabia mass execution of 81 men. This was
in March of this year. You indicated in response to a question
that there is more transparency now in the Saudi judicial
process. I do not see it. Could you elaborate a little bit on
that?
Mr. Ratney. Yeah. Actually, I would like to be clear on
that because the point I wanted to make is that judicial
transparency is a major element of our engagement with the
Saudis.
I was not trying to convey, and I think I may have
misspoke, that that is something where we were lauding the
Saudis for progress.
Senator Van Hollen. Right. I do not see it now. I hope you
will be successful at pushing them in that direction.
We all know that the President has an upcoming visit to
Saudi Arabia. Can you talk a little bit more about how vocal
the President should be in pressing the human rights aspect of
our policy?
As you stated, and I agree, putting human rights back at
the forefront of our foreign policy was an important move by
this administration.
Can you talk a little bit more about how we should be
dealing with that in the context of Saudi Arabia?
Mr. Ratney. I am, obviously, not involved in the
preparations for the President's visit. But I know he is a man
that believes in person-to-person diplomacy. He also believes
in having forthright conversations with our partners, even
partners with whom we sometimes have significant differences.
He was the one that made the decision to put human rights
at the center of U.S. foreign policy, to elevate it as one of
the major pillars of our engagement, not just in Saudi Arabia
but globally, and I have every expectation that that will
figure in his discussions in Saudi Arabia, which, as you
recall, is not just with the Saudis but there is also a much
broader meeting with GCC leaders, plus the Iraqis, Jordanians,
and Egyptians. I have every expectation that human rights in
all its forms will be a significant part of his program.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that hopeful word, and I
hope that the President will also pursue those principles
vigorously on his upcoming trip, and it was great to have a
chance to meet you on one of my--my most recent trip to Israel
and Jerusalem.
Thank you for your service there and your service
elsewhere, and as I said, I look forward to supporting your
nomination.
Dr. Wittes, congratulations on your nomination.
As you know, Putin's brutal war against Ukraine has created
price shocks around the world in energy and food, and many
countries in the Middle East and north Africa have been very
reliant on Russian and Ukrainian wheat.
If you could talk a little bit about AID's programs
generally, not just in the--in food assistance, but some of
the--in some of the areas that have been hardest hit. Lebanon
has been hard hit. Already had, of course, a desperate
situation, and in--and the West Bank and Gaza have been highly
dependent on some of those imports for their wheat.
Can you just talk broadly about USAID's efforts in those
areas to advance U.S. interests?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you.
Yes. As you noted, Russia's war on Ukraine and its blockade
of the Black Sea ports has prevented Ukraine from getting that
wheat to the global market and a lot of countries in our region
are feeling the effects.
Egypt, for example, normally imports half of its grain. One
of the activities that I understand USAID is engaged in there
is helping Egypt produce more and keep what it produces because
some of this wheat, when it is grown, is not properly stored
and it spoils.
USAID has a range of these kinds of food security
activities around the region to promote higher yields, to
manage water better, and to promote resilience to these kinds
of shocks.
But in the face of this global food security crisis there
is also a lot of emergency food aid USAID is providing around
the region as well.
Senator Van Hollen. I am going to ask you to follow up, I
guess, in writing, since my time is going to expire shortly, in
terms of some of the efforts USAID is undertaking, as I said,
in Lebanon, in the West Bank, and in Gaza, as well as some of
the other parts of the region, just with a little more
granularity.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good morning.
Congratulations to each of you on your nominations and I look
forward to working with you, once confirmed.
Dr. Gupta, I would like to begin with you because, as you
know, four out of the last five years we have not had anyone as
Ambassador to the Office of Global Women's Issues and so much
of that opposition has been women's reproductive health, and I
think it is important to point out that what the Office of
Global Women's Issues does has a lot more to do than just
reproductive health for women and that there are important
reasons why we have an office that looks at half of the world's
population and the important roles that women have to play in
the world.
Can you talk a little bit about why the Office of Global
Women's Issues is so important and why we need to be thinking
about what women are doing in the rest of the world?
Ms. Gupta. Thank you so much, Senator Shaheen.
It is absolutely essential for the State Department that is
the representative of U.S. foreign policy to pay attention to
women, being half the population of this world.
There are many inequities and indignities that women suffer
around the world which hold them back from participating fully
in the economy.
They are subject to threats to their safety and have a fear
of violence even on a daily basis and that determines their
mobility and they, in situations of conflict and emergencies
and humanitarian crises, are particularly vulnerable, both in
terms of their safety but also in terms of their being able to
look after their families and feed their families.
If you look at the world today, the situation of women--if
you look at the gender inequality indicators, the indicators
show that the inequality has increased.
We have regressed on gender equality because of the threats
that we have had at the moment which is the COVID-19 pandemic,
which has kept women from the labor force, the climate crisis,
the rise of authoritarianism, conflicts around the world.
So the priorities the Office of Global Women's Issues has
currently are the right ones, given the reality of the world
today, because it focuses on advancing women's economic
security and opportunity.
It focuses on advancing the women, peace, and security
agenda and preventing and responding to gender-based violence,
and those seem to me to be the three most important priorities
today and those have been identified in the national strategy
that the U.S. has just put out on gender equality and equity,
the first ever national strategy for both domestic and global
issues, and I think that those are the right ones, from my
point of view.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I certainly agree with that.
Can you also speak to what empowering women does for their
families, for their communities, and for their countries?
Ms. Gupta. Thank you.
Women play essential roles at the household and community
level. They are the frontline caretakers and mothers of
children. They are the providers and processors and producers
of food, and they are income earners and they are leaders
within their communities.
And yet, they face disadvantages in being able to access
productive resources such as employment, education, income,
land, et cetera. That puts them at a disadvantage to fully play
their roles.
By disadvantaging them in that way, you are holding them
back but you are also holding back their families, their
households, their communities, and the economies of entire
nations.
In fact, a McKinsey report recently identified that in 2015
that the cost to the global GDP is about $28 trillion over a
10-year period if those inequality indicators were not
improved, if the gap was not closed. So it has economic
consequences as well as it is a rights issue.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Dr. Wittes, I am very concerned about the situation in
Lebanon. It is one of the countries in the Middle East that has
significant challenges--the impact on young people and their
interest in staying in the country and offering a future there.
Can you talk about what our focus is right now on Lebanon
and what we can do to help address the challenges that the
country is facing?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you for the question.
The situation in Lebanon is quite dire--the humanitarian
situation, the economic situation. There is an opportunity now
because of the successful conduct of parliamentary elections
last month.
I was able to serve as an international observer in the
previous two rounds of Lebanese parliamentary elections and I
was really encouraged to see that they were able to hold those
elections. I think that the new government now has both the
opportunity and the need to focus urgently on some long overdue
reforms.
I understand that there is an agreement with the IMF that
would include reforms in the banking sector that could really
start to stabilize the economy.
On the humanitarian side, as you know and as Senator Van
Hollen mentioned, there is a shortage of wheat globally and
Lebanon does not have domestic storage because of this horrific
explosion at the Beirut port. It can only store about one month
or so of grain locally.
USAID has been providing emergency food packages to
Lebanese and it is also working with civil society and working
with municipalities.
To your question about keeping young people in the country,
USAID also, as I understand it, has had a focus on trying to
grow the private sector and trying to create a better
environment for the private sector so that young people feel
those opportunities and we do not see brain drain.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I am out of time.
But I would just close with an admonition that I hope each
of you will work on what is continuing to get worse in
Afghanistan with respect to the rights of women and the economy
in that country.
It is something that I think each of you have the ability
in your new roles to have some influence on, and I hope you
will really look at that opportunity.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Davis, Qatar, certainly, is a strategic
partner of the United States--defense, other issues. They have
serious human rights issues on their workers, those that have
come to their country being protected with internationally
recognized labor rights.
Tell me how you are going to prioritize that concern we
have if you are confirmed as our representative in Qatar.
Mr. Davis. Senator, thank you for the question.
First, I want to note that I share your concern about
Qatar's human rights record. They have made progress. They were
the first country in the Middle East to have a minimum wage
law.
They have instituted a tribunal to adjudicate cases of
labor abuse. They have set up a fund to help compensate
employees who have not received their wages, and specific to
the World Cup, they have a regulation that bans working in the
hottest part of the day.
My own work in southern Iraq, where I saw similar labor and
human rights abuses, informs how I view this. Often, it is a
case where it is not a lack of will but a lack of capacity.
Our Trafficking Persons report lays out avenues for the
Qatari Government to improve their human rights record. The
Department of Justice human trafficking prosecution unit has
been working with the Qatari Government.
It is not enough to want to prosecute abuses of labor and
human rights. You have to build that capacity.
If confirmed, I would think that we would be able to bring
experts to Qatar to help build the capacity of the judicial
system of lawyers, of prosecutors, of police. Domestic violence
issues cannot stop with arrest. They have to be followed
through to prosecution.
For the United States, there is not a calendar or a clock
or a deadline on our advocacy for human rights. Qatar has made
a number of strides in the lead-up to the World Cup.
If confirmed, it will be one of my highest priorities to
work with the Qatari Government to solidify the gains that they
have made, but also to move them forward in labor and human
rights reform.
It will not be easy but it is something that is, as noted,
a pillar of U.S. foreign policy, and I will not hesitate, if
confirmed, to raise at the highest levels of the Qatari
Government our concerns about human rights and labor rights.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
Dr. Wittes, I just really want to reinforce the comments
that were made by Senator Young and Senator Portman in regards
to the Abraham Accords.
In our conversation before we started the hearing, I was at
a dinner last night, a unique opportunity where the Ambassador
from UAE hosted the Israeli Ambassador's visit to the placement
in the United States. We had to postpone it a little bit
because of COVID. And it was a stark moment to see Israel and
an Arab state co-hosting an event here. So it was a wonderful
occasion.
One of the articles that were circulated under your tweet
during the initial consideration of the Abraham Accords was
very critical that there was no concessions made by the
Israelis in entering into the agreement with UAE.
I mention that because there was a major progress made in
getting Israel off of the annexation issue, which could have
been rather explosive, and that was done by the UAE without the
expansion to the other countries of the Abraham Accords. So
there was a significant reason to celebrate the UAE and Israel
reaching an agreement on normalization.
I just point that out because I have heard your response,
and I understand your commitment to further normalization in
the region.
But I want you to know that we saw sensitivity at that
time. We try to conduct as much foreign policy as we can not on
partisan grounds. We really try to work together to strengthen
our country on foreign policy issues.
With that----
Senator Young. Senator Hagerty, please.
Senator Cardin. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Mr. Ratney, I would like to, first, turn to you to talk
with you about the country that you are intending to represent
the United States to.
American families are suffering everywhere from high gas
prices, and I understand that President Biden is on his way to
Saudi Arabia next month, presumably to ask the Saudis to
produce more oil and bail the United States out of this energy
disaster that the Biden administration has created based on its
war on the American fossil fuel industry.
This trip comes not long after President Biden, during his
presidential campaign in a Democratic presidential debate,
decided that he would turn Saudi Arabia into a, quote,
``pariah'' and he added that there is, quote, ``very little
social redeeming value in the present Government in Saudi
Arabia.'' Those were his words during the presidential debate.
I actually believe that the Saudis can be a very critical
partner to us in the Middle East and I would, first, like to
know if you agree with President Biden's stated posture towards
Saudi Arabia.
Mr. Ratney. Thanks for the question, Senator.
I do not think I am in a position to comment on comments
that the President made during the campaign or more than a year
ago.
I can tell you what he has said since he has been President
and I can tell you what he has been determined to do since he
has been President and that is to carve out a relationship with
the Saudi Government that both advances U.S. interests and also
reflects U.S. values, and we have vast U.S. interests in Saudi
Arabia including----
Senator Hagerty. I agree with you.
Mr. Ratney [continuing]. As you point out, a conversation
about energy prices, gas prices that we are facing here and
global turbulence in energy markets. There is a lot of other
things, and in the war in Yemen cooperating on
counterterrorism, pushing back on Iran's nefarious activities
in the region that threaten us and our partners, and at the
same time advancing our values.
I have every expectation that the President will use this
trip which he is making to Saudi Arabia in addition to
conversations with other Gulf leaders and other Middle Eastern
leaders to have forthright discussions about a responsible role
of Saudi Arabia.
Senator Hagerty. Do you agree that our diplomatic relations
are better off without an antagonistic relationship with a
country as important as Saudi Arabia?
Mr. Ratney. I do not think I would relish the possibility
of being a U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia if I thought an
antagonistic relationship was a good direction to go in. I
think my colleagues and our leadership in this administration
agree with that, and in terms----
Senator Hagerty. If you are confirmed, you are going to
have a lot to clean up, I think, given the situation as it
exists right now.
I would like to turn now to your time as Consul General in
Jerusalem. Under your watch, the State Department provided
$465,000 in grants to a group called OneVoice, which then
joined a group called Victory 15 and worked to defeat Benjamin
Netanyahu and his Likud party in Israel's elections.
This struck many observers, including me, as highly
inappropriate if not unethical, especially given that the Obama
administration disagreed with Netanyahu and his many policies
including the Iran nuclear deal.
I understand that the Senate Committee on Homeland Security
and Governmental Affairs' Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations reviewed this case and reported out its
findings, and according to that report, OneVoice's pivot to
electoral politics was consistent with its strategic plan that
was developed by OneVoice leadership.
OneVoice had emailed this strategic plan to the State
Department officials during the grant period.
However, the State Department placed no limitations on the
post-grant use of resources developed by OneVoice using the
funds provided by the United States. Again, there were no
limitations placed on how the resources of the funds would be
used. The grant was just given by the State Department even
though the State Department had their strategic plan in hand.
I think it is a failure of the State Department, again,
under your watch, to take the necessary steps to guard against
the risk that OneVoice would engage in political activities to
unseat a particular foreign head of government.
I want to ask you, Mr. Ratney, given that OneVoice engaged
in political activism in the 2013 Israel elections, before
applying for a State Department grant how was it that you
failed to foresee and guard against this risk? The ease of that
would have--that recipient organizations can use to repurpose
public diplomacy resources is something that is very concerning
and I am very concerned about what happened here.
Mr. Ratney. Thanks for the question, and I do recall the
incident and I recall my work there.
I was responsible for oversight of a piece of that grant,
which was to the Palestinian component of OneVoice, which are
responsible for, essentially, building grassroots support for a
two-state solution and the negotiating process that was
underway at that point.
The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations that
Senator Portman chaired at the time looked into it, as you
mentioned, and noted a few deficiencies in the way that that
grant was handled, one of which is exactly what you point out,
which is there was no restriction in the grant agreement for
how they would use the data.
In this case, it was a database and some other things they
had developed in the process of doing the work that sort of----
Senator Hagerty. I think it is extremely concerning that
that failure occurred. But I want to ask you one more question
before my time is expended.
Do you dispute what was reported in the findings, that you
deleted emails related to the review of these OneVoice grants?
Mr. Ratney. The Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
identified two shortcomings. One had to do with the
Administration of the grant, which we talked about, which was
that there was no prohibition on----
Senator Hagerty. Political activities.
Mr. Ratney [continuing]. The OneVoice organization using it
later. That is something that I have made clear in my
conversations with the staff on the Permanent Subcommittee.
That would be unacceptable had we known about it.
The other problem was had to do with a systemic issue
associated with records management at the State Department that
has since been addressed. There was no routine method.
There was no routine way at that time to archive all of the
routine emails that the State Department sent and received.
That has since been remedied as well through changes in policy
and changes in technology.
Senator Hagerty. To be clear, did you delete emails that
were relevant to this? Did you specifically pursue those emails
and remove them from the record?
Mr. Ratney. As I recall what happened at the time--and I
want to be very precise about this because it is an important
issue--at the time--this is somewhat of a technical issue but
at the time the State Department--the email systems did not
have the storage capacity to retain large numbers of emails in
people's inboxes.
We were routinely instructed by--and this was not unique to
me--we were routinely instructed by our IT staff that if you do
not delete emails, especially those with large attachments,
your inbox freezes and you stop getting emails.
That was a systemic problem that was addressed both by
improvements in the technology and also a change to the policy
about archiving of these messages.
Senator Hagerty. You can understand my concern over that
part of it but my even deeper concern is that funds were
allowed to go to an organization that was going to take direct
action against one of our political allies and get involved
politically in that manner. I think it is a great oversight and
it creates grave concern for me.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would note that I think the Democratic majority on this
committee may have inadvertently convened a hearing on the
profound anti-Israel bias of the Biden administration.
I very much agree with the questions Senator Hagerty just
asked about Mr. Ratney's involvement in sending taxpayer funds
to a group that employed Obama political operatives to run a
campaign against the sitting Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin
Netanyahu, and undermine our friend and ally, Israel.
But as disturbing as that conduct was, Ms. Wittes' conduct
is even more concerning.
Ms. Wittes, if you are confirmed you will be in charge of
distributing vast amounts of funding across the Middle East.
Since 2015, the Brookings Institution that employs you has
taken at least $12.5 million dollars from the Embassy of Qatar.
That is the amount that can be traced publicly.
Just four days ago, the president of Brookings resigned in
a scandal because he is facing an investigation for being an
undisclosed lobbyist for Qatar, and he resigned because he
said, ``I know it is best for all concerned at the moment.''
Now, the president of Brookings has resigned over this but
you ran the Middle East Center at Brookings. To what extent did
you participate in fundraising from Qatar?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, thank you.
I want to be very clear I had no knowledge of any of these
disturbing allegations regarding General Allen. I did not
discuss research on Qatar with General Allen. I did not do
fundraising meetings for foreign governments with General
Allen.
Senator Cruz. Did you know that your work was being paid
for by Qatar?
Ms. Wittes. Yes, sir.
Senator Cruz. Okay. So you knew you were funded by a
foreign Embassy?
Ms. Wittes. Yes, sir. We had funding from several foreign
governments, including the Norwegians and the Emiratis.
Senator Cruz. The Norwegians and the Emiratis do not work
to undermine us and they do not work to undermine Israel. The
Qataris do.
Did you participate in any way in the fundraising?
Ms. Wittes. I participated in one fundraising meeting in, I
think, 2012.
Senator Cruz. Okay. Just a second ago you said you did not
participate in the fundraising----
Ms. Wittes. Not with General Allen, sir. General Allen
became president after I stepped down as----
Senator Cruz. But you participated in 2012 in fundraising
from the Qataris?
Ms. Wittes. I sat in a meeting in which Ambassador Indyk
was asking for a renewal of our grant.
Senator Cruz. Okay. You published a report with the Qatari
Ministry of Foreign Affairs logo on the cover of it, correct?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, we had a grant agreement with the
Qataris to conduct a joint conference, which we did in Doha
every year.
Senator Cruz. Okay. The president of Brookings just
resigned over allegations that he was an unregistered lobbyist
for Qatar. Did you register as a lobbyist for Qatar?
Ms. Wittes. No, sir. I never conducted advocacy for Qatar.
Senator Cruz. Should the president of Brookings have
resigned over this? Was he right to do so?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, I cannot speak to what General Allen
did or did not do. I had no knowledge----
Senator Cruz. Should the same standards apply to you?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, the rules at Brookings were very
clear. We received regular trainings on FARA compliance. I had
no problem understanding the rules.
Senator Cruz. Should the American taxpayers be concerned
that President Biden wants to put in charge of distributing
millions of dollars of taxpayer money someone who has spent
years being funded by a foreign nation who is not our friend?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, I think my research and the research
that I supervised was conducted with complete independence from
all of our donors and it stands on its own merit.
Senator Cruz. But it was funded by the Qataris. It was
funded by the Qataris and it just happened to so comply with
their agenda that they put their damn logo on the cover,
correct?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, they did not put their logo on any of
the----
Senator Cruz. You put their logo on the cover?
Ms. Wittes. No, sir.
Senator Cruz. Who put the logo?
Ms. Wittes. Their logo is not on the research.
Senator Cruz. Who put the logo on the cover----
Ms. Wittes. Senator----
Senator Cruz [continuing]. Of the report you published?
Ms. Wittes. The logo----
Senator Cruz. Did you put the logo or did they?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, we co-produced a conference.
Senator Cruz. Okay. So you both put the logo.
All right. I want to shift to another topic.
The Biden administration claims to support the Abraham
Accords. I got to say your record on the Abraham Accords is
stunning.
It is one thing for your colleague, Mr. Ratney, to fund
political campaigns against the sitting Prime Minister of
Israel. But when the Abraham Accords came out, in September
2020 you tweeted that Arab leaders should not deepen ties with
Israel until they saw whether President Trump won reelection.
Why were you urging Arab countries not to deepen ties with
Israel?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, I was skeptical when the Emiratis made
their announcement, which was breathtaking, in August 2020. I
was skeptical that other Arab states would join them and I----
Senator Cruz. But you urged them not to.
Ms. Wittes. I was proven wrong.
Senator Cruz. But you urged them not to. So they did not
follow your advice. But you wanted them not to make peace with
Israel.
Ms. Wittes. No, Senator, I did not urge. I was----
Senator Cruz. All right. You tweeted that peace between
Israel and the UAE was a ``new Naksa'' setback. You also said
it was a triumph for authoritarianism and just a normalization
of men, which I do not know what the hell that means.
Why did you actively lobby against historic peace accords
in the Middle East and how could anyone have any confidence
that you can be a senior government official?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, I support the Accords. I support the
profound transformation.
Senator Cruz. I guess that is the right political answer to
say now but it is not what you said then.
Ms. Wittes. Senator, those are not my words. I tweeted out
two articles critical of the Accords, one by an Israeli and one
by an Egyptian, both of which----
Senator Cruz. All right. A final question on the Egyptians.
You have tweeted that Egyptian President Sisi is running a
reich that is a fascist regime. How exactly do you think you
are going to be able to work with our Egyptian allies when you
have called their president a Nazi?
Ms. Wittes. Senator, those are not my words.
Senator Cruz. You did not say he is running a reich?
Ms. Wittes. No, Senator. I have no recollection of ever
using those words about President Sisi.
Senator Cruz. I am going to follow up in writing because
the record is clear.
But it is really stunning the anti-Israel bias of senior
nominees in this administration, and it is inconsistent both
with American national security interest and with standing with
our friend and ally, the State of Israel.
Senator Cardin. Senator Young, anything further?
Senator Young. Just picking up on one loose thread.
Ms. Wittes, you are director of the Center for Middle East
Policy at Brookings, and did you disclose your organization
received funding from Qatar? Did you disclose that matter?
Ms. Wittes. Yes, sir, including when I testified before
Congress. As you know, the forms require it.
Senator Young. Okay.
With respect to--Mr. Davis, with respect to the U.S.
Embassy to Qatar and its interaction with the U.S. Embassy to
Afghanistan, which will be operating from Doha, it is really
important that this committee--we are so distracted by many
challenges around the world--does not lose sight of the trying
situation in Afghanistan in the wake of the botched exit.
If confirmed, how would you coordinate actions between
those two embassies?
Mr. Davis. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I want to make sure that I make note and honor your service
as a U.S. Marine. When the evacuation of Afghanistan began in
August, I, like you, probably were inundated with former fellow
Marines, former soldiers, and folks who had known interpreters,
spotters, people, Afghans who had worked with us for years and
years.
And so I take personally the responsibility, confirmation
notwithstanding, to ensure that we are helping our allies,
which is what they were.
I had a number of sleepless nights in August 24/7 trying to
help people get out of the country.
Your question is an important one and one that, I think,
requires a sitting Ambassador--a confirmed Ambassador--to
coordinate the efforts and the message of the Afghanistan
affairs unit that is now in Doha, the bilateral mission which I
would head, if confirmed, and our care colleagues who are
working with Afghans waiting to be relocated.
And so my role, if confirmed as the head of the bilateral
mission, will be to coordinate message, to ensure community
communication is happening all of the time between U.S.
entities in Doha to include the work of Special Envoy Tom West.
We cannot have competing messages coming from any of those
four entities. I think the idea of folks from any of them being
able to go into the foreign ministry to make requests of the
Qataris without having coordinated will only lead to slowing
down the process and, as we have learned over the last nine or
10 months, any delay in assistance and help to those who fought
alongside us and helped us in Afghanistan over two decades can
be fatal.
And so it will be a major priority for me to make sure that
we are speaking with one voice to the Qataris and to those in
Afghanistan, whose assistance is absolutely vital.
Senator Young. Thank you.
I understand that further clarity will come post
confirmation on exactly how the interaction will occur and I
will look forward to working with you in overseeing those
responsibilities and I know others will as well.
Thank you, Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Young.
Let me just follow up on points that were raised by my
colleagues.
Mr. Ratney, if I understand correctly, your role with
OneVoice dealt with the outreach to the Palestinian community.
Mr. Ratney. That is right.
Senator Cardin. And that you were in compliance with all of
the policies of the State Department during that period of time
as well as the technology that was available in regards to how
emails were handled and stored to the extent they could be
stored and deleted because of capacities.
Mr. Ratney. That is correct. And if I might add, the
subcommittee report made clear that the grant funds were used
for their intended purpose.
Senator Cardin. I think you have clarified that point, and
I do not really think there is any misunderstanding here.
But let me just ask for the record, if confirmed, do you
agree to adhere to all the State Department rules and
regulations regarding record keeping and the retention of
emails?
Mr. Ratney. Absolutely.
Senator Cardin. And, Dr. Wittes, in regards to your
relationships at Brookings, it is my understanding that you
complied with all the rules of Brookings that had in regards to
foreign participation and funds and that you made all the
disclosures that were required by law and you complied with all
of the federal rules at the time.
Ms. Wittes. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
I have no further questions. Let me, if I might, announce
that the record will remain open until close of business
Friday, June 17th, for questions for the record.
I would urge our nominees to try to complete those answers
as rapidly and as thoroughly as possible so that we can try to
clear for committee action your nominations as quickly as
possible.
Each of you have critical positions that we need
confirmed--representatives and Ambassadors. So we would urge
you to try to complete this work as quickly as possible.
If there is no further business, the committee will stand
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:52 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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Additional Material Submitted for the Record
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
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Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. You were asked during your confirmation hearing about
Brookings Institution materials that had the logo of the Qatari
Government on them. You began to answer that the document in question
related to a conference, but you were cutoff before answering. Could
you please clarify what that document was, and whether it was a report?
Was it authored by you and did it contain any of your research?
Answer. During my time as Center Director from 2012-2017, I oversaw
the work of the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World. The
Project co-sponsored a conference, the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, with
the Qatari Foreign Ministry's Permanent Committee for Organizing
Conferences. Speakers at these Forums included a number of U.S.
officials, leaders from Muslim-majority countries, civil society
activists and scholars from a wide variety of perspectives.
This conference was held in Doha during my time as Center Director
on the following dates: May 28-31, 2012; June 9-11, 2013; June 9-12,
2014; June 1-3, 2015.
The Conference also hosted working groups focused on issues such as
interfaith dialogue, arts and culture, Muslim minorities in the West,
and women's empowerment. These working groups were selected through a
competitive process by the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic
World, and the Qatari Government had no role in the process of
selection. The working groups produced papers prior to the conference,
and a report of their discussions after the conference. These were
published by Brookings, subject to Brookings's usual review process for
published reports, and not reviewed or edited by the Government of
Qatar. I've attached an example of such a report.
Some of these conference-related publications produced by Brookings
included the logo of the Qatari Permanent Committee for Organizing
Conferences alongside the Brookings logo. Those publications were
published with the same independence, and subject to the same review
process as other Brookings Foreign Policy publications.
I did not author any working group reports or papers during my time
as Center Director.
Question. Has any of your research been influenced by any donor to
Brookings, including any foreign government?
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever altered any of your research or work at the
request of a donor or foreign government?
Answer. No.
Question. What safeguards were in place to ensure that your
research at Brookings was not influenced by any donor or foreign
government?
Answer. Brookings has transparent policies in place to protect the
independence of its scholarship, which are publicly available on the
Brookings Institution website.
Brookings included language in grant and gift agreements to protect
scholar independence. In 2016, Brookings President Strobe Talbott wrote
that Brookings uses the following language in gift agreements with
donors:
Brookings scholars, in conformity with the Institution's
mission of developing independent, nonpartisan analysis and
recommendations that reflect objective and rigorous
scholarship, will make the final determinations regarding the
scholarly activities supported by [the gift/grant], including
the research agenda, content, product, outcomes, use and
distribution of resulting publications, and selection of
personnel associated with the projects supported by [the gift/
grant]. Brookings scholars and staff will at no time lobby or
otherwise promote the interests of any donor.
In the course of their research, Brookings scholars engage
with a broad range of people with specific expertise in the
areas they are researching, including stakeholders, policy
makers, other scholars and, in some cases, donors. Brookings's
scholars always have the final say in what is published, in
terms of their analysis, judgement, and recommendations.
Question. Can you clarify the authors and dates of publication of
the articles and tweets regarding the Abraham Accords mentioned during
your nomination hearing? Did you author, co-author or otherwise comment
on any of these publications? If yes, how?
Answer. I never opposed the Abraham Accords. I also never urged
Arab governments not to join the Accords.
I said to the New York Times, and to an audience at Brandeis, when
the Accords were announced, that Israel and the UAE had good reasons
for opening formal ties and that shared interests and shared threats
brought them together. I called in writing for the Biden administration
to build on the Accords.
As I noted in the hearing, I did express skepticism very early on,
in August 2020, that other governments would join the UAE; I was
quickly proven wrong and believe that the inclusion of Bahrain, Sudan
and Morocco made the significance of the Accords clear and presented an
opportunity that I believe the U.S. Government must seize. If
confirmed, I absolutely will work assiduously to build upon these
transformative agreements, in line with the Administrator's and the
Biden administration's efforts.
I believe, but cannot be sure, that Senators at the hearing
referenced the attached tweets. I tweeted sharing these two articles,
one by an Israeli and one by an Egyptian, because they presented
aspects of the Accords I thought needed grappling with. I did not tweet
them because I agreed with the articles, and my tweets very
specifically did not endorse the articles or even suggest or imply that
I agreed with them. I have shared many articles on Twitter, with which
I may agree, disagree, or not have a view.
The Accords were a transformative event in the region with many
dimensions and many implications; my role as a policy analyst was to
understand how different audiences in the region and in Washington
viewed what was happening and to integrate that knowledge into my own
analysis.
Question. Did you have any role in fundraising efforts while at
Brookings, and specifically for the Middle East program?
Answer. During my time at Brookings, primary fundraising
responsibility for Brookings research rested with the President and the
Vice Presidents of the five research programs. I participated in
fundraising activities at the direction of the Vice Presidents for
Foreign Policy Studies under whom I served, and of Brookings President
Strobe Talbott, as well as their development staffs. During my time as
director of the Middle East Center, I worked under the supervision of
Vice Presidents Amb. Martin Indyk, Acting Vice President Ted Piccone,
and Vice President Bruce Jones, as well as Amb. Talbott.
My participation in fundraising at Brookings had two elements:
First, when requested by development staff or supervisors, I
participated in substantive briefings on current policy topics, often
in a panel with other scholars, for organizations and individuals who
were donors and/or potential donors. Second, I engaged directly with
several individual donors to the Center's work, including its founding
donor, Haim Saban. These contacts were also organized by and/or
coordinated with the Brookings development staff, the Vice President
for Foreign Policy Studies, and the President.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator James E. Risch
humanitarian assistance
Stabilization, Early Recovery, Reconstruction
Question. If confirmed, how will you define and differentiate
between ``humanitarian response,'' ``stabilization,'' ``early
recovery,'' and ``reconstruction'' activities in responding to
conflicts in the MENA region, including Syria, Afghanistan, and Yemen?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with USAID colleagues to ensure
the Agency continues to differentiate and coordinate between
``humanitarian response,'' ``stabilization,'' ``early recovery,'' and
``reconstruction'' activities in the MENA region, including in Syria
and Yemen. While Afghanistan falls under the authority of the Assistant
Administrator for the Asia Bureau and not within the purview of the
Assistant Administrator for the Middle East, if confirmed, I pledge to
ensure that these definitions are consistent across the Agency.
I understand that humanitarian assistance is a needs-based response
that saves lives, alleviates human suffering, and reduces the impact of
disasters by helping people in need become more resilient. I further
understand that USAID follows the relevant appropriations law and
implements humanitarian programs primarily using International Disaster
Assistance and Title II Food for Peace Act Assistance to meet
humanitarian imperatives.
I understand that USAID utilizes early recovery, a humanitarian
assistance tool, to reduce immediate and protracted humanitarian needs
by strengthening the resilience of affected populations through small-
scale programs at the individual, household, and local community level;
improving individual, household, and community welfare; and therefore,
reducing dependence on external assistance. Early recovery programs are
based on assessed community needs and humanitarian imperatives, and
conducted in a conflict-sensitive manner by independent and impartial
humanitarian agencies, without direction or interference of government
authorities.
Unlike humanitarian assistance, which is needs-based, stabilization
is a political endeavor involving an integrated civilian-military
process where local authorities and systems can peaceably manage
conflict and there will be a strong focus on prevention to reduce risks
for a resurgence in violence. Transitional and policy-driven in nature,
stabilization may include efforts to establish civilian security,
provide access to dispute resolution, deliver targeted basic services,
and establish a foundation for the return of displaced people and
longer-term development.
Reconstruction is different from both humanitarian and
stabilization assistance by design, intent, and scale. I understand
that USAID does not provide reconstruction assistance in Syria or
Yemen, and that in Yemen, USAID is focused on providing humanitarian
and development assistance to address the most immediate needs.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that common
definitions of these terms are understood, adopted, and upheld by any/
all international mechanisms receiving and programming United States
foreign assistance funds, such as U.N. agencies and multi-donor trust
funds? How?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promoting prudent management of
awards managed by USAID's Middle East Bureau and those awards made by
the Bureau to and implemented by U.N. agencies and multilateral trust
funds, and ensuring common definitions of these terms that are relevant
to Middle East Bureau programming are understood and adopted in support
of U.S. Government foreign policy. If confirmed, I pledge to coordinate
with the Assistant to the Administrator for the Bureau for Humanitarian
Assistance, who has authority over any humanitarian response, including
early recovery programs.
Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
Question. A recent report by the Center for International Private
Enterprise (CIPE) Anti-Corruption and Governance Center suggests that
an estimated five to ten percent of annual humanitarian aid is lost to
corruption, while an estimated seven percent of global spending on
public health is lost to waste, fraud, and abuse. The United States is,
by far, the single most generous donor of both humanitarian and global
health assistance, including in the Middle East.
If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero tolerance policy
for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your purview?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to upholding a zero tolerance
policy for waste, fraud and abuse in programs under my purview
Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance
policy for USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the
sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable communities they are
meant to serve?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will uphold a zero tolerance policy for
USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the sexual
exploitation and abuse.
Question. What is your understanding of the strengths and
weaknesses of third party monitoring and evaluation?
Answer. I understand that USAID defines Third-Party Monitoring
(TPM) as ``the systematic and intentional collection of performance
monitoring and/or contextual data by a partner that is not USAID or an
implementing partner directly involved in the work.''
I also understand that third-party monitors are contracted by USAID
to act as its eyes and ears when USAID staff are unable to visit all
project/activity sites in non-permissive environments which are often
characterized by instability, inaccessibility, and/or insecurity.
Verification of activities and equipment delivery is the primary
purpose for TPM. It is also a tool that mitigates the risk of USG
resources going to sanctioned groups. The TPM service provider may also
inspect implementation progress, collect feedback from beneficiaries,
and gather contextual data to get a sense of the larger environment
affecting activity implementation.
Strengths in using TPM include increased partnerships, capacity
building of local monitors, and the ability to travel and monitor
programs in locations where USAID staff access may be limited.
Question. The primary weakness in using TPM occurs when the risks
of operating in non-permissive environments are shifted to local
monitors. However, I understand that there are measures that USAID and
TPM contractors take to reduce such risks. For example, I understand
that the TPM provider can develop a security plan that addresses the
particular concerns for the context in which the contractor is
operating.
What is your understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of
USAID's partner vetting procedures, particularly in areas under
the control of foreign terrorist organizations?
Answer. I understand that USAID's partner vetting program
significantly reduces the chances that USAID or its implementing
partners are working with organizations or individuals that have
connections to a foreign terrorist organizations. If confirmed, I
commit to ensuring USAID's vetting processes are as robust and
effective as possible.
I understand that USAID partners are required to review publicly
available lists including, but not limited to, the System for Award
Management and the Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctions list to
ensure compliance with applicable laws and regulations. In addition to
these measures, I understand that USAID currently utilizes partner
vetting in five Middle East locations: West Bank and Gaza, Iraq,
Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen and that partner vetting is part of USAID's
strategy to mitigate the risk of diversion of taxpayer funds and
resources to terrorists, supporters of terrorists, or affiliates of
terrorists, while facilitating the Agency's ability to deliver programs
in support of U.S. national security and foreign-policy priorities.
Question. In your opinion, do USAID personnel get out from behind
U.S. embassy/mission walls enough to fully accomplish their missions?
Answer. It is my understanding that USAID regularly seeks ways to
improve its ability to better accomplish its mission and that the
mobility of USAID personnel within a host country is dependent on a
number of factors, including staff safety and security. If confirmed, I
commit to finding ways to ensure key aspects of our mission are
achieved while balancing the safety of USAID personnel.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of USAID staff
to better access local populations and conduct direct oversight of U.S.
foreign assistance, including in conflict areas and fragile states?
Answer. I understand that USAID augments the direct oversight of
assistance by staff with a variety of approaches to verify that
assistance is reaching its intended beneficiaries, including by
utilizing geo-tagged photos and videos of distributions and through
feedback hotlines for beneficiaries. I also understand that USAID works
closely with its implementing partners to develop activity-specific
monitoring and evaluation plans, and coordinate with other donors and
the Agency's Inspector General to identify risks and take steps to
mitigate the potential for taxpayer dollars to be diverted.
In places where direct oversight is impracticable due to safety and
security of USAID staff particularly in conflict areas and fragile
states--I understand that USAID utilizes a number of tools, including
vetting and remote, third-party monitoring to support oversight of
activity implementation. I understand that through independent, field-
based monitoring of activities and monthly progress reporting, third
party monitors allow USAID to monitor programs in areas that are
inaccessible to U.S. Government staff. The third-party mechanisms
provide USAID with an additional level of assurance-similar to the role
field visits play for USAID monitoring activities in more stable
environments. If confirmed, I pledge to work with Agency leadership to
ensure that the Agency continues to prioritize robust oversight of U.S.
foreign assistance, including in conflict areas and fragile states.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to aggressively pursuing
access in complex operating environments by USAID direct hires, so they
can regularly perform direct oversight of the programs under your area
of responsibility?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to pursuing access in
complex operating environments, while balancing the safety and security
of USAID personnel, to ensure responsible oversight of USAID programs.
manangement
Policy and Authority
Question. Having previously served as a policy analyst at a think
tank and as Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs, your
experience appears to be focused on policy rather than on development.
Do you acknowledge and, if confirmed, will you uphold the statutory
division of authority between the Department of State and
USAID, whereby USAID falls under the policy direction of the
Secretary?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will uphold the statutory structure
and organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes
U.S. foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs,
subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary
of State, and the National Security Council.
Question. When it comes to democracy promotion in the Middle East,
who is responsible for crafting the strategy--the Secretary or the
Administrator?
Answer. If confirmed, I will uphold the statutory structure and
organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes U.S.
foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs,
subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary
of State, and the National Security Council.
It is my understanding that the 2022-2026 Middle East and North
Africa Joint Regional Strategy was developed by USAID and the
Department of State as a part of an interagency process and under the
foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary of State, and
the National Security Council.
Mission, Morale, and Management
Question. How do you intent to ensure unity of mission and purpose
between Washington, DC and USAID's overseas missions in the region?
What is your understanding of morale within the USAID's Bureau for
the Middle East and within each of the USAID missions in the
region?
How do you intend to improve morale in Washington, DC and overseas?
Answer. Having worked in the Near East Affairs Bureau during the
instability that followed the Arab uprisings, I am particularly mindful
of staff morale and unity of purpose, especially in a dynamic
environment. If confirmed, I am committed to maintaining open dialogue
with USAID personnel across the Bureau--including those in the field--
to allow individuals to provide feedback, voice concerns, and share
ideas. I'm committed to learning from the employees working in the
Bureau for the Middle East and keeping my door open to hear their
concerns.
Despite the challenging environment in which many USAID staff work,
I have noted that USAID personnel I've met are consistently committed
to their work and the mission that drives U.S. assistance to the
peoples of the region. If confirmed, I commit to supporting USAID
personnel as they carry out the Agency's critical development mission.
If confirmed, the safety and security of USAID personnel would be
my highest priority. I expect that one of the major morale challenges I
would face in addition to security is the workload carried by USAID
employees. If confirmed, I am eager to work with Administrator Power to
address staffing needs across the Middle East region and to ensure
USAID has the staff needed to implement programming rigorously and
responsibly.
Question. What is your expectation for returning USAID staff to the
work place, following prolonged telework arrangements necessitated by
COVID-19?
Answer. I understand that the Agency has moved to a hybrid work
schedule that allows staff to use telework when it is suitable for
their position and the work of the Agency. Telework can increase
productivity, improve work-life balance, and reduce the stress of
commuting in a congested region. I expect the Bureau and the Agency
will likely need to make continued adjustments in the future as they
continue to learn from this new model. If confirmed, I commit to
ensuring the Bureau maintains the appropriate balance to support its
important mission. With regard to Bureau staff working at USAID
missions across the region, I understand that the telework policy at
Missions is dictated by each country's respective Chief of Mission, and
thus varies from post to post.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to providing timely,
thorough, and accurate responses to Congressional requests for
information, including by restoring in-person briefings on the Hill, as
necessary and appropriate?
Answer. Yes, I commit to maintaining open dialogue with Congress by
providing timely, thorough, and accurate responses to Congressional
requests for information, including through in-person briefings, as
necessary and appropriate.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is collaborative. I believe team
members work to their best ability when they feel themselves to be
working alongside colleagues advancing a shared mission, with a clear
vision and clear goals articulated by their leadership. This unleashes
their expertise and problem-solving on behalf of our goals, and
promotes mutual support within the workforce.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, within the guidelines established by the Agency for
such efforts.
branding
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to taking a forward-leaning
approach toward ``branding'' United States foreign assistance?
Answer. Yes. While recognizing there are limited exceptions to
branding to maintain partner safety and security, I am committed to
USAID branding, and if confirmed, will work to ensure that United
States foreign assistance in the Middle East is appropriately branded
in all possible instances. I believe appropriate branding sends a
strong public diplomacy message, conveying that United States
assistance is due to the generosity of the American people. If
confirmed, I commit to complying with all USAID branding legal and
policy requirements.
Question. Will you commit to continuously reviewing agreements to
waive U.S. branding requirements, such that they are applied on a case-
by-case and as-needed basis, rather than on a long-term, global basis?
Answer. Yes. I understand that USAID branding waivers must be
limited in scope and regularly reviewed. If confirmed, I commit to
rigorously reviewing all branding waivers I receive to ensure they are
appropriately narrow both in scope and duration, so as to ensure
beneficiaries of U.S. taxpayer assistance are informed of the source of
that assistance.
family planning and reproductive health
Question. The President's FY 2022 budget request for the Department
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs proposes a
substantial increase for Family Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/
RH), through both bilateral aid programs and contributions to the U.N.
Population Fund.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and complete USAID
compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method
of family planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or
lobby for or against the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to comply with
all applicable laws, including the Helms and Siljander amendments.
localization
Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. Each of these initiatives has had mixed
results.
What is your view of ``localization'' in the Middle East region?
How can the Bureau for the Middle East more effectively empower
local partners through its program consultation, design, and
implementation processes?
Is it appropriate to set targets for ``localization'' and, if so,
what would you consider to be reasonable and appropriate for
the programs under your purview, particularly given access and
vetting constraints in the region?
Answer. I support the vision of localization Administrator Power
presented in her November 2021 speech at Georgetown University, A New
Vision for Inclusive Development, in which she outlined USAID's
commitment to build on past efforts in making its work more inclusive;
and that the Agency will pursue this, in part, through localization. I
understand that USAID will shift its programs and practices to expand
and enhance its support for locally-led development, the process in
which local actors--encompassing individuals, communities, networks,
organizations, private entities, and governments--set their own
agendas, develop solutions, and bring the capacity, leadership, and
resources to make those solutions a reality. I agree with Administrator
Power that around the world, when USAID's efforts are responsive to
local priorities, and draw upon local capacities, diverse networks, and
resources-results are more likely to be sustained by local
organizations and institutions.
For the Agency and the Middle East Bureau, I understand
localization to mean channeling a portion of development and
humanitarian awards directly to local civil society, business, and
other institutions that are supported by and accountable to local
communities. It means changing the power dynamics that have
historically characterized the relationships among local actors,
international prime partners, and donors, with renewed focus on
empowering local actors-and, within that goal, ensuring meaningful
participation by marginalized populations, including women, people with
disabilities, youth, indigenous populations, displaced persons, and
ethnic and religious minorities.
I think it is appropriate to set targets to help motivate and track
the Agency's localization efforts. I understand that the targets that
the Administrator announced in November--25 percent of USAID's funding
going to direct local awards and 50 percent of the Agency's activities
incorporating good practices to put local actors in the lead--are
global targets. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with
Congress and with the Bureau and Mission staff, to identify appropriate
targets given the unique context of the region.
investigation into foreign influence and illegal foreign
lobbying at the brookings institution
Question. According to U.S. District Court records, the Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is currently conducting an investigation
into Gen. John Allen (retired)--former president of the Brookings
Institution where you served as a Director of the Middle East Center
and as a Senior Fellow from 2012-2022. The investigation concerns
suspected illegal lobbying on behalf of the Government of Qatar in
violation of the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). Qatar was a
major donor to the Brookings Institution for much of this time.
How long did you work with Gen. Allen at Brookings?
Answer. General Allen became president of Brookings in November
2017; I was at that time a Senior Fellow in the Center for Middle East
Policy, and remained in that role until November 2021 when I went on a
leave of absence.
Question. How would you describe both of your roles throughout your
respective tenures at Brookings?
Answer. I was first hired at Brookings as a Fellow in November
2003; I was promoted to Senior Fellow in the summer of 2008 and
remained in that role until November of 2009 when I entered government
service.
I rejoined Brookings as Senior Fellow and Director of the Center
for Middle East Policy in March 2012. I remained in that role until
March 2017, when I left the directorship and remained as a Senior
Fellow until November 2021. From November 2021 until June 3, 2022, I
was on a leave of absence from Brookings. I resigned effective June 3,
2022.
I believe that General Allen first joined Brookings as a
Distinguished Fellow in June 2013. He then was named by President Obama
as the Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition Against ISIL
and remained in that role until November 2015. He became president of
Brookings on November 6, 2017.
General Allen became president of Brookings in November 2017; I was
at that time a Senior Fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy, and
remained in that role until November 2021 when I went on a leave of
absence.
Question. How would you describe the way your role interacted with
his?
Answer. I saw General Allen mainly at Brookings events where he was
providing welcoming remarks, and at occasional Institution-wide town
halls. I cannot recall any specifics regarding one-on-one conversations
with him in his role as Brookings President. There were two managerial
layers between my role as Center Director and the President.
Question. Did you ever attend a meeting at Brookings with Gen.
Allen where the question of foreign donations to Brookings was
discussed? If so, please describe.
Answer. Not to the best of my recollection.
Question. Did you ever attend a meeting with Gen. Allen where
foreign officials or representatives of a foreign government were
present? If yes, please provide the date, names of attendees, and
topics discussed.
Answer. The Brookings Institution holds many meetings and events
with foreign officials, at which General Allen would often provide
opening remarks or give a formal welcome in his role as president.
Question. Did you ever attend a meeting with Gen. Allen where
Qatari officials or representatives of the Government of Qatar were
present? If yes, please provide the date, names of attendees, and
topics discussed.
Answer. On June 3, 2015, when General Allen was serving in
government as the head of the anti-ISIS coalition, he spoke as a guest
at the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, a conference which the Center I ran at
Brookings co-hosted in Doha with the Qatari Foreign Ministry's
Permanent Committee on Organizing Conferences.
Question. Did you ever discuss United States policy toward Qatar
with U.S. Government officials? If yes, please provide the date, names
of attendees, and topics discussed.
Answer. Over the course of my career both in government and non-
government roles, I have had many engagements with U.S. Government
officials on a wide array of topics. I cannot recall, nor do I have
records of, all such instances.
Question. Have you spoken with law enforcement about this
investigation? Please answer yes or no. If yes, please provide the date
and agency.
Answer. No.
Question. During your confirmation hearing, Sen. Young asked you if
you would be ``willing to urge Brookings to voluntarily work with this
committee so that we can have a full accounting of foreign donations to
the institution, especially funding that supported the work of the
Middle East Center.'' You answered that: you would like Brookings to be
as transparent as possible.'' That is not a commitment.
Do you commit to work with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
to conduct thorough oversight into allegations of foreign
influence and illegal lobbying at the Brookings Institution and
by Gen. John Allen? Do you commit to urge the Brookings
Institution to voluntarily share with the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee information relating to the committee's
oversight on this issue?
Answer. I would urge the Brookings Institution to cooperate with
any Senate oversight investigation.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. You have an extensive history of tweets and publications
supporting a deeply divisive and partisan view of American foreign
policy, especially towards Israel. In January 2019, you tweeted on my
bill from last Congress, S.1, the Strengthening America's Security in
the Middle East Act of 2019, that would have overhauled American
foreign policy towards the Middle East. Included in that bill was my
bipartisan Combatting BDS Act, which clarifies that state and local
governments have the right to not award contracts to companies that
engage in the hateful, antisemitic boycott, divestment, and sanctions
movement. You said at the time, ``Democrats are not taking the bait on
BDS.''
Do you believe state governments should be allowed to avoid doing
business with companies participating in the antisemitic BDS
movement?
Answer. I unequivocally oppose the BDS movement. President Biden
and Secretary Blinken have made it clear that the Administration firmly
opposes the BDS campaign against Israel. The movement unfairly singles
out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism.
Question. In November 2020, you wrote a blog saying that BDS is not
always antisemitic. That would imply you support the BDS movement.
Do you support the movement?
Answer. I unequivocally oppose the BDS movement. President Biden
and Secretary Blinken have made it clear that the Administration firmly
opposes the BDS campaign against Israel. The movement unfairly singles
out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism. While the
Administration respects the American people's First Amendment rights, I
support the Administration 's vocal disapproval of the BDS campaign and
any effort to delegitimize Israel on the world stage.
Question. Why did you call the inclusion of my bipartisan bill
``bait?''
Answer. Senator, I unreservedly apologize for my comments. To
clarify, I was not referring to the content of the bill, but to the
tactical and procedural behavior then underway between the two parties
in Congress involving pressing for competing votes on competing
legislative proposals regarding support for Israel, rather than forging
a bipartisan consensus on a matter where both parties agree. As I have
noted, including in an article published in the Atlantic, the partisan
polarization around Israel in the United States is, in my view,
deleterious to the health of the US-Israel relationship.
Question. Senator Manchin and I have reintroduced the Combatting
BDS Act this Congress and are seeking a path towards its passage. If
confirmed, would you recommend that the President oppose or even veto
this bipartisan bill?
Answer. If confirmed, my opinion on this bill would be outside of
my responsibilities as Assistant Administrator for the Middle East at
USAID.
Question. Brookings Institution President John Allan recently
resigned following revelations that he secretly lobbied for the Qatari
Government. Unfortunately, Qatar's deep influence at Brookings does not
start or end with John Allan. While you led Brookings Middle East
Center from around 2012 to 2017, the Middle East Center received a
$14.8 million grant from Qatar. While the Senate is extremely
supportive of the U.S.-Qatar relationship--I joined many of my
colleagues in cosponsoring a resolution recognizing Qatar's role in
helping the American evacuation from Afghanistan--that does not mean we
should give it free rein to influence American policymakers without any
transparency.
While you were at Brookings, did Qatar have any influence over
hiring decisions and the publication of written work?
Answer. While I led the Brookings Middle East Center from 2012 to
2017, Qatar did not have any influence over hiring decisions and the
publications of written work for which I was responsible.
Question. Are you able to disclose the details of an agreement
Qatar announced with Brookings in 2017? If not, why not?
Answer. I do not have details of any agreement announced between
Brookings and the Government of Qatar in 2017. At the time of a press
release issued by the Government of Qatar in May 2017 titled ``Qatar
and Brookings Center Sign Agreement,'' I was no longer the Director of
the Center for Middle East Policy. My understanding of the press
release is that it refers to the final, three-year renewal of the
longstanding grant to Brookings for its Project on U.S. Relations with
the Islamic World, which was part of the Center for Middle East Policy.
Question. Unfortunately, your tenure at Brookings indicates you
have a history of avoiding hard criticism for regimes that donated
significant sums of money to you. In 2018, you praised Saudi Arabia's
rapid urbanization and reforms under Crown Prince Mohamad Bin Salman.
This effusive praise was puzzling given Saudi Arabia's crackdown on
women's rights and religious freedom advocates, who you typically write
in support of. However, this all made sense when it was revealed in
October 2018 that Brookings had a previously undisclosed donation from
Saudi Arabia. Since cancelling that grant, you've been almost overly
enthusiastic in your criticism of Saudi Arabia.
We know that Qatar gave a significant amount of money to Brookings.
Are you currently receiving money, or the promise of future
payment from Qatar or any other foreign government, if
confirmed?
Answer. No. I am not receiving payments from Qatar, and I have
never received any payments from Qatar. I have no promise of future
payment from Qatar or any other foreign government.
Question. Will you disclose the full history of foreign government
grants to Brookings so that the American people can review and compare
it with your extensive history of publications?
Answer. I do not have access to that information and refer you to
the Brookings Institution to respond to any questions about their
agreements. The relationships with Qatar and other foreign government
donors predated my arrival as Director of the Middle East Center and
were managed by the Brookings President and the Vice President for
Foreign Policy. I can say with absolute confidence that my research was
conducted with complete independence and stands on its own merits.
Question. Will you commit that your decisions at USAID will not be
influenced by Qatar or any other foreign government, if you are
confirmed?
Answer. Yes, absolutely.
I would like to add that I have never engaged in ``effusive
praise'' of the Saudi Government, neither in 2018 nor in any other
year. I have had one friend, Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered by the
Saudi Government, and another imprisoned for months without trial.
Other friends have left the country seeking freedom. I was never
involved in any Brookings work with Saudi Arabia.
Question. You have written extensive criticism of the Abraham
Accords, retweeting articles that called the normalization agreements a
``triumph for authoritarianism'' and the ``normalization of men.''
Israel is our strongest ally in the Middle East and the region's only
full democracy. Encouraging normalization of its relations with other
countries in the region also serves to encourage freer conditions in
those countries. That's why this committee overwhelmingly voted in
favor of the bipartisan Israel Relations Normalization Act to further
promote this process.
Do you believe that other states in the region should normalize
relations with Israel?
Answer. Yes. I fully support the Abraham Accords and if confirmed,
I commit to supporting the Administrator's and the Biden administration
's efforts to build upon these agreements to further strengthen
cooperation between Israel and its neighbors and to encourage other
Arab and Muslim countries to normalize relations with Israel.
As I noted in the hearing, I did express skepticism very early on,
in August 2020, that other governments would join the UAE in opening
ties to Israel; I was quickly proven wrong and, as I told the hearing,
the inclusion of Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco made the significance of
the Accords clear and presented an opportunity that I believe the U.S.
Government must seize. As I said in my opening statement and again to
Senator Portman, if confirmed, I absolutely will work assiduously with
my colleagues in the Biden administration to build upon these
transformative agreements.
I tweeted sharing two articles critical of the Accords, one by an
Israeli and one by an Egyptian, because they presented aspects of the
Accords I thought needed grappling with. I did not tweet them because I
agreed with the articles, and my tweets very specifically did not
endorse the articles or even suggest or imply that I agreed with them.
I have shared many articles on Twitter, with which I may agree,
disagree, or not have a view.
The Accords were a transformative event in the region with many
dimensions and many implications; my role as a policy analyst was to
understand how different audiences in the region and in Washington
viewed what was happening and to integrate that knowledge into my own
analysis.
Question. If confirmed, will you work against the promise of
normalizing relations between Israel and other countries?
Answer. Absolutely not. As I said in my opening statement and again
to Senator Portman, if confirmed, I absolutely will work assiduously
with my colleagues in the Biden administration to build upon these
transformative agreements. to further strengthen cooperation between
Israel and its neighbors and to encourage other Arab and Muslim
countries to normalize relations with Israel.
Question. Given your past advocacy against the Abraham Accords, how
can this committee be confident in your ability to eagerly promote the
normalization of relations with Israel?
Answer. As stated in the hearing, I did express skepticism very
early on, in August 2020, that other governments would join the UAE; I
was quickly proven wrong and, and believe that the inclusion of
Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco made the significance of the Accords clear
and presented an opportunity that I believe the U.S. Government must
seize. If confirmed, I pledge to support the administrator's and the
Biden administration's efforts to build upon these agreements.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. The Assistant Administrator for Middle East at USAID has
responsibility for overseeing a fund of nearly $2 billion across the
region, including for projects the following countries and territories:
Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Israel. Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria,
Tunisia, West Bank & Gaza, and Yemen. Some projects are regional in
nature, and necessarily regional in nature, and implicate conditions in
Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi
Arabia, Iran, and Qatar.
Qatar and Brookings have partnered to hold the U.S.-Islamic World
Forum since 2004, and Qatar has supported Brookings with tens of
millions of dollars. During that time, you strongly and publicly
advocated positions that advanced the foreign policy of the Qatari
Government. You've praised Qatar's human rights record despite their
abuses, some of which have been discussed earlier today.
You began your tenure at Brookings in December 2003.
Please outline any financial relationship the Brookings Institution
has had with any of these countries or their close regional
allies since 2004. For each grant, please list the exact amount
and purpose of the grant.
Answer. I do not have that information, and refer you to the
Brookings Institution. Financial relationships and grants with Qatar
were established and managed by my superiors at Brookings.
Question. Were you ever present for meetings relating to
fundraising for the Brookings Institution with officials from any of
these countries since 2004? If so, please describe the date, purpose
and participants of those meetings. If the meetings generated grants,
please cite those with their exact amount and purpose.
Answer. During my time at Brookings, primary fundraising
responsibility for Brookings research rested with the President and the
Vice Presidents of the five research programs. I participated in
fundraising activities at the direction of the Vice Presidents for
Foreign Policy Studies under whom I served, and of Brookings President
Strobe Talbott, as well as their development staffs. During my time as
director of the Middle East Center, I worked under the supervision of
Vice Presidents Amb. Martin Indyk, Acting Vice President Ted Piccone,
and Vice President Bruce Jones, as well as Amb. Talbott.
My participation in fundraising at Brookings had two elements:
First, when requested by development staff or supervisors, I
participated in substantive briefings on current policy topics, often
in a panel with other scholars, for organizations and individuals who
were donors and/or potential donors. Second, I engaged directly with
several individual donors to the Center's work, including its founding
donor, Haim Saban. These contacts were also organized by and/or
coordinated with the Brookings development staff, the Vice President
for Foreign Policy Studies, and the President.
Question. Have you ever been registered as a foreign lobbyist for
any of those countries or territories, or for their governments,
embassies, and other entities controlled by their governments?
Answer. No.
Question. Please identify any advocacy or analysis you conducted at
the federal level since 2004, outside of periods when you were serving
as a U.S. Government official, regarding U.S. policy toward these
nations. Please specifically list any Congressional hearing testimony,
Congressional briefings, or other public support.
Answer. All of my congressional testimony as a non-government
expert witness was provided to the committee as part of my nomination
package. Here is a list:
Congressional Testimony
``Egypt: Trends in Politics, Economics, and Human Rights,''
testimony before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and
North Africa of the House Foreign Affairs Committee,
September 9, 2020.
``Lebanon and Iraq: After the Elections,'' testimony before the
Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee, May 22, 2018.
``The Latest Developments in Saudi Arabia and Lebanon,'' testimony
before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa
of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, November 29, 2017.
``War in Syria: Next Steps to Mitigate the Crisis,'' testimony
before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, May 17,
2016.
``Israel Imperiled: Threats to the Jewish State,'' testimony before
the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade
and the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of
the House Foreign Affairs Committee, April 19, 2016.
``Regional Impact of U.S. Policy Towards Iraq and Syria,'' testimony
before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa
of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, April 30, 2015.
``Demonstrations in Tahrir Square: Two Years Later, What has
Changed?'' testimony before the Subcommittee on the Middle
East and North Africa of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, February 26, 2013.
``Syria: U.S. Policy Options,'' testimony before the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations, April 19, 2012.
``Reflections on the Revolution in Egypt: Part I,'' testimony before
the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee, February 15, 2012.
``Women and the Arab Spring,'' testimony before the Subcommittee on
International Operations and Organizations, Human Rights,
Democracy, and Global Women's Issues and the Subcommittee
on Near Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs of the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, November 2, 2011
(representing the Department of State).
``Shifting Sands: Political Transitions in the Middle East, Part
2,'' testimony before the Subcommittee on the Middle East
and South Asia of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, May
5, 2011 (representing the Department of State).
I signed occasional advocacy letters as a member of the bipartisan
Working Group on Egypt and similar efforts.
Question. Did you personally participate in any fundraising
meetings with Qatari officials? If so, please describe the meetings and
any grants that emerged from the meeting. Please list the exact amount
and purpose of the grant.
Answer. As noted above, I recall supporting a fundraising meeting
once with my Vice President for Foreign Policy in Doha in 2012 to
request a renewal of the grant supporting the U.S.-Islamic World
Project, on the margins of the U.S.-Islamic World Forum. I do not have
specific details on that request, nor do I recall specifics on any
other such meeting, and do not have access to records that would
provide them.
Question. Did you personally participate in any fundraising
meetings about raising money from Qatar? If so, please describe the
meetings and any grants that emerged from the meeting. Please list the
exact amount and purpose of the grant.
Answer. As noted above, I recall supporting a fundraising meeting
once with my Vice President for Foreign Policy in Doha in 2012 to
request a renewal of the grant supporting the U.S.-Islamic World
Project, on the margins of the U.S.-Islamic World Forum. I do not have
specific details on that request, nor do I recall specifics on any
other such meeting, and do not have access to records that would
provide them.
Question. Since 2012, have you ever lobbied Congress on specific
legislative items pertaining to the Middle East, whether through
meetings, letters, emails, phone calls, or other forms of
communication?
For each instance, please list the date, legislative item, and
congressional office you lobbied.
Answer. Over the past ten years both as a member of the Obama
administration and at the Brookings Institution, I engaged
Congressional staff and members on a host of issues relevant to my
expertise. That engagement included providing information and
resources, consulting with staff and members on issues of concern to
them, providing expert testimony, and participating in educational
programs for members of Congress and/or programs held on Capitol Hill
with Congressional staff and/or members, and sponsored by other
organizations. As a State Department official responsible for
overseeing the Congressionally-funded Middle East Partnership
Initiative, and as Deputy Special Coordinator for Middle East
Transitions, I engaged regularly with staff of the committees with
jurisdiction over that assistance: HFAC, SFRC, and the Foreign
Operations subcommittees in both houses of Congress.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to recusing yourself from
projects that implicate any countries with which Brookings had a
financial relationship since 2004?
Answer. I commit to follow the guidance of the Agency Ethics
Official, and the commitments made in my ethics agreement, along with
all relevant laws, policies and regulations.
Brookings Ties To Qatar--Disclosure
Question. During your testimony to SFRC, you indicated that you had
previously disclosed to Congress the financial entanglements between
Brookings and Qatar. You gestured toward so-called Truth in Testimony
Disclosure Forms that would have been filled out pursuant to testimony
in front of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. The forms you filled
out do not appear to mention Qatar, though they do have references to
foreign funding, e.g. Item 6.
Are there any Truth In Testimony forms, or other forms pursuant to
Congressional testimony, that do mention Qatar?
Answer. As a matter of institutional policy, these forms were
completed with standard language which refers to Brookings's annual
reports, in which Qatari support for the Institution is clearly noted.
Question. Were the answers in Item 6 what you were referencing when
you testified to SFRC that you had disclosed to Congress the financial
ties between Qatar and Brookings?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Who drafted the explanations in Item 6 of these forms?
Answer. As a matter of institutional policy, these forms were
completed by Brookings Development staff for all Foreign Policy
scholars whose testimony was requested.
Question. Did you consult with competent legal counsel over filling
out these forms?
Answer. I did not.
Question. Did you consult with any Qatari officials before filling
out these forms?
Answer. I did not.
Brookings Ties To Qatar--Dinner
Question. In 2013 you were directory of the Brookings Center for
Middle East Policy, amid Qatar's ongoing financial support for
Brookings. In spring 2013 Brookings hosted an off-the-record dinner
between Qatari officials, including Prime Minister and Foreign Minister
Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Than, and leading Washington DC
policymakers and journalists. In the private sector, coordinating such
an event would likely have required American persons to register under
the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA).
Journalist Jeffrey Goldberg attended that dinner and criticized it
publicly, describing Qatar as ``the Hamas-loving, worker-exploiting,
party-banning, dissent-stifling, Muslim Brotherhood-funding U.S.
ally.'' You publicly defended the dinner, telling a journalist that
``Jeffrey can and should write whatever he wants to write. But we got a
leading foreign official to respond, on the record, to the questions
that everyone wanted to ask... Brookings is fortunate to have funders
from a variety of sectors. It's clear to the organization and to its
funders that we maintain our independence, and our relationship with
[Qatar] is not different than our relationship with any other donor.''
Did you register under FARA for activities related to the event? If
not, why not?
Answer. I did not.
Question. Before making your decision whether to register under
FARA for those activities, did you consult with a lawyer competent in
FARA? If not, why not?
Answer. I do not have any specific recollection about this matter,
and I do not have access to records that might provide that
information.
Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings register under
FARA for activities related to the event? If so, who?
Answer. I have no information on that.
Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings consult with a
lawyer competent in FARA about whether they should register under FARA
for such activities? If so, who?
Answer. I have no information on that.
Question. Did you consult or coordinate with any Qatari official
before publicly issuing the response that you gave to journalists about
the spring 2013 dinner?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree with Goldberg's assessment that Qatar is
``the Hamas-loving, worker-exploiting, party-banning, dissent-stifling,
Muslim Brotherhood-funding U.S. ally''?
Answer. I have publicly criticized Qatar's approach to terror
financing, as well as its hosting of Hamas and Taliban officials.
Brookings Ties To Qatar--Joint Publications
Question. On at least two occasions, the Brookings Institution
produced joint publications with Qatar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs: a
June 2016 article titled ``Between Interference and Assistance: The
Politics of International Support in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya'' and a
January 2017 ``Islamism after the Arab Spring: Between the Islamic
State and the nation-state.'' Both of these reports feature Brookings
logos alongside the logo of the Qatari Ministry of Foreign Affairs. You
were on the steering committee of these. Please describe the
circumstances under which these reports were produced.
Answer. During my time as Center Director from 2012-2017, I oversaw
the work of the Project on U.S.-Relations with the Islamic World. The
Project co-sponsored a conference, the U.S.-Islamic World Forum, with
the Qatari Foreign Ministry's Permanent Committee for Organizing
Conferences. Speakers at these Forums included a number of U.S.
officials, leaders from Muslim-majority countries, civil society
activists and scholars from a wide variety of perspectives.
This conference was held in Doha during my time as Center Director
on the following dates: May 28-31, 2012; June 9-11, 2013, June 9-12,
2014, and June 1-3, 2015
The Conference also hosted working groups focused on issues such as
interfaith dialogue, arts and culture, Muslim minorities in the West,
and women's empowerment. These working groups were selected through a
competitive process by the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic
World, and the Qatari Government had no role in the process of
selection. The working groups produced papers prior to the conference,
and a report of their discussions after the conference. These were
published by Brookings, subject to Brookings's usual review process for
published reports, and not reviewed or edited by the Government of
Qatar. I've attached an example of such a report.
Some of these conference-related publications produced by Brookings
included the logo of the Qatari Permanent Committee for Organizing
Conferences alongside the Brookings logo. Those publications were
published with the same independence, and subject to the same review
process as other Brookings Foreign Policy publications.
I did not author any working group reports or papers during my time
as Center Director.
Question. Which if any Qatari officials contributed to the
production of these reports?
Answer. None.
Question. Are you aware of any Qatari Government officials who
cleared this report? If so, which?
Answer. No.
Question. What role was played by the Government of Qatar or Qatari
Government officials in the production of the reports? To what degree
did they affect the content of the final reports?
Answer. No Qatari official played any role in producing the
reports.
Question. Did you register under FARA for activities related to
this report? If not, why not?
Answer. No, I did not.
Question. Before making your decision whether to register under
FARA for those activities, did you consult with a lawyer competent in
FARA? If not, why not?
Answer. I do not have specific recollection about this matter, and
I do not have access to records that might provide that information.
Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings register under
FARA for activities related to this report? If so, who?
Answer. I have no information on that.
Question. To your knowledge, did anyone at Brookings consult with a
lawyer competent in FARA about whether they should register under FARA
for such activities? If so, who?
Answer. I have no information on that.
Post-Brookings
Question. You left the Brookings Institution in November 2021.
Since then you have engaged in a variety of activities since departing
from the Brookings Institution, including publishing a book on
academic-adjacent professions. Most recently, you publicly disclosed
that you are a senior advisor in the State Department's Office of the
Sanctions Coordinator.
Please describe the circumstances of your departure from Brookings
in November 2021.
Answer. In late 2020 or early 2021, Brookings established a new
policy by which scholars under consideration for senior government
roles had to undergo a review by the General Counsel's office to
determine whether their candidacy for said role interfered with their
job duties. Because of a determination by Brookings that my nomination
constrained my ability to undertake my Brookings duties, I was placed
on an unpaid leave of absence beginning November 1, 2021.
Question. Please describe the circumstances under which you were
approached, or you pursued, the position in the State Department's
Office of the Sanctions Coordinator.
Answer. Based on my expertise and my experience with the policy
process and the State Department, I was offered a role as a senior
adviser in the Office of Sanctions Coordination. I underwent the
required security background checks and began work on June 5, 2022.
Question. To your knowledge, what steps did the State Department
take to ensure that the hiring was competitive, and that equal
employment opportunity (EEO) laws and regulations were followed?
Answer. I have no information on that question. I would refer you
to the State Department.
Question. When did you interview for the position in the State
Department's Office of the Sanctions Coordinator?
Answer. My first interview was in February 2022.
Question. When you offered the position of an advisor in the State
Department's Office of the Sanctions Coordinator?
Answer. I received a tentative offer letter on March 21, 2022 and a
final offer letter on May 26, 2022 after the completion of a background
investigation.
Question. When did your employment start in the position of an
advisor in the State Department's Office of the Sanctions Coordinator?
Answer. June 5, 2022
Question. Who held this position prior to you?
Answer. The office was established in legislation passed in
December 2020. Amb. O'Brien is the first incumbent in the Senate-
confirmed role of Sanctions Coordinator. I was hired as part of
staffing up this new office, and thus, to my knowledge, I had no
predecessor.
Question. If you are confirmed, are you aware of any plans to
replace you with another senior advisor? To your knowledge has the
hiring process started?
Answer. I have no information on this question. I would refer you
to the State Department.
Policy--BDS
Question. In January 2019, you criticized Leader McConnell in the
context of legislation that included provisions countering the Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel. Specifically,
Leader McConnell was seeking to add additional provisions to the
legislation, and you tweeted that ``McConnell realizes Democrats are
not taking the bait on BDS, so he's desperately adding random
provisions to this bill.'' BDS has been broadly criticized as
antisemitic, and the U.S. Senate has passed a resolution about
highlighting the role that boycotts of Jewish businesses have
historically played in endemic anti-Jewish bigotry. In contrast, you
have tweeted that ``BDS isn't always antisemitism.''
Under what specific circumstances do you believe that BDS is not
antisemitism?
What did you mean by describing anti-BDS provisions as ``bait''?
Do you support the BDS movement?
Answer. Senator, I unreservedly apologize for my comments. To
clarify, I was not referring to the content of the bill, but to the
tactical and procedural behavior then underway between the two parties
in Congress involving pressing for competing votes on competing
legislative proposals regarding support for Israel, rather than forging
a bipartisan consensus on a matter where both parties agree. As I have
noted, including in an article published in the Atlantic, the partisan
polarization around Israel in the United States is, in my view,
deleterious to the health of the U.S.-Israel relationship.
I unequivocally oppose the BDS movement. President Biden and
Secretary Blinken have made it clear that the Administration firmly
opposes the BDS campaign against Israel. The movement unfairly singles
out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism. While the
Administration respects the American people's First Amendment rights, I
support the Administration's vocal disapproval of the BDS campaign and
any effort to delegitimize Israel on the world stage.
Policy--Abraham Accords
Question. An enormous part of your job, if confirmed, would be
distributing aid aimed at bolstering our Middle East allies and
alliances. For decades, one of the most significant frameworks in the
region were the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. More
recently, the Abraham Accords have transformed the region. You have
been deeply critical of actors in both of those frameworks.
In September 2020, you tweeted that Arab leaders shouldn't deepen
ties with Israel until they saw whether President Trump won reelection.
You wrote ``If I were an Arab leader weighing ties with Israel, I would
have 2 things in mind: 1) a promise from Kushner now isn't worth much.
Why not wait until after Nov elections? 2) Bibi's backtracked on his
commitments ot UAE; his promises aren't worth much either. Let's wait
and see.'' You also tweeted that peace between Israel and the UAE was a
``New Naksa'' (naq-sa)--a setback. You said that it was a ``triumph for
authoritarianism'' and just ``normalization of men.''
Why did you advise Arab leaders not to deepen ties with Israel
until after the November election?
Do you believe that your comments about the trustworthiness of
Israeli officials, and specifically former PM Netanyahu, would
hinder your ability to work with Israeli officials in the
context of your role at USAID, if confirmed?
What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Israeli
colleagues in the context of your previous criticisms, both of
Israel and of the Abraham Accords?
Answer. I'm committed to widening the circle of peace between
Israel and its neighbors and deepening cooperation among the
participants in the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I will seek
opportunities to further expand the Agency's existing cooperation with
MASHAV, the Israeli international development agency, on major regional
issues of concern--such as food security, water conservation,
agriculture, and green energy--emphasizing trilateral cooperation
between USAID, Israel, and with Abraham Accords countries. If
confirmed, I will also work to encourage participation from Abraham
Accord country researchers in the Middle East Regional Cooperation
(MERC) program, which fosters Arab-Israeli scientific cooperation
through multi-year research grants on topics of regional development
relevance.
If confirmed, I will encourage the USAID Middle East Bureau to
continue what I understand are regular engagements with Israeli
counterparts at all levels and to increase USAID-Israeli cooperation
both within the region, and on other shared development priorities. If
confirmed, I will personally engage and seek to build close,
constructive relationships with Israeli Government colleagues, with
whom I understand USAID already maintains regular contact and
coordination to ensure Israeli input and support for USAID activities
in the West Bank and Gaza.
Policy--Qatar
Question. During your confirmation hearing Sen. Cardin said: ``I am
deeply concerned about the exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in
Qatar, with workers exposed to forced labor, unpaid wages, and
excessive working hours as the country prepare for the World Cup in
November.''
Do you agree with Sen. Cardin's assessment that in Qatar there is
``the exploitation and abuse of migrant workers in Qatar, with
workers exposed to forced labor, unpaid wages, and excessive
working hours as the country prepare for the World Cup in
November?''
Did you ever raise concerns within Brookings that the financial
relationship between the Institution and Qatar risked exposing
Brookings to reputational risk because of human rights
violations inside Qatar?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In 2012, you tweeted positively about Qatar's record for
human rights: ``Brookings has partnerd with Qatar many years on this
topic. And Doha's become a global gathering place for dialogue!'' Do
you continue to hold that assessment?
Answer. No, I do not.
Policy--Egypt
Question. USAID has a significant bilateral program with Egypt.
During your career you have been deeply critical of Egyptian President
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and have specifically advocated cutting aid. In
2016 you wrote that it was imperative for the U.S. to ``no longer be in
the unseemly position of providing taxpayer largesse--however small in
the grand scheme of things'' to the Sisi Government. Your criticisms
have been both pitched and have included predicting the collapse of the
Government: in March 2020 you retweeted that ``Egypt's Reich will also
fall, but list fascist regimes before it.''
Why did you retweet the comparison of the Sisi Government to Nazi
Germany?
Do you believe that your comments about the Sisi Government in
general will hinder your ability to work with Egyptian
officials in the context of your role at USAID, if confirmed?
What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Egyptian
colleagues on issues of aid specifically, and more generally
the U.S.-Egypt relationship, to mitigate potential
complications from your public stances?
Answer. Throughout my career I have engaged fruitfully and in good
faith with Egyptians, whether government officials, business figures,
journalists, academics, private sector, or civil society activists,
including co-organizing with Egyptian partners two nongovernmental
U.S.-Egyptian strategic dialogues. These engagements have frequently
included discussions on assistance. I expect to continue such fruitful
engagements.
Policy--Muslim Brotherhood
Question. You've said that the terrorist Muslim Brotherhood, which
has been supported by Qatar and opposed by the Egyptian Government, is
actually ``not a terrorist movement.'' You have advocated withholding
American aid on issues related to the Egyptian Government's efforts to
suppress the Brotherhood.
You have also been publicly supportive of the case of Salah Soltan,
a Muslim-Brotherhood linked preacher imprisoned by the Egyptian
Government on terrorism related charges. You've called his imprisonment
``shortsighted and narrow policy.'' Meanwhile Soltan has said: ``I
travel all over the world, and I met supporters of Al-Aqsa, of the
prisoners, of Jerusalem, and of Palestine--people who thirst for the
blood of the Jews, and who are eager for the promised war against the
sons of Zion, until Palestine is liberated in its entirety.'' He has
also said ``I want our brothers, and the whole world, to know what's
going on these days, during Passover. Read Dr. Naghuib Al-Kilani's
book, Blood for the Matzos of Zion. Every year, at this time, the
Zionists kidnap several non-Muslims [sic]--Christians and others. . . .
By the way, this happened in a Jewish neighborhood in Damascus. They
killed the French doctor, Toma, who used to treat the Jews and others
for free, in order to spread Christianity. Even though he was their
friend and they benefited from him the most, they took him on one of
these holidays and slaughtered him, along with the nurse. Then they
kneaded the matzos with the blood of Dr. Toma and his nurse . . . the
world must know these facts about the Zionist entity and its terrible
corrupt creed. The world should know this.'' Do you consider this
statement genocidal? He has also said ``Any Zionist--tourist or other--
who enters Egypt must be killed. We will not kill tourists from any
[other] country. We stress that this fatwa is directed only toward
those Zionists, who destroyed our country, killed our people, and shed
our blood on our land.'' Do you consider this statement antisemitic?
Do you consider the Muslim Brotherhood to be a terrorist group?
Answer. No U.S. administration has ever determined that the Muslim
Brotherhood qualifies for designation as a foreign terrorist
organization.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit not to withhold aid from
Egypt, or advocate withholding aid in the context of USAID's role in
the interagency process, related to Egypt's stance on the Muslim
Brotherhood?
Answer. If confirmed, I will conduct my role as required by law and
regulation and according to the policies of the Administration.
Question. Do you consider any of these statements by Mr. Soltan to
be antisemitic hate?
Answer. These are vile and hateful statements, and I condemn them
completely.
Question. Do you consider any of these statements by Mr. Soltan to
advocate genocide against Jews?
Answer. These are vile and hateful statements, and I condemn them
completely.
Question. Do you consider Mr. Soltan to be a ``hate preacher''?
Answer. These are vile and hateful statements, and I condemn them
completely.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit not to withhold aid from
Egypt, or advocate withholding aid in the context of USAID's role in
the interagency process, related to the release of Mr. Soltan?
Answer. Any future decisions on withholding of funds would be
policy decisions made through an interagency process that includes the
White House and State Department. While I cannot anticipate future
discussions on this matter, if confirmed, I commit to consulting with
Congress about any decisions related to the withholding of USAID
assistance to Egypt.
Public Social Media Advocacy
Question. You have advanced your policy and political views over a
variety of new media platforms, from social media to podcasts. You
opened your Twitter account in November 2011, since then, you posted
more 118,500 tweets (other than tweets that were delated).
During your confirmation process, you have locked your Twitter
account so that your public record can no longer be reviewed.
Why did you lock your Twitter account? Do you intend to unlock it
after your confirmation process?
Answer. As I was entering a role in the State Department on June 6,
I followed Department guidelines and best practices for social media in
setting my Twitter account to private. If I am confirmed, I will follow
Agency guidelines on the use of social media.
Question. Can you please provide all of your tweets in a searchable
form to the committee?
Answer. My Twitter feed is searchable.
Question. You have tweeted negatively about members of the U.S.
Senate. Have you deleted any of those tweets? If so, can you please
provide them to the committee?
Answer. I do not have a general practice of deleting tweets. My
Twitter feed is searchable.
I sincerely regret any tweets or retweets that characterized
others, including members of the Senate, in unkind terms. I apologize
unreservedly. If confirmed, I assure you that I respect and intend to
fully honor the fundamentally nonpartisan nature of USAID's activities.
I believe that my long public record and my relationships and
activities across the political spectrum make clear that these
statements on Twitter do not represent how I engage in policy or
politics. I want to assure you directly that, if confirmed to this
position, I will always be respectful with those who have different
views from my own and will hold myself to the highest of standards in
such conduct.
Disinformation
Question. Earlier this year Nina Jankowicz was named director of
the DHS Disinformation Governance Board. You tweeted that you were
``thrill to see [her] take on this urgent and essential work'' and that
it was a ``big win for our democracy and national security.'' The Biden
administration subsequently albeit partially reversed progress on the
board, and Jankowicz is now unconnected to the project.
Before and after this controversy, Biden administration officials,
including USAID officials, publicly advocated to use the resources of
the U.S. Government to combat disinformation. Identifying
disinformation has become a subject of significant public controversy.
In July 2020 you amplified a tweet that alleged that Republicans in
Congress and the Trump administration were trying to undermine
the U.S. Postal Service ``to undercut vote by mail & suppress
votes.'' You echoed the concern and commented on top of the
tweet that ``We are all going to need to send our ballots in
early and/or have easy access drop off locations.''
Do you believe that Republicans sought to interfere with the U.S.
Postal Service to undermine the integrity of the 2020 election?
Answer. I do not have a view on this question.
Question. Do you believe that this claim--that Republicans
interfered with the U.S. Postal service to undermine the integrity of
the 2020 election--constitutes disinformation?
Answer. I do not have a view on this question.
Question. What do you view as the role of the U.S. Government in
combatting alleged disinformation?
Answer. I understand that a large part of USAID's mission is to
elevate and integrate democracy, human rights, and governance within
the Agency's overall development portfolio. By promoting and
demonstrating democratic values abroad, USAID works to advance a free,
peaceful and prosperous world.
In part, I understand that USAID democracy, human rights, and
governance programming works to strengthen the resilience of societies
and the media environment in countries that are targets of
disinformation campaigns from actors that work to undermine the efforts
of the United States and its interest. Programming focused on media
development, media and digital literacy, and cybersecurity is critical
in ensuring that people and institutions in these countries in target
countries have credible access to information and resources to protect
themselves from all forms of instability.
Question. An enormous part of your job, if confirmed, would be
distributing aid aimed at bolstering our Middle East allies and
alliances. For decades, one of the most significant frameworks in the
region were the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. More
recently, the Abraham Accords have transformed the region. You have
been deeply critical of actors in both of those frameworks. In
September 2020, you tweeted that Arab leaders shouldn't deepen ties
with Israel until they saw whether President Trump won reelection. You
wrote ``If I were an Arab leader weighing ties with Israel, I would
have 2 things in mind: 1) a promise from Kushner now isn't worth much.
Why not wait until after Nov elections? 2) Bibi's backtracked on his
commitments to UAE; his promises aren't worth much either. Let's wait
and see.'' You also tweeted that peace between Israel and the UAE was a
``New Naksa'' (naq-sa)--a setback. You said that it was a``triumph for
authoritarianism'' and just ``normalization of men.''
What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Israeli
colleagues in the context of your previous criticisms, both of
Israel and of the Abraham Accords?
Answer. I'm committed to widening the circle of peace between
Israel and its neighbors and deepening cooperation among the
participants in the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I will seek
opportunities to further expand the Agency's existing cooperation with
MASHAV, the Israeli international development agency, on major regional
issues of concern--such as food security, water conservation,
agriculture, and green energy--emphasizing trilateral cooperation
between USAID, Israel, and with Abraham Accords countries. If
confirmed, I will also work to encourage participation from Abraham
Accord country researchers in the Middle East Regional Cooperation
(MERC) program, which fosters Arab-Israeli scientific cooperation
through multi-year research grants on topics of regional development
relevance.
If confirmed, I will encourage the USAID Middle East Bureau to
continue what I understand are regular engagements with Israeli
counterparts at all levels and to increase USAID-Israeli cooperation
both within the region, and on other shared development priorities. If
confirmed, I will personally engage and seek to build close,
constructive relationships with Israeli Government colleagues, with
whom I understand USAID already maintains regular contact and
coordination to ensure Israeli input and support for USAID activities
in the West Bank and Gaza.
Question. USAID has a significant bilateral program with Egypt.
During your career you have been deeply critical of Egyptian President
Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and have specifically advocated cutting aid. In
2016 you wrote that it was imperative for the U.S. to ``no longer be in
the unseemly position of providing taxpayer largesse--however small in
the grand scheme of things'' to the Sisi Government. Your criticisms
have been both pitched and have included predicting the collapse of the
Government: in March 2020 you retweeted that ``Egypt's Reich will also
fall, but list fascist regimes before it.''
Do you believe that your comments about the Sisi Government in
general will hinder your ability to work with Egyptian
officials in the context of your role at USAID, if confirmed?
What specific steps do you intend to take to engage Egyptian
colleagues on issues of aid specifically, and more generally
the U.S.-Egypt relationship, to mitigate potential
complications from your public stances?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the Government of
Egypt on shared development priorities and to proactively seek
opportunities for engagement with Egyptian officials, the private
sector, and civil society.
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to travel to Cairo to engage with
USAID's key partner ministries within the Government of Egypt,
including the Ministry of International Cooperation, along with
nongovernmental stakeholders. I understand that leaders from USAID and
other U.S. agencies recently met with Egyptian Government officials
across multiple ministries to discuss the country's efforts to counter
corruption. If confirmed, I would build on those discussions to support
the reform efforts the country is already undertaking, as well as
exploring opportunities to increase those efforts. Egypt's selection as
the host for COP27 also offers several opportunities for engagement
with Egyptian officials as the country prepares to host this highly
visible international summit.
Question. You've said that the terrorist Muslim Brotherhood, which
has been supported by Qatar and opposed by the Egyptian Government, is
actually ``not a terrorist movement.'' You have advocated withholding
American aid on issues related to the Egyptian Government's efforts to
suppress the Brotherhood. You have also been publicly supportive of the
case of Salah Soltan, a Muslim-Brotherhood linked preacher imprisoned
by the Egyptian Government on terrorism related charges. You've called
his imprisonment ``shortsighted and narrow policy.'' Meanwhile Soltan
has said: ``I travel all over the world, and I met supporters of Al-
Aqsa, of the prisoners, of Jerusalem, and of Palestine--people who
thirst for the blood of the Jews, and who are eager for the promised
war against the sons of Zion, until Palestine is liberated in its
entirety.'' He has also said ``I want our brothers, and the whole
world, to know what's going on these days, during Passover. Read Dr.
Naghuib Al-Kilani's book, Blood for the Matzos of Zion. Every year, at
this time, the Zionists kidnap several non-Muslims [sic]--Christians
and others... By the way, this happened in a Jewish neighborhood in
Damascus. They killed the French doctor, Toma, who used to treat the
Jews and others for free, in order to spread Christianity. Even though
he was their friend and they benefited from him the most, they took him
on one of these holidays and slaughtered him, along with the nurse.
Then they kneaded the matzos with the blood of Dr. Toma and his nurse .
. . the world must know these facts about the Zionist entity and its
terrible corrupt creed. The world should know this.'' Do you consider
this statement genocidal? He has also said ``Any Zionist--tourist or
other--who enters Egypt must be killed. We will not kill tourists from
any [other] country. We stress that this fatwa is directed only toward
those Zionists, who destroyed our country, killed our people, and shed
our blood on our land.'' Do you consider this statement antisemitic?
If confirmed, do you commit not to withhold aid from Egypt, or
advocate withholding aid in the context of USAID's role in the
interagency process, related to Egypt's stance on the Muslim
Brotherhood?
Answer. Any future decisions on withholding of funds would be
policy decisions made through an interagency process that includes the
White House and State Department. While I cannot anticipate future
discussions on this matter, if confirmed, I commit to consulting with
Congress about any decisions related to the withholding of USAID
assistance to Egypt. To my knowledge, no USAID funds have been withheld
to date related to Egypt's stance on the Muslim Brotherhood.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. On June 22, 2015, in response to Senator Rubio's
statement on then-Governor of South Carolina Nikki Haley's statement in
support of removing the Confederate flag from the South Carolina
statehouse grounds, you wrote on Twitter that ``Rubio lauds Haley's
leadership while revealing his own lack of same.''
On February 4, 2016, you wrote on Twitter that the sight of Senator
Sanders ``shouting'' is "so . . . unattractive.''
On January 11, 2017, in response to Rex Tillerson's nomination
hearing to be the U.S. Secretary of State, you wrote on your Twitter
account (@tcwittes) that Senator James Risch was ``making us all wonder
why he bothered showing up to this hearing.''
On July 29, 2019, you wrote on Twitter that Republicans are
``transparent and servile'' while referencing Senator Mitt Romney.
On March 7, 2020, you wrote on Twitter that Senator Ted Cruz
``reveals himself (again) to be an ugly-hearted, small-minded, hateful
human.''
Do you believe that you exercised sound temperament and good
judgment when you posted these tweets on Twitter? I request you
begin your answer with yes or no.
Answer. I sincerely regret any tweets or retweets that
characterized others, including members of the Senate, in unkind terms.
I apologize unreservedly. If confirmed, I assure you that I respect and
intend to fully honor the fundamentally nonpartisan nature of USAID's
activities. I believe that my long public record and my relationships
and activities across the political spectrum make clear that these
statements on Twitter do not represent how I engage in policy or
politics. I want to assure you directly that, if confirmed to this
position, I will always be respectful with those who have different
views from my own and will hold myself to the highest of standards in
such conduct.
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Please describe your role in approving or overseeing the
OneVoice grant during your time as Consul General in Jerusalem, to
include the timing and circumstances of OneVoice's absorption of other
companies as it relates to the U.S. grant it received.
Answer. In September 2013, the State Department provided grants to
two affiliates of ``One Voice'' to build grass roots support for a two-
state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and for the U.S.-led
negotiating process then underway. OneVoice, which still exists (http:/
/www.onevoicemovement.org/), is a U.S.-based NGO that described itself
at the time as ``a global initiative that supports grassroots activists
in Israel, Palestine, and internationally who are working to build the
human infrastructure needed to create the necessary conditions for a
just and negotiated resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.''
OneVoice had approached the State Department in the summer of 2013 as
Secretary Kerry's Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts were gearing up
with a proposal to support those efforts by building grassroots support
among Israelis and Palestinians for the negotiating process. The
initiative to support OneVoice's two local affiliates, OneVoice Israel
and OneVoice Palestine, came from the team in Washington working with
Secretary Kerry on Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Execution and
oversight of the grant agreements fell to the U.S. Embassy to Israel
and the U.S. Consulate General in Jerusalem.
A grant was provided to OneVoice Israel, and a separate, smaller
grant was provided to OneVoice Palestine. Day-to-day oversight of the
OneVoice Palestine grant fell to the Public Affairs Section of the U.S.
Consulate General in Jerusalem, which I led at the time as Consul
General. In that capacity, I had overall responsibility for the work of
the Public Affairs Section and met at least once with the leadership of
OneVoice Palestine to discuss their work. Oversight of the OneVoice
Israel grant fell to the U.S. Embassy to Israel. Dan Shapiro, then U.S.
Ambassador to Israel, and I had our teams work closely with OneVoice
Israel and OneVoice Palestine, respectively, to ensure that their
activities didn't touch on sensitive final status issues like Jerusalem
or borders and stuck instead to building more generic grassroots
support for the negotiation effort.
The peace process effectively came to an end in March/April 2014.
The grant agreements formally ended later in 2014, but by then, lacking
any prospect of renewed negotiations, their work had lost relevance. We
did not know it at the time, but OneVoice had decided at some point
that their Israeli affiliate, OneVoice Israel, would absorb what had
then been a small, though explicitly political, Israeli organization
called V15 (for ``Victory 15''). After the grant period ended, they
would use the contact database developed by OneVoice Israel to support
an initiative to build support for Israeli centrists who supported a
two-state solution in the next Israeli elections. (The work of OneVoice
Palestine, and the West Bank-focused grant that Consulate General
Jerusalem oversaw, had no apparent relevance to this new effort.) In
February 2016, the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
(PSI) undertook an inquiry into the connection between the State
Department grants and V15's political activities. I met with the
investigators.
The Senate PSI report concluded that ``the Subcommittee found no
evidence that OneVoice spent grant funds to influence the 2015
elections.'' The PSI report went on to state that ``After the elections
were called following the collapse of the peace negotiations, and after
the State Department grant period ended, OneVoice shifted its focus to
influencing the electoral outcome by working to defeat incumbent Prime
Minister Netanyahu. Planning for this effort began during the period
when OneVoice was still a State Department grantee. OneVoice did not
use State Department funds directly for political activities or seek
State Department grants in anticipation of the Israeli elections, but
it did use the campaign infrastructure and resources it had built in
part with State Department funds, to support a campaign to defeat PM
Netanyahu in the 2015 elections.''
The Subcommittee did point out that State Department grant
procedures did not prohibit the use of the database OneVoice Israel
developed with USG funds for the later, political, purpose after the
grant period was over, a possible weakness in contracting procedures.
Although I was not involved in the OneVoice Israel grant, it is safe to
say that if we had any inkling that USG resources would be used in this
way, the USG would have terminated the relationship with OneVoice, a
point I made in my interview with PSI investigators.
Question. Please describe the content of the email related to
OneVoice that you discussed with the Senate Permanent Select Committee.
Answer. In late September 2014, about one month before the OneVoice
Palestine grant period formally ended, I received an email from Marc
Ginsberg, then CEO of One Voice, in which he was lamenting the low
state of the peace process and complaining about some inflammatory and
inappropriate comments President Abbas had made. I had known Ginsberg
since the mid-1990s when I was assigned to the U.S. Consulate General
in Casablanca and Ginsberg was U.S. Ambassador to Morocco. I had seen
him very occasionally in the intervening years, and I met him a few
times when he became involved with One Voice. After our exchange on
Abbas, he said he was working on a ``major strategy directed at
centrist Israelis,'' and asked if I ``would like to see a copy just for
friendship's sake?'' I agreed he could send it--which he apparently
did--but I never focused on it, and nor do I recall ever reading the
document.
When I was shown the strategy document by the PSI staff (which they
apparently obtained from Ginsberg), it was completely unfamiliar. At
the time, State Department IT staff urged employees to delete emails
with large attachments lest we exceed inbox storage limits and stop
receiving new messages. Ginsberg's strategy document was apparently
among those emails I dispensed with. This was about five months after
the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations ended, and according to Ginsberg,
concerned ``centrist Israelis,'' a constituency with which I had no
role. This was not the sort of document I would spend time reading.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have affected the
health of U.S. Government personnel are very troubling and must be
taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that nothing
is more important than the health and safety of our employees. These
incidents affect the wellbeing of U.S. personnel serving their country
abroad and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, the health,
safety, and security of the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority. This includes contributing to the extensive, ongoing
interagency investigation into the cause of these incidents and how we
can best protect our people. I will ensure that any reported Anomalous
Health Incidents at the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia are responded to
quickly and thoroughly.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report symptoms of
Anomalous Health Incidents. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all
reported potential anomalous health incidents are given serious
attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. If
confirmed, I will ensure that all employees and their family members at
the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia are aware of Anomalous Health
Incidents and the means to report them, as well as the availability of
resources and care. I will also ensure that staff who are affected by
these incidents receive prompt access to the treatment, support, and
medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff
and the Regional Security Office to discuss any reported anomalous
health incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of
Mission Saudi Arabia and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous
health incidents are being followed appropriately, in consultation with
the Department's Health Incident Response Task Force and the
appropriate teams in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and Bureau of
Medical Services.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator James E. Risch
middle east and north africa
Security Relationship
Question. According to the Carter Doctrine, as articulated in 1980,
it is in the U.S.'s vital national interest to defend our Gulf partners
against attacks that undermine their stability and sovereignty. Is it
your understanding that the Carter Doctrine remains operative and is
supported by the Biden administration?
Answer. It remains in the United States' vital national interest to
help defend our Gulf partners--and to help our Gulf partners defend
themselves--against external aggression. On February 4, 2021, in his
first foreign policy speech, alongside announcing an end to U.S.
support for Saudi-led coalition offensive operations in Yemen,
President Biden reiterated the U.S. commitment to support Saudi
Arabia's territorial defense.
The President and Secretary Biden have since reiterated this
commitment multiple times, both publicly and in direct conversations
with our Saudi partners. The administration continues to support arms
transfers to Saudi Arabia for its legitimate defense needs,
particularly to defend against incoming Houthi missile and drone
attacks from Yemen, of which there were more than 400 in 2021. The
United States also provides Saudi-funded technical assistance to
certain Saudi security and law enforcement organizations.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the departments and
agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting transparently with
Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S.
values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.
Question. Saudi Arabia's territory, people, and infrastructure are
under constant attack from Iranian-backed proxies, particularly in
Yemen. Is the Administration committed to selling Saudi Arabia the
military capabilities it needs to provide for its legitimate defense
needs against Iran, irrespective of any artificial distinction that
some are now making between offensive and defensive weapon systems?
Answer. Yes. The President and Secretary have been clear that the
United States will continue to support Saudi Arabia's legitimate
defensive needs in order to meet existing and emerging threats,
including cross-border attacks from Yemen and elsewhere against targets
inside Saudi Arabia--including the 70,000 U.S. citizens in Saudi
Arabia.
U.S. arms transfers that bolster and replenish Saudi Arabia's
defenses, particularly air defenses, are consistent with the
Administration's pledge to lead with diplomacy to end the conflict in
Yemen and to cease support for offensive operations in Yemen, while
also ensuring Saudi Arabia has the means to defend itself from cross-
border air attacks by the Iran-supported Houthis, of which there were
more than 400 in 2021. The United States provides maintenance support
to the Royal Saudi Air Force, so they are equipped to intercept the
persistent drone and missile attacks on Saudi Arabia and to counter
Iran.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the departments and
agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting transparently with
Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S.
values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.
Question. To what extent do you view the Houthis as a threat to
Saudi Arabia? What steps, if any, is the Biden administration prepared
to take to address this threat?
Answer. The Houthis launched more than 400 cross-border drone,
missile, and explosive boat attacks against Saudi Arabia in 2021, and
continued to launch attacks threatening or striking Saudi military,
energy, and civilian infrastructure facilities through the first three
months of 2022, before the parties to the Yemen conflict accepted the
U.N.-brokered truce, now extended through August 2, 2022.
U.S. arms transfers that bolster and replenish Saudi Arabia's
defenses, particularly air defenses, are consistent with the
Administration's pledge to lead with diplomacy to end the conflict in
Yemen and to cease support for offensive operations in Yemen, while
also ensuring Saudi Arabia has the means to defend itself from air
attacks by the Iran-supported Houthis. The United States provides
maintenance support to the Royal Saudi Air Force, so they are equipped
to intercept the persistent drone and missiles attacks on Saudi Arabia
and to counter Iran.
The President and Secretary have been clear that the United States
will continue to support Saudi Arabia's legitimate defensive needs in
order to meet existing and emerging threats, including cross-border
attacks from Yemen and elsewhere against targets inside Saudi Arabia--
including the 70,000 U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the departments and
agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting transparently with
Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S.
values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.
Question. Are there opportunities to encourage greater defense
cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional
interests, particularly countering the threats from Iran and Iranian-
supported groups. These common interests present significant
opportunities for greater cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
If confirmed, I will work to encourage this cooperation, in
coordination with the Department of Defense.
There's great interest in Congress in encouraging increased defense
and security cooperation between Israel and its Arab neighbors,
especially in the area of integrated regional defense against the
growing threat of Iranian missiles and drones. The Saudis will be key
to maximizing those efforts and should have as great an interest in
such cooperation as any country in the region in light of the hundreds
of Houthi missile and drone attacks that they've endured in recent
years.
Question. Can you give us your assessment of the prospects for
Saudi participation, and can you assure us that, in cooperation with
CENTCOM, you'll make encouraging Saudi cooperation in such a
multilateral effort one of your top priorities?
Answer. The United States has robust defense and security
cooperation, both bilaterally and multilaterally, with the member
states of the Gulf Cooperation Council and is seeking to deepen and
expand this cooperation. In March 2022, the Department of Defense co-
hosted U.S.-GCC working groups on air and missile defense and maritime
security, in which Saudi Arabia participated and at which the United
States reiterated its commitment to regional cooperation to confront
our adversaries in the region, including Iran and Iran-supported
groups.
Two member states of the GCC, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates,
have signed the Abraham Accords and are developing deeper cooperation
with Israel in connection with those agreements. The other GCC members
also have many common regional interests with Israel, particularly
countering the threat from Iran and the aggressive behavior by Iran-
supported groups. These common interests present significant
opportunities for greater defense cooperation between Israel and its
Arab neighbors, including Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, it will be a
priority to encourage this important cooperation, in coordination with
the Department of Defense.
Question. Are there opportunities to encourage greater defense
cooperation between Israel and Saudi Arabia? If so, what are they?
Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional
interests, particularly countering the threat from Iran and the
aggressive behavior by Iran-supported groups. These common interests
present significant opportunities for greater defense cooperation
between Israel and Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, I will make it a
priority to encourage this important cooperation, in coordination with
the Department of Defense.
Question. Do you envision the current U.S. mediation of Egypt-
Saudi-Israel talks on Red Sea islands as an initial step in a broader
U.S. effort to help promote Saudi-Israel normalization, and if so, what
additional steps do you think feasible/necessary?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, normalizing relations with
Israel is a decision each country has to make on its own. The
administration supports normalization by highlighting the tangible
benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of
diplomatic tools at our disposal. The Abraham Accords have produced
real benefits for people, including rapidly growing connections among
businesses, students, and tourists and new opportunities for U.S.
engagement and multilateral cooperation. The United States hopes that
greater prosperity and new opportunities for cooperation will encourage
other countries, including Saudi Arabia, to become part of the process.
Normalizing relations with Israel is in the best interest of the
stability of the region and of Israel, whose security is of critical
importance to the United States. Any substantive talks between Israel
and its Arab neighbors are constructive towards those goals.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Saudi Arabia to seek
to expand the Abraham Accords.
Question. Short of full normalization, do you envision a U.S. role
in helping facilitate initial Saudi-Israeli security cooperation
against shared threats like Iranian missiles and drones?
Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional
interests, particularly countering the threat from Iran and the
aggressive behavior by Iran-supported groups. These common interests
present significant opportunities for greater defense cooperation
between Israel and Saudi Arabia, even short of full normalization.
Given our important defense partnerships with both nations, the United
States can indeed play a helpful role in encouraging and supporting
such mutually beneficial cooperation. If confirmed, I will work to
encourage security cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Israel, in
coordination with the Department of Defense.
Vision 2030
Question. What is your evaluation of the historical significance of
the social and economic reforms now underway in Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Under the banner of ``Vision 2030''--a plan for reform of
the Saudi economy and society--Saudi Arabia has announced it aims to
diversify its economy by mobilizing more than $1 trillion in domestic
and foreign direct investment in infrastructure, entertainment,
tourism, industry, and other sectors. These changes present
opportunities for both the United States and for the Saudi population.
Many U.S. companies already have significant projects in development.
For example, U.S. companies have recently concluded deals to construct
factories in Saudi Arabia for electric vehicle manufacturing and green
hydrogen production. Meanwhile, following social and economic reforms,
women's participation rate in the workforce doubled from about 17
percent in 2017 to more than 35 percent at the end of 2021.
These reforms and changes are unlike anything in Saudi Arabia's
history in their size and pace, but they are also incomplete. As the
Department's most recent Human Rights Report details, Saudis continue
to face a broad range of human rights abuses. Labor reforms have
enabled many private sector expatriate workers to change jobs and
obtain exit and re-entry visas after one year without their employer's
permission. however, these advances do not apply to domestic workers.
Despite their rising numbers in the workforce, most women still do not
formally participate in the economy, and there remain legal
inequalities in property and inheritance laws, as well as restrictions
on marriage and maternal leave, despite recent positive reforms to the
guardianship system. The implementation of legal reforms announced to
date has been incomplete and uneven.
If confirmed, I will encourage Saudi Arabia to achieve the full
potential of Vision 2030 and enact legal and policy reforms to respect
and protect the human rights of all people.
Question. To what extent do you feel Vision 2030 and Saudi Arabia's
parallel reform plan serve long-term U.S. interests?
Answer. Saudi Arabia's mobilization of more than $1 trillion in
domestic and foreign direct investment is an economic opportunity for
U.S. companies, many of which already have projects in development.
U.S. companies have recently concluded deals to construct factories in
Saudi Arabia for electric vehicle manufacturing and green hydrogen
production.
If reforms are fully implemented and expanded, that will create
increased economic and social opportunities for a generation of Saudi
citizens, most notably Saudi women. The changes underway have potential
to encourage the transformation of Saudi Arabia into a more open and
dynamic society, further marginalize violent extremism and support
regional stability, all of which would benefit the United States.
Improvements in women's and labor rights, though incomplete, are
inherently in the U.S. national interest; President Biden and Secretary
Blinken have made clear that human rights are central to U.S. foreign
policy. If confirmed, I will encourage Saudi leaders to continue such
reforms and expand and accelerate them.
Question. What should we be doing that we're not doing to help
ensure those reforms succeed?
Answer. As Saudi Arabia embarks on its Vision 2030 program to
diversify its economy and transform its society, there are
opportunities for cooperation with the United States to support the
advancement of the program's various reforms. Importantly, we must
continue to engage on human rights and related concerns, including full
equality for women and further reforms to protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms.
A significant component of Vision 2030 is deploying renewable
energy and advancing climate initiatives. Saudi Arabia has pledged to
achieve 50 percent electricity generation capacity from renewables,
plant 50 billion trees in the Middle East, divert 94 percent of rubbish
from landfills, and have 30 percent of vehicles in Riyadh be electric
by 2030. Saudi Arabia also joined the Global Methane Pledge to reduce
global emissions of methane by 30 percent by 2030. Possible bilateral
cooperation areas include U.S. clean technology (such as carbon
capture), and technical and financial assistance to third countries on
methane reduction and renewables deployment.
If confirmed, I look forward to identifying any gaps in U.S. policy
and engagement and advancing additional cooperation initiatives between
the United States and Saudi Arabia in support of both U.S. national
interests and Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 goals.
China
Question. What is the extent of Saudi Arabia's relationship with
the Chinese firm Huawei in the area of 5G, and whether the Biden
administration remains committed, as its predecessor was, to making it
a top priority to stop Huawei from penetrating the telecom sectors of
our most important international defense partners, including in the
Gulf?
Answer. Saudi Arabia has one of the most highly developed
telecommunications markets in the Middle East, with high mobile
penetration and a saturated market. Huawei partners with Saudi mobile
operators to provide 5G to dozens of cities, and Saudi Arabia is also a
major importer of telecoms broadcasting equipment from the People's
Republic of China (PRC).
The administration views 5G security as a high priority; countries
and citizens need to be able to trust that 5G and other sensitive
equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national
security, privacy, or respect for human rights.
The United States raises its concerns with Saudi Arabia and other
U.S. partners in the Gulf, including defense counterparts, over the
PRC's role in 5G technology and sensitive infrastructure. The
administration seeks to ensure that PRC influence and activities in the
Middle East do not come at the expense of the region's prosperity,
stability, and long-standing relationships with its global partners,
including the United States.
If confirmed, I will reiterate these concerns to Saudi leaders and
endeavor to dissuade them from considering untrustworthy and high-risk
suppliers, regardless of national origin.
Question. There has been a lot of speculation in the press about
Saudi cooperation with China to build ballistic missile facilities in
the kingdom, as well as other reporting about the Saudis seeking help
from Russia and China to help it build certain civilian nuclear
capabilities. Without going into classified matters, how deep a concern
is this kind of potential cooperation between the kingdom and our two
main great power adversaries, and what will you do as ambassador to
make sure it doesn't come to fruition?
Answer. The administration is very concerned with the potential for
proliferation of missile technology in the Middle East and raises
concerns with all partners and allies about a range of actions by
Russia and the People's Republic of China that run counter to our
values and interests.
The United States has long stressed its support for the responsible
development of civil nuclear power in a manner consistent with the
highest standards of safety, security, and nonproliferation. The
administration has emphasized with all partners the importance of
adhering to these standards in developing nuclear power programs.
Commensurate with the high importance of this issue, if confirmed,
I will raise these concerns with Saudi officials and encourage
adherence to the strongest nonproliferation standards.
Question. The Saudis are rapidly building a huge economic
relationship with China at the same time China is fast becoming the
most important economic lifeline for the regime in Tehran ostensibly
the kingdom's number one security threat. Isn't it time that the Saudis
began using more of their own economic leverage with China to stop the
Chinese from strengthening their number one enemy in Iran? If the
Saudis want us to put more pressure on Iran, shouldn't they be doing
more as well? Can you assure us that one of your priorities will be
encouraging the Saudis to put greater pressure on China to back off its
strategic relationship with Iran?
Answer. The United States acknowledges that U.S. allies and
partners in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, have complex
relationships with the People's Republic of China (PRC). The PRC is now
the top destination for Saudi crude oil exports, importing nearly $25
billion worth in 2020. As Secretary Blinken has said, the United States
will not force our allies and partners into an ``us-or-them'' choice,
preferring instead to navigate these challenges together. The
administration seeks to ensure that Beijing's influence and activities
in the Middle East do not come at the expense of the region's
prosperity, stability, and long-standing relationships with its global
partners, including the United States.
The United States and Saudi Arabia are of the same view that Iran's
aggressive behavior poses the greatest threat to regional stability,
which Saudi Arabia has acutely experienced, as it faced more than 400
missile and drone attacks launched against its territory in 2021 by the
Iran-supported Houthis in Yemen. If confirmed, I will consult regularly
with the Saudi Government on pursuing effective ways to deter Iran and
its aggressive behavior in the region, including encouraging Saudi
Arabia to press China to curb its troubling support to Iran.
Question. In light of Saudi concerns about Iran's nuclear program
whether or not there is a nuclear deal, what else can, and should, the
United States do to address Riyadh's concerns and rebuild trust in the
bilateral U.S.-Saudi security partnership?
Answer. The United States has consulted regularly with Saudi Arabia
and other Gulf Cooperation Council member states on the
Administration's pursuit of a mutual return to full implementation of
the Joint Cooperative Plan of Action as the best means of ensuring that
Iran will not acquire a nuclear weapon. The U.S.-GCC working group on
Iran met in Riyadh in November 2021 and condemned Iran's malign
behavior through its support for proxies and other violent groups and
direct use of advanced ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and
unmanned aircraft systems. The Department of Defense co-hosted U.S.-
Gulf Cooperation Council working groups on air and missile defense and
maritime security in March 2022 and reiterated the U.S. commitment to
regional cooperation to confront our adversaries in the region,
including Iran and Iran-supported groups.
The United States also is committed to supporting Saudi Arabia's
territorial defense. In accordance with the relevant laws, the
Administration supports arms transfers to Saudi Arabia to deter Iran
and bolster Saudi defenses, particularly against incoming drone and
missile attacks. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
departments and agencies of the Executive Branch and consulting
transparently with Congress on arms sales to Saudi Arabia that are
consistent with U.S. values and support Saudi Arabia's ability to
defend itself.
President Biden's recently-announced trip to Saudi Arabia,
including a multilateral meeting with GCC and other regional leaders,
presents another opportunity to consult bilaterally and multilaterally
on Iran and on security cooperation.
State Department Manangement and Public Diplomacy
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Riyadh?
Answer. U.S. diplomats and their families can encounter challenging
conditions and environments overseas. For some, Saudi Arabia can be a
difficult place to work and live. Prohibitions against alcohol and pork
are strictly enforced, and there are more limited recreational options
than can be found in the United States. In recognition of these
conditions, all posts in Saudi Arabia receive 25 percent post
differential, and most tours of duty are only two years. Many positions
at U.S. Embassy Riyadh, U.S. Consulate General Jeddah, and U.S.
Consulate General Dhahran are listed as hard-to-fill, indicating
historically few employees have been interested in those positions.
However, many social restrictions in Saudi Arabia have eased over
the past several years, with the introduction of public concerts, movie
theaters, and lifting the ban on women driving. Morale at all three
posts has significantly improved with the removal of Covid-related
restrictions that had closed nearly all international travel from Saudi
Arabia in 2020.
If confirmed as the Chief of Mission, my top priority will be the
health, safety, and wellbeing of U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia,
including employees of the U.S. Mission and their families. I look
forward to hearing directly from them about any challenges they face
and how we can work to overcome or mitigate them.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Riyadh?
Answer. If confirmed as the Chief of Mission, my top priority will
be the health, safety, and wellbeing of U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia,
including employees of the U.S. Mission and their families. I will seek
to ensure the Mission is a diverse, effective, cohesive, and respectful
workplace that supports high employee morale. Employee and family
member morale is often a function of multiple factors in both the
workplace and the local society. In the workplace, morale is often of a
function of clear communication, mutually respectful behavior, and a
strong sense of mission and purpose driving the work we do. If
confirmed, I expect to bring those values to my work leading the
Mission. Outside the workplace, Saudi Arabia has certain social and
weather conditions that make it a challenging place to live for some
people. In recognition of the difficult conditions, all posts in Saudi
Arabia receive 25 percent post differential, and most tours of duty are
only two years. Money, however, only goes so far, so it would be
incumbent on me as Ambassador to ensure that the mission is welcoming
to mission families and creates a sense of community for our employees
and their family members.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Riyadh?
Answer. The United States has important national security interests
in Saudi Arabia, and it is critical that the entire Mission team
understands those interests and their role in advancing them. If
confirmed, I will ensure that all sections of the Embassy, and the
Consulates General in Jeddah and Dhahran, receive clear, direct, and
accurate communications and direction on both policy goals and internal
procedures, in pursuit of achieving effective performance. I will
ensure the Mission is a diverse, effective, cohesive, and respectful
workplace that supports high employee morale. This will require my
steady presence and interaction through the mission, including regular
travel by me and our DCM to each of the Consulates and other mission
elements.
With U.S. Embassy Sana'a operations still suspended and the Yemen
Affairs Unit co-located with the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh, if confirmed,
I will also coordinate closely on these issues with the U.S. Ambassador
to Yemen.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in delegating authority, but not delegating
ultimate responsibility. I need to depend on our experts, and they need
to know I have their backs. Employees perform their best and achieve
the most effective results when their leaders provide clear, direct,
and accurate communications, particularly on expectations; establish
and maintain a respectful and collaborative work environment; and
provide them with the necessary support to propose new ideas and be
confident that good-faith mistakes, while analyzed for improvement,
will not be ridiculed. It is important that all members of the U.S.
Mission in Saudi Arabia know their Chief of Mission will listen to
their ideas and concerns while supporting them fully in their pursuit
of U.S. policy goals.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not. Berating, yelling, or using aggressive
language is never acceptable, under any circumstances, including when
discussing performance or management issues. It is also a sign of weak,
insecure leadership. Tolerating such behavior in subordinates is also
unacceptable. If confirmed, I will ensure that the workplace at Mission
Saudi Arabia is characterized by mutual respect among all our
colleagues, starting with me, and encompassing every American, Local
Staff member, Eligible Family Member, and contractor. The Department
has deployed resources and tools in recent years to report instances of
workplace bullying and toxic work environments. If confirmed, I will
ensure that employees at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia are aware of
these resources and tools to report such unacceptable behavior, both
within the Mission and to the appropriate offices within the
Department, and I will follow up personally to ensure any incidents are
addressed and rectified.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. Collaborative, honest, and mutually supportive. The Deputy
Chief of Mission is a critical role in any mission, and it is essential
that he or she receive the full support of the Chief of Mission. As the
direct supervisor of most of an Embassy's section chiefs, the DCM
serves as the conduit for information and decisions to reach the
Ambassador, as well as communicating the Ambassador's priorities and
decisions to the rest of the Mission and translating those into
actions. I know firsthand from my experience while DCM at the U.S.
Embassy in Doha, Qatar, that the DCM plays an indispensable role in
fostering an effective Mission team.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to entrust the DCM with supervision of
most day-to-day operational functions of the Mission, while ensuring
that I support her or him however is necessary to create and maintain a
diverse, effective, cohesive, and mutually respectful Mission team. As
the direct supervisor of most of an Embassy's section chiefs, the DCM
serves as the conduit for information and decisions to reach the
Ambassador, as well as communicating my priorities and decisions to the
rest of the Mission and translating those into actions.
I would also expect the DCM to mentor and guide the skills
development of the newest members of the Mission and Department. And
while the DCM's role is largely internal to the Mission, I would also
expect him or her to be prepared to act in my stead during periods as
Charge and lead policy-focused discussions with Saudi officials, the
private sector, and civil society, and representing the Embassy at
public events.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback that is clear, accurate, and
direct is an integral part of encouraging high performance. If
confirmed, I will commit to providing this feedback to employees at the
U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia, both through regular, mandatory
performance review discussions and informal conversations. This is
equally important for both addressing areas where employees can improve
their performance and recognizing and rewarding those who are
successfully advancing Mission goals.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback that is clear, accurate, and
direct is an integral part of encouraging high performance. If
confirmed, I will commit to providing this feedback to employees at the
U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia, both through regular, mandatory
performance review discussions and informal conversations. This is
equally important for both addressing areas where employees can improve
their performance and recognizing and rewarding those who are
successfully advancing Mission goals.
Answer. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Saudi Arabia.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. It is absolutely essential to the functions of U.S.
embassies that our diplomats interact with host government officials,
non-government organizations, fellow foreign diplomats, and the local
population more broadly. The new tools that the Department has deployed
over the course of the Covid-19 pandemic to accommodate working
remotely have also ushered in new ways for us to engage with host
country interlocutors. The U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia moved more of
its outreach online, which brought increased connections between
Mission programs and people outside of the major urban centers, as the
virtual format mandated by the pandemic equalized people's ability to
participate.
Despite the benefits of online and virtual programming, much of a
Mission's work requires that we still be physically present and conduct
in-person meetings to be truly effective. At the same time, the health,
safety, and security of U.S. citizens overseas, including those working
in our foreign missions, is the Department's paramount priority. It is
thus imperative that we appropriately and effectively balance the need
to be active locally outside the Embassy with commensurate security and
safety measures to sufficiently protect our people.
If confirmed, I will be committed to achieving that balance to
ensure that the employees of the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia and their
family members remain safe while also achieving our Mission goals
through effective external outreach with local and international actors
and institutions in Saudi Arabia.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. It is absolutely essential to the accomplishment of a U.S.
Mission's goals that our diplomats interact with host government
officials, non-government organizations, fellow foreign diplomats, and
the local population more broadly.
If confirmed, I will commit to achieving our Mission goals through
external outreach with local actors and institutions, while ensuring
that employees of the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia and their family
members remain safe.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Saudi
Arabia?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Saudi Arabia is
characterized by both challenges and opportunities. As noted in the
Department's 2021 Country Report on Human Rights Practices for Saudi
Arabia, there are serious restrictions on free expression and media,
including unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, and
censorship. Security authorities actively monitor internet activity,
with some human rights activists reporting government surveillance or
blocking of internet and mobile phone access. Nongovernmental and civil
society organizations, which can often be partners in public diplomacy
programs, are severely restricted.
Saudi citizens are generally very active on social media, with more
than 14 million Twitter users as of January 2022, out of a population
of approximately 35 million. The U.S. Embassy Riyadh Twitter and
Facebook pages each have more than 137,000 followers. Hundreds of
thousands of Saudi citizens have received a U.S. education over the
last decade, cultivating strong people-to-people connections between
both countries. Saudi student enrollments at U.S. universities peaked
at 61,000 in 2016, and reached 22,000 in 2021, despite the drop in
international travel due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The public diplomacy environment in Saudi Arabia is
characterized by both challenges and opportunities. As noted in the
Department's 2021 Country Report on Human Rights Practices for Saudi
Arabia, there are serious restrictions on free expression and media,
including unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, and
censorship. Security authorities actively monitor internet activity,
with some human rights activists reporting government surveillance or
blocking of internet and mobile phone access. Nongovernmental and civil
society organizations, which can often be partners in public diplomacy
programs, are severely restricted.
Security concerns also can limit the scope of some activities. The
Department's travel advisory for Saudi Arabia currently recommends U.S.
citizens reconsider travel to the country due to the threat of missile
and drone attacks on civilian facilities, and that they exercise
increased caution due to terrorism. U.S. Government personnel must
adhere to travel restrictions as noted in the travel advisory, limiting
the delivery of services, including consular assistance programs,
within 50 miles of the Saudi-Yemen border and the cities of Abha,
Jizan, Najran, and Khamis Mushayt, as well as the Eastern Province city
of Qatif and its suburbs. Mission programming is also limited due to
host country requirements in approving meeting requests, events,
exchange programs, and other engagements, which can entail lengthy
bureaucratic delays.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Our public diplomacy messages must be tailored sufficiently
to the local population so that our intent and meaning are
understandable and effective, while ensuring they remain faithful to
U.S. values and foreign policy priorities. In order to be effective, an
embassy's public diplomacy messages must remain in close alignment with
messages emanating from Washington. If confirmed, I will ensure that I,
along with the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia's public diplomacy team,
coordinate all of our public messages with the respective teams at the
Department to ensure they are advancing our overall U.S. foreign policy
goals and objectives while crafting messages that will resonate with
the local Saudi audience.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents'', commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome'', have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S.
Government personnel and their family members are very troubling and
must be taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that
nothing is more important than the health and safety of our employees.
Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of one's
health. If confirmed, I will ensure that any reported Anomalous Health
Incidents at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia are responded to quickly
and thoroughly. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of
Embassy staff, their family members, and all those supporting the
Mission will be my highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Riyadh personnel?
Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report symptoms of
Anomalous Health Incidents. If confirmed, I will ensure that all
employees and their family members at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia
are aware of Anomalous Health Incidents and the means to report them,
as well as the availability of resources and care. If confirmed, I am
committed to regularly share new information on this issue consistent
with ensuring the integrity of ongoing investigations.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
report, Saudi Arabia was upgraded to Tier 2 for its increased efforts
to report on investigations, prosecutions, and convictions.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the Saudi Government to
capitalize on this positive progress?
Answer. There have been notable advancements in Saudi Arabia over
the last few years in gender equality, trafficking-in-persons, and
empowering those with disabilities. In 2021, Saudi Arabia reported more
trafficking investigations, prosecutions and convictions and expanded
its provision of services to TIP victims. As a sign of this progress,
Saudi Arabia was upgraded from Tier 2 Watch List to Tier 2 in the
Department's annual Trafficking in Persons Report in 2021.
This is important progress, although more remains to be done. If
confirmed, I will engage with the appropriate Saudi authorities,
including the Human Rights Commission, to solidify this progress and
work with them on additional improvements, such as expanding
protections to domestic workers, which was a priority recommendation in
the 2021 TIP Report. Such priority recommendations highlight key
efforts necessary for a country to better meet the minimum standards in
the U.S. Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) and is part of the
assessment to determine a Tier ranking.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom Report, Saudi Arabia was noted as having quite severe
violations of religious freedom and little societal respect for
religious minorities.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The Department's 2021 International Religious Freedom
Report noted severe issues with religious freedom in Saudi Arabia.
There have also been advancements, such as the redeployment and reduced
authorities of the religious police, the removal of inflammatory
content about non-Muslims in Saudi school textbooks, growing acceptance
of non-Islamic celebrations, and the Muslim World League, a Saudi
Government-funded religious affairs entity, hosting an interfaith
dialogue in May 2022 that attracted more than 100 religious leaders,
including a dozen rabbis. However, there is clearly more work to be
done on this in Saudi Arabia, for which the United States should
strongly advocate.
Senior U.S. officials routinely raise and discuss reports of abuses
of religious freedom, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforcement of
discriminatory laws against religious minorities, and promotion of
respect and tolerance for minority Muslim and non-Muslim religious
practices and beliefs.
If confirmed, I will help address religiously motivated abuses,
harassment, and discrimination in Saudi Arabia. I will work with the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to recommend,
develop, and implement policies and programs to address these concerns.
Question. Do you commit to raising this issue directly with the
host government and with the Human Rights Commission in country?
Answer. Yes. The State Department aims to promote core U.S. values
of tolerance, respect for diversity, and religious freedom. This is an
important aspect of our ongoing engagement with the Saudi Government.
Senior U.S. officials routinely raise and discuss reports of abuses of
religious freedom, arbitrary arrests and detentions, enforcement of
discriminatory laws against religious minorities, and promotion of
respect and tolerance for minority Muslim and non-Muslim religious
practices and beliefs.
If confirmed, I will help address religiously motivated abuses,
harassment, and discrimination in Saudi Arabia, and I will raise
concerns over religious freedom directly with Saudi officials,
including those from the Saudi Human Rights Commission.
Question. Saudi Arabia has been designated as a ``country of
particular concern (CPC)'' under the International Religious Freedom
Act of 1998 since 2004. The Secretary recently reaffirmed this
designation but waived sanctions for national security interests.
What steps can you take, if confirmed, to graduate Saudi Arabia
from the CPC list and bolster societal and governmental respect
for religious freedom on the ground?
Answer. The Department's 2021 International Religious Freedom
Report noted severe issues with religious freedom in Saudi Arabia.
There have also been advancements, such as the redeployment and reduced
authorities of the religious police, removal of some inflammatory
content about non-Muslims in Saudi school textbooks, and the Muslim
World League, a Saudi Government-funded religious affairs entity,
hosting an interfaith dialogue in May 2022 that attracted more than 100
religious leaders, including a dozen rabbis. However, there is clearly
more work to be done on this in Saudi Arabia, for which the United
States should strongly advocate.
If confirmed, I will raise concerns over religious freedom directly
with Saudi officials, including those from the Saudi Human Rights
Commission, and work with them on recommendations for bolstering
societal and governmental respect for religious freedom that, if
successfully implemented, could see Saudi Arabia no longer designated
as a country of particular concern under the International Religious
Freedom Act.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Saudi
Arabia's list of human rights issues was quite long, but included
allegations of torture, reports of political prisoners and detainees,
harassment of dissidents abroad, restrictions on internationally
recognized human rights, a lack of internet freedom, among other
concerning issues.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear that
human rights are a central tenet of our foreign policy, including in
our bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia. The Secretary and other
U.S. officials have consistently raised specific human rights cases and
broader human rights concerns in almost every senior meeting and call,
whether in Riyadh or Washington, including urging the release of
detained human rights activists and lifting of travel bans and other
restrictions for activists previously released from detention.
If confirmed, I will prioritize addressing these concerns, and I
will not shy away from raising these issues at the most senior levels.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. As noted in the Department's 2021 Country Report on Human
Rights Practices for Saudi Arabia, nongovernmental and civil society
organizations are severely restricted. Civil society organizations
independent from the government essentially do not exist.
There are many aspects of Saudi Arabia's human rights record that
remain troubling, particularly severe restrictions on freedom of
expression and political activism, censorship, and other issues. There
has also been progress, albeit uneven and incomplete, on women's,
labor, and disability rights and actions to combat trafficking in
persons.
If confirmed, I will press for the full resolution of the cases of
U.S. nationals and others detained for peaceful activism, including
lifting of travel bans and other restrictions. I, and the broader team
at the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia, will keep pushing at every
opportunity to make progress on broader reforms to protect freedom of
expression, improve judicial transparency, and expand the rights of
women, and keep standing with human rights defenders.
Question. Do you commit to raising these issues personally with the
host government?
Answer. Yes. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have been clear
that human rights are a central tenet of our foreign policy, including
in our bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, I will
prioritize addressing these concerns, and I will not shy away from
raising these issues at the most senior levels.
Question. U.S. citizen Dr. Walid Fitaihi remains under a travel ban
in Saudi Arabia after serving a prison sentence.
How will you work to advocate for the lifting of the travel ban for
Dr. Fitaihi?
Answer. The safety and security of U.S. citizens overseas is the
Department's paramount priority. After sustained and consistent
engagement by the U.S. Government pressing Saudi authorities to resolve
his case, Dr. Walid Fitaihi's sentence was reduced to time served in
January 2021, with no return to prison. However, he remains subject to
a travel ban.
The Secretary and other U.S. officials have consistently raised his
case and those of other detained human rights activists, as well as
broader human rights concerns, in almost every senior meeting and call,
whether in Riyadh or Washington, including urging the release of
detained activists and lifting of travel bans and other restrictions
for those, like Dr. Fitaihi, previously released from detention.
Along with Department leaders, if confirmed, I will raise concerns
over the detention of U.S. citizens, including those released but
subject to travel bans, and those detained for peacefully advocating
for freedom of expression and religion. As the Department has
repeatedly made clear to Saudi officials, promoting and advocating for
human rights should be commended, not criminalized.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. When running for President, Joe Biden famously said he
would turn Saudi Arabia into a ``pariah state'' and, since coming into
office, actively enacted this policy. The results are plain to see:
Saudi Arabia detains American citizens, does not cooperate with
American-led international energy strategies, and may even be open to
cooperating with our chief geopolitical adversary, the Chinese
Communist Party. If confirmed, you have a long road ahead of you to
restore the U.S.-Saudi Arabian partnership.
Do you believe that the President's decision to visit Saudi Arabia
next month, for the first time since becoming President, is an
admission that his ``pariah state'' strategy has not worked?
Answer. At its outset, the Administration decided that it was
important to reorient--but not rupture--relations with Saudi Arabia,
including elevating human rights as a priority in the bilateral
relationship. The United States shares a host of interests with Saudi
Arabia, from containing Iran, to counterterrorism, to helping Saudi
Arabia protect its territory, to achieving the recent extension of the
truce in Yemen, which has saved countless lives.
The administration's agenda with Saudi Arabia is focused on
delivering results for the American people. The United States consults
regularly on energy issues with Saudi Arabia which demonstrated
leadership earlier in June when it achieved consensus for accelerating
quota increases, the largest of which is for increased Saudi
production.
The United States raises concerns with all partners and allies,
including Saudi Arabia, about the range of People's Republic of China
(PRC) actions that run counter to our values and interests and
undermine the international rules-based order. Saudi Arabia states that
the United States is its most important bilateral partner, including in
the defense realm, and Saudi Arabia is not a major consumer of PRC
defense systems.
The Secretary and other U.S. officials have consistently raised
human rights concerns in almost every senior meeting and call, whether
in Riyadh or Washington. There has been some progress on cases of
detained U.S. citizens, and the Department's efforts likely influenced
decisions within the past year to conditionally release several U.S.
citizens from detention. But this has been incomplete; those activists
who have been released remain under a combination of travel bans,
communications restrictions, and asset freezes.
If confirmed, I will advocate at every opportunity for the lifting
of travel bans and other restrictions on U.S. citizens and other
peaceful activists; as well as pressing for broader human rights
reforms that protect freedom of expression, improve judicial
transparency, and expand the rights of women, while standing with human
rights defenders.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to secure the release of
American citizens wrongfully detained in Saudi Arabia?
Answer. The Department's top priority is the safety and welfare of
U.S. citizens, including those who are detained--wrongfully or not--or
unable to depart a foreign country. The Secretary and other Department
leaders have consistently raised U.S. national detention cases with
their Saudi counterparts and urged them to lift the travel bans and
fully resolve these cases.
Along with Department leaders, if confirmed, I would raise concerns
over the detention of U.S. nationals including any detained for
peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and
religion or belief. Moreover, I will encourage Saudi Arabia to enact
legal and policy reforms that respect the human rights of all people.
As the Department has repeatedly made clear to Saudi officials,
promoting and advocating for human rights should be commended, not
criminalized.
Question. If confirmed, will you recommend the United States
continue to provide robust support for Saudi efforts to protect
themselves from attacks on Saudi civilians by the Houthi terrorist
group in Yemen?
Answer. If confirmed, I will recommend the United States continue
to provide support for Saudi efforts to defend its territory and
civilians from Houthi cross-border attacks. The President and Secretary
have been clear that the United States will continue to support Saudi
Arabia's legitimate defensive needs in order to meet existing and
emerging threats, including cross-border attacks from Yemen and
elsewhere against targets inside Saudi Arabia--including the 70,000
U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia.
U.S. arms transfers that bolster and replenish Saudi Arabia's
defenses, particularly air defenses, are consistent with the
Administration's pledge to lead with diplomacy to end the conflict in
Yemen and to end support for Saudi-led coalition offensive operations
in Yemen, while also ensuring Saudi Arabia has the means to defend
itself from air attacks by the Iranian supported Houthis. If confirmed,
I look forward to working with the departments and agencies of the
Executive Branch and consulting transparently with Congress on arms
sales to Saudi Arabia that are consistent with U.S. values and support
Saudi Arabia's ability to defend itself.
Both Israel and Saudi Arabia are critical security partners of the
United States. It is in our interest to promote the normalization of
relations between the two countries. To date, Saudi Arabia has not
joined the Abraham Accords.
Question. Under what circumstances might the kingdom's rulers
embrace a more overtly cooperative relationship with Israel?
Answer. Saudi Arabia and Israel have many common regional
interests, including countering the threats from Iran and Iranian-
supported armed groups, as well benefiting from opportunities presented
by greater regional economic integration. These common interests
present significant opportunities for greater cooperation between
Israel and Saudi Arabia.
As President Biden has said, this administration welcomes and
supports the Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between
Israel and Arab and Muslim-majority countries. If confirmed, I will
work to expand cooperation and opportunities among countries in the
region, including strong support for expanding and deepening the
Abraham Accords.
Question. What factors do you believe shape Saudi decision-making
on this issue?
Answer. There are undoubtedly numerous factors, including regional
threat perceptions, economic opportunities, as well the Palestinian
issue. For example, Saudi Arabia continues to support the Arab Peace
Initiative, which it introduced at the 2002 Arab summit and that calls
for normalization of relations between Israel and Arab countries,
including Saudi Arabia, in exchange for Israeli recognition of an
independent Palestinian state, among other conditions.
Saudi Arabia has stated it fully supports the Biden-Harris
administration's approach to advance equal measures of freedom,
prosperity, and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians in the immediate
term, and keeping the door open for achievement of a negotiated two-
state solution in the longer term, as this remains the best way to
ensure Israel's future as a democratic and Jewish state while enabling
the Palestinian people to live with dignity and security in a viable
state of their own.
As President Biden has said, this administration welcomes and
supports the Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between
Israel and Arab and Muslim-majority countries. If confirmed, I will
work to expand cooperation among countries in the region, including
support for the Abraham Accords.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to promote normalization
between Riyadh and Jerusalem?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, normalizing relations with
Israel is a decision each country has to make on its own. The
administration supports normalization by highlighting the tangible
benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of
diplomatic tools at our disposal. The Abraham Accords have produced
real benefits, including rapidly growing connections between
businesses, students, and tourists. The United States hopes that this
prosperity will encourage other countries, including Saudi Arabia, to
advance the process.
Normalizing relations with Israel is in the best interest of the
stability of the region and for Israel, whose security is of critical
importance to the United States. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Saudi Arabia to seek to expand the Abraham Accords.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Michael Alan Ratney by Senator Bill Hagerty
On the Retention of Official State Department Emails Related to
OneVoice
Question. During your Senate Foreign Relations Committee
nominations hearing on June 16, 2022, we examined your oversight of the
OneVoice grant applications and retention of official State Department
emails related to the matter. In response to my question on whether you
dispute what was reported in the findings that you deleted emails
related to the review of these One Voice grants, you said there was ``a
systemic issue associated with records management at the State
Department that has since been addressed. There was no routine method.
There was no routine way at that time to archive all of the routine
emails that the State Department sent and received. That has since been
remedied as well through changes in policy and changes in technology.''
The Staff Report from the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and
Governmental Affairs Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, however,
found that:
The State Department was unable to produce all documents
responsive to the Subcommittee's requests due to its failure to
retain complete email records of Michael Ratney, who served as
U.S. Consul General in Jerusalem during the award and oversight
of the OneVoice grants. The Subcommittee discovered this
retention problem because one important email exchange between
OneVoice and Mr. Ratney--described in Part III.C--was produced
to the Subcommittee only by OneVoice. After conducting
additional searches, the Department informed the Subcommittee
that it was unable to locate any responsive emails from Mr.
Ratney's inbox or sent mail. Mr. Ratney later elaborated,
``[A]t times I deleted emails with attachments I didn't need in
order to maintain my inbox under the storage limit.'' There was
an option to archive emails to stay below storage limits, but
Mr. Ratney stated that he ``did not know [he] was required to
archive routine emails'' (emphasis added).
Mr. Ratney, the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations found
although you stated you did not know there was a requirement to
archive emails, there was, in fact, an option to archive
emails. Would you like to amend your answer provided during
your nominations hearing that there was no option to archive
emails at the State Department?
Answer. It would be more accurate to say that ``I was unaware of
any routine way at that time to archive all of the routine emails that
the State Department sent and received.'' It is not clear what the
``option to archive emails'' mentioned in the Subcommittee report
refers to. I do clearly recall, as do others working at the Department
at the time, that we were routinely urged to delete emails with large
attachments in order to stay under inbox limits. The following
Department press guidance that was prepared following release of the
subcommittee report in 2016 noted the systemic nature of the challenge
we faced:
On the record attributable to State Department Spokesperson
Mark Toner: The Department cooperated with the Senate's
investigation, which found no wrongdoing. As is made clear in
the report itself, Mr. Ratney was working under State
Department IT limitations with regard to the size of his inbox,
and his deletion was content-neutral housekeeping, not an
attempt to purge emails on any specific topic. The Department
recognizes that we need to provide better tools to our
employees to assist with records management. Secretary Kerry
appointed Janice Jacobs as Transparency Coordinator to help us
address these challenges. Beyond that, we are focused on
implementing a system that meets NARA requirements for the
management of records in an electronic format. We are in the
process of purchasing new technology for records management to
meet the OMB/NARA directed deadline for U.S. Government
agencies to manage email records electronically by the end of
2016.''
If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. Mission in Saudi Arabia
and all its staff--including me personally--follow all applicable laws
and regulations with regards to Federal records management.
On Saudi Coalition Airstrikes
Question. What is the percent increase or decrease in year-over-
year civilian casualties from Saudi coalition airstrikes in Yemen?
Please provide a specific timeframe and percentage change. The
aggregate numbers would be helpful if available.
Answer. The U.N. Civilian Impact Monitoring Project (CIMP) noted in
its 2021 annual report that ``for the third year running, the number of
civilian casualties on account of airstrikes decreased, down to 185,
with a two-month hiatus in airstrike casualties seen in July and August
2021.'' The 2020 CIMP annual report noted that ``since the Stockholm
Agreement at the end of 2018, the number of civilian casualties on
account of airstrikes has seen a significant reduction.'' CIMP reported
2,504 civilian casualties from airstrikes in 2018, 796 in 2019, and 216
in 2020. Per the U.N. data, civilian casualties from airstrikes dropped
by 68 percent from 2018 to 2019, another 73 percent from 2019 to 2021,
and a further 14 percent from 2020 to 2021. Overall, from 2018 to 2021,
civilian casualties from airstrikes fell by about 93 percent. There was
an increase in civilian casualties during the early months of 2022,
driven largely by a mass civilian casualty incident in January;
however, there have not been any reports of civilian casualties due to
air strikes since the truce took effect in April. Airstrikes were
responsible for only 7 percent of all civilian casualties in 2021,
according to CIMP.
Question. Please provide a detailed explanation for any change. If
there was a significant reduction in civilian casualties from Saudi
coalition airstrikes, what explains the change? Was it improved
procedures, changes on the battlefield, and/or other considerations?
Answer. There are likely several factors that have influenced the
reduction in civilian casualty incidents from airstrikes over the past
several years. These include changes in the nature of the conflict and
also may involve improvements in aircrew proficiency, improved rules of
engagement specifically regarding airstrikes, and U.S.-provided
training related to civilian casualty mitigation.
Without visibility on all Saudi strike planning processes and with
U.S. Embassy Sana'a operations suspended, it is challenging to
establish a definitive causal link between U.S. training and engagement
with the RSAF and the dramatic reductions in civilian casualty
incidents since 2018. However, the United States is the only country
offering sustained, intensive training over multiple years on civilian
casualty mitigation to the RSAF. The Department is in constant contact
with Saudi Arabia about the need to avoid and mitigate civilian
casualties and has urged Saudi transparency and accountability
regarding civilian casualty incidents both privately and publicly. We
do not just encourage improvements in operational procedures, but also
urge thorough and transparent investigations be conducted after any
incidents. Based on these factors, it is very likely that U.S. efforts
have played an important role in positively influencing Saudi actions.
Question. What are the Saudi Government's views of industrial-scale
drug trafficking of captagon by the Assad regime in Syria and Hizballah
into the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia?
Answer. The Saudi Government is deeply concerned about the
increasing volumes of Captagon flowing into the Kingdom, mainly
originating in Lebanon and Syria. Captagon now constitutes the
Kingdom's largest drug problem, and in 2021, Saudi Arabia stated that
it had seized approximately 190 million Captagon pills. Saudi Arabia
recognizes that drug revenues may reach terrorist organizations and
contribute to regional instability and insecurity, while Captagon
trafficking also presents social consequences and a security challenge.
In response to the threat, the Saudi Government has taken measures to
halt the flow. After repeatedly interdicting Captagon pills smuggled in
Lebanese produce, the Saudi Government banned produce imports from
Lebanon in April 2021 and then all Lebanese imports in October 2021,
contributing to a serious deterioration in Saudi-Lebanese relations,
that only in recent months has moderately improved. Law enforcement
authorities in the Kingdom are working with their U.S. counterparts on
information sharing arrangements that could increase Captagon
interdiction. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Saudi Arabia
to combat the flow of Captagon into the Kingdom. The Department would
be happy to provide you with more information in a classified setting
if that would be helpful.
Question. Do you assess that scheme to allow for the delivery of
gas through Syria into Lebanon--despite the provisions in the Caesar
Syria Civilian Protection Act--would benefit the Assad regime in Syria?
Answer. The administration is strongly committed to holding the
Assad regime accountable for its actions and appreciates the tool to do
so that Congress has provided in the form of the Caesar Act. The
Administration is also deeply concerned about the prospect of state
collapse in Lebanon, where the lack of fuel and power threatens the
delivery of critical services like health care and water. We continue
to work with the parties to the regional proposals to sell Egyptian gas
and Jordanian electricity to Lebanon, as well as the World Bank, to
ensure that these deals, which are fundamentally about providing
Lebanon with more sustainable energy sources, would not involve any
financial payments to Assad that would violate our sanctions laws. The
Department of State and the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign
Assets Control (OFAC) are working together to ensure that the proposals
fully comport with U.S. sanctions, including the Caesar Act. The U.S.
sanctions regime targeting the Assad Government remains fully in force,
and as Secretary Blinken has made clear, we have not lifted or waived
Syria-related sanctions in this case, and the U.S. remains committed to
applying additional sanctions against the Syrian regime in the future,
as appropriate. The Department would be happy to provide you with more
information in a classified setting if that would be helpful.
Question. Do you believe that Saudi Government supports energy
schemes that would render either gas or gas revenue to the Assad regime
in Syria and Hizballah, both of which are involved in the industrial-
scale drug trafficking of captagon into the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Saudi Arabia
to both combat the flow of Captagon into the Kingdom and to preventing
any arrangements designed to relieve the energy and economic crisis in
Lebanon from providing any benefit to the Assad regime or Lebanese
Hizballah that would be in violation of U.S. sanctions. The United
States consults regularly on both regional and energy issues with Saudi
Arabia. The United States is deeply concerned about the prospect of
state collapse in Lebanon, where the lack of fuel and power threatens
the delivery of critical services like health care and water to the
Lebanese people. Regional proposals to sell Egyptian gas and Jordanian
electricity to Lebanon would not involve any financial payments to
Assad or Hizballah. The Department would be happy to provide you with
more information in a classified setting if that would be helpful.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Timmy T. Davis by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have endangered the
health of U.S. Government personnel are very troubling and must be
taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that nothing
is more important than the health and safety of our employees. If
confirmed, I would ensure that any reported Anomalous Health Incidents
at U.S. Mission Qatar are responded to quickly and thoroughly.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report Anomalous
Health Incidents. If confirmed, I would ensure that all employees and
their family members at U.S. Mission Qatar are aware of Anomalous
Health Incidents and the means to report them, as well as the
availability of resources and care. I commit to reporting any incidents
quickly through the appropriate channels and to referring them promptly
to the appropriate medical care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would commit to meeting with medical
staff and the Regional Security Office to discuss any past reported
incidents and ensure that all protocols are being followed, in
consultation with the Department's Health Incident Response Task Force
and the appropriate teams in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and
Bureau of Medical Services.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Timmy T. Davis by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What, if anything, can/should the United States be doing
to ensure Qatari LNG can help Europe transition away from its
dependence on Russian natural gas?
Answer. The United States is encouraging Qatar's discussions with
European partners about potential LNG supply. Additionally, QatarEnergy
is considering several U.S. companies as potential partners to develop
Qatar's North Field East LNG field. This LNG expansion project is
expected to boost Qatar's LNG output by 64 percent by 2027 and supply
many of the new LNG contracts Qatar is discussing with European
partners.
Question. Should the United States demand changes in Qatari policy
as a condition for helping strengthen regional cooperation with other
U.S. Gulf partners?
Answer. The United States welcomed the historic breakthrough made
with the Al Ula Declaration at the GCC summit by Qatar and Bahrain,
Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. The decision to open their mutual
borders, lift transportation restrictions, and restore diplomatic
relations was a welcome step. My understanding is that the United
States remains supportive of continued reconciliation, and it continues
to identify areas of potential cooperation on which our partners can
make incremental progress.
Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over the last
few years, in large part due to COVID.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Doha?
Answer. Mission Doha played a significant role in the Non-Combatant
Evacuation Operation from Afghanistan in August 2021, which was a
challenging time for diplomats and local staff. Continued Afghanistan
operations in Qatar have required further Embassy engagement and
support, stretching resources in a post that has been without an
Ambassador since 2017. The COVID-19 pandemic also caused stress to the
mission. Throughout these challenges, Mission Doha has remained a tight
knit community.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Doha?
Answer. From day one, I would underscore the importance to Mission
Qatar employees of their work in Qatar and the value of their service
to our country. Secondly, having a confirmed Ambassador allows better
leadership and oversight, as everyone else down the chain of command
can return to their normal jobs. Finally, the Department has developed
and deployed resources and tools in recent years, including mental
health resources, that I would take full advantage of in supporting our
team at Mission Qatar.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Doha?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Doha, the Afghanistan Affairs Unit, and the
team supporting Afghan relocation efforts in Doha already work closely
together to advance U.S. interests in a unified way. If confirmed, I
would continue to strengthen that exemplary teamwork. I would also
develop a strategic vision for the bilateral relationship that will
foster a unity of purpose within the Mission.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in inclusiveness, promoting good ideas, and
teamwork. It is important that the team at Mission Qatar knows that
their safety and security is my highest priority and that I share a
clear vision for policy success with clear expectations. My management
style is based on maximum responsibility for me as the leader, and
maximum credit for the team.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Berating, yelling, or using aggressive language is
never acceptable, under any circumstances, including when discussing
performance or management issues. If confirmed, I would neither use
such unacceptable methods or language in discussions with employees,
nor would I tolerate those under my supervision using such methods or
language. The Department has deployed resources and tools in recent
years to report instances of workplace bullying and toxic work
environments. If confirmed, I would ensure that employees at Mission
Qatar are aware of these resources and tools to report such
unacceptable behavior, both within the Mission and to the appropriate
offices within the Department, and I would follow up to ensure any
incidents are addressed and rectified.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. The Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) is a critical role in any
mission, and it is essential that he or she receive the full support of
the Chief of Mission. Embassy Doha has an excellent DCM in Natalie
Baker, who has served in leadership roles on some of our top foreign
policy priorities. If confirmed, I would support DCM Baker (and any
other DCM) and fully empower her to foster an effective Mission team.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. As the direct supervisor of most of an Embassy's section
chiefs, the DCM serves as the conduit for information and decisions to
reach the Ambassador, as well as communicating the Ambassador's
priorities and decisions to the rest of the Mission and translating
those into actions. If confirmed, I plan to entrust the DCM with
supervision of most day-to-day operational functions of the Mission,
while ensuring that I support her in appropriate ways to create and
maintain a diverse, effective, cohesive, and respectful Mission team.
In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback that is clear, accurate, and
direct is an integral part of encouraging high performance. If
confirmed, I would commit to providing this feedback to employees at
U.S. Mission Qatar, both through regular, mandatory performance review
discussions and informal conversations. This is equally important for
both addressing areas where employees can improve their performance and
recognizing and rewarding those who are successfully advancing Mission
goals.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would commit to providing this
feedback to employees at U.S. Mission Qatar, both through regular,
mandatory performance review discussions and informal conversations.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts abroad to
meet with local actors, including host government officials, non-
government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Qatar.
Question. In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. U.S. diplomats must interact with host government
officials, civil society, and the local population to protect American
interests on the ground and represent American values to the local
population. However, the health, safety, and security of U.S. citizens
overseas, including those working in our foreign missions, is the
Department's paramount priority. I have learned from my various
postings, including in leadership positions, how to appropriately
balance the need to be active outside the embassy with commensurate
security and safety measures to sufficiently protect our people.
If confirmed, I would commit to achieving that balance to ensure
that the employees of Mission Qatar and their family members remain
safe while also advancing our Mission goals through external outreach.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would commit facilitating regular external
outreach with local actors and institutions, while ensuring that
employees of Mission Qatar and their family members remain safe.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the
Qatar?
Answer. Educational and cultural partnerships are important
components of our bilateral relationship, and the Qatari Government is
largely supportive of Embassy programming and partnerships. Targeting
public diplomacy programming to the 10 percent of Qatar's population
who are Qatari citizens can be challenging. The Government and people
of Qatar have largely favorable views of the United States, but mixed
views on U.S. foreign policy in the region.
Our public diplomacy efforts in Qatar are bolstered by Qatar's
confidence in U.S. education, science, technology, and business,
especially as the Government of Qatar seeks to pivot to a knowledge-
based economy. Six American university campuses are currently housed at
Education City in Qatar, with the support of Qatar Foundation:
Georgetown University, Virginia Commonwealth University, Carnegie
Mellon University, Texas A&M University, Weill Cornell Medical College,
and Northwestern University.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The greatest challenge is accessibility to Qatar's small
Qatari national population. Qataris on social media and in the press
are very supportive of U.S. education and American culture but tend to
be critical of U.S. Government policies in the region and values they
perceive to be exclusively ``Western.''
While the Government of Qatar actively participates in a yearly
Strategic Dialogue, implementation of various memoranda of
understanding and other public diplomacy agreements is sometimes a
challenge.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Our diplomats and local staff at U.S. Embassy Doha possess
deep knowledge of the cultural context and audiences in Qatar. As such,
they are primarily responsible for effectively tailoring public
diplomacy messages in country, in close collaboration with public
diplomacy and public affairs colleagues in Washington, D.C.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. Anomalous health incidents that have endangered the
health of U.S. Government personnel are very troubling and must be
taken seriously. I agree completely with Secretary Blinken that nothing
is more important than the health and safety of our employees. If
confirmed, I will ensure that any reported Anomalous Health Incidents
at U.S. Mission Qatar are responded to quickly and thoroughly.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Doha personnel?
Answer. Yes. The Department has created a Health Incident Response
Task Force charged with supporting employees who report Anomalous
Health Incidents. If confirmed, I would ensure that all employees and
their family members at U.S. Mission Qatar are aware of Anomalous
Health Incidents and the means to report them, as well as the
availability of resources and care. I commit to reporting any incidents
quickly through the appropriate channels and to referring them promptly
to the appropriate medical care. I also commit to meeting with medical
staff and the Regional Security Office to discuss any past reported
incidents and ensure that all protocols are being followed, in
consultation with the Department's Health Incident Response Task Force
and the appropriate teams in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and
Bureau of Medical Services.
In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Qatar
was identified as Tier 2 for its ongoing efforts to meet the minimum
standards to eliminate trafficking but did not adequately do so in a
few key areas, including in the number of trafficking investigations
and training for law enforcement.
Question. How will you work with the Qataris to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. I share your concern about these issues and, if confirmed,
would commit to working with the Government of Qatar to address them.
Specifically, I would continue U.S. Government exchange programs and
trainings with Qatari officials to strengthen their capabilities in the
areas of victim identification, support services, and investigation and
prosecution under Qatar's anti-trafficking law. I would also encourage
Qatar's close cooperation with the International Labour Organization as
well as other international and domestic NGOs to make further progress.
I would also consult closely with the office of the Ambassador-at-
Large to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to improve Qatar's
anti-trafficking efforts.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 International Religious
Freedom report, societal respect for religious freedom in Qatar was
generally lacking, especially among registered religious minorities.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. The United States promotes universal respect for freedom of
religion or belief for all as a core objective of U.S. foreign policy.
Qatar's constitution guarantees freedom to practice religion, but
places limits on that freedom. The public worship or display of
religious symbols for people of non-Islamic faiths is restricted, for
example. There are also concerning trends such as residency renewal
refusals and criminal proceedings against people of unregistered faiths
such as the local Baha'i community.
If confirmed, in addition to direct engagement with the Qatari
Government, I would work with the Ambassador-at-Large to help monitor
religiously motivated abuses, harassment, and discrimination and
recommend, develop, and implement policies and programs to address
these concerns.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Human Rights Report, Qatar
was noted as having several significant human rights abuses, including
limits on the freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association,
excessive restrictions on NGOs, migrant workers' rights, and forced
labor. It was noted the Government did take some steps to address these
issues.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to continue to address these
concerns with the host government?
Answer. As the President and Secretary have said, human rights are
a pillar of our foreign policy and of our relationships around the
world. If confirmed, I would prioritize addressing these concerns, and
I would not shy away from raising these issues at the most senior
levels.
Specifically, if confirmed, I would work closely with Qatari
partners to strengthen implementation of positive changes like labor
reforms that allow migrant workers to change jobs and exit the county
without employer permission. I would also regularly encourage Qatar to
take additional steps to protect the fundamental freedoms of expression
and association. I believe honest conversations about human rights will
make our relationship stronger and more resilient.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Restrictive laws govern civil society organizations in
Qatar. If confirmed, I would direct embassy employees to continue
engaging regularly with civil society, and I would engage directly with
the Government of Qatar to encourage greater freedom of association.
Question. What is your assessment of the forced labor issue,
especially as Qatar prepares to host the 2022 World Cup? If confirmed,
do you commit to personally raising human rights issues with the Qatari
Government?
Answer. According to the State Department's annual Trafficking in
Persons report, the Government of Qatar is making significant efforts
to eliminate human trafficking, including forced labor, but currently
does not fully meet minimum standards of the Trafficking Victims
Protection Act. Qatar has passed laws to better protect World Cup
stadium construction workers specifically, for example a decree in 2019
that prohibits work outdoors in the extreme heat, but serious problems
still exist. If confirmed, I would commit to raising human rights
issues with the Government of Qatar as a priority and working with
Qatari partners to address these issues.
Question. If confirmed, you will be Ambassador to an important
major non-NATO ally that is currently the main interlocutor in the U.S-
Taliban relationship, specifically as it relates to evacuations of U.S.
nationals and vulnerable Afghans from Afghanistan.
What is your assessment of continued evacuations from Afghanistan
and evacuees transit through Camp Al-Saliyah (CAS) in Qatar?
Answer. The Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE) and
her team continue the U.S. Government's important work to fulfill the
President's commitment to support the Afghan nationals who worked side-
by-side with the United States in Afghanistan. The Government of Qatar
has been an invaluable partner in those efforts.
Question. What is your assessment of Qatar's role in the long-term
planning for evacuations?
Answer. I am not apprised of conversations with the Government of
Qatar on this topic. I would refer you to Coordinator for Afghan
Relocation Efforts (CARE) for further details, and if confirmed, I
would look forward to engaging with Qatari partners to secure their
continued support for our ongoing Afghan relocation efforts.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with other regional
Ambassadors to support evacuations?
Answer. The Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE)'s
mission requires collaboration and teamwork from U.S. embassies around
the world. If confirmed, I would work closely with other regional
Ambassadors at the Coordinator's advice to support these efforts.
Question. It is our understanding that the Qataris have agreed to
an extension for the MOU outlining continued support for evacuations
until 2023. Knowing that evacuations will likely continue beyond this
time, what is the best path forward to ensure CAS remains open for
processing?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Coordinator for Afghan
Relocation Efforts (CARE), other U.S. Government agencies, and the
Government of Qatar to maximize support for our ongoing Afghan
relocation efforts. I would refer you to CARE for any specific
questions.
Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict between the
Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE) and Mission Doha
regarding evacuations?
Answer. Mission Qatar and the Coordinator for Afghan Relocation
Efforts (CARE) have a very close working relationship. CARE's operation
in Doha is an integrated component of Mission Qatar. If confirmed, I
would commit to maintaining and further strengthening this
collaboration.
Question. Do you commit to briefing this committee on the continued
conversations between the U.S., Qatar, and the Taliban regarding
evacuations?
Answer. Yes, I commit to keeping this committee apprised of
important developments.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Many State Department Offices have been under enormous
stress over the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout the Office of
Global Women's Issues?
Answer. Since January of last year, the office has been led by a
longtime career public servant who has prioritized addressing
recommendations from the Office of the Inspector General's assessment
conducted under the previous administration. My understanding of morale
throughout the Office is that it has significantly improved as it
regains staffing, including and in line with the recommendations of the
Inspector General, and with the current leadership's efforts to retain
flexibility as COVID protocols have changed. I also understand the
office currently enjoys a high degree of access and coordination with
the White House, and that political will and support has been
incredibly important to improving the morale of the dedicated team at
S/GWI.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Office of Global
Women's Issues?
Answer. In my past professional experience, I have learned that all
offices need at least three things to succeed, and that morale is
concurrently served through: 1) sufficient personnel and financial
resources; 2) political will and leadership; and 3) clear goals and
metrics. If confirmed, I am committed to identifying and addressing the
needs of the Office and empowering staff in their leadership of
Department initiatives for half of the world's population, in
coordination with Congress.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Office of Global Women's Issues?
Answer. I have read the Office of the Inspector General assessment
of S/GWI under the previous administration, including its
recommendation for a greater focus on strategic planning and alignment
of resources with priorities. It is my understanding that the Office
has created a new team for this purpose and to oversee implementation
of the National Strategy on Gender Equity and Equality, an umbrella
framework issued by the White House last year. If confirmed, I will
utilize this Strategy to unify related gender equality policy mandates
developed, implemented, and coordinated by S/GWI.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Ambassadors. How
would you describe your management style?
Answer. I endeavor to lead by example, with my goal to manage in
ways that are inclusive, collaborative, transparent and decisive. In
the past, I have benefitted from input from my team and other
stakeholders, but ultimately believe it is my responsibility to take
full ownership for the decisions I make. I provide regular feedback and
do not shy away from making and implementing difficult personnel
decisions because it is an important way to improve the team's overall
morale and performance. To develop a shared sense of responsibility, I
communicate roles and responsibilities clearly, collaborate with my
team to set goals with metrics to monitor progress, and celebrate
successes jointly.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I do not believe that it is ever acceptable or
constructive to berate subordinates, whether in public or in private.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
your deputies?
Answer. To my understanding, there is no official deputy position
in the Office of Global Women's Issues currently. However, I know the
Office has been superbly managed by the current Senior Official, a
career civil servant with deep program and policy experience. If
confirmed, I intend to ask her to stay on as principal deputy, and to
entrust her with significant leadership responsibilities, including and
especially as I come up to speed. If confirmed, I also intend to
explore how I can best work with and learn from others in the Office
who have long served at the Department.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputies?
Answer. It is my understanding that confirmed political leadership
for State Department offices is critical, but the Office of Global
Women's Issues has since January of last year been led superbly by a
longtime career public servant who I intend to ask to stay. If
confirmed, I intend to learn from and empower her continued leadership,
that of the current senior advisor, and the leadership of others in the
Office to build an environment of collaborative leadership and
consistency for our staff, while advancing gender equality globally.
This is especially important to maintaining programmatic continuity.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I wholeheartedly believe that it is important to provide
employees with timely, accurate, and constructive feedback on their
performances in order to encourage improvement, as needed, empower high
achievers, and raise the overall morale of the Office. As someone who
has spent a career working with data, I relish the opportunity to
provide my team with the information they need to grow and excel in
their roles. I welcome that feedback from others as well. If confirmed,
I will work to ensure EERs, as well as bi-annual performance reviews,
are completed in a comprehensive manner for all S/GWI employees, to
provide other, timely oral feedback, and to use awards cycles to
recognize truly outstanding performance.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would absolutely support and encourage
clear, accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers. I intend to lead by example and
provide this feedback and will encourage others in a leadership
position in the Office to do the same.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats.
In your opinion, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls
enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. The Department continues to engage our partners and
contacts outside of embassy walls at all posts, to include our High
Threat/High Risk posts. However, challenges remain for our diplomats
and development officers to operate outside of capitals due to security
concerns, which can prevent diplomatic engagement, as well as crisis
mitigation and other stabilization efforts. I look forward to learning
more about these efforts should I be confirmed.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, international and
non-governmental organizations as well as civil society, have developed
innovative virtual platforms to ensure engagement with local
populations. While I do not believe anything truly replaces face-to-
face diplomacy, should I have the honor of being confirmed, I will
support the Office's utilization of these virtual consultative
mechanisms, especially as I believe they can be used to engage local
civil society organizations that operate outside of capital regions to
address the needs of grassroots populations.
Question. Is access to abortion an internationally-recognized human
right?
Answer. My understanding is the United States is not a party to any
international human rights instrument that states that access to
abortion is a ``human right.'' The United States has been a global
leader and a strong bilateral donor of voluntary family planning
assistance, empowering women and girls to plan their futures, including
by preventing unintended pregnancies.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
dr. geeta rao gupta by senator risch
Question. Is S/GWI involved in reproductive health policy
decisions?
Answer. To my understanding, the Office of Global Women's
Issues leads on the portfolio on female genital mutilation
(FGM), which is a form of gender-based violence that also
detrimentally affects women's sexual, reproductive and maternal
health. However, it is my understanding that PRM leads on
sexual and reproductive health and rights policy at the
Department, and the extent of S/GWI's involvement relates
exclusively to providing consultation and clearance as
appropriate, given its leadership on gender equality within the
Department.
Question. Should it be?
Answer. I am supportive of PRM's continued leadership on
sexual and reproductive health and rights policy for the
Department. I believe that it is appropriate for S/GWI to
continue to lead on GBV, inclusive of FGM and child marriage.
Should I be confirmed, I will continue S/GWI's focus on its
three key priorities: 1) addressing and preventing GBV; 2)
increasing women's economic participation; and 3) advancing the
women, peace and security agenda.
* * *
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against
the legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of law
related to our foreign assistance including those relating to abortion
and involuntary sterilization, and I will work with partners to ensure
compliance.
Question. Does the Office of Global Women's Issues work on health
issues?
Answer. Health outcomes are related to some of the Office's
priorities, such as how gender-based violence impacts women's and
girls' participation in public and private life due to its short- and
long-term impact on physical and mental health. However, the Office
does not have any global health-related funding or programs. If
confirmed, I will focus on the policy and programmatic priorities of
the Office for which I am nominated which include: women's economic
security; gender-based violence; and advancing the women, peace, and
security agenda.
Question. In particular, does the Office of Global Women's Issues
work on reproductive health policies?
Answer. It is my understanding that the Bureau of Population,
Refugees, and Migration is the policy lead for the Department on sexual
and reproductive health and rights, and that the Office for which I am
nominated does not have targeted global health-related programming or
funding. However, the Office of Global Women's Issues' work on gender-
based violence includes a focus on female genital mutilation (FGM),
which has a direct bearing on reproductive and maternal health. Should
I be confirmed, I will focus on the priorities of the office I am
nominated for, which include women's economic security, gender-based
violence to include FGM, and advancing the women, peace and security
agenda.
* * *
follow up questions submitted to
dr. geeta rao gupta by senator risch
Question. I understand that the United States continues to
support the 1994 International Conference on Population and
Development (ICPD) Programme of Action, which was adopted by
consensus. The ICPD established international consensus
definitions of the term ``reproductive health'' and
``reproductive rights,'' neither of which explicitly references
abortion or a right to abortion.
Is it your interpretation that the Siljander Amendment
applies only to global health assistance, or also to the
development and economic assistance that GWI manages and
awards?
Answer. My understanding is that the Siljander Amendment
stipulates that no funds appropriated under the Department of
State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs Appropriations
Act may be used to lobby for or against abortion. This includes
the foreign assistance that S/GWI manages and awards.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that the
policies GWI advances in response to gender-based violence are
fully compliant with the Siljander and Helms amendments?
Answer. Yes. I reaffirm that, should I be confirmed, I will
take legislative restrictions, including restrictions related
to abortion, very seriously and will work with partners to
ensure compliance.
Question. Secretary Blinken released the below press
statement on Friday, June 24, regarding the Supreme Court's
ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson:
As Secretary of State, I usually avoid commenting on
Supreme Court rulings. But today's decision overturning
Roe v. Wade has raised understandable questions and
concerns across the world and within our workforce.
So let me be clear: under this administration, the
State Department will remain fully committed to helping
provide access to reproductive health services and
advancing reproductive rights around the world. And
this Department will do everything possible to ensure
that all our employees have access to reproductive
health services, wherever they live.
We will not waver from this commitment.
Do you agree with Sec. Blinken's June 24 press statement in
response to the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Dobbs v.
Jackson?
Answer. Yes, but from my understanding, S/GWI does not engage
in policy affecting workforce issues.
* * *
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. Geeta Rao Gupta by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. You have written extensively on the need to consider
abortion and reproductive health programs a human right. You have
opposed common-sense policies, like the Mexico City Policy, which
ensures that organizations which promote abortion are not subsidized by
taxpayer money while pushing the World Health Assembly to designate
reproductive health services as ``essential services.'' While the
Office of Global Women's Issues at the State Department does not
currently have a purview over women's health issues, the American
people deserve to know whether or not you will seek to abuse your
position to advance divisive abortion policies.
Do you believe that access to abortion should be a fundamental
human right?
Answer. My understanding is that the United States is not a party
to any international human rights instrument that states that access to
abortion is a ``human right.'' Instead, the U.S. has long supported
efforts to make pregnancy and childbirth safer by strengthening health
systems to provide women and girls with integrated health services,
including increased access to maternal health care and high quality,
voluntary family planning.
Question. If confirmed, will you use your position to advance this
belief in American foreign policy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on the priorities of the Office
for which I am nominated, which include: promoting women's economic
security; preventing and responding to gender-based violence; and
advancing the women, peace, and security agenda.
Question. A number of countries continue to have laws that respect
the sanctity of human life, including the right to life of the unborn.
Many of these are critical American partners, like Guatemala, the
Dominican Republic, the Philippines, Jamaica, and Suriname.
Is it in the interest of the United States to advocate for these
countries to repeal their pro-life laws?
Answer. It is my understanding that the 1981 Siljander amendment
prohibits the use of State Department or USAID funds to lobby for or
against abortion. If confirmed, I commit to upholding this, and all
provisions of law related to the use of State Department funds.
Question. Are you worried that by doing so, we risk forcing these
countries into the arms of China and Russia, who have no issues with
these countries' positions on abortion?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of law
restricting the use of funding from the Department of State from
lobbying for or against abortion. I will focus on the mandate and
priorities of the Office, which include: advancing women's and girls'
economic security; preventing and protection from gender-based
violence; and increasing women's meaningful participation in political
and security decision-making.
Question. If confirmed, will you include advocating for access to
abortion in these countries among one of your priorities?
Answer. Should I have the honor of being confirmed, I commit to
upholding all provisions of law, including those restricting the use of
Department of State funds as related to lobbying for or against
abortion. As noted above, my intention is to focus on the mandate and
priorities of the Office to support women's and girls' economic
security, prevention and protection from gender-based violence, and
their meaningful participation in political and security decision-
making.
__________
[all]